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THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE: 


CONTAINING 


THE  DEBATES  AND  PROCEEDINGS 


Off 


THE  FIRST  SESSION 


OF 


THE  THIRTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS. 


BY  JOHN   C.   RIVES 


CITY  OF  WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE   CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE   OFFICE. 

1864. 


Digitized  by  tine  Internet  Arciiive 

in  2011  witii  funding  from 

Tine  Institute  of  Museum  and  Library  Services  thsPough  an  Indiana  State  Library  LSTA  Grant 


si/.&C 


■^' 


http://www.archive.org/details/congressionalglo7389unit 


INDEX 


TO  THE  CONaRESSIONAL  GLOBE,  FIRST  SESSION  THIRTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS. 


Abandoned  lands,  tenements,  and  hooses  in  in- 
surrertionary  States,  bill  (S.No.  128)  to  pro- 
vide for  the  renting  of,  and  for  the  care  and 
employment  of  persona  therein  set  free  by 

proclamation  of  the  President 744 

Abandoned  property,  bill  (S.  No.  232)  in  addi- 
tion to  the  several  acts  concerning  commer- 
cial intercourse  between  loyal  and  insurrec- 
tionary States,  and  to  provide  for  the  collec- 
tion of  captured  and,  and  the  prevention  of 
frauds  in  States  declared  in  insurrection,  1609, 
2542,  2819,  2820,  2930,  3222, 
3323,  3482,  3488,  3497,  3500 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 2930, 

2931,  3222,  3323,  3324,  3325 

Mr.  Carlile 3325 

Mr.  Chandler 2821,  3222,  3324 

Mr.  Collamer 2822 

Mr.  Davis , 2819 

Mr.  Doolittle : 3323,  3324 

Mr.  Grimes 3324 

"^Mr.  Henderson 2821,  2823,  3325 

Mr.  Johnson ...'. 2821,  2822 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3325 

Mr.  Morrill, ...2542, 2819, 2820, 2821,2822, 
2930,  2931,  3222,  3323,  3324,  3325,  3488 

Mr.  Saulsbury 2823 

Mr.  Sherman 3325 

Mr.  Sumner 2930,  2931,  3222,  3325 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2823 

Mr.  Trumbull 3323,  3324 

Mr.  Wilson 2821 

yeas  and  nays  on  tlie 3325 

Absentees,  resolution  directing  the  names  of,  to 

be  reported 1813,  2088 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony...: 2089 

Mr.  Brown 1813 

Mr.  Collamer 2089,  2090 

Mr.  Cowan 2089 

Mr.  Pessenden 1813,  2088,  2089,  2090 

Mr.  Hale 2088,  2089,  2090 

Mr.  Howe 2089 

Mr.  Sumner .'. 2090 

Mr.  Trumbull 2089 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2090 

Accardi,  Mary  Scales,  bill  for  relief  of,  2392,  3357 

Account,  joint  resolution  (No.  63)  to  settle  the, 

of  James  Keenan,  late  consul  at  Hong  Kong, 

China 2274 

2279,  2371,  2437,  2510,  2545,  2696 
Accounts,  joint  resolution  (S.No.  4)  authorizing 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  appoint  a  board  of 
officers  to  audit  the,  of  the  citizens  of  Law- 
rence, Kansas 12,  24,  93,  1154 

bill  (No.  38)  to  authorize  the  settlement  of  the, 
of  A.  Bush,  late  public  printer  for  the  Terri- 
tory of  Oregon JOO 

1174,  1709,  2239,  2275,"  2324 
bill  (S.  No.  94)  to  authorize  the  settlement  of 

the,  of  Paymaster  E.  C.  Doran 460, 

.  .                ■                            643, 837,  874,  936 
jointresolution  (No.  43)  authorizing  the  settle- 
ment of  the,  of  J.  N.  Carpenter,  a  paymas- 
ter in  the  United  States  Navy 837 

842,  1130,  li36,"'l209 

iii 


SENATE. 

Accounts — Continued. 

joint  resolution  (No.  21)  relative  to  the,  of  the 

petty  officers,  seamen,  and  others  of  the  crew 

of  the  United  States  gunboat  Cincinnati,  842, 

843,  1454, 1614, 1639, 1802 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  43)   authorizing  the 

settlement  of  the,  of  the  late  Captain  Daniel 

Hebard,ofthe United  States  volunteers,  1636, 

3188,  3299,  3452,  3462,  3492,  3497,  3501 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  66)  providing  for  the 

adjustment  of  the,  of  Henry  W.Diman,3251, 

3415,  3444,  3483 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  113)  to  settle  the, 
of  John  S.  Phelps,  of  Missouri,  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Thirty-Seventh  Congress. ...3303, 

3410,  3420,  3514 

Actions,  civil,  bill  relating:  to,  in  the  District  of 

Columbia,  2197,  2962;  3375,3446,3481,3500 

bill  (No.  42)  in  relation  to  the  limitation  of,  in 

certain  cases 2778,2796,  2894 

Adams  Express  Company,  bill  (S.  No.  337)  au- 
thorizing the  payment  to  the,  of  the  amount 
of  certain  Treasury  notes  destroyed  or  irre- 
coverably lost  while  in  their  custody  ....3357 

Adjournment,  final,  propositions  for 880,921, 

2424,  2878,  3160,  3407,  3491, 
3496,  3502,  3509,  3514,  3544 
remarks  in  relation  to,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony .3508,  3513 

Mr.  Carlile 3509,  3510 

Mr.  Chandler 3507, 

3508,  3509,  3510,  3511,  3513 

Mr.  Conness, 3503,  3504, 

3506,  3507,  3508,  3509,  3510,  3512,  3513 

Mr.  Cowan 3509,  3510,  3511 

Mr.  Davis 3503 

Mr.  Doolittle 3506,  3508,  3510 

Mr.  Foster 3509 

Mr.  Harlan 3508,  3510,  3511,  3513 

Mr.  Henderson 3503,  3504,  3505,3513 

Mr.  Hendricks 3505,  3508,  3513 

Mr.  Howe 3505 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3508 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3502, 

3505,  3506,  3508,  3509,  ^510 

Mr.  McDougall 3506, 

3507,3508,3509,3510 

Mr.  Morrill 3508,  3510,  3511 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3503,  3510 

Mr.  Powell 3509,  3510 

Mr.  Ramsey '. 3506 

Mr.  Richardson 3511,  3513 

Mr.  Sherman 3504, 

3507,  3508,  3509,  3512,  3513 

Mr.  Sumner 3502,  3503,  3504, 

3505,  3506,  3508,  3510,  3511,  3512,  3513 

Mr.  Trumbull 3503, 

3504,  3506,  3508,  3509,  3510,  3511,  3513 

Mr.  Wade 3503 

Mr.  Wilkinson .....3503,  3504 

Mr.  Wilson 3503,3505,  3509,  3513 

yeas  and  nays  on 3509,  3510,  3513 

Admiralty,  bill  (S.  No.  68)  to  facilitate  proceed- 
ings in,  and  other  judicial  proceedings  in  the 

portof  New  York 253,  262,  3339 

bill  (No.  184)  to  facilitate  proceedings  in,  and 
other  judicial  proceedings  in  the  port  of  New 
York 3360,3370 


Agricultural  colleges— see  Public  Lands. 

Agricultural  Department,  joint  resolution  (H.  R. 

No.  32)  to  grant  additional  room.s  to  the,  635, 

„..   .  ,  3289,  3326 

bill  (S.  No.  339)  to  repeal  a  joint  resolution  to 

grant  additional  rooms  tothe 3360, 

3413,  3446,  3482,  3488,  3497;  3502,  3546 

Agriculture,  the  Committee  on 16 

reports  from ,..719,  2510,  3289 

discharged  from  subjects 719,  2510,  2542 

Ahna,  Colonel  H.  C.  De, joint  resolution  (S.  No. 

72)  to  provide  for  payment  of  the  claim  of, 

for  military  services. ..3219,  3481,3492,  3547 

Allen,  Isaac,  bill  to  increase  the  pension  of,  2274 

2279,  2842,  3169,  3192,  3360 

Ambulances,  bill  (S.  No.  30)  to  establish  auniform 

system  of,  in  the  armies  of  the  United  States, 

with  amendments ; 93, 

275,  464,  1000,  1001,  1036,  1082 

Ames,  Juha  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 1364, 

1381,  2371,  2458,  2484,  2587 
Anderson,  Charles,  assignee,  &c.,  bill  for  the  re- 
lief of. 756,  896,  1331 

Anderson,  Charles  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... 1847 
Anderson,  Peter,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2392,  2551 
Anthony,  Henry  B.,  a  Senator  from  Rhode  Isl- 
and  ; 10,  15,  16,  17,24, 

36,  37,  42,  47,  55,  68,  75,  76,  81,  101,  108, 
134,  138,  144,  146,  153, 173,  174, 197,  219, 
252,  253,  275,  289,  290,  319,  343,  434,  460, 
480,  494,  593,  538,  553,  581,  583,  643,  670, 
693,  694,  719,  743,  744,  756,  879,  886,  887, 
921,  1002,  1022,  1082,  1107,  1108,  1130, 
1138,  1154,  1174,  1248,  1260,  1274,  1402, 
1416,  1477,  1608,  1614,  1635,  1661,  1683, 
1704,  1771,  1861,  1887,  1919,  1990,  2050, 
2218,  2275,  2277,  2298,  2299,  2325,  2343, 
2424,  2496,  2510,  2551,  2622,  2696,  2727, 
2751,  2771,  8777,  2795,  2907,  2963,  3028, 
3029,  3062,  3157,  3160,  3188,  3219,  3251, 
3285,  3286,  3287,  3336,  3338,  3357,  3338, 
3359,  3360,  3421,  3437,  3440,  3454,  3481, 
3488,  3491,  3493,  3495,  3496,  3541,  3546, 

resolutions  by........ ■.; 17,  76, 

173,  174,  197,  219,  434,  480,  694, 
1402, 1477, 1802, 2651, 2727, 3338 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 127,  160, 

202,  203,  204, 205,  206,  207,  208, 
223,  226,  231,  243,  247,  254,  255 
remarks  on  the  proposed  expulsion  of  Mr.  Da- 
vis  146,  347,  368,369 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 289,  1207 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office.... 278 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  483,  565^  632,  699,  991,  1028,  2302 

remarks  on  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 

522,  523,  1424,  1446 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 588 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill,  (No.  156). ..646, 

647,  648 

remarks  on  the  loan  Bill 881,  885 

remarks  on  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  898,  899 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill. ..1053, 

1054,  1055,  1056,  1057,  1058,  1085,  1086 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

1094,  1095,  1096,  1110,  111] 


IV 


mDEX  TO 


'     -     1 

Army — Continued. 

bill    (S.  No.    41)  to   promote  enlistmenta   in 
the 134   253 

SSgrsisi,  388,  3'94,"421,"438,'466r524',  539! 
553,  680,  922,  984,  1176,  1207,  1210,  1228 
(See  Appendix.) 

bill  (S.  No.  67)  for  establishing  rules  and  arti- 
cles for  the  government  of  the 262 

bill  (S.  No.  30)  to  establish  a  uniform  system 

of  ambulances  in  the 93, 

275,  4C4,  1000,  1001,  1036,  1082 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  21)  to  provide  for  the 

printing  of  official  reports  of  the  operations 

of  the,  343,  360,  1771,  2279,  2300,  2324,  2372 

bill  (S.  No.  78)  to  provide  for  the  safe  aijd  speedy 

transmission  of  money  from  soldiers  to  their 

families  and  friends 4,  360 

bill  (S.  No.  85)  to  provide  for  the  examination 

of  certain  officers  of  the 420, 

4G0,  542,  3116,  3126,  3188,  3289 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  261)  to  provide  for  the  voluntary 
enlistment  ofany  persons,  residents  of  certain 
States,  into  the  regiments  of  other  States, 
842,  999,  1130,  1403,  2222 
bill  (S.No.  154)  to  provide  for  the  better  or- 
ganization   of  the    quartermaster's    depart- 
ment'.  982    1402 

2223,"3350,  3407,"  3 442,"  3481,  3546 

bill  (No.  251)  to  organize  a  regiment  of  veteran 

volunteer  engineers 1035, 

1036,  1523,  2197,  2325,  2344,  2436 
bill  (S.  No.  170)  to  promote  the  efficiency  of 

the  artillery  of  the 1108 

bill  (S.  No.  173)  to  organize  the  invalid  corps 

of  the r 1130,  1207 

bill  (S.  No.  175)  in  relation  to  deserters  from 

the 1130, 1207,  1249 

bill  (No.  187)  to  regulate  the  dismission  of  of- 
ficers in  the  military  and  naval  service...  1035, 

1036,  1402 

bill  (S.  No.  151)  relating  to  enlistments. ..960, 

999,  1083,  1108,  1176, 

3407,  3408,  3442,  3492 

bill   (S.  No.   257)  to  increase  the  number  of 

cadets  in  the 1861 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  48)  concerningappoint- 

ments  in  the f985,  3116 

joint  resolution  (No.  49)  to  drop  from  the  rolls 

unemployed  generals  of  the *2239 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  55)  to  encourage   en- 
listments and  to  promote  the   efficiency   of 

the 2324 

bill  (S.  Ko.  284)  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the 

staff  of  the 2371 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  56)  to  authorize  the 
President  to  call  out  men  by  draft  for  one 

year ..2372,3116 

bill  (S.  No.  286)  to  prohibit  the  discharge  of 
persons  from  liability  to  military  duty  by 

reason  of  the  payment  of  money 2405, 

2457,  2567,  2804,  2824,2907, 

3088,  3089,  3100,  3126,  3194 

bill  (S.  No.  S20)  supplementary  to  the  several 

acts  for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the  national 

forces 3126 

bill  (No.  543)  to  increase  the  efficacy  of  the 

medical  corps  of  the 3126,  3165,  3498 

bill  (No.  549)  further  to  regulate  and  provide 
for   enrolling   and    calling  out  the   national 

forces 3340,3341, 

3375,  3378,  3408,  3436,  3442,  3457, 

3461,  3484,  3488,  3497,  3544,  3547 

bill  (S.  No.  145)  to  equalize  the  pay  of  the  sr)l- 

diers  of  the 466,  481,  562,  632,  635,  675, 

699,  769,  798,818,  825,  868,  896,  969,990, 
1002,  1025,  2082,  2117,  2218,  2284,  2301, 
2894,  2926,  2963,  3040,  3063,  3086,  3116 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 483, 

565,  632,  699,  991,  1028,  2302  , 

Mr.  Buckalew 2287 

Mr.  Carlile 640,  64],  642 

Mr.  Clark :. 770,  771,  1030 

Mr.  CoUamer 564,  565,  636,  637, 

641, 769,  770, 771, 818, 819, 820, 869, 870, 
2284,  2285,  2286,  2287,  2288,  2304,  2305 

Mr.  Conness 482,  483, 

566,  632,  633,  634,  638,  639,  640,  705, 

770,2284,2287,2288,  2301,  2304,  2305 

,   Mr.  Cowan... .482,  G34,  635,  637,  641,  642 

Mr.  Davis 675,  677,  699,  702,  704,705, 

770,  990,  1002,  1029,  1030,  2288,  2301 

Mr.  Doolittle 483,  566,  638, 

639,-640,  641,  704,  705,  1028,  2288,  2289 


Anthony,  Henry  B.,  a  Senator  from  Rhode  Isl- 
and—  Continued. 
remarks  on   the  bill  relating  to  the  deaf  and 

dumb  and  the  blind 1109 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1140 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill.. 1524, 
1525,  1562,  15G3,  1565,  1566,  1567,  1570, 
1572,  1573,  1576,   1609,  1610,  1611,   1612 
remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1706 
Temnrks  on  currency  bill,  1891, 2204, 2621, 2651 
remarks  relating  to  reporting  the  names  of  ab- 
sentees  2089 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ...2244 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  printing  of 

documents,  2307, 2308, 2309, 2310, 2326, 2327 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2438, 

2466,  2606,  2669,  2670,  2671,  2756,  2757, 

2758,  2759,  2760,  2762,  2764,  2768,  3254 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  paying  for  the 

published  debates 2484,  2485,  2486, 

2588,  2589,  2784,  2785,  2786, 
2844,  2845,  3442,  3456,  3546 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3037, 

3038,  3050,  3051,3053,3368 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  certain  gun- 
boat contractors,  3170, 3171, 3172,  3174,  3175 

remarks  on  tlie  Ericsson  contract 3167 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3234, 

3259,  3456 
remarks  on   the  bill   to  establish  salaries  for 

postmasters 3254 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3387, 

3487,  3488 

remarks  on  finjil  adjournment 3508,  3513 

Appointments,  bill  (S.No.  76)  relating  to,  in  the 

naval  service 360,  815,836,  1345, 

1361,  1448,  1772,  1802,  2239,  2275,  2324 
joint  resolution  concerning,  in  the  military  ser- 
vice   1985,  3116 

Appraiser,  bill  (No.  373)  to  appoint  an,  and  as- 
sistant, for  the  port  of  Portland 1382, 

1402,  1476,  1491 
Appropriations:  for  the  payment  of  invalid  and 
other  pensions  of  the  United  States  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1865.. .48,  75,  361,  460 
to  supply  in  part  deficiencies  in  the  appropria- 
tions for  the  public  printing,  and  to  supply 
deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for  bounty 

tovolunteers 76,  93,  118 

amendatory,  to  supply  in  part  deficiencies  in  the 
appropriations  for  the  public  printing,  and  to 
supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropriation  for 

bounties  to  volunteers 145,  200,  221,  238 

for  the  deficiency  in  the  appropriation  for  the 
pay  of  officers  and  men  actually  employed  in 
the  Western  department,  or  department  of 

Missouri 86,  153,  219,  275 

for  the  supportof  the  Military  Academy  i"or  the 

yearending  June  30, 1865, 93,387, 1053, 1084, 

1209,  1210,  1228,  1258,  1283,  1345,  1454 

for  the  service  of  the  Post  Office  Department 

during  the  fiscal  yearending  the30th  of  June, 

1865 118,343,  1052,  1136,  1209 

for  the  consular  and  diplomatic  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  the  30ih  of 

June,  1865 145, 

146,  435,  1092,  1109,  1130,  2218,  2279, 

2346,  2542,  2786,  2818,  2907,  3002,  3190 

to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for 

tlie  service  of  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th 

of  June,  1864 361,  539, 

608,  635,  646,  990,  1001,  1052,  1091,  1136 
for  rebuilding  the  stable  at  the  President's, 586, 

606,  699 
for  the  naval  service  for  the  year  ending  June 

30,  1865 837,  842,  1207,  1523,  1560, 

1609,  2082,  2117,  2283,  2325,  2344,  2436 
for  the  repair,  preservation,  and  completion  of 
certain  public  works  heretofore  commenced 
under  the  authority  of  law. ...896,  1918,  1919 
for  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  ex- 
penses of  the  Government  for  the  year  ending 

30th  June,  1865 1082,  1092", 

1344,  1673,  1685, 1706,  2436,24.58,2484, 

2587,  2622,  3039,  3088,  3126,  3192,  3360 

for  the  supportof  the  Army  for  the  yearending 

the  30th  June,  1865... 1227,  1228,  1683,  1782, 

1804,  2015,  2050,  2082,  2351,  2372,  2484, 

2521,  2845,  2851,  2879,  2894,  2963,  3004 

for  the  construction,  jMescrvation,  and  repairs 

of  certain  fortifications  and  other  works  of 

defenss  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  June,  \ 

1865 2082,2299,  2923, 

S407,  3408,  3409,  3448,  3452,  3461,  3514 


Appropriations — Continued. 

for  the  current  and  contingent  expenses  of  the 
Indian  department,  and  for  fulfilling  treaty 
stipulations  with  various  Indian  tribes,  for 

the  year  ending  June  30,  1865 2392, 

2751,  2845,  2869,  3077,  3190,  3360 

for  the  payment  of  the  awards  made  by  the 

commissioners  appointed  under  an  act  for  the 

relief  of  persons  for  damages  sustained  by 

reason  of  the  depredations  and  injuries  by 

certain  bands  of  Sioux  Indians 2016, 

2050,  2343,  2437,  2458,  2484 
■  for  sundry  civil  expenses  of  the  Government 

for  the  year  ending  30lh  June,  1865 3116, 

3126,  3219,  3224,  3233,  3256, 
3378,  3387,  3456,  3482,  3514 
Aqueduct,  Washington,  bill  (S.  No.  348)  to  pro- 
vide for  the  supervision,  repair,  liabilities, 
and  completion  of  the,  3493,3513,3544,3547 
Arizona — see  Public  Lands. 

Arkansas,  action  of  the  Senate  in   the  cases  of 
•    William  M.  Fishback  and   Elisha  Baxter, 

claiming  seats  as  Senators  from 2392, 

2458,  2586,  3285,  3360 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 3363 

Mr.  Carlile 3366,  3367,  3368 

Mr.  Conness 2392,  2459,  3363 

Mr.  Cowan 3365 

Mr.  Fessenden 2459,  3364 

Mr.  Foot 2586 

Mr.  Hale 2459,  3361 

Mr.  Howard 2392,  2458,  2459 

Mr.  Howe 3364,  3365,  3367,  3368 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas.. ..2392,  2458,  2459, 
3360,  3301,  3362,  3363,  3364,  3365,  3367 

Mr.  McDougall 2459 

Mr.  Nesmith 3361 

Mr.  Richardson 2459 

Mr.  Saulsbury 2392,  3362 

Mr.  Sumner 2458,  3365 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 3361,  3367 

Mr.  Trumbull 3285,  3360, 

3301,  3362,  3363,  3354,  3365,  3366,  3368 

Mr.  V\^ade 3362,  3363,  3364,  3365 

yeas  and  nays 3365,  3368 

joint  resolution  (S.No.  62)  for  the  recognition 

of  the  free  State  government  of 2842, 

2895.  3285 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Carlile 2895,  2896 

Mr.  Collamer 2898 

Mr.  Conncas 2895,  2896,  2!}06 

Mr.  Doolittle 2903 

Mr.  Grimes 2904,  2905,  2906 

Mr.  Harlan 2896 

Mr.  Howard,  2902,2903,2904,  2905,  2907 

Mr.  Howe 2905 

Mr.  Johnson 2896,  2899,  2900,  2901 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2842, 

2895,  2896,  2902,  2904,  2905,  2906,  2907 

Mr.  McDougall 2895,  2896,  2903,  2906 

Mr.  Richardson 2901,  2902 

Mr.  Saulsbury 2903,  2904 

Mr.  Sherman 2895 

Mr.  Sumner 2895, 

2896,  2898,  2899,  2900,  2901,  2906 

Mr.  Trumbull 2896 

Mr.  Wade 2906 

Mr.  Wilson 2901,2904 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2906 

Armcs,  Josiah  O.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2392. 

Armies  of  the  United  States,  bill   (S.  No.  30)  to 
establish  a  uniform  system  of  ambulances  in 

the 93,  275,  464,  1000,  1001,  1036,  1082 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  21)  to  provide  for  the 

printing  of  official  reports  of  the  operations 

of  the,  343  360,  177],  2279,  2300,  2324,  2372 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  35)  of  thanks  of 

Congress  to  the  volunteer  soldiers  who  have 

reenlisted  in  the 699,  880,  881,  1053 

Army,  bill  (S.No.  5)  to  amend  iheact  for  enroll- 

ingand  callingoul  the  national  forces 417, 

3116 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  26)  reviving  the  grade  of  Lieu- 

tenantGeneral  in  the 434,  435, 

539,  586,  771,  789,  815,  824,  842,  874,  936 
bill  (S.  No.  18)  to  amend  the  act  for  enrolling 

and  calling  out  the  national  forces 37, 

48,76,81,96 

bill  (S.  No.  36)  to  amend  an  act  for  enrolling 

and  calling  out  the  national  forces. ...95,  100, 

119,  139,  154,  200,  221,  238,  254,  635, 

643,  672,  723,  744,  T68,  769,  785,  810 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Army,  bill  (S.No.  145)  to  equalize  the  pay  of  the 
Boldiers  of  the — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Fessencieii, 481,  482,483, 484, 562, 564, 
636,  638,  771, 82] ,  868, 869, 870, 871,  872 

Mr.  Foot 819,  868,  2288,  2301,  2306 

Mr.  Foster 562,  563,  638,  821 

Mr.  Grimes 481,  633,  635,  636, 

638,  639,  641,  705,  770,  873,  090,  1028, 

2284,  2286,  2288,  2303,  2304,  2305,  2306 
Mr.  Hale 798, 

2285,  2286,  2287,.  2288,  2301,  2303,  2304 

Mr.  Harris 640 

Mr.  Henderson 2302,  2303 

,     Mr.  Hendricks 2289,  2301,  2306,  2307 

Mr.  Floward 641,  821,  823 

Mr.  Howe 481, 

563,  632,  633,  642,  872,  2284,2235,2286 

Mr.  Johnson 566, 

632,  633,  634,  635,  636,  639,  705,  818, 
820,  822,  990,  1028,  1029,  1030,  2287, 
2288,  2289,  2302,  2303,  2304,  2305 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 564, 

565,  566,  2286,  2287,  2288 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 482, 

483,  640,  641,  642,  702,.820,  824, 
868,  869,  870,  872,  873,  990, 1028 

Mr.  Morrill 2304 

Mr.  Pomeroy 483,639, 

818,  820,  1025,  1027,  1028,  2285,  2288 

Mr.  Powell 466, 

641,  1029,  2284,  2301,  2306 

Mr.  Ramsey , 483 

Mr.  Richardson 2302 

Mr.  Saulsbury 641,  642,  771 

Mr.  Sherman 634,  638,  639 

Mr.  Sumner 484, 

563, 564, 565,  566,  632, 633, 634, 635,  637, 

641,  705,  819,  820,  871,  872,  990,   991 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck...481,  564,  639,  2302,  2303 

Mr.  Trumbull 2288,  2301 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 2306 

Mr.  Wilkinson  ...  677, 

820,  821,  822,  1027,2303 

Mr.  V/ilson 466,  481,  483,  484,  562, 

565, 632,  634,  636,  637,  638,  639,  675,  704, 
705,  769, 770, 798, 818,  820, 821, 822, 824, 
825,868,  873,  969,  990,  991,  1023,  2117, 
2218, 2284,  2285, 2286,  2287,  2288,  2289, 
2301,  2302,  2304,  2305,  2306,  2926,  3040 

ycasand  nays  on  the 641, 

771,  820,  1029,  1030,  2288,  2306 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appropriations  for 

the  support  of  the,  for  the  year  ending  the 

30th  of  June,  1865... 1227,  1228,  1683,  1782, 

1804,  2015,  2050,  2082,  2351,  2372,  2484, 

2521,  2845,  2851,  2879,  2894,  2963,  3004 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 1806,  2854 

Mr.  Carlile 1809,  1813 

Mr.  Clark 1806 

Mr.  Connoss , 1806,  1807, 

1808,  1809,  1810,  1811,  1812,  2851,  2852 

Mr.  Cowan 2854 

Mr.  Davis 1806,  1807,  1808 

Mr.  Doolittle 1812 

Mr.  Fessenden 1805,  1806, 

1808,  1810,  1812,  1813,  2015, 
2050,  2521,  2851,  2853,  2854 

Mr.  Grimes 1806,  1812,  1813 

Mr.  Hale 1808 

Mr.  Henderson 2854 

Mr.  Hendricks, 1809, 1810, 1811,1812,1813 
Mr.  Howe.... 2845,  2851,  2852,  2853,  3879 

Mr.  Johnson...; 1806,  2852 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 1812 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1804, 

1805,  1806,  1809,  1813,  2845,  2851 

Mr.  Powell 1813,  2853,  2879 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1806,  1808 

Mr.  Sherman 1806 

Mr.  Sumner 1806, 

1808,  2845,  2852,  2853,  2879 

Mr.  TeivEyck 1806 

Mr.  Trumbull 1806 

Mr.  Wade ....2854 

Mr.  Willey !"r.'.!i8i2','l813 

Mr.  Wilson 1805,  1806, 

1807,  1809,  1813,  2851,  2853,  2854,  2879 
yeasandnayson  the. ..1806,  1807,  1809,  1813 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  69)  for    the  pay- 
ment of  volunteers  called  out  for  not  less 

than  one  hundred  days 1919, 

1933,2022,2054,2117,2207 


Army,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  69)  for  the 
payment  of  volunteers  called  out  for  not  ISss 
than  one  hundred  days — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 2028 

Mr.  Carlile 2024 

Mr.  Clark 2025 

Mr.  Collamer 2026,  2054 

Mr.  Conness 2026,  2028,  2054 

Mr.  Davis 2028,  2029 

Mr.  Doolittle 2054,  2055 

Mr.  Fessenden 2022, 

2023,  2025,  2026,  2028,  2054 

Mr.  Foot 2054 

Mr.  Grimes.. 2023,  2024,  2028,  2029,  2054 

Mr.  Hale 2022,  2023,  2054 

Mr.  Henderson 2023, 

2024,  2025,  2026,  2028 

Mr.  Howe 2028,  2029 

Mr.  Johnson 2022," 

2023,  2025,  2026,  2027,  2028,  2054 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 2024,  2027,  2028 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2054 

Mr.  Pomeroy 2023,  2024 

Mr.  Powell 2025,  2029 

Mr.  Sherman 2023, 

2024,  2026,  2027,  2028 

Mr.  Sumner 2023 

Mr.  Wilson 2022, 

2023,  2024,  2025,  2026,  2027,  2054 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2028,  2029,  2054 

(See  Bounty;  Pay.) 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  remarks   relating  to  the, 
by- 
Mr.  Anthony 898,  899 

Mr.  Fessenden 899 

Mr.  Johnson 898,  899 

Mr.  Wade 898,  899 

Mr.  Wilkinson 796,  896 

Mr.  Wilson 899 

Army    register,  joint  resolution    (No.    101)    to 
provide  for  the  publication  of  a  full. ...3116, 
3126,  3285,  2327,  3481 
Arrests,  bill  (No.  317,)  providing  for  bail  in  cer- 
tain cases  of  military, 3086, 3188,  3293 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Davis 3293,  3294,  3295,  3297 

Mr.  Harlan 3294,  3295 

Mr.  Morrill 3086 

Mr.  Powell 3293,3298,3299 

Mr.  Saulsbury 3295,  3297,  3299 

Mr.  Sherman 3295,3297,  3298 

Mr.  Sumner 3293,3294 

Mr.  Trumbull 3188,3293,  3295 

Mr.  Wilson 3294,3298 

Arsenal,  joint  resolution  (No.  118)  for  the  relief 
of  the  sufferers  by  the  late  accident  at  the 
United  States,  Washington,  District  of  Co- 
lumbia.  3481,  3492,  3456 

Arsenals,  bill  (No.  206)  in  addition  to  an  act  for 

the  establishment  of  certain 743, 

744,  1130,  1477,  1617, 

1639,  1G65,  1682,  1802 

Artillery,  bill  to  promote  the  efficiency  of  the,  of 

the  Army  of  the  United  States 1103 

Assay  office — see  Depositors. 

bill  (S.No.  185)  to  establish  an,  at  Carson  City, 
in  the  Territory  of  Nevada,  and  Dalles  City, 

in  the  State  of  Oregon...  1207,  1382, 

1772,  1846,  1946,  3498,  3544,  3546 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 1846 

Mr.  Buckalew 1952 

Mr.  Chandler 1774 

Mr.  Collamer 1950, 1952 

Mr.  Conness 1946,  1947 

Mr.  Cowan 1951 

Mr.  Doolittle 1773,  1775,  1846 

Mr.  Fessenden 1774, 

1775,  1846,  1946,  1947, 1950,  1951,  1952 

Mr.  Foster 1774 

Mr.  Hale 1774 

Mr.  Howard..- 1952 

Mr.  Howe 1772,  1773,  1774 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1951, 1952 

Mr.  McDougall 1952 

Mr.  Nesmith 1382, 

1383,  1773,  1774,  1846, 
1949,  1950,  1951,-1952 

Mr.  Sherman 1946 

Mr.  Sumner 1773,  1774,  1846,  1947 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 1773 

yoasand  nays  on  the 1774,  1952 

Atocha,  Alexander  J.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.  .'J343 


Attachment,  bill  (No.  355)  to  authorize  the  Set- 
retary  of  the  Treasury  to  stipulate  for  the 
release  from,  or  other  process  of  property 

claimed  by  the  United  States 1247, 

2229,  2664,  2778,  2796,  2894 

bill  to  authorize  and  regulate  the  writ  of,  in  the 

District  of  Columbia 1361 

Attorney  General,  communicationsfrom  the, 2170 

Award,  joint  resolution  (No.  109)  correcting  a 
clerical  error  in  the,of  the  emancipation  com- 
missioners  3192,  3194,  3266,  3360 

Awards,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  377)  making  appropria- 
tions for  the  payment  of  the,  made  by. the 
commissioners  appointed  under  an  act  for  the 
relief  of  persons  for  damages  sustained  by 
reason  of  the  depredations  and  injuries  by  cer- 
tain bands  of  Sioux  Indians 2016, 

2050,  2343,  2437,  2458,  2484 

B. 
Bail,  bill   (S.  No.  317)  providing  for,  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3086,  3188,  3293 

Bailey,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Joseph,  of  the  fourth 
regiment  of  Wisconsin  volunteers,  joint  res- 
olution (No.  60)  tendering  thanks  of  Con- 
gress to 2542, 

2587,  2622,  2664,  2778,  2796,  2894 

Bailey,  B.  C,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 152,  896 

Bainbridge,  bill  fixing  the  date  of  the  loss  of  the 
United  States  brig,  and  for  the  relief  of  offi- 
cers, seamen,  and  marines  of  the  same... 1345, 
1454,  1613,  1639,  1802 
Baker,  Mary  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..694,  2139 
Bank,  bill  to  incorporate  the  Washington  City 

Savings 37,  343,  727,  960,  982,  1000 

Banks — see  Currency. 

Banks,  Major  General  Nathaniel  P.,  joint  reso- 
lution (No.  2)  expressive  of  the  thanks  of 
Congress  to,  and   the   officers  and  soldiers 

under  his  command  at  Port  Hudson 17, 

134,  257,  343,  361,  421 
Banks's  expedition:  resolution  proposing  an  in- 
quiry into  the  causes  of  the  disasters  on  Red 

river 2218 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Doolittle 2219,  2220,  2221 

Mr.  Foster 2219 

Mr.  Grimes. 2219,  2220 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2218, 

2219,  2220,  2221 

Mr.  Richardson 2218,  2219,  2220 

Mr.  Trumbull 2218 

Mr.  Wade 2219 

Mr.  Wilson 2219,  2220 

Baron  de  Kalb,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  35)  to 
compensate  the  sailors  on  the  gunboat,  for 

loss  of  clothing 1174, 

1454,  1613,  2696,  2727,  2842 
Barry,  Garret  R.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..1454,  1846 
Baxter,  Elisha,  a  Senator  from  Arkansas,  cre- 
dentials of,  presented 2586 

report  on  the 3285,  3360 

action  of  the  Senate  on  the  case  of,  and  Wil- 
liam M.  Fishback,  claiming  seats  as  Sena- 
tors from  Arkansas 2392, 

2458,  2586,  3285,  3360 
Bayard,  James   A.,  a  Senator   from   Delaware, 

51,418 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office ...51,  55, 

57,  253,  253,  341,  342 
(See  Appendix.) 

resignation  of. 418 

Beaston,  Samuel,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2842, 

2866,  3001 
Bcelen,  Frederick  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2392, 

2587,  2622,  2696 
Berry,  Major  General  H.  G.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 

the  widow  of. 134,  2139 

B.  F.  Davidson  and  W.  K.  Muir,  bill  (No.  39) 
to  authorize   the  enrollment  and  license  of 

the  steam-tugs 960,  982,  1000 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  jr.,  and  Robert  ^C.  Schenck, 
resolution  relating  to  the  military  position  of, 

2218,  2275,  3412 
remarks  On  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 2275,  2277 

Mr.  Conness 2276,  2278 

Mr.  Davis 2218,  2275,  2276,  2277 

Mr.  Fessenden 2277 

Mr.  Grimes .■ 2275 

Mr.  Hale 2277 

Mr.  Howard 2278 

Mr.  Howe 2276 


VI 


INDEX  TO 


Blair,  Francis  P.,  jr.,  and  Robert  C.  Schenck, 
resolution  relating  to  the  military  position 
of — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Johnson 2277 

Mr.  Morrill 2275,  2276 

Mr.  Nesmith 2277 

Mr.  Powell 2276 

Mr.  Sumner 2275 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck.' 2278 

Mr.  Trumbull 2275,  2276,  2277,  3412 

Mr.  Wilson , 2275,  2278 

■  yeas  and  nays  on  the 2278 

Blanchard,  Henry  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... 153, 

887,  1022 
Books — see  Documents. 

Booth,  T.,  bill  granting  pension  to 2274,  2279 

Boundary  line,  bill  (S.  No.  61)  authorizing  the 
States  of  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin  to  change 

their  common 219,  1743 

Bounties,  joint  resolution  (No.  14)  to  supply  in 
part  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for  the 
public  printing, and  to  supply  deficiencies  in 

the  appropriations  for 76,  93,  118 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  15)  amendatory  of  the 
joint  resolution  to  supply  in  part  deficiencies 
in  the  appropriations  for  the  public  printing, 
and  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropria- 
tions for 145,  200,  221,  238 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  9)  to  extend  the  time 
for  paying,  to  veteran  and  other  volunteers, 

100,  152 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  16)  to  continue  the, 

heretofore  paid. .108,  119,  152,  153,  163,  200 

bill  (No.  199)  to  facilitate  the  payment  of,  and 

arrears  of  pay  due  for  tiic  service  of  wounded 

and  deceased  soldiers,, 460 

bill  (S.  No.  134)  to  repeal  all  acts  or  parts  of 
acts  granting  allowances  or,  on  the  tonnage 
of  vessels  engaged  in  the  Bank  or  other  cod 

fisheries ,. 813,  880,  2818 

joint  resolution  (No.  41)  to  continue  the  pay- 
ment of. 837, 

842,  864,  866,  921,  922,  924,  1053 
joint  resolution  (No.  36)  to  construe  the  third 
section  of  the  act  approved  July  17, 1862,  to 
amend  the  act  culling  forth  the  militia,  &c., 
and  the  act  amendatory  thereof,  so  as  to  pro- 
vide for  the  payment  of,  to  all  classes  of 
troops  called  out  under  the  provisions  of  that 

section 743,  744,  1743 

Bounty,  bill  (S.  No.  7)  to  increase  the,  for  vol- 
unteers and  the  pay  of  the  Army 9, 

17,36,42,48,57,543 
bill  (S.  No.  35)  to  increase  the,  of  volunteers,  95 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  20)  extending  the  ben- 
efits of  the,  granted  by  tlie  act  of  July  22, 
1861,  to  certain  soldiers  who  entered  the  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States  prior  to  May  3, 

1861 253,  262,  275,  360,  837,  868 

Bounty  lands,  bill  (S.   No.  228)  providing  for 

satisfying  claims  for 1559, 

3338,  3449,  3481,3500 
Bowden,  Lemuel  J.,  a  Senator  from   Virginia, 

death  of,  announced 147 

Branch  mint — sec  Mint. 

Brazil,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  407)  to  authorize  the  es- 
tablishment of  ocean  mail  steamship  service 

between  the  United  States  and 1665, 

1673,  2117,  2283,  2372,  2435,  2484,  2587 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Chandler 2435 

Mr.  Collamer 2117 

2118,  2283,  2372,  2373,  2374,  2375,  2435 

Mr.  Connoss 2373,  2374,  2375,  2435 

Mr.  Davis 2435 

Mr.  Doolittle 0375 

Mr.  Fessenden 2375 

Mr.  Grimes.. 2118,  2373,  2374,  2375, '2435 

Mr.  Hendricks 2435 

Mr.  Howard 2374,  2375,  2376 

Mr.  Johnson 2374,  2375 

Mr.  Sherman 2375 

Mr.  Sumner 2374,  2435 

Mr.  Trumbull 2118, 

2373,  2374,  2375,  2376,  2435 

Mr.  Wndc 2118 

Mr.  Wilkinson 2118,  2283,  2372",'2373 

yeus  and  nays  on  the 2373,  2435 

Brenton,  Major  N.  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3188, 

3454,  3482,  3492,  3497,  3501 

Bridge,  bill  to  authorize  tiic  construction  of  a, 

across  the  Mississippi  river  at  the  city  of  St. 

Louis 343 


Bridge  over  the  Ohio:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  320)  sup- 
plementary to  an  actapproved  July  14, 1862, 

to  establish  certain  post  roads 1743, 

1746,  2117,  2344 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Collamer 2344,  2345,  2346 

Mr.  Cowan 2344,  2345,  2346 

Mr.  Grimes 2344,  2346 

Mr.  Hendricks 2346 

Mr.  Johnson 2345,  2346 

Mr.  Pomeroy 2346 

Mr.  Powell 2344,  2345,  2346 

Mr.  Sherman 2345,  2346 

Mr.  Wade , 2344 

Brigham,  Plenry  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1888 

Brindle,  William,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2510, 

2545, 2777 

Brown,  Albert,  bill  for  the  relief  of. ....389, 

462,  644,  694 
Brown,  B.  Gratz,  a  Senator  from  Missouri...  173, 
343,  480,  694,  936, 9^,  984,  1045,  1082, 
1226,  1247,  1274,  T344,  1345,  1402, 
1743,  1813,  1846,  2972,  2975,  3028, 
3043, 3065, 3129, 3261,  3415,  3436, 3449, 

credentials  of,  presented 15 

resolutions  by 424,  694,  936,  1045 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  arrest 

of  soldiers  in  Missouri 146 

remarkson  the  conscription  bill 160, 

202,  239,  2805,  2806,  2808,  2824,  2825, 

2832,  3088,  3089,  3090,3092,3093,3194 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  35). ...220 

remarks  on  removal  of  General  Schofield...273 

remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  John  W.  Noell.  .424 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 445, 

553,  922,  984,  1176,  1179,  1180,  1183 
remarks  on  the  petition  with  regard  to  military 

affairs  in  Missouri 459 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1612 
remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

law 1752,  1782 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..2569, 2710 
remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2869, 

2871,  2876,  3077 
remarks  on  the  bill  in  relation  to  the  punish- 
ment of  guerrillas 2922 

remarks   on  the  commercial  intercourse  bill, 
2930,  2931,  3222,  3323,  3324,  3325 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  confirm  certain  land  en- 
tries in  Missouri 3028,  3029 

remarkson  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 3066 
3068,  3069,  3072,  3073, 
3117,  3119,  3122,  3125 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3161, 

3162,  3164,  3165,  3289 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau...  .2972, 2975,  3300,  3334,3335,  3336 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3381, 

3383,  3384,  3387,  3461 

remarks  oh  claims  for  Army  supplies 3419 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania   war 

claims 3437,  3438,  3440,  3441,  3443 

remarkson  reconstruction  bill..3449, 3460, 3461 
Brown,  Eliphalet,  jr.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..3287 
Brown,  William  G.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ...756, 

1476,  1491,  1560 
Buckalew,  Charles  R.,  a  Senator  from  Pennsyl- 
vania  173,  174,  207,  208,  248,  257,  693, 

879, 880, 1130, 1174, 1247, 1360, 1361, 1402, 
1608,  1635,  1709,  1806,  1933,2139,2171, 
2198,  2274,  2282,  2287,  2424,  2545,  2551, 
2553,  2586,  2600,  2622,  2854,  3003,  3065, 
3137,  3178,  3338,  3339,  3360,  3369,  3497 

resolutions  by 174,  2171 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice -...1804 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1865, 

2121,  2122,  2124,  2206 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1952 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2028 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2501, 

2560,  2656 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2931,  2970,  3300, 

3301,  3328,  3329,  3330,  3335,  3341,  3350 
remarks  on  tariff  bill. ...3042,  3050,  3051,  3052 
remnrks  on  the  conscription  bill.,  ..3093,  3207 
remarkson  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3259,  3261 
remarks'on  the  Arkansas  representation. ..3363 
remarks  on  House  conscription  bill.. .3379, 3380 
rcnnirks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Carmack  & 
Ilamscy 3494 


Burnside,  Major  General  Ambrose  E.,  joint 
resolution  (S.  No.  5)  of  thanks  to,  and  the 
officers  and  men  who  fought  under  his  com- 
mand  24,  134,257,  343,  361,  421 

Burns,  John  L.,  bill  granting  pension  to 9, 

606,  644,  1036,  1053,  1081,  1108 

Burns,  William,  bill  granting  pension  to 2392 

Bush,  A.,  bill  (S.  No".  38)  to  authorize  the  settle- 
ment of  the  accounts  of,  late  public  printer 

for  the  Territory  of  Oregon 100, 

1174,  1709,  2239,  2275,  2324 

C. 

Cadets,  bill  to  increase  the  number  of,  in  the 

Army 1861 

California,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  179)  concerning  lands 

in 635,  2651,  2778,  3068,  3077,  3190 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Carlile 2652,2780,2781 

Mr.  Collamer 2779,  2781 

Mr.  Conness 2651, 

2652,  2778,  2779,  2780,  2781 

Mr.  Cowan 2652 

Mr.  Davis 2780 

Mr.  Doolittle 2651,  2780,  2781 

Mr.  Hale 2652 

Mr.  Harlan. ..2651,  2652,  2778,2779,  2780 

Mr.  Howard 2781 

Mr.  Johnson 2779,  2780 

Mr.  McDougall 2651, 

2652,  2778,  2779,  2780 

Mr.  Sherman 2780,  2781 

Mr.  Trumbull ...2651,  2652 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2779,  2781 

Calvert,  George,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3481,  3492 
Canals — see  Rivers. 

Canals  and  harbors,  bill  (S.  No.  30T)  consenting 
to  an  act  of  the  Legislature  of  Michigan  con- 
cerning the  construction  of,  and  the  improve- 
ment of  the  same 2894 

Carlile,  John  S.,  a  Senator  from  Vir- 
ginia  118, 153,  554,  769,  796,  923,  982, 

1002, 1158, 1159,  1247,  1250,  1360,  1704, 
1804,2171,  2238,2458,  2586,  2623,  2696, 
2715,2751,2778,2866,  3117,  3323,  3325, 
3326,  3351,  3407,  3446,  3452,  3545,  3546 

resolutions  by 118,  147,  153,  3323,  3407 

remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Lemuel  J.  Bow- 
den  147 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 445, 

460,  524,  1181,  1207 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 640, 

641,  642 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 755 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  902,  908,  938 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  California  lainl 

titles 1002,  1247,  1310,  1311,  1312 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  enlistmmia 

in  the  seceded  States 1403 

remarkson  legislative  appropriation  bill. ..1692 
remarks  on  Army  appropriation  bill,  1809, 1813 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volilnteers 

bill 2024 

remarks  on   the  question   of  a  constitutional 

quorum 2085,  2087 

remarks  on  District  registration  bill,  2241,  2243 

remarkson  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2715 

remarks  on  the  bill  relative  to  voting  in  Wash- 
ington  2543 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

California 2552, 

2553,  2866,  2867,  2869,  2962,  3U87 
remarks  on  college  rancho  bill,  2652, 2780,  2781 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2895,  2896 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2969,  3304,  3306 

remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3260,  3261 
remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation. ..3366, 

3367,  3368 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3380, 

3381,  3436,  3487,  3488 

remarks  on  the  reconstruction  bill 3451, 

3452,  3453,  3454,  3457,  3459 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3509,  3510 

Carmack  &  Ramsey,  joint  resolution  relating  to 

theclaimof. 81,1381, 

3086,  3117,  3368,  3388,  3481,  3488,  3493 

Carpenter,  J.  N., joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  43) 

authorizing  the  settlement  of  the  accounts  of, 

a  paymaster  in  the  United  States  Navy,  837, 

842,  1130,  1136,  1209 

Cartee,  L.  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 42, 

435,  644,  960,  962,  1000 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


VII 


Cattle,  bill  to  prohibit,  horses,  mules,  and  other 
domestic  animals  from  running  at  largo,  2274, 

2586 

Cemetery,  joint  resolution  to  provide  additional 

ground  for  a,  at  Soldiers'  Home. ..2015, 3116 

Census,joint  resolution  (S.  No.  45)  in  relation  to 

the  taking  of  a,  in  the  year  1865 1743, 

2457,  2707,  2798 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  53)  providing  for  the 
taking  of  a,  of  the  Umted  States. ..2274,  2457 
Chandler,    Zachariah,  a   Senator   from    Michi- 
gan  24,36,42, 

55,  95,  100,  152,  198,  251,  252,  288,  319, 
343,  360,  460,  864,  884,  897,  999,  1360, 
1361,  1370,  1418,  1454,  1476,  1522,  1G08, 
1609,  1613,  1635,  1690,  1743,  1744,  1771, 
1772,  1774,  1840,  1861,  1888,  1918,  2081, 
2117,  2171,  2172,  2197,  2279,  2300,  2371, 
•  2375,  2424,  2436,  2437,  2484,  2551,  2625, 
■  •  2650,  2707,  2787,  2818,  2819,  2821,  2894, 
3001,  3002,  3028,  3040,  3077,  3103,  3160, 
3176,  3219,  3220,  3221,  3222,  3340,  3407, 
3415,  3416,  3461,  3462,  3497,  3498,  3514 

resolutions  by 2278,  2625 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 651, 

655,  657,  658 
remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

1116,  1117.,  1134 
remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill,  1574, 1575 
remarks   on  compensating  the  sailors  of  the 

Baron  DcKalb 1613,  1614 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1644,  1651 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  1871,  1872,  1873, 

1889,  1891,  1892,  1954,  1959,  1989,  2021, 

2022,  2121,  2128,  2131,  2132,  2143,  2144, 

2145,  2146,  2180,  2181,  2183,  2184,  2202 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties ..1920,  1922,  1931 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405), 2494,  2495, 

2635,  2636,  2654,  2655,  2656,  2657,  2703, 

2704,  2708,  2709,  2710,  2731,  2732,  2770 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  repair  of 

certain  public  works 2921 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3003,  3009,  3050 

remarks    on    the    inter-continential    telfo;raph 

bill 3065,3066,3057,^3068, 

3069,  3070,  3071,  3072,  3073,  3074,  3088, 
3117,  3118,  3120,  3121,  3122,  3125,  3126 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3088,3101, 

3102,  3194,  3195,  3196,  3197 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3165 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  promotion  of  com- 
merce, &c 3220 

remarks  on  the   commercial  intercourse    bill, 

3222,  3324 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3231, 

3264,  3265 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau .3341,  3348,  3350 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill.. .3378 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3507,3508, 

3509,3510,  3511,3513 

Chaplain,  election  of. 10,  12,  2171,  2217, 

resignation  of. 2170 

Chaplains,  bill  (S.  No.  151)  relating  to 960, 

999,  1083,  1108,  1176 

bill  (S.  No.  118)  to  promote  the  efficiency  of, 

in  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  and  define 

their  rank,  pay,  and  emoluments. ...643,  936 

bill  (S.  No.  119)  to  reorganize  and  promote  the 

efficiency  of  the  Army,  department,  643,  936 

Charter,  bill  to  amend  section  five  of  an  act  to 

continue,  alter,  and  amend  the  charter  of  the 

city  of  Washington... 631, 

982,  1162,  2140,  2239 
bill  to  amend  an  act  to  incorporate  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  city  of  Washington 719, 

880,  982,   1454,  1476,  1703, 
1746,  1772,  2081,  2117,  2140 
bill  for  a,  of  the  Masonic  Hall  Association  in 
Washington  city  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia  786,880, 

1136,  1360,  IG17,  1802,  1842,  1860,  1838 
bill  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the  corporation 

of  the  city  of  Washington 1274 

joint  resolution   to  amend  the,  of  the  city  of 

Washington ; 2435, 

■    2457,  2486,  2511,2542,  2587,2682,  2651 
Charts — see  Commerce. 

Chicago  water-works:  bill  declaring  the  assent  of 
Congress  to  an  act  of  the  Legislature  of  the 

State  of  Illinois  therein  named 173,  198, 

200,  221,  238 


Cincinnati,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  21)  rela- 
tive to  the  accounts  of  the  petty  officers,  s'ea- 
men,  and  others  of  the  crev/  of  the  United 

States  gunboat 842, 

843,  1454,  1614,  1639,  1802 
Cincinnati   Enquirer,  resolution  relating  to  the 

suppression  of  the 3188,  3375 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Conness 3188,  3375,  3376,  3378 

Mr.  Cowan 3376 

Mr.  Fessenden 3377 

Mr.  Grimes 3375,  3376 

Mr.  Hendricks 3377,  3378 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3376 

Mr.  McDougall .3376 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3375,  3376 

Mr.  Powell. ..3188,  3375,  3376,  3377,  3378 

Mr.  Sherman 3378 

Mr.  Sumner 3J88 

Mr.  Wilson 3378 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3378 

Civil  actions,  bill  relating  to,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  2197,  2962,  3375,  3446, 3481, 3500 
Civil  expenses,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  527)  making  ap- 
propriations for  sundry,  of  the  Government 
for  the  year  ending  the  30th  June,  1865... 3116, 
3126,  3219,  3224,  32.33,  3256, 
3378,  3387,  3456,  3482,  3514 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3234,3259,  3456 

Mr.  Brown 3261 

Mr.  Buckalew 3259,  3261 

Mr.  Carlile 3260,  3261 

Mr.  Chandler 3231,  3264,  .3265 

Mr.  Clark 3227,3228,  3230 

Mr.  Collamer 3229, 

3230,  3237,  3238,  3239,  3256,  3257,  3258 

Mr.  Conness 3228,  3259,  3263,  3264 

Mr.  Cowan 3225 

Mr.  Dixon 3264 

Mr.  Doohttle 3264 

Mr.  Fessenden 3229,3230,  3231,  32.32 

Mr.  Foot 3259 

Mr.  Foster 3261 

Mr.  Grimes. .3225, 3226,  3227,  3229,  3230, 

3231,  3233,  3238,  3257,  3262,  3263,  3264 

Mr.  Hale 3225,  3231,  3233,  3257 

Mr.  Harlan... 3225,  3234,  3258,  3263,  3265 
Mr.  Flendricks 3228, 

3234,  3236,  3261,  3264,  3456 

Mr.  Hicks 3263 

Mr.  Howard 3257, 

3258,  3261,  3262,  3263,  3265 

Mr.  Howe 3231 

Mr.  Johnson 3228, 

3229,  3230,  3235,  3237,  3238,  3257,  3262 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3233, 

3234,  3235,  3259,  3261,  3262,  3263,  3264 

Mr.  Morrill 3225, 

3326,  3227,  3228,  3230,  3231,  3263 

Mr.  Nesmith 3262 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3233,  3234 

Mr.  Powell 3265 

Mr.  Ramsey 3263,  3265 

Mr.  Saulsbury 3258,  3261,  3263,  3264 

Mr.  Sherman 3219,  3225, 

3226,  3227,3229,  3230,  3231,  3232,  3233, 
3234,3235,3238,3256,  3257,  3258,  3259, 
3260,  3261,  3262,  3263,  3264,  3387,  3456 

Mr.  Sprague 3258,  3259 

Mr.  Sumner 3219, 

3229,  3230,  3235,  3236,  3237,  3238, 
3258,  3259,  3260,  3261,  3263,  3264 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck.-. 3265 

Mr.  Trumbull 3231,  3257,  3258,  3261 

Mr.  Wade 3230, 

3238,  3239,  3264,  3265,  3456 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3261,  3262,  3264,  3265 

Mr.  Wilson 3257,  3259,  3262 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3225, 

3228,  3256,  3258,  3261,  3264,  3265 

Civil  service  of  the  United  States,  bill  (S.  No.  262) 

to  provide  for  the  greater  efficiency  of  the,  1985 

Claim  of  Kansas,  bill  (S.  No.  70)  to  enable  the 

accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury  to  settle 

the 319 

joint  resolution  (No.  51)  relative  to  the  claim 
and  letters  patent  of  William  Wheeler  Hub- 
bell 1345,  1660,  2599,  2664,  2778 

Claims,  the  Committee  on 16 

instructions  to ■ 389,  2G96 

reports  from. ..134, 262,  462,  538,  744,  864,  896, 
1227, 1274,  J476, 1635,  1944,  2239,  2371, 
2510,3028,  3086,  3188,  3337,  3357,  3455 


Claims,  the  Committee  on — Continued. 

adverse  reports  from 523,  836, 

1154,  1227,  1382,  1802,  2842,  3028,  3086 

discharged  from  subjects 75, 

523,  539,  743,  1476,  1802,  1944,  2842,  3218 

bill  (S.  No.  65)  to  provide  for  the  payment  of 
the,  of  Peruvian  citizens  under  the  conven- 
tion between  the  United  States  and  Peru  of 

the  12th  of  January,  1863 262, 

388,  2510,  2551,  2651 

bill  (S.  No.  113)  to  provide  for  ascertaining 
and  adjusting,  against  the  Government  for 
injury  or  destruction  of  property  by  the 
Army  of  the  United  States  or  by  military 
authority  during  tlie  present  rebellion,  and 
for  settling  the,  of  Kentucky  against  the  Uni- 
ted States 586,  1636 

bill  (S.  No.  252)  to  provide  for  the  adjustment 
of,  of  aliens  against  the  United  States  since 
the  commencement  of  the  present  rebellion, 

1840,  2197 

bill  (No.  521)  to  amend  an  act  to  provide  for 
the  payment  of  the,  of  Peruvian  citizens  under 
the  convention  between  the  United  States  and 

Peru  of  the  12th  January,  1863 2878, 

2879,  2921,  3002,  3039,  3190 

bill  (No.  533)  to  provide  for  ascertaining  and 
adjusting,  against  the  Government  for  injury 
or  destruction  of  property  by  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  or  by  military  authority 
during  the  present  rebellion .  .3086, 3087, 3188 

bill  to  provide  for  the  ascertainment  and  satis- 
faction of,  of  American  citizens  for  spolia- 
tions committed  by  the  French  prior  to  the 
31st  of  July,  1801 37,  1402,  1608 

bill  (No.  341)  to  carry  into  effect  the  conven- 
tion with  Ecuador  for  the  mutual  adjustment 
of 1154,  1162,  1228,  1258,  1274,  1345 

bill  (S.  No.  181)  in  reference  to  donation,  in 

Oregon  and  Washington 1207, 

1227,  1,661,  1887,  1919,  2015 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  377)  making  appropriations  for 
the  payment  of  the  awards  made  by  the  com- 
missioners appointed  under  an  act  for  the  re- 
lief of  persons  for  damages  sustained  by  rea- 
son of  the  depredations  and  injuries  by  certain 

bands  of  Sioux  Indians 2016, 

2050,  2343,  2437,  2458,  2484 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  117)  to  reimburse  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  for  expenses  in  calling  out  the 
militia  of  said  Stale  during  the  recent  inva- 
sion  2139, 

2170,  3219,  3370,  3407,  3408,  3437, 3443 

bill  (S.  No.  8)  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of  Wis- 

con-sin 48,  76,  1635, 

1847,  1863,  2017,  2052,  2119,  2622,  2696, 

2727,  2751,  2752,  2926,  3415,  3444,  3483 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Carlile 2623 

Mr.  Clark 2752 

Mr.  Collamer,  1863, 2624, 2696, 2697, 2698 

Mr.  Conness 1864,  2752 

Mr.  Ifavis 2017,  2121,  2753 

Mr.  Doolittle 1863, 

1864,  2623,  2624,  2698,  2729,  2752,  2929 
Mr.  Fessenden 1847, 1863, 

1864,  2017,  20.52,  2053,  2729,  2730,  2751 
Mr.  Grimes., 1847,  2017,  2119,  2623,  2754 

Mr.  Hale 2623,  2624 

Mr.  Harlan 2052,  2119,  2121,  2023, 

2624, 2696, 2697,  2698,  2728, 2729,  2730, 

2752,  2753,  2754,  2927,  2928,  2929,  2930 
Mr.  Hendricks 1847,1863, 

1864,  2017,  2018,  2622, 2623,  2696,  2698, 

2728,  2729,  2751,  2754,  2926,  2927,  2928 
Mr.  Howe 1847,  1863, 

1864,  2052,  5053,  2054,  2119,  2120, 
2121,  2623,  2696,  2697,  2698,  2727, 
2729,  2752,  2754,  2926,  2929,  2930 

Mr.  Johnson 2119,  2929 

Mr.  Morrill 2754 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1863,  2752,  2754 

Mr.  Sherman 1863, 

1864,  2017,  2119,  2121,  2728,  2751 

Mr.  Sumner 2926 

Mr.  Trumbull 2119,  2752,  2929 

Mr.  Wilkinson 2753 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2728,  2730,  2930 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  305)  to  restrict  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Court  of  Claims,  and  to  provide  for 
the  payment  of  certain,  for  quartermaster's 
stores  and  subsistence  supplies  furnished  to 

the  Army  of  the  United  States 2778, 

2781,3188,  3418.  3499,  3513,  3544,  3547 


t. — - 


INDEX  TO 


Claims,  bill  (H.R.  No.  305)  to  restrict  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Court  of  Claims,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  the  payment  of  certain,  for  quarter- 
master's stores  and  subsistence  supplies 
furnished  to  the  Army  of  the  United  States — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 3419 

Mr.  Clark 3499 

Mr.  Fessenden 3419 

Mr.  Grimes 3419 

Mr.  Hicks 3500 

Mr.  Johnson 3418,  3419,  3499,  3500 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3499 

Mr.  McDougall 3419,  3499,  3500 

Mr.  Powell 3419,  3500 

Mr.  Trumbull 3419,  3499 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3499 

(See  Horses;  J^aval  Supplies.) 
Clark,  A.  S.,bill  for  the  relief  of,  1491, 1522, 1771 
Clark,    Daniel,   a   Senator    from    New    Hamp- 
shire  3,9,  15,  17, 

47,  75,  95,  9G,  134,  153,  197,202, 523,530, 
539, 553,  554,  586,  643,  720,  725,  726,  743, 
744,  836,  887,  921,  922,  1025,  1034,  1045, 
1162,  1176,  1207,  1226,  1227,  1261,  1274, 
1310,  1331,  1382,  1410,  1007,  1635,  1636, 
1682,  1684,  1690,  1743,  1806,  2223,  2522, 
2567,  2654,  3014,  3291,  3292,  3387,  3410, 
3411,  3421,  3444,  3445,  3452,  3454,  3499 

resolutions  bv 96,  153,  1743 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  tlie  oath 

of  office 51 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 58,  67 

remarks  on  tiie  conscription  bill 125,  140, 

141,  160,201,207,209,222, 

223,  224,  225,  229,  239,  240, 

242,  246,  247,  248,  251,  254 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  the  expulsion  of 

Mr.  Davis 139,864,  389 

remarks  on  enlistments  bill,  289, 361, 1181, 1182 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Albert 
Brown. ..389,  464,  646,094,096,697,698,099 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ..010, 
611,617,618,049,650,055 
remarks  in  relation  to  the  Senate  contingent 

funJ 008,609 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 770, 

771,  1030 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  continue  the  payment  of 

bounties 857 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 885 

remarks  on  the  internal  revenue  bill. ..937,  938 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill... .1054, 

1086,  1088 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  deaf  and  dumb 

and  the  blind 1109 

remarks  on  the  bill  in  relation  to  deserters,  1250 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1307 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill... .1611 
remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gol'l 1643!  1643,  1051 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1932,  1923 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill... 1953, 1954, 1955 
remarks  on  the  hundred  days'  volunteer  bill, 

2025 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2491 

2492,  2497,  2500,  2520,  2521,  2523,  2524, 
2525,  2526,  2557,  2567,  2568,  2569,  2591, 
2593,  2594,  2626,  2635,  2654,  2055,  2650, 
2659,  2660,  2662,  2663,  2606,  2607,  2608, 
2669,  2070,  2071,  2703,  2704,  2705,  2700, 
2707,  2708,  2709,  2710,  2733,  2702,  2704 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of 

Wisconsin 2752 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3005 

3000,  3007,  3008,  3009,  3010,  36ii,'3012! 
3014,  3031,  3032,  3030,  3038,  3047,  3053 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  certain  gun- 
boat contractors 3172  3175 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...'3227, 

3228  3230 
remarks  on  claim  of  Nahum  Ward,  341l',  3412 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 3453 

Clark,  J.  H.,  &  Co.,  joint  resolution  (H.R.No. 
74)  referring  the  claim  of,  to  the  Court  of 

Claims 2274,2279,  2371,  2395,  2424,  2510 

Clerks,  bill  (S.  No.  104)  to  regulate  the  pay  of, 

to  paymaster-s  in  the  Navy 523,  814 

.    joint  ro.snlutiod  (S.  No.  44)  for  the  relief  of,  at 

the  Kittery  aiid    riiilndclpliia    navy-yards, 

1600,  1919,  3063,  3110,  ;)289 


Clerks — Continued. 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  300)  for  the  classification  of  the, 
to  paymasters  in  the  Navy,  and  graduating 
their  pay,  1345,  1454, 1743,  1919,  2436,  2510 

to  committees 146,  253,  263 

Coal-heavers  and  firemen,  bill   (S.  No.  236)  to 
provide  for  granting  an  honorable  discharge 

to,  in  the  naval  service 1660, 

1919,  2696,  2727,  2842 

Coal  lands,  bill  (No.  264)  for  the  disposal  of,  and 

of  town  property  in  the  public  domain,  2050, 

2707,  2963,  3408,  3444,  3483 

Coasting  trade,  bill  (S.  No.  223)  to  regulate  the 

foreign  and,  on  the  northern,  northeastern, 

and  northwestern    frontiers  of  the   United 

States 1177, 1771,  2016,  2842,  2879,  3062 

bill  (No.  324)  to  repeal  section  two  of  an  act 
to  regulate  the  foreign,  on  the  northern, 
northeastern,  and  northwestern  frontiers  of 

the  United  States 1082,1092,  1771 

Cobb,  J.  and  0.  P.,  &  Co.,  joint  resolution  for 

the  adjustment  of  the  claim  of. 3039 

Codification,  bill  to  provide  for  the  revision  and, 
of  the  lav/s  of  the  Districtof  Columbia,  960, 

2484 
Coin,  bill  (No.  455)  to  punish  and  prevent  the 
counterfeiting  of,  of  the  United  States. ..2274, 
2279,  2435,  2707,  2751,  2879 
bill  (No.  284)  to  prevent  the  selling  and  circu- 
lation of  counterfeit,  and  of  counterfeit  and 
altered  Treasury  notes  and  postal  currency 

bills. 2778,  2781 

Coins,  bill  (S.  No.  183)  in  amendment  of  an  act 
relating  to  foreign,  and  the  coinage  of  cents 

at  the  Mint  of  the  United  States 1207, 

1227,  1772,  1802,  1842 

Cole,  Darius  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 756, 

1476,  1491,  1560 

Collamer,  Jacob,  a  Senator  from  Vermont 9, 

24,  37,  81,  86,  108,  145,  153,  181,  219, 
252, 254, 257, 288, 459, 491,  493, 583, 584, 
-586,607,020,815,816,  1052,  1130,  1154, 
1174,1175,1216,  1251,  1274,  1312,  1344, 
1360, 1381,1454,  1455,  1478,  1500,  1640, 
1704, 1771, 1861,  1862,  1803,  1888,  1945, 
1988, 1990,2016,  2055,  2087,  2117,  2171, 
2239,2241,2300,  2324,  2372,  2392,  2405, 
2435,2545,2671,2707,  2783,  2819,  2820, 
2866,2879,2894,2898,3002,  3085,  3080, 
3116,  3117.  3189,  3190,  3287,  3322,  3337 
remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  West  Vir- 
ginia Senators 1,  2,  3 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 50,  203,  275,  327,  328 

remarks  on  soldiers'  bounty  bill. ..58, 65,  06,  67 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14). ..79,  80 
remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the  en- 
rollment act 83,  84 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 121,  122, 

123, 126, 141, 142, 154, 155,  156,  157,  159, 
200,207,209,  222,  224,  231,  239,251,  252 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 289,  1213 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 504, 

565,  036, 037,  041,  709,  770,  771, 

818,  819,   820,  869,   870,  2284, 

2285, 2286, 2287, 2288, 2304, 2305 

remarks  on  bill  removing  the  disqualification 

of  color  in  carrying  the  mails  ..580,837,841 

remarks  on  the  admission  of  Nevada 788 

remarks  on  the  admission  of  Colorado 789 

remarks  on  Military  Academy  bill,  1085,1091 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  1092, 

1094,  1115,  1116,  1132,  1134,  1135 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association.... 1137,  1138,  1618 

remarks  on  the  bill  in  relation  to  deserters,  1249, 

1250 
remarks  on   the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1446, 1457,  1458 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford 1636,  1037 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculation  in 

gold,  1047,  1050, 1051, 1606, 1067, 1668, 1672 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1690, 

1691,  1706,  1708 
remarks  on  the  bill  in  relation  to  franked  mat- 
ter  1862,1863 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of 

Wisconsin 1863,  2624,  2696,  2697,  2698 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1866, 

1867,  1809,  1875,  1890,  1891,  1890,  1899, 
1900,  1953,  2021,  2121,  2125,  2142,  2143, 
2148,  2149,  2155,  2178,  2179,  2182,  2183, 
2164,  2185,  2199,  2200,  2201,  2202,  2621 


Collamer,  Jacob,  a  Senator  from  Vermont — Con- 
tinued. 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1922,  1923,  1924,  1931 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1950,  1952 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2026,2054 

remarks  relating  to  the  reporting  of  absentees, 

2089,  2090 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 2117, 

2118,  2283,  2372,  2373,  2374,  2375,  2435 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the 

Navajo  Indian  captives 2173 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Fitzgerald  & 

Ball 2227 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  printing  of 

documents 2308,  2309,  2310,  2326,  2327 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  thi 

Ohio 2344,  2345,  2346 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2352, 

2353,  2357,  2400 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2488, 

2489,  2490,  2494,  2519,  2520,  2521,  2525, 
2540,  2551,  2501,  2502,  2592,  2658,  2660, 
2661,  2602,  2063,  2665,  2666,  2667,  2670, 
2671,  2699,  2701,  2733,  2734,  2735,  2736, 
2737,  2738,  2739,  2740,  2754,  2757,  2762 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published 

debates , 2485,2486,2588,2786 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

California 2552,2867 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill. ...2779, 2781 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2805, 

2808,  2824,  3094,  3096,  3103, 

3194,  3195,  3196,  3197,  3198 

remarks  on  the  commercial  intercourse  bill,  2822 

remarks  on  the  Overland  Mail  Company  bill, 

3028,  3063,  3064,  3005 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill... ....3034,  3035,  3036 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  salaries  for  post- 
masters  3219,3251,  3252,  3253,  3254 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill — 3229, 

3230,  3237,  3238,  3239,  3256,  3257,  3258 

Collection  district,  bill   (No.  287)  to  change  the 

name  of  the,  and  port  of  Presque  Isle  to  the 

district  and  port  of  Erie 1382, 

1402,  1476,  1694,  1744,  1842 
bill  (S.  No.  283)  to  abolish  the,  of  Port  Orford 

and  Cape  Perpetua,  in  Oregon 2371, 

2437,  2778,  2796,  2894 
bill  (No.  477)  to  abolish  the,  of  Cape  Perpetua 

and  Port  Orford 2372,  2392,  2818 

Collisions  on  the  water,  bill  (No.  62)  fixing  cer- 
tain rules  and    regulations   for   preventing, 
1402,  1008,  1888,  1945,  2017 
Colonization,  bill  (S.  No.  45)  to  set  apart  a  por- 
tion of  the  State  of  Texas  for  the  use  of  per- 
sons of  African  descent 145, 

238,  480,  580,  072 
bill  (S.  No.  169)  to  repeal  all  acts  making  appro- 
priations for  the,  of  persons  of  African  de- 
scent  1108,2218 

Colorado,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (No;  97)  to  enable 
the  people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State 
government,  and  for  the  admission  of  such 

State  into  the  Union 521, 

093,  788,  1102,  1209,  1228 
bill  for  the  relief  of  the  citizens  of  the  town  of 
Denver,  in ,  1000, 1900, 2274, 2376,  2484,  2587 
joint   resolution    (S.    No.   54)    providing    for 
changing  the  time  of  voting  upon  the  consti- 
tution of. 2299 

bill  (3.  No.  291)  to  amend  an  act  to  enable  the 

people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State 

government,  and  for  the  admission  of  such 

State  into  the  Union,  2457,  2521,  3002,  3087 

(See  Public  Lands.) 

Commerce,  the  Committee  on 16,  400,  2664 

instructions  to 420,  460,  1207,  1609,  2274 

reports  from 152,  198,  319, 

480,  743,  999,  1361,  1454,  1476,  1608,  1635, 
1703,  1771,  2117,  2197,  2239,  2371,  2542, 
2650,  2818,  3001,  3188,  3219,  3285,   3547 

adverse  reports  from 1764, 

1918,  1919.2117,2650,3001 

discharged  from  subjects 288, 

719,  920,  1771,  1918,  2818,  3001 
bill  (S.  No.  102)  to  establish  certain  post  roads, 

and  to  regulate,  among  the  States 251, 

583,  887,  2939 

bill  (No.  307)  to  regulate,  among  the  s^vp'-^! 

States 2274,  2279,  2650,  3415,  3401 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBK 


IX 


Commerce — Continued. 

bill  (S.  No.  310)  for  the  promotion  of,  and  the 

improvement  of  navigation 3001,  3220 

Commercial  intercourse,  bill  (S.  No.  232)  in  addi- 
tion to  the  several  acts  concerning,  between 
loyal  and  insurrectionary  States,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  the  collection  of  captured  and  aban- 
doned property,  and  the  prevention  of  frauds 

in  States  declared  in  insurrection 1609, 

2542,  2819,  2820,  2930,  3222, 
3323,  3482,  3488,  3497,  3500 
Commission— see  Revenue. 

Commissioner  of  Patents,  joint  resolution  (S.  No. 
7G)  to  enable  the,  to  pay  for  work  done  under 

act  of  March  3, 1857 3407 

Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings,  bill  (S.  No. 

43)  relating  to  the  office  of. 134, 

553,  606,  669,  1082,  1331,  2392 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Collamer 607 

Mr.  Conness 2395 

Mr.  Foot 606,  607,  608,  669, 

1082,  1331,  1332,  1333,  2392,  2393,  2394 

Mr.  Grimes 1332 

Mr.  Hendricks 607,  G08,  1332,  1333 

Mr.  Howard 2394 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 1333,  2392,  2395 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1331,  2393,  2394 

Mr.  Pomeroy 608 

Committees,  standing 15, 

47,  76,  101,  153,  198,  4G0,  480,  481,  553, 
581,  2324,  2351,  2384,  2664,  3388,  3444 
select — 

to  wait  on  the  President 3 

on  the  conduct  and  expenses  of  the  war,  173, 

262,  275,  288 

on  slavery  and  freedmen 174,  197 

on  naval  supplies 134,  320,  360 

to  examine  into  the  present  mode  of  lighting, 
heating,  and  ventilating  the  Senate  Cham- 
ber and  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives  2171,2207 

of  conference — 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  122)  to  increase  the 

internal  revenue 699 

719,  786,  814,  900,  908,  921 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  36)  to  amend  an  act  for 

enrolling  and  calling  out  the  national  forces, 

672,  723,  744 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  26)  reviving  the  grade 

of  Lieutenant  General  in  the  United  States 

Army 815,  824,  874 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  156)  to  supply  defi- 
ciencies in  the  appropriations  for  the  fiscal 

year  ending  June  30,  1864 990,  1001 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  34)  making  appropri- 
ations for  the  support  of  the  Military 
Academy  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of 

June,  1865 1210,  1228 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  302)  to  amend  sec- 
tion nine  of  the  act  approved  July  17, 
1862,  to  define  the  pay  and  emoluments  of 

certain  officers  of  the  Army 1345,  1361 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  15)  to  provide  a  tem- 
porary government  for  the  Territory  of 
Montana,  1382, 1403, 1639,1694, 1704, 1846 
on  the  bill  (S.  No.  76)  relating  to  appoint- 
ments in  the  naval  service,  and  courts- 
martial 1772,  1802 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  370)  to   appoint  cer- 
tain officersi»f  the  Navy. ..1772,  1802,  2223 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  308)  to  establish  a 

Bureau  of  Military  Justice 1865 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  support  of  the  Army  for 
the  year  ending  the  30th   of  June,  1865, 
2050,  2082,  2351,  2372,  2484,  2521 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  151)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  naval  service  for  the  year 

ending  the  30th  June,  1865 2082,  2117 

on  the  bill  (No.  40)  making  appropriations 
for  the  consular  and  diplomatic  expenses 
of  the  Government  for  the  year  ending 

June  30,  1865 2218, 

2279,  2346,  2542,  2786,  2818 
on  the  bill  (No.  381)  to  amend  an  act  mak- 
ing a  grant  of  land  to  the  State  of  Iowa,  in 
alternate  sections,  to  aid  in  the  construction 
of  certain  railroads  in  the  said  State... .2384 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  192)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial  expenses  of  the  Government  for 

'the  year  ending  30ih  Jump,  1865 2484, 

2587,  2622,  3039 


Committees — Continued. 
of  conference — 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  426)  to  create  an  addi- 
tional supervising  inspector  of  steamboats 
and  two  local  inspectors  of  steamboats  for 
the  col  lection  district  of  Memphis,  Tennes- 
see, and  two  local  inspectors  for  the  col- 
lection district  of  Oregon 2484,  2625 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  395)  to  provide  a  na- 
tional currency,  secured  by  a  pledge  of 
United  States  bonds,  and  to  provide  for 
the  circulation  and  redemption    thereof, 

2458,  2621 
on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Rhoda  Wolcott, 

2696 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  145)  to  equalize  the  pay 

of  soldiers  in  the  United    States  Army, 

2894,  2926,  2963 
on  the  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  55)  grant- 
ing certain  privileges  to  the  city  of  Des 
Moines,  in  the  State  of  Iowa. ..3004,  3014 
on  the  bill   (H.  R.  No.  450)  to  provide  for 
the  repair  and  preservation  of  certain  pub- 
lic works  of  the  United  States. ..3004,  3014 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  495)  to   provide  in- 
ternal revenue  to  support  the  Government, 

to  pay  interest  on  the  public  debt 3039 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  266)  to  prevent  smug- 
gling, and  for  otherpurposes 3077 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  54)  to  incorporate  the 
Metropolitan    Railroad    Company  in  the 

Districtof  Columbia 3099,  3116 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  495)  to  amend  the 
charter  of  the  Washington  and  George- 
town Railroad  Company 3190 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  138)  to  regulate  proceed- 
ings in  cases  between  landlord  and  tenant 

in  the  District  of  Columbia 3169, 

3224,  3495,  3497 
on  the  bill  (S.  No.  190)  to  establish  a  navy- 
yard  and  depot  at  Cairo,  in  the  State  of 

Illinois 3287 

on  the  bill  (H.  R,  No.  494)  to  increase  duties 

on  imports 3303,  3323 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  154)  to  provide  for  the 
better  organization  of  the  quartermaster's 

department 3350,  3407 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  483)  granting  lands 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  from  Lake  Superior  to  Puget 
sound,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  by  the  north- 
ern route 3360 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  438)  to  amend  an  act 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  from  the  Missouri  river  to 

the  Pacific  ocean 3368 

on  the  bill  to  encourage  immigration.. .3368, 

3388 
on  the  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  11)  in  re- 
lation to  the  claim  of  Carmack  &  Ram- 
sey  3368,  3388,  3481,  3488 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  527)  making  appro- 
priations for  sundry  civil  expenses  of  the 
Governmentfortheyearending  30th  June, 

1865 .....3378,3387 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  207)  raaking^appro- 
priations  for  the  construction,  preserva- 
tion, and  repairs  of  certain  fortifications 
and  other  works  of  defense  for  the  year 

ending  June  30,  1865 3407,  3408,  3409 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  406)  supplementary  to 
an  actto  grant  pensions. ..3410,  3412,  3495 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  511)  to  provide   for 
the  more  speedy  punishment  of  guerril- 
las  3446,  3459,  3495 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  246)  for  the  relief  of  sea- 
men and  others,  not  officers,  borne  on  the 
books  of  vessels  wrecked  or  lost  in  the 

naval  service 3457,  3459 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  549)  further  to  regu- 
late and  provide  for  enrolling  and  calling 
out  the  national  forces. ...3457,  3461,  3488 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  244)  to  guaranty  to 
certain  States  whose  governments  have 
been  usurped  or  overthrown  a  republican 

form  of  government 3482 

on  the  bill  (S.  No.  339)  to  repeal  a  joint 
resolution  to  grant  additional  rooms  to  the 

Agricultural  Department 3482 

Commutation,  bill  (S.  No.  286)  to  prohibit  the 
discharge  of  persons  from  liability  to  military 

duty  by  reason  of  the  payment  of. 2405 

■  2457,  2567,  2804,  2824,  2907, 

1  3088,  3089,  3100,  3126,  3194 


Commutation — Continued. 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  549)  further  to  regulate  and 
provide  for  the  enrolling  and  calling  out  the 

national  forces 3340,  3341, 

3375,  3378,  3408,  3436,  3442,  3457, 
3461,  3484,  3488,  3497,  3544,  3547 
Compensation,  bill  (S.  No.  66)  to  increase  the, 
of  inspectors  of  customs  in  certain  ports.  .262, 
361,  1919,  1933,  1945,  2015 
bill  (S.  No.  87)  to  extend  the  provisions  of  an 
act  to  provide  for  the  services  of  George 
Morell  in  adjusting  titles  to  land  in  Michi- 
gan  435,  1227 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  35)  to  compensate  the 
sailors  on  the  gunboat  Baron  de  Kalb  for  loss 

of  clothing 1174, 

1454,  1613,  2696,  2727,  2842 
bill  (S.  No.   199)   relating  to  the,  of  pension 

agents 1310, 

1344,  2139,  2552,  3303,  3226,  3444 
bill  (S.  No.  273)  to  compensate  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  iron-clad  gunboat  Essex  for  the 
destruction  of  the  rebel  ram  Arkansas. ..2217, 
3160,  3415,  3444,  3483 
bill  (S.  No.  312)  to  regulate  the,  of  registers 
and  receivers  of  the  land  offices  in  the  State 
of  Iowa,  in  the  location  of  lands  by  States 
and  corporations   under  grants  from  Con- 
gress  3062,  3099,3415,  3444,  3483 

joint  resolution  (No.  121)  granting  additional, 
to  the  employes  of  the  two  Houses  of  Con- 
gress  3544,3546 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  79)  to  increase  the,  of 

matrons  in  the  hospitals 3546 

Conduct  and  expenditures  of  the  war,  select  com- 
mittee on  the 288,  319 

instructions  to  the 319, 

435,  900,  1662,^218,  3357 

reports  from  the 1523,  1743,  2117,  2171 

discharged  from  subjects ."3410 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  37)  for  the  payment  of 
the  expenses  incurred  by  the  ]ointcommittee 

on  the 1249,  2274,  2300,  2324,  2372 

Confiscation,  bill  (S  No.  46)  to  remove  doubts  on 
the  construction  of  the  joint  resolution  ex- 
planatory of  an  act  to  suppress  insurrection, 
to  punish  treason  and  rebellion,  to  seize  and 

confiscate  the  property  of  rebels 145,  693 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  18)  to  amend  a 
joint  resolution  explanatory  of  an  act  to  sup- 
press insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and  re- 
bellion, to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property 

of  rebels 521,  524,  693 

Congressional  Globe:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  421)  to  pay, 
in  part,  for  publishing  the  debates  of  Con- 
gress  2299, 2300,  2484, 

2588,  2784,  2844,  3442,  3456,  3445 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 2484, 

2485,  2486,  2588,  2589,  2784,  2785, 
2786,  2844,  2845,  3442,  3456,  3546 

Mr.  Carlile 3545 

Mr.  Collamer 2485,  2486,  2588,  2786 

Mr.  Conness 2588,  2784 

Mr.  Cowan 3442 

Mr.  Davis 3442 

Mr.  Doolittle 3545 

Mr.  Fessenden 2589, 

2784,  2785,  2786,  2845 

Mr.  Hale 2588,  2589,  3456,  3545 

Mr.  Harlan 3546 

Mr.  Hendricks 3545,  3546 

Mr.  Johnson 2589,  2784,  2785,  2786 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3545 

Mr.  Morrill 3545 

Mr.  Powell 2589,  2785,  3545 

Mr.  Sherman 2485, 

2786,  2845,  3442,  3545,  3546 

Mr.  Sumner 2784,2786,  3545,  3546 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2784 

Mr.  Trumbull 2786,  3545 

Mr.  Wade 2485,  3456 

Mr.  Wilson 2784,  2786 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3546 

Conness,  John,  a  Senator  from  Califor- 
nia  10,  47,  48,  93,  108, 

153,219,262,  288,  360,  420,  480,  494,  539, 
543,581,582,  583,  585,  594,  631,  726,  727, 
756,  785, 786,  815,  841,  868,  887,  895,  960, 
1000,  1002,  1031,  1108,  1130,  1138,  1157, 
1257,  1360,  1361,  1386,  1416,  1417,  1434, 
1G08,  1669,  1685,  1840,  1864,  1900,  1945, 
1946,  1947,  1990,  2014,  2015,  2022,  2087, 
2247,  2281,  2299,  2300,  2301,  2324,  2344, 


IJSTDEX  TO 


Conncss,  John,  a  Senator  from  California — Con- 
tinued. 
2347,  2372,  2384,  2392,  2395,  2405,  2416, 
2417,  2424,  2459,  2486,  2512,  2587,  2622, 
2664,  2752,  2777,  2782,  2820,  2877,  2894, 
2921,  3129,  3137,  3188,  3222,  3223,  3286, 
3287,  3338,  3358,  3359,  3360,  3385,  3388, 
3416,  3455,  3456,  3460,  3483,  3484,  3488, 
3491,  3496,  3498,  3499,  3502,  3539,  3544 

credentials  of,  presented 1 

resolutions  by 10,  219,  2372 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 124,  162, 

200,201,202,  205,  206,  208,  221,  222,  227, 
230,  240,  242,  243,  247,  250,  251,  252,  724 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  naval  sup- 
plies  135,  136,  137,  138 

remarks  on  tiie  enlistments  bill 361, 

1178,  1180,  1181,  1184 
remarks  on  the  bill  amendatory  of  the  home- 
stead law 388,  389 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  482, 

483,  566,   632,  633,  634,  638,  639,  640, 
705, 770, 2284, 2287, 2288, 2301, 2304, 2305 

remarks  on  an  emancipation  petition 538 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 594,  791,  792,  795,  797 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 619, 

621,  622 
remarks  on  the  bill   for  the  relief  of  Albert 

Brown 697,698 

remarks  on  the  admission  of  Nevada 788 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave 

law 864,  1710,  1715,  1754,  1782 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 883 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 901, 

902,  904,  905,  906,  907 

remarks  i)n  the  JMilitary  Academy  bill  ...1056, 

1057,  1086,  1088,  1089,  1090,  1091 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill. ..1113 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  California  land 

titles 1130,  1311,  1312,  1313,  2653 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association...., 1138 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  Indian  affairs  in 

California ■. 1184,  1209 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  transfers  from  the 
Army  to  the  Navy. ...1435,  1436,  1437,  1520 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill.. .1528, 
1561,  1562,  1572,  1573,  1574,  1610,  1611 
remarks  on  Fort  Pillow  massacre. ...1663, 1664 
remarks  on  the  org;inizaHon  of  Montana,  1039, 

1804 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill. ..1707 

remarks  on  the  Army  apt)ro|jriation  bill,  1806, 

1807, 1808, 1809, 1810, '1811, 1812, 2851, 2852 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1900, 

2022,  2124,  2125,  2127 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1921,  1922,  1929,  1931,  1932, 1933 

remarks  on  the  San  Ramon  land  grant...  1987, 

1988 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days' volunteers 

bill 2026,  2028,  2054 

remarks  relating  to  the  reporting  of  absentees, 

2089 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  buildings  for  the 

mint  at  San  Franeisco 2171,2307 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the 

Navajo  Indian  captives 2173 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2276,  2278 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill. ..2279, 2352, 

2354,  2355,  2356,  2357,  2358,  2384, 

2397,  2398,  2399,  2400,  2401,  2402, 

2404,  2417,  2419,  2422,  2423,  2424 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Mary  A. 

Bukcr 2282,2283 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 2373,  2374,  2375,  2435 

remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  Senators  from 

Arkan.sas 2392,2459,  3363 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..2487,  2488 
2489,  2490,  2492,  2498,  2501,  2515,  2551 ! 
2554,  2555,  2556,  2557,2558,  2559,  2560, 
2568,  2574,  2575,  2595,2629,  2657,  2661, 
2099,  2700,  2740,  2757,  2700,  2701,  2703 
remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

Cjxlifornia 2552,  2553,  2554, 

2843,  2844,  2867,  2868,  2922,  2962,  3087 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2588,  2784 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill 2651 

2(),')2,  2778,  2779,  2780,  27«1 


Conness,  John,  a  Senatorfrom  California — Con- 
tinued. 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  certain  private 

land  claims  in  New  Mexico 2796,2797 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2805,2806, 

2807,  2808,  2824,  2831,  2832, 

3094,  3095,  3096,  3097,  3102 

remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2895,  2896,  2906 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 2525,  2526 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2931, 

2970,  3304,  3305,  3327,  3335,  3336,  3337 
remarks  on  the  Wisconsin  military  road  bill, 

2965 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3005, 

3006,  3010,  3014,  3046,  3049,  3050 

remarks  on  the  Overland  Mail  Company  bill, 

3014,  3063,  3064,  3065 

remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 

3068,  3069,  3070,  3071,  3072,  3073, 

3074,  3076,  3119,  3123,  3125,  3409 

remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3188,3375,3376,3378 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3228, 

3259,  3263,  3264 
remarks  on  the   bill  to  establish  salaries  for 

postmasters 3252,3253 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  483), 

3290,  3291 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  punishment  of  guer- 
rillas  3417,  3418,  3482 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3385, 

3485,  3486,  3487,  3488,  3490 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Carmack 

&  Ramsey , 3494 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3503,2504, 

3506,  3507,  3508,  3509,  3510,  3512,  3513 
Conscription,  bill  (S.  No.  286)  to  prohibit  the  dis- 
charge of  persons  from  liability  to  perform 
military  duty  by  reason  of  the  payment  of 

money 2405,  2457,  2567,  2804, 

2824,  2907,  3088, 3089,  3100,  3126,  3194 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown. ..2805,  2806,  2808,  2824,  2825, 
2832,  3088,  3089,  3090,  3092,  3093,  3194 

Mr.  Buckalew 3093,  3207 

Mr.  Chandler 3088, 

3101,  3102,  3194,  3195,  3196,  3197 

Mr.  Collamer,  2805, 2808,2824, 3091, 3094, 

3096,  3103,  3194,  3195,  3196,  3197, 3198 

Mr.  Conness,  2805,  2806,  2807,  2808,  2824, 

2831,  2832,  3094,  3095,  3096,  3097,  3102 

Mr.  Cowan 3102 

Mr.  Davis. ...2805,  3099,  3195,  3199,  3201 

Mr.  Doolittle 2830,  3090,  3091,3093 

Mr.  Foot 3100,  3205,  3206 

Mr.  Foster 2807 

Mr.  Grimes,  2805,  2807,  2832,  3092,  3094, 

3096,  3097,  3101,  3102,  3103,  3195,  3200 

Mr.  Flale .'...3088 

Mr.  Harris 3091,  3196 

Mr.  Hendricks 2807,  2825, 

2828, 2829,  2830,  2907,  3091, 3093,  3094, 
3098,  3099,  3100,  3101,  3102,  3200,  3203 

Mr.  Howard 3092, 

3194,  3197,  3199,  3200,  3203,  3204,  3206 

Mr.  Howe 2833, 

3092,  3093,  3096,  3098,  3199,  3204 

Mr.  Johnson 2804, 

2805,  2808,  2824, 2832,  2833, 3088, 3091, 
3092,  3094,  3101,  3102, 3103,  3195,  3196 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 2808, 

2827,  2828,  2829,  2830,  2832,  3097,  3101 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3091,  3093,  3204 

Mr.  McDougall....2831,  2832,  3092,  3095, 

3097,  3100,  3101,  3103,  3202,  3204,  3205 
Mr.  Morgan 3126, 

3194,  3195,  3203,  3204,  3207 

Mr.Nesmith 2826 

,  Mr.  Pomeroy 2833,  3202 

Mr.  Powell 3194 

Mr.  Richardson 2828,  2832, 

3091,  3093,  3097,  3201,  3202,  3203,3204 

Mr.  Saulsbury 3088, 

3089,  3090,  3194,  3197,  3204,  3206 

Mr.  Sherman 2807,  2831,  2832, 

3097,  3098,  3102,  3198,  3202,  3204,  3206 

Mr.  Sprague 3195, 

3196,  3197,  3198,  3204,  3205 

Mr.  Sumner 2567,  3102,  3103 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2833,  3098,  3099,  3100 

Mr.  Trumbull 2907,  3098 

Mr.  Wade 2807,  3195,  3196,  3197 


Conscription,  bill  (S.  No.  286)  to  prohibit  the 
discharge   of  persons  from   liability  to  per- 
form military  duty  by  reason  of  the  pay- 
ment of  money — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Wilkinson 2833,  3093 

Mr.  Wilson 2804, 

2805,  2806,  2807,  2808,  2824, 2825,  2832, 
2833,  2907, 3088,  3090,  3091, 3092,  3093, 
3094,  3095, 3096,  3097,  3098,  3099,  3100, 
3101,  3102,  3194,  3197,  3204,  3206,  3207 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2832,  3094, 

3098,  3101,  3102,  3194,  3195, 

3196,  3198,  3202,  3205,  3207 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  549)  further  to  regulate  and 

provide  for  the  enrolling  and  calling  out  the 

national  forces 3340,  3341, 

3375,  3378,  3408,  3436,  3442,  3457, 
3461,  3484,  3488,  3497,  3544,  3547 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3387,  3487,  3488 

Mr.  Brown. ..3381,  3383,  3384,  3387,  3461 

Mr.  Buckalew 3379,  3380 

Mr.  Carlile...3380,  3381,  3486,  3487,  3488 

Mr.  Chandler 3378 

Mr.  Clark 3387 

Mr.  Conness 3385, 

3485,  3486,  3487,  3488,  3490 

Mr.  Davis 3489 

Mr.  Doolittle 3487 

Mr.  Fessenden 3379,  3381 

Mr.  Foster 3379,  3380,3488,  3489 

Mr.  Grimes 3380, 

3383,  3384,  3386,  3387,  3408,  3461 

Mr.  Henderson ..3487, 3488 

Mr.  Hendricks...; 3379, 

3380,  3381,  3383,  3386,  3387,  3461, 
3484,  3485,  3487,  3488,  3490,  3491 

Mr.  Howe 3379,  3380,  3381,  3387 

Mr.  Johnson , 3484,  3485 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3436,  3486 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  3485,. 3486, 3487,3491 

Mr.  McDougall 3385,  3486,  3485,  3488 

Mr.  Morrill 3486 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3387 

Mr.  Powell 3385,  3387,  3487 

Mr.  Sherman 3379,3383, 

3386,  3387,  3485,  3486,  3487,  3488,  3489 

Mr.  Sprague 3384,  3387 

Mr.  Sumner 3489 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 3384,  3387 

Mr.  Trumbull 3380,  3381,  3461,  .3485 

Mr.  Wade 3387 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3488 

Mr.  Wilson 3375, 

3378,  3379,  3380,  3381,3383,3384,3387, 
3461,  3484,  3485,  3487,  3488,  3489,  3491 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3387, 

3485,  3488,  3489,  3491 
Conspiracies,  bill  (S.  No.  13)  to  ainend  an  act 
to  define  and  punish  certain,  passed  July  31, 
1861;  as  also  the  twenty-fourth  section  of  an 
act  for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the  national 
forces,  and  forother  purposes,  passed  March 

3,  1863 24,  3339 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  joint  resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  16)  proposing  amendments  to 

the 145, 

553,  694,  921,  1130,  1283,  1313,  1346, 
1364,  1405,  1419,  1437,  1448,  1456,  1479 
(See  Appendix.) 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  24)  to  provide  for  sub- 
mitting to  the  several  States  an  amendment 

of  the.... ; 521,  553 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  25)  repealing  a  joint 

resolution  to  amend  the 522,  2218 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  26)  proposing  certain 

amendments  to  the.' 538,  3339 

Contingent  Expenses  of  the  Senate,  the  Com- 
mittee to  Audit  and  Control  the 16,  3444 

instructions  to 631,  1743 

reports  from 253 

Contractors,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  50)  for  the 
relief  of  the,  for  the  machinery  of  the  side- 
wheel  gunboats  known  as  double-cnders, 
2081,  2221,  2653,  3170 
Convention,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  341)  to  carry  into 
effect  the,  with  Ecuador  for  the  mutual  ad- 
justment of  claims 1154, 

1162,  1228,  1258,  1274,  1345 
bill  (S.  No.  335)  to  carry  into  effect  a,  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Uni- 
ted States  of  Colombia 32S9, 

3303,  3326,  3444 


THE  CONGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


XI 


Convicts,  bill  (S.  No.  172)  concerning' the  dispo- 
sition of,  in  the  courts  of  the  United  States, 
for  the  subsisting  of  pcrsonsconfined  in  jails 
charged  with  violating  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  for  diminishing  the  expenses  in 

relation  thereto 1130, 

1660,  1684,  2207,  2239,  2299 
Corporations,  bill  providing  for  the  formation  of, 
and  rc'ulating  the  santiein  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia  1310,  1703 

Correction  of  the  Journal 434,  836 

Court,  bill  (S.No.20)  for  the  relief  of  justices  of 
the  Supreme,  of  the  United  States  in  cases 

therein  described 42,319,  1416 

bill  (S.  No.  55)  in  relation  to  the  circuit,  in  and 

for  the  district  of  Wisconsin 173,  586, 

670,  2778,  2782,  2823,  3004, 
3014,  3192,  3224,  32G6,  3360 
bill  (S.  No.  100)  authorizing  the  holding  of  a 
special  session  of  the  United  States  district, 
for  the  district  of  Indiana. ..521,  553,  606,  643 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  39)  relating  to  the  pub- 
lication of  Decisions  of  the  Supreme,  of  the 
United  States  for  December  term,  18G3,  1416, 

1744,  1722,  1842 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  306)  to  amend  an  net  prescrib- 
ing the  times  and  places  for  holding  terms  of 
the  circuit,  for  the  districts  of  Iowa,  Minnc- 

.    sota,  and  Kansas 1258,  1274,  1608 

bill  to  apportion  the  expenses  of  the  levy,  in  the 
county  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, upon  the  basis  of  population 387, 

460,  720,  960,  982,  1000 

bill  for  the  proper  organization  of  the  levy,  of 

the  county  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of 

Columbia 643,  2921,  31.38,  3192,  3289 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  define  the  powers  and 

dutiesof  the  levy 1207,1703 

Courts,  bill  (S.  No.  51)  amendatory  of  and  sup- 
plementary to  an  act  to  provide  circuit,  for 

the  districts  of  California  and  Oregon 153, 

460,  581,  699,  723,  709 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  65)  to  change  the  place  of  hold- 
ing the  circuit   and  district,  of  the   United 
States  for  the  district  of  West  Tennessee,  163, 

164,  319,  331,  460 
bill  (S.  No.  88)  regulating  proceedings  in  crim- 
inal cases ,: 435,693,  1130,2198 

bill  (S.  No„89)  in   relation   to  proceedings  in 

the 435,  693 

bill  (S.  No.  127)  to  authorize  the  transfer  of 
indictments  from  the  district  to  the  circuit, 

744,  1607 
bill  to  secure  equality  before  the  law  in  the,  522 
bill  (S.  No.  222)  extending  the  jurisdiction  of 

district 1477,  1771,  2622 

bill  (No.  32)  to  regulate  the  sessionsof  tiie  cir- 
cuit and  district,  for  the  northern   district  of 

*  New  York 2274, 

2279,  2324,  3501,  3543,  3544,  3547 

bill  (S.  No.  304)  in  relation  to  the  circuit,  2866 

Court-house — see  Public  Buildings. 

"Courtof  Claims,  papers  referred  to  the,  864, 1082 

bill  (S.  No.  276)  concerning  the  jurisdiction  of 

the 2274,2622 

bill  (No.  305)  to  restrict  the  jurisdiction  of  the, 
and  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  certain  de- 
mands for  quartermaster's  stores  and  subsist- 
ence supplies  furnished  to  the  Army  of  the 

United  States 2778, 

2781,  3188,  3418,  3499,  3513,  3544,  3547 
Cowan,  Edgar,  a  Senator  from  Pennsylvania, 
41,  55,  75,  93,  144,  151,  197,  262,  273, 
420,  434,  459, 480, 519, 521,  643,  895,  920, 
981,  1081,  1107,  1309,  1331,  1421,  1522, 
1558,  1607,  1635,  1690,  1706,  1743,  2050, 
2139,  2140,  2171,  2197,  2238,  2239,  2,324, 
2343,  2484,  2652,  2854,  3102,  3173,  3188, 
3189,  3285,  3286,  3292,  3326,  3350,  3358, 
3369,  3375,  3407,  3442,  3444,  3445,  3543 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill Gl,  63 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 79 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 119,  120, 

122,  123,  143,  156,  157,  200,  203,  204, 
222,  224,  225,  226,  228,  231,  255,  256 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 445 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  483,  634,  635,  637,  641,  642 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 489, 

491,  903,  904,  906 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  members  from 

acting  as  counsel 561,  562 

remarks  on  appointing  a  warden  to  the  District 
jail 729,730 


Cowan,  Edgar,  a  Senator  from  Pennsylvania — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 
gold,  1640,  1642, 1643, 1646,  1649, 1650, 1667 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1869, 

1955,  1990,  2182,  2203,  2204,  2205 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1933 

remarlcs  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1951 

remarks  on  San  Ramon  land  grant,  1987,  1988 

remarks  on  District  registration  bill,  2140, 2141, 

2239,  2240,  2241,  2242,  2244,  2247,  2248 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Fitzgerald 

&  Ball 2226,  2227 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio 2344,  2345,  2346 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  goods  in  ware- 
house  2347 

remarks  on  revenue  bill,  (No.  405) 2496, 

2500,  2.594,  2595,  2626,  2671, 
2714,  2715,  2733,  2757,  2764 
remarks  on  the  bill  relative  to  voting  in  Wash- 
ington  2544, 2545 

remarks  on  thetarilTbill 3042 

remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 

3075 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylvania 

war  claims 3219, 

3370,  3373,  3374,  3407,  3408,  3437, 
3438,  3439,  3440,  3441,  3442,  3443 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3225 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 3301,  3302,  3306,  3307,  .3308 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3365 
remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3376 

remarks  on  a  government  for  the  seceded  States, 

3407 

remarks  on  final  adjournment,  3509,3510,3511 

Crary,  Archibald,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs 

of. 3481,  3492,  3547 

Crimes,  bill  (S.  No.  230)  to  prevent  the  assem- 
bling of  and  trial  by  courts-martial  of-  cap- 
ital or  otherv/ise  infamous,  not  arising  in  the 
land  or  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  or 
in  the  militia  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of 

war  or  public  danger 1559,  1743 

Criminal  cases,  bill  regulating  proceedings  in ,  435, 

693,  1130,  2198 

Gross,  Alexander,  bill  for  the  relief  of 756, 

2510,  31^,  3410,  3444,  3514 
Currency,  bill  (S.  No.  224)  to  provide  a  national, 
secured  by  a  pledge  of  United  States  stocks, 
and  to  provide  for  the  circulation  and  redemp- 
tion thereof. 1477 

bill  (No.  395)  to  provide  a  national,  secured  by 
a  pledge  of  United  States  bonds,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  the  circulation  and  redemption  there- 
of.  1694,  1771,  1865, 

1889,  1933,  1952,  1989,  2019,  2121,  2142, 
2174,  2199,  2458,  2621,  2G51,  2664,  2727 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony.. 1891,  2204,  2621,  2651 

Mr.  Backalew 1865, 

2121,  2122,  2124,  2206 

Mr.  Chandler 1871,  1872,  1873, 

1889,  1891,  1892,  1954, 1959, 1989,2021, 
2022,  2121,  2128,  2131,  2132,  2143,  2144, 
2145,  2146,  2180,  2181,  2183,  2184,  2202 

Mr.  Clark 1953,  1954,  1955 

Mr.  CoUamer 1866, 

1867,  1869,  1875,  1890, 1891,  1896, 1899, 
1900,  1953,  2021,  2121, 2125, 2142,  2143, 
2148,  2149,  2155,  2178,2179,2182,2183, 
2184,  2185,  2199,  2200,  2201,  2202,  2621 

Mr.  Conness,  1900,  2022,  2124,2125,2127 

Mr.  Cowan 1869, 

1955,  1990,  2182,  2203,  2204,  2205 

Mr.  Davis 2019,  2020,  2021,  2022 

Mr.  Doolittlo,  2019, 2121, 2125, 2126, 2127, 

2145,  2146,  2147,  2148,  2149,  2155,  2174, 

2175,  2176,  2177,  2179,  2180,  2181,  2206 

Mr.  Fessenden 1865, 

1868,  1869,  1870,  1871, 1872, 1873,  1874, 
189],  1894,  1895,  1896, 1897, 1953, 1959, 
1989,  2122,  2123,  2126,  2127, 2130, 2131, 
2132,  2146,  2147,  2181,  2182,  2185,  2202 

Mr.  Grimes 1865, 

1866,  1867,  1868,  1869,  1870,  1874, 
2020,  2121,  2122,  2123,  2124,  2125,  2126, 
2127,  2144,  2145,  2181,  2182,  2200,  2206 

Mr.  Flale 1866,  1958,  2143,  2176,  2622 

Mr.  Harris 2147 


Currency,  bill  (No.  395)  to  provide  a  national, 
secured  by  a  pledge  of  the  United  State;* 
bonds,  and  to  provide  for  the  circulation  and 
redemption  thereof — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Henderson 1866,  1867, 

1868,  1869,  1870,  1871,  1874,  1891, 
1989,  1990,  2123,  2125,  2126,  2127, 
2128,  2143,  2144,  2145,  2146,  2147, 
2149,  2180,  2184,  2185,  2205,  2206 

Mr.  Hendricks 1956,  1958,  1959 

Mr.  Howard 1865,  1866, 

1872,  1898,  1900,  1957,  1958,  1959,  2143 

Mr.  Howe 1889,  1898,  2180 

Mr.  Johnson 1892,  1894,  1955, 

1956,  1958,  1989,  2021,  2122,  2123, 
2125,  2126,  2132,  2145,  2146,  2147, 
2148,  2155,  2174,  2178,  2179,  2180, 
2181,  2182,  2184,  2201,  2203,  2206 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1954, 

1955,  1989,  1990,  2126,  2180,  2202,  2206 

Mr.  McDougalL... 1870,  1871 

Mr.  Morgan 2122,  2180,  2181 

Mr.  Pomeroy 18G5, 

1870,  1871,  1889,  1897,  1898,  1900, 
1953,  1955,  2123,  2125,  2143,  2145,  2146 

Mr.  Powell 2127,  2142, 

2146,  2174,  2180,  2202,  2203,  2206,  2207 

Mr.  Saulsbury 2206 

Mr.  Sherman 1771, 

1865,  1866,  18G7,  1868,  1869,  1870, 

1871,  1873,  1874,  1896,  1897,  1898, 
1899,  1900,  19.33,  1952, 1953, 1954, 1958, 
1959,  1989,  1990,  2020,  2021,  2122, 2123, 
2124,  2125,  2126,  2127,  2142,  2143,  2144, 
2145,  2146,  2149,  2174,  2175,  2180,  2181, 

2182,  2183,  2184,  2185,  2200,  2201,  2202, 
2203,  2204,  2205,  2206,  2458,  2621,  2622 

Mr.  Sprague 1891,2202,  2206 

Mr.  Sumner,  1867, 1873,  1893,  1894,  1895, 

1896,  1897,  1900,  1955, 1956, 1958,  2124, 

2127,  2128,  2130,  2131,  2132,  2142,  2149 

Mr.  Trumbull 2123, 

2124,  2126,  2127,  2174,  2458 

Mr.  VvT'llkinson 1900 

Mr.  Wilson 1869, 1870,  1891,  1900, 

1990,  2128,  2146,  2147,  2180,  2181,  2207 
yeas  and  nays  on  the 1870,  1957, 

1959,  2123,  2142,  2143,  2145,  2174,  2180, 

2183,  2200,  2202,  2203,  2204,  2205,  2.206 
Curtis,  Charles  P.,  resolution  referring  the  claim 

of,  to  the  Court  of  Claims 2274 

D. 

Dakota,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (S.  No.  16)  to  es- 
tablish a  post  route  from  Mankato,  in  Min- 
nesota, to  the  Winnebago  agency,  on  the 

Missouri  river,  in 37 

(See  Public  Lands.) 
Darling,  Ezekiel,bill  granting  pension  to. ..3481, 

3492 
Davis,      Garrett,      a      Senator      from       Ken- 
tucky  9,  43,  47,  55, 

62,  96,  118,  253,  289,  539,  585,  586,  696, 
698,  788,  797,  868,  886,  936,  937,  1082, 
11.55,  1311,  1331,  1346,  1453,  14.54,  1477, 
1558,  1559,  1607,  1635,  1636,  1661,  1685, 
1743,  1990,  2015,  2017,  2082,  2121,  2199, 
2301,  2435,  2457,  2458,  2486,  2511,  2551, 
2552,  2586,  2601,  2727,  2770,  2780,  2819, 
2820,  2842,  2843,  2921,  2923,  2963,  3109, 
3222,  3223,  3224,  3232,  3338,  3340,  3359, 
3369,  3412,  3442,  3444,  3445,  3446,  3503 

resolutions  by 9,  96, 

118,  936,  1082,  1155,  2218,  2586,  3338 
remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  West  Vir- 
ginia Senators '. 1,  2,  3 

remarks  on  the  exchange  of  prisoners 9, 

24,  28,  30,  32 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  inter- 
ference in  elections 102,  104,  1250 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 120, 

123, 124, 125,  127,  139,  200,  208,  209,  230. 
231,  242,  243,  246,  247,  7;46,  753,  754,  755 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  naval  sup- 
plies  136,  137 

remarks  on  Mr.  Wilson's  resolution 139, 

144,146,147,  174,  175,  176,  178,  179,  181, 

183,  184,  254,  319,  343,  344,  364,  390,  418 

remarks  on  the  memorial  relating  to  the  claims 

of  citizens  of  Kentucky 520 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 675, 

677,   699,    702,   704,  705,  770, 
990, 1002, 1029, 1030, 2288, 2301 


XII 


INDEX  TO 


Davis,  Garrett,  a  Senator  from  Kentucky— Con- 
iinued. 
retnai-ka    on    the   amendment   of  the    Consti- 
tution  921,  1324,  1346, 

1370,  1421,  1424,  1425,  1445,  1447,  1489 
(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on   the   repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

law. ..961,  1000,  1001,  1175,  1711,  1712,1715 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill. ..1086, 

1088,  1089,  1090 
remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  1111, 

1112,  1113 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  JVlascmic 

Hall  Association 1138,  1139 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1101 
remarks  on  bill  to  promote  enlistments...  1208, 

1210,  1212,  1213 
remarks  on  arrest  of  William  Yocum  ....1454, 

'  1455 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1.525, 

1526,  1528,  1529,  1530,  1576 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1806, 

1807,  1808 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1928,  1929 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State 

of  Wisconsin 2017,  2121,  2753 

remarks  on  currency  bill,  2019, 2020, 2021 ,  2022 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2028,  2029 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  a  consti- 
tutional quorum 2017, 

2051,  2052,  2082  2085,  2086,  2087 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2218, 

2275,  2276,  2277 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2380, 

2382,  2383,  2417,  2422 
remarks  relating  to  naval  supplies. ..2416,  2417 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2438, 

2440,  2445,  2487,  2488,  2500,  2515, 
2521,  2557,  2558,  2568,  2571,  2592, 
2593,  2596,  2599,  2603,  2631,  2633,  2634, 
2635,  2698,  2710,  2733,  2735,  2736,  2740, 
2756,  2764,  2765,  2766,  2767,  2768  2769 
(See  Appendix.) 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 

city  of  Washington 2486,  2512,  2543 

remarks  on  the  charges  against  General  But- 
ler  2795 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2805, 

3099,  3195,  3199,  3201 
remarks  on  the  House  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 2963,  3128,  3191 

remarks  on  the    bill    for   the    punishment    of 

guerrillas 3003,  3029,  3030,  3418 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish   salaries  for 

postmasters '. 3254 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  bail  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3293, 

3294,  3295,  3297 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 3293, 

3328,  3341,  3342,  3345,  3348,  3349,  3350 
remarks  on  the  East  Tennessee  railroad  bill, 

3420,  3446 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 3437, 

3438,3439,  3441,3443,3444 
remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3489 

resolution  proposing  the  expulsion  of. 139, 

144,  146,  174,  254,  319, 
334,  360,  363,  389,  418 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 146,347,  368,  369 

Mr.  Clark 139,  364,  389 

Mr.  Collamer 181,  254 

Mr.  Davis I39 

144, 146, 147, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179,'l8l! 
183, 184,  254,  319,  343, 344,  364, 390,  418 

Mr.  Doohttle 175,  254 

Mr.  Fessenden 139,  370,  371,  391,  392 

Mr.  Foster, 146,  147,  254,  390,  391 

Mr.  Flarlan 339 

Mr.  Hendricks 181 

Mr.  Howard 14(j 

178,  254,  343,  344,  349,  391",  392 

Mr.  Howe I47 

Mr.  Johnson 147,  347,  349,  "350  ",391 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 369 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 146 

Mr.  Morrill 350,  303,  364,  "37ii"420 

Mr.  Powell 366,  369 

Mr.  Saulsbury I39 

Mr.  Sherman 254 


Davis,  Garrett,  a  Senator  from  Kentucky,  reso- 
lution   proposing   the    expulsion    of — Con- 
tinued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Sumner 146,  174,  179,  181,  364 

Mr.  Trumbull 254,  319 

Mr.  Wilson 139, 

144, 146, 182,  183,  354,  360, 371,  389, 392 

Deaf  and  Dumb  and  the  Blind,  bill  to  authorize 

the  Columbia  Institution   for  the,  to  confer 

degrees 1082,  1108,  1454,  1491,  1523 

Debates  of  Congress,  bill  (No    421)  to  pay  in 

part  for  publishing  the 2299,  2300, 

2484,  2588,  2784,  2844,  3442,  3456,  3545 
Deficiencies,  joint  resolution  (No.  14)  to  supply 
in  part  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for 
the  public  printing,  and  to  supply, in  the  ap- 
propriations for  bounties  and  premiums  to 

volunteers, 76,  93,  118 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  15)  amendatory  of  the 
joint  resolution  to  supply  in  part,  in  the  ap- 
propriations for  the  public  printing,  and  to 
supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropriation  for 

bounties  tovolunteers 145,200,  221,  238 

bill  (S.  No.  308)  repealing  so  much  of  an  act 
to  supply,  in  the  appropriations  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th  of  June, 
1864,  and  for  other  purposes,  approved 
March  14,  1864,  as  appropriates  $25,000  for 
erecting  a  naval  hospital  at  Kittery,  Maine, 
2963,  3086,  3175,  3415,  3444,  3483 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  156)  to  supply,  in  the  appro- 
priations for  the  service  of  the  fiscal  year 

ending  the  30ih  June,  1864 361,  539,  608, 

635,  646,  990,  1001,  1052,  1091,  ,1136 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 646,  647,  648 

Mr.  Chandler 651,  655,  657,  658 

Mr.  Clark. ;610,  611,  617,  618,  649,  650,  655 

Mr.  Collamer 620 

Mr.  Conness 619,  621,  622 

Mr.  Doolitlle 622,  654",  655,  656,  657 

Mr.  Fessenden 539,  608,  609,  610,  611, 

612,  613, 614, 615, 616, 617, 619, 620, 621, 
622, 635, 646, 647,  648,  649, 650, 651, 652, 
653,  654,  655,  656,  657, 1001, 1052,  1053 

Mr.  Foot 657 

Mr.  Foster 646,  655,  657,  658 

Mr.  Grimes 610,  611, 

614, 622,  646, 648,  650,  651,  655, 657,  658 

Mr.  Hale 609, 

610,  611,  615,  616,  620,  652,  655,  657,  658 

Mr.  Harlan..' 613,614,646 

Mr.  Hendricks 621, 

646,  648,  651,  652,  655,  657,  658 

Mr.  Howard 619,  622 

Mr.  Howe 610,  611,  657,  658 

Mr.  Johnson 611,  612, 

618,619, 620, 646, 649,  650, 654, 655, 1053 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 652,  654,  657 

Mr.  Morrill 619 

Mr.  Pomeroy 622,  657 

Mr.  Powe'l 615,  655 

Mr.  Sherman 610, 

612,  613,  614,  616,  617,  619,  620, 
649,  650,  654,  655,  656,  657,  658 

Mr.  Sumner 658 

Mr.  Trumbull 611,  616,  617,  618, 

619, 621, 62S,  646,  647, 651,  656, 657, 658 

Mr.  Wilkinson 652,  653,  654 

Mr.  Wilson 612,  617,  621,  657,  658 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 655,  656,  657,  653 

Deficiency,  bill  (H.R.  No.  35)  to^provide  for  the, 
in  the  appropriation  for  the  pay  of  officers 
and  men  actually  employed  in  the  Western 
department  or  department  of  Missouri. ..86, 

153,  219,  275 
Denver,  Colorado  Territory,  bill  for  the  relief  of 

the  citizens  of  the  town  of. 1000, 

1900,  2274,  2376,  2484,  2587 
Deposit,  bill  in  relation  to  the  village  of,  in  New 

York 2778,  2781,  3322,  3370,  3481 

Depositors,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  553)  to  facilitate 
the  payment  of,  at  the  assay  office  in  New 

York 3224 

Deserters,  bill  (S.  No.  175)  in  relation  to,  from 
the   military  service  of  the  United  States, 

1130,  1207,  1249 

Desertion — see  JSTaval  Service. 

Des  Moines,  joint  resolution  (No.  53)  granting 

certain  privileges  to  the  city  of,  in  the  State 

of  Iowa. ..1382,  1402,  1559,  2895,  2903,  3004 

Dickson,  John,  bill  for  the  relief  of 960, 

961,  1000,  1036,  1091 


Diller,  Isaac  R.,  bill  for  the  relief  of..  .3481, 3491 
Diman,  Henry  W. — see  Accounts. 
Dismission  of  officers,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  187)  to 
regulate  the,  in  the  military  and  naval  ser- 
vice  1035,  1036,  1402 

District  of  Columbia,  the  Committee  on  the. ..16 

instructions  to 96,  435,  523,  553,  671,  837 

reports  from 253, 

262,  343,  360,  460,  539,  880,  982,  1107, 
1108,  1360,  1416,  1703,  2436,  2484,  2586, 
2587,  2777,  2921,  3116,  3292,  3337,  3412 

adverse  reports  from 1703,  2050 

discharged  from  subjects 435, 

786,  880,  1227,  2586 
bill  (S.  No.  15)  to  incorporate  the  Washington 

City  Savings  Bank 37, 

343,  727,  960,  982,  1000 
bill  (S.  No.  26)  to  provide  for  the  public  in- 
struction of  youth  in  the  county  of  Wash- 
ington  ; 55, 

539,  724,  2842,  2866,  3126,  3190,  3289 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  7)  authorizing  sur- 
veys, plans,  and  estimates  to  be  made  for  the 
purpose  of  improving  the  drainage  and  sew- 
erage of  the  city  of  Washington,  and  sup- 
plying the   Insane  Asylum   with   Potomac 

water , 55 

bill  (S.  No.  49)  relating  to  the  admission  of 
patients  to  the   hospital   for    the   insane   in 

the 153,  262,  343,  361,  421 

bill  (S.  No.  54)  to  incorporate  the  Metropoli- 
tan Railroad  Company  in  the 173, 

343, 1139,  1156,  3086,  3099, 

3116,  3326,  3378,  3410,  3482 

bill  (S.  No.  58)  to  incorporate  the  Columbia 

Railway  Company  in  the 197^360 

bill  (S.  No.  77)  to  amend  an  act  incorporating 
the  Washington  Gas-Light  Company. ..360, 

727,  3337 
bill  (S.  No.  79)  to  incorporate  Providence  hos- 
pital in  the  city  of  Washington 360, 

435,  727,  1454,  1491,  1523 

bill  (S.  No.  81)  to  apportion  the  expenses  of 

the  levy  court  of  the  county  of  Washington 

upon  the  basis  of  population 387, 

460,  720,  960,  982,  1000 
bill  (S.  No.  82)  concerning  notaries  public  for 

the 387,  435,  720,  1454,  1491,  1523 

bill  (S.  No.  84)  to  incorporate  the  Metropoli- 
tan Gas-Light  Company  in  the 388,  1227 

bill  (S.  No.  91)  to  quiet  titles  in  favor  of  par- 
ties in  actual  possession  of  lands  situated  in 

the 420,  435,  999,  3410 

bill  (S.  No.  86)  to  authorize  the  appointment 

of  a  warden  of  the  jail  in  the 420, 

539,  728,  787,  815,  880 

bill  (S.  No.  114)  to  amend  section  five  of  an 

act  to  continue,  alter,  and  amend  the  charter 

of  the  city  of  Washington 631, 

982,  1162,  2140,  2239 
bill  (S.  No.  115)  for  the  proper  organization 
of  the  levy  court  of  the  county  of  Washing- 
ton, in  the 643,  2921,  3138,  3192,  3289 

bill  (S.  No.  126)  to  amend  an  act  to  incorporate 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton  719,  880,  982,  1454, 

1476,  1703,  1746,  1772,  2081,  2117,  2140 
bill  (No.  42)  to  enable  guardians  and  commit- 
tees of  lunatics,  appointed  in    the  several 
States  and  other  countries,  to   act    within 

the 723,  727,  786,  864,  982,  1053 

bill  (No.  129)  to  amend  an  act  to  authorize  the 
corporation  of  Georgetown,  in   the,  to  lay 

and  collect  a  water  tax 744, 

880,  1683,  2818,  2878,  3062 
bill  (S.  No.  130)  for  a  charter  of  Masonic  Hall 

Association  in  Washington  city 786,  880, 

1136,  1360,  1617,  1802,  1842,  1860,  1888 

bill  (S.   No.   138)  to  regulate  proceedings  in 

cases   between  landlord   and   tenant  in  the, 

837,  982,  1161,  1772,  3157,  3169,  3224, 

3459,  3495,  3497,  3498,  3502,  3544,  3546 

bill  (S.  No.  147)  to  regulate  the  fees  of  the 

clerk's  office  of  the  supreme  court  of  the, 

920,  1107 
bill  (S.  No.  153)  to  provide  forthe  revision  and 

codification  of  the  laws  of  the 960,  2484 

bill  (S.  No.  155)  to  incorporate  the  Union  Gas- 
Light  Company  of  the 982, 

1102,  1454,  1476,  1491,  1523 

bill  (S.  No.  103)  to  authorize  the   Columbia 

Institution  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  and  the 

Blind  to  confer  degrees 1082, 

1108,  1454,  1491,  1523 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XIII 


District  of  Columbia — Continued. 

bill  (S.  No.  167)  to  incorporate   an   insurance 
company  in  the  city  of  Washington...  .1082, 

1416,  3138 
bill  (S.  No.  168)  providing  for  the  purchase  of 

a  steam  fiie  engine.- 1108 

bill  (S.  No.  177)  to  authorfze  the  construction 

of  ii  street  railway  in  the 1154,  2050 

bill  (S.  No.  184)  to  amend  an  act  to  define  the 

powers  and  duties  of  the  levy  court,  1207, 1703 

bill  (S.  No.  196)  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  the 

corporation  of  the  city  of  Washington,  1274 

bill  (S.  No.  204)  providing  for  the  formation 

of  corporations  and  regulating  the  same  in 

the 1310,1703 

bill  (S.  No.  210)  establishing  a  port  of  entry  at 

Washington 13G1 

bill  (S.  No.  211)  to  authorize  and  regulate  the 

writ  of  attachment 1361 

bill  (S.  No.  220)  to  provide  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  County  and    Industrial  Normal 

School 1477 

bill  (No.  383)   to  incorporate  the   Home   for 
Friendless  Women  and  Children,  1491, 1522, 
2050,  22.39,  2484,  2600,  2878,  2963,  3004 
bill  (S.  No.  235)  to  amend  the  statute  of  limit- 
ations now  in  force  in  the 1636 

bill  (No.  255)  granting  certain  privileges  to  the 

Guardian  Society  of  the 1772, 

3116,  3130,  3407,  3410,  3481 
bill  (S.  No.  254)  to  provide  for  the  uniform 
draining  and  paving  of  the  streets  of  Wash- 
ington, at  the  expense  of  property  holders, 
under  the  direction  of  a  Government  engi- 
neer  1861 

\M\  (S.  No.  263)  to  grant  one  million  acres  of 
public  lands  for  the  benefit  of  public  schools 

irTthe 2015 

bill  (S.  No.  271)  relating  to  civil  actions  in  the, 
2197,2962,3375,3446,3481,3500 
bill  (S.   No.  275)    to  prohibit   cattle,  horses, 
mules,  and  other  domestic  animals  from  run- 
ning at  large 2274,2586 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  57)  to  amend  the  char- 
ter of  the  city  of  Washington 2436, 

2457,  2486,  2511,  2542,  2587,  2622,  2651 
bill   (No.  484)  to  incorporate  the  Newsboys' 

Home 2458,  2587,  2622,  2696 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  59)  to  provide  for  the 

revision  of  the  laws  of  the 2484, 

2588,  3063,  3077,  3087 
bill  (S.  No.  298)  to  incorporate  the  Potomac 

Ferry    Company 2G96, 

2921,  3138,  3415,  3444,  34S3 
bill  (S.  No.  290)  authorizing  the  levy  court  of 
Washington  county,  in  the,  to  levy  and  col- 
lect its  portion  of  the  direct  tax  imposed  by 
the  act  of  Congress  of  August  5,  1861,  2727, 
2777,  3170,  3415,  3444,  3483 
bill  (S.  No.  300)  to  amend  an  act  to  incorpo- 
rate the  Washington  and  Georgetown  Rail- 
road Company 2727 

bill  (PI.  R.  No.  186)  to  incorporate  the  Balti- 
more and  Washington  Depot  and  Potomac 
Ferry  Railway  Company. ..2318,  2823,  2921 
bill  (No.  364)  authorizing  and  requiring  the 

opening  of  Sixth  street  west 2818,  2823 

bill  (No.  434)  to  authorize  the  bailiff  of  the 
orphans'  court  in  the  county  of  Washing- 
ton and,  to   serve  processes  issued  by  said 

court 2818,  2823^3116,  3130,3190,  3360 

bill  (No.  495)  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 
Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad  Com- 
pany  2818,  2823,  2921,  3130,  3190,  3265 

joint  resolution  (No.  89)  as  to  sewerage  and 
drainage  in  the  city  of  Washington. ...2818, 

2823 

bill  (No.  514)  to  amend  an  act  to  extend  the 

charter  of  the  Alexandria  and  Washington 

railroad 3063,3077 

bill  (No  522)  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 
Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad  Com- 
pany  .....3063, 

3077,  3116,  3130,  3407,  3410,  3481 

bill  (S.  No.  821)  to  authorize  the  corporation 

of  Washington  to  levy  and  collect  the  direct 

tax  imposed  by  the  act  approved  August  5, 

1861 3130,  3415,  3444,  3483 

bill  (No.  550)  to  establish  Colfax  street  in  the 

city  of  Washington  and 3190, 

3191,  3412,  3444,  3514 
bill  (No.  537)  to  incorporate  the  Young  Men's 
Ciiristian  Association  of  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington  3192,3194,3360 


District  of  Columbia — Continued. 

bill  (No.  551)  to  incorporate  the  Colored  Cnrtio- 

lic  Benevolent  Society 3192, 

3194,  3266.  3360 
bill  (S.  No.   336)  to  amend   the   act  incorpo- 
rating the  Washington  Gas-Light  Compa- 
ny  3337 

bill  (No.  517)  to  incorporate  the  National  Union 
Insurance  Company  of  Washington. ..3378, 

3388 

bill  authorizing  the  corporate  authorities  of  the 

city  of  Washington  to  increase  the  funded 

debt  of  the  city  of  Washington 3436 

joint  resolution  (No.  118)  for  the  relief  of  the 
sufferers  by  the  late  accident  at  the  United 

States  arsenal  in  Washington 3481, 

3492,  3546 

bill  (S.  No.  348)  to  provide  for  the  supervision 

repairs,  liabilities,    and    completion    of  the 

Washington  aqueduct ,.3493, 

3513,  3544,  3547 
Dixon,  James,  a  Senator  from  Connecticut,  16,17, 
55, 75, 93, 100, 117, 134,  144,  253,  435, 727, 
814,  836,  837,  982,  1022,  1082,  1162,  1247, 
1274,  1416,  1607,  1635,  1651,  2139,  2238, 
2274,  2323,  2343,  2521,  3028,  3039,  3040, 
3062,  3129,  3137,  3138,  3157,  3159,  3232 

resolutions  by 837,  1022,  1082,  3129,  3137 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the  en- 
rollment act 48,  84,  86 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 126, 

204,  207,  208,  228 
remarks  in  relation   to  the  Senate  contingent 

fund  .....^ 668 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill,  2140, 

2141,  2142 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3011, 

3012,  3031,  3037,  3047,  3050,  3053 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  Ericsson 

contract 3167 

remarks  on  the   bill  to  establish  salaries  for 

postmasters 3253,3254 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill  ....3264 

Doble,  Carlisle,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1454, 

1863,3415,3444,3483 

Documents,  joint  resolution  (No.  82)  in  relation 

to  the  distribution  of  books  and,  2458,  2496 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  63)  repealing  the  joint 

resolution  providing  for  the  distribiition  of 

certain  public  books  and 2895 

bill  (S.  No.  265)  to  expedite  and  regulate  the 

printing  of  public 2050, 

2218,  2307,  2326,  3116,  3160,  3289 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

JNlr.  Anthony 2307, 

2308,  2309,  2310,  2326,  2327 
Mr.  CoUamer,  2308,  2309, 2310, 2326,  2327 

Mr.  Grimes 2309,  2310 

Mr.  Hale 2309,  2310,  2326,  2327 

Mr.  Flenderson 2326 

Mr.  Howe 2308,  2309,  2310 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2309 

Mr.  Powell 2309 

Mr.  Sumner 2307,  2308,  2309 

Mr.  Wilson 2310 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2310 

Doll,  Aaron  T.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2392 

Doolitlle,  James  R.,  a  Senator  from  Wiscon- 
sin  2,  3,  12,  17,  24,  42,  43, 

48,  99,  144,  173,  184,  .253,  273,  296,  327, 
360,388,  494,  521,  539,  669,  756,  786,  814, 
880,  887,  897,  920,  938,  982,  1000,  1035, 
1052,  1088,  1091,  1107,  1108,  1154,  1174, 
1184,  1257,  1274,  1310,  1361,  1381,  1386, 
1402,  1416,  1418,  1454,  1455,  1476,  1523, 
1558,  1607,  1609,  1635,  1639,  1661,  1682, 
1683,  1690,  1703,  1704,  1771,  1782,  1803, 
1841,  1847,  1863,  1919,  1944,  1945,  1988, 
2014,  2019,  2055,  2090,  2117,  2141,  2171, 
2172,  2222,  2238,  2239,  2274,  2282,  2375, 
2416,  2542,  2587,  2650,  2664,  2752,  2782, 
2823,  2842,  2894,  2971,  3002,  3086,  3131, 
3188,  3219,  3223,  3239,  3285,  3322,  3339, 
3340,  3351,  3360,  3388,  3413,  3459,  3462, 
3481,  3482,  3493,  3495,  3497,  3502,  3545 

resolutions  by , 17, 

42,  388,  420,  435,  1107,  1609,  2842 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 53,  330,  331 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 122,  123, 

125,  126,  158,  159,  206,  208,  221,  222,  224, 
228,  231,  246,  247,  248,  250,  252,  255,  256 

remarks  relating  to  naval  supplies 134, 

135,  136,  137,  320,  3368,  3436 


District  of  Columbia — Continued. 

remarks   on  the  proposed   expulsion  of  Mr. 
Davis 175,  254 

remarks  on  the  resolution  concerning  investi- 
gating committees 388, 

420,  421,  436,  437,  438 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 421,  525, 

589,  1180,  1181,  1182,  1184,  1208,  1210 
(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  483,  566,  638, 

639,  640,  641,  704,  705,  1028,  2288,  2298 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 488, 

489,  490,  492,  494,  902,  903,  905,  907 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion..522,  1283,  1406,  1448,  1465,  1488,  1489 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 592,  593,  594 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 622, 

654,  655,  656,  657 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  g-rant 923, 

964,  965,  966,  967,  968,  969, 

1031,  1032,  1033,  1034,  1035 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill .  ...1111 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association 1138,  1139,  1617,  1618 

remarks  on  Metropolitan  railroad  bill 1159 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  Indian  affairs 

in  California 1184,  1209 

remarks  on  the  return  of  the  refugee  Indians, 

1455, 1456 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...1570 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford 1636,  1637 

remarks  on  the  land  grant  to  Wisconsin  rail- 
roads  1638,  166_^2 

remarks  on  the  organization  ofMontana...l705, 

1745,  1746,  1804,  1842,  1843,  1844,  1845 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1773,  1775,  1846 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1812 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State 

of  Wisconsin 1863, 

1864,  2623,  2624,  2698,  2729,  27.52,  2929 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1929,  1930,  1931,  1933 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2054,2055 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 2019, 

2121,  2125,  2126,  2127,  2145,  2146, 

2147,  2148,  2149,  2155,  2174,  2175, 

2176,  2177,  2179,  2180,  2181,  2206 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the 

Navajo  captives.... ..2172,  2173,  2174 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  disasters 

on  Red  river..  2219,  2220,  2221 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2379, 

2380,  2381,  2383,  2397,  2417 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2497, 

2635,  2738 
remarks  on  the  resolutionof  thanks  to  Colonel 

Joseph  Bailey 2587,  2588,  2665 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill 2651, 

2780,  2781 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2830, 

3090,3091,3093 

remarks    on    the    Indian    appropriation    bill, 

2845,  2846,  2847,  2848,  2849,  2850,  2869, 

2870,  2871,  2873,  2874,  2877,  2878,  3077 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to   land  claims  in 

California 2868,  3087 

remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2903 

remarks  on  the  Wisconsin  military  road  bill, 

2963,  2964,  2965 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2971,  3327,  3329 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill ; 3052 

remarks    on    the    inter-continental    telegraph 

bill 3068,3075, 

3076,  3088,  3120,  3121,  3122,  3123,  3125 
remarks  on  the  Flouse  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 3127,  3128 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3264 

remarks    on  the  commercial  intercourse  bill, 

2323,  3324 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  punishment  of  guer- 
rillas...'  3350,  3351,  3416 

remarks  on  a  government  for  the  rebellious 

States ...3407 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3438,  3440,  3443 

remarks  on  the  House  conscripfion  bill. ..3487 
remarks  on  final  adjournment.. 3506,  350S,  3510 


XIV 


INDEX  TO 


Donation  claims,  bill  (S.  No.  181)  in  reference 

to,  iaOrcgoii  and  Wayhiiifijton 4. ..1207, 

1227,  lOGl,  18S7,  1919,  2015 
Doran,  E.  C,  bill  (S.  No.  94)  to  authorize  the 

settlement  of  the  accounts  of 4G0, 

643,  837,  874,  936 
Doughty,  William,  bill  (S.  No.  293)  to  empower 
the   Superannuated    Fund    Society   of  the 
Maryland  Annual  Conference  to  hold  prop- 
erty in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  to  take 

a  devise  under  the  will  of  the  late 2510, 

2586,  2G65,  2894,  2963,  3063 
Draft — see  Jlrmy. 
joint  resolution  to  authorize   the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  call  out  men  by,  for  one 

year 2372,3116 

Drainage,  bill  for  improving  the,  of  the  city  of 

Washington 55,  2818,  2883 

Draining  and  paving,  bill  to  provide  for  the  uni- 
form, of  tiie  streets  of  Washington 1861 

Duncan,  W.  H.&  C.S.,  bill  forthe  relief  of,  3002 
Duties,  joint  resolution  (No.  67)  to  increase  tem- 
porarily the,  on  imports 1864, 

1865,  1919,  1945,  2017 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Chandler 1920,  1922,  1931 

Mr.  Clark 1922,  1923 

Mr.  Collamer 1922,  1923,  1924,  1931 

Mr.  Conncss 1921, 

1922,  1929,  1931,  1932,  1933 

Mr.  Cowan I933 

Mr.  Davis 1928, 1929 

Mr.  Doolittle 1929,  1930,1931,  1933 

Mr.  Pessenden 1919,  1920, 

1921, 1923, 1924,  1929,  1930,  1932,  1933 

Mr.  Poster 1932,  1933 

Mr.  Grimes 1921,1922,  1929 

Mr.  Hale 1925,  1932 

Mr.  Hendricks 1922,  1929,  1930,  1931 

Mr.  Howard 1<}32 

Mr.  Howe.-. 1921,1922,  1923 

Mr.  Johnson 1922, 

1924,  1925,  1929,  1930,  1931,  1933 

Mr.  McDougall 1930, 1932,  1933 

Mr.  Morgan 1929 

Mr.  Ponicoy 1923,  1930 

Mr.  Powell 1933 

Mr.  Sherman 1920, 

1921,  1923,  1925,  1929, 1930,  1931,  1933 

Mr.  Sumner j* 1919, 

1929,  1930,  1931,  1932,  1933 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck.. 1933 

Mr.  Wilson 1922 

yeas  and  nays  on  the. ..1929,  1931,  1932,  1933 
(Sec  Revenue.) 

E. 
Election,  joint  resolution  (No.  78)  providing  for 
the,  of  a  member  of  Congress  for  the  State 

of  Illinois  by  the  State  at  large 2283, 

2300,  2344,  2436 

joint  resolution   (S.  No.   75)   declaring  what 

States  of  the  Union  are  entitled  to  vote  at  the 

approaching  presidential 3388 

Elections  in  the  States,  bill  (S.  No.  37)  to  pre- 
vent military  and  naval  officers  and  other  per- 
sons in  the  service  of  the  United  States  from 

interfering  in 12,  95,  97,  101,  622,  798, 

868,  924,  938,  960,  1207,  12.35,  1250,  1258, 
1274,  2222,  2963,  3158,  3192,  3224,  3226 
(See  Appendix.) 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony .'...1260 

Mr.  Clark 95^  2003 

Mr.  Davis 102,104,  1250 

Mr.  Dixon 3I59 

Mr.  Poot 2223 

Mr.  Poster 31gQ 

Mr.  Grimes 95^  101 

Mr.  Hale 0963^  3159 

Mr.  Harlan 3100 

Mr.  Hendricks 102,  3159 

Mr,  Howard G22,  1207,  1235,  1236, 

1258,  2963,  3158,  3159,  3192,  3193,  3326 

Mr.  Johnson 1*535 

1276,  12«3,  2223,  3158,  3159,  3192, 3^193 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 102, 

103,  104,  105,  107,  108 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1260,  3160 

Mr.  McDougall 96,  3160 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3158,  3159 

Mr.  Powell 12 

95, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107,  ios,'  798! 
868v  924,  9;i8,  960,  1260,  1261,  2222, 
2823,  2963,  3158,  3J59, 3100,  3224, 332G 


Elections  in  the  States,  bill  (S.  No.  37)  to  pre- 
vent military  and  naval  officers  and  other  per- 
sons in  the  service  of  the  United  States  from 
interfering  in — Conlinued. 
remarks  on  the,  by- — 

Mr.  Saulsbury r....,..102,  103,  105, 

106,  1250,  1258,  1260,  1274,  1276,  3159 

Mr.  Sherman 3224 

Mr.  Sumner 3326 

Mr.  Trumbull 1260,  3158,  3326 

Mr.  Wade 3158 

Mr.  Wilson 96,  97,  105,  106 

yeas  and  nays  on  the. ..97, 102,  2963,  3160, 3326 
Emancipation,  bill  establishing  a  Bureau  of.. .253 
bill  (S.  No.  159)  to  aid  the  proclamation  of,  is- 
sued by  the  President  on  the  1st  day  of  Jan- 
uary, 1863 1022 

Emigrants,  bill  (No.  196)  to  aid  in  the  protection 

of,  to  the  Territories 1035,  1036,  1082 

Emigration,  bill  (S.  No. 140)  to  provide  for  the  pro- 
tection of  overland,  to  the  States  and  Terri- 
tories of  the  Pacific. ...864,  880,  900,  924,936 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  61)  amendatory  of  an 
act  for  the  protection    of  overland,  to  the 

States  and  Territories  of  the  Pacific 2842 

Emigration    Company,  North  American   Land 

and,  bill  (S.  No.  64)  to  incorporate  the. ..253 

Engineers,  bill  (No.  251)  to  organize  a  regiment 

of  veteran  volunteer 1035, 

1036,  1523,  2197,  2325,  2344,  2436 
(See  JSTaval  Constructors.) 

Engrossed  Bills,  the  Coramittre  on 16 

Enlistment,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  261)  to  provide  for 
the  voluntary,  ofany  persons  resident  in  cer- 
tain States  ill  the  regiments  o^other  States, 
842,  999,  1130,  1403,  2222 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Collamer 1403 

Mr.  Grimes 1403,1404 

Mr.  H:owe 1404 

Mr.  Sherman 1130,1131,  1403,  1404 

Mr.  Trumbull 1404, 1405 

Mr.  Wilson 999, 

1130, 1131,  1403,  1404,  1405,  2222 

Enlistments,  bill  (S.  No.  8)  to  encourage,  into  the 

naval  service,  and  to  credit  enlisted  men  to 

the  military  quotas  of  the  States  of  which  they 

may  be  citizens 14,  17,  262 

bill  (S.  N0.4J,)  to  promote,  in  the  Army,  134, 
253,  289,  361,  388,  394,  421,  438,  460,  524, 
539, 553, 680, 922, 984, 1176,  1207,  1210, 1228 

bill  (S.  No.  151)  relating  to 960,  999, 

1083,  1108,  1176,  3407,  3408,  3442,  3492 

joint  resolution  to  encourage,  and  to  promote 

the  efficiency  of  the  military  forces  of  the 

United  States 2324 

Enrolled  Bills,  the  Joint  Committee  on. ...16, 3388 

Enrollment  and  license,  bill  (No.  374)  to  exempt 

certain  vessels  therein  named  from,  and  from 

the  payment  of  tonnage  duty 1382, 

1402,  1454,  1918 
bill  (S.  No.  39)  to  authorize  the,  of  the  steam- 
tugs  B.  P.  Davidson  and  W.  K.  Muir...  .960, 

982,  1000 
Enrollment — see  Army. 
Entries  of  land,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  217)  to  confirm 

certain,  in  Missouri 960,  961, 

1944,3028,3063,3077,3190 
Essex,  bill  (S.  No.  273)  to  compensate  the  offi- 
cers and  crew  of  the  iron-clad  gunboat,  for 
the  destruction  of  the  rebel  ram  Arkansas, 
2217,  3160,  3415,  3444,  3483 
Examination,  bill  (S.  No.  85)  to  provide  forthe, 

of  certain  officers  of  the  Army 420, 

460,  542,  311G,  3126,  3188,  3289 

Exemplifications,  bill  (S.  No.  278)  prescribing 

the  terms  on  which,  shall  be  furnished  by  the 

General  Land  Office...2299,  3002,3482,3500 

Expulsion,  resolution  proposing  the,  of  Garrett 

Davis,  a  Senator  from  Kentucky. ..139,  144, 

146,  174, 254,  319,  343,  360,  363,  389,  418 

F. 

Past:  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  74)  requesting  the 
President  to  appoint  a  day  for  national  hu- 
miliation and  prayer ' 3550, 

J  3374,  3446,  3481,  3501 

Pees,  bill  to  regulate  the,  of  the  clerk's  office  of  the 

supreme  court  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 

920,1107 
bill  (S.  No.  296)  in  relation  to,  and  emoluments 
of  the  marshal,  attorney,  and  clerk  of  the  su- 
preme court  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  2651, 
27116, 2922,  3028,  3224,  3266, 3292, 3360 


Fessenden,  William  Pitt,  a  Senator  from  Maine, 
13,  16,  24,  36,  37,  41,  42,  43,  75,  81; 
86,  134,  152,  153, 197,  200, 219,  220,  252, 
262, 263, 343,  360,  361, 371, 387, 396,  435, 
460,  494,  521, 585,  608, 645, 646,  669,  671, 
744,  814,  815,  816,  843,  865,  868,  879, 
880,  897,  899,  1045,  1052,  1092,  1131, 
1163,  1164,  1207,  1250,  1274,  1370, 1385, 
1386,  1405,  1417,  1418,  1465,  1478,  1522, 
1558,  1559,  1608,  1018,  1638,  1639, 1662, 
1683,  1782,  1945,  1946,  1987,  1988,  2055, 
2082,  2088,  2172,  2375,  2437,  2459,  2486, 
2496,  2512,  2554,  2654,  2665,  2707,  2770, 
2771,  2777,  2818,  2844,  2879,  2894,  2895, 
2907,  2923,  2930,  2962,  2972,  3002,  3003, 
3004,  3030,  3040,  3087,  3116,  3289,  3377 

resolutions  by. ....41, 1813 

remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  West  Vir- 
ginia Senators 2 

remarks  on  the  seat  of  Hon.  Robert  Wilson, 

of  Missouri 9,  10 

remarks  on  appointment  of  committees. ..15,  16 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath  of 

office 54,57 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 58, 

59,  60,  63,  66,  67,  68 

remarks  on  tlie  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 76, 

77,  78,  79 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 121, 

122,  162,  202,  203,  207,  208,  229,  230,  231, 

238,  240,  241,  242,  247,  248,  754,  755,  756 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  continue  the  payment  of 

bounties 119, 152,  153 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  the  expulsion  of 

Mr.  Davis 139,  370,  371,  391,  392 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) #35, 

460,  462,  484,  485,  486,  487,  488, 
489,  490,  491,  492,  494,  719,  769, 
814,  874,  900,  902,  903,  904,  907 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  481,  482,  483,  484,  562,  564, 

636,  638,  771,  821,  868,  869,  870,  871,  872 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) ...539, 
608,  GOO,  610,  611,  612,  613,  614, 
615,  616,  617,  619,  620,  621,  622,  635, 
646,  647,  648,  649,  650,  651,  652,  663, 
654,  655,  656,  657,  1001,  1052,  1053 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  members  from 

acting  as  counsel 555,  556,  557,  558,  560 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 588, 

589,  590,  594,  771,  772,  792,  794,  795,  796 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 786,  787 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  41)  to  continue  the 

payment  of  bounties 866,  867 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill,  881,882,883,  884,  885 

remarks  on  the  gold  bill 1051,  1136, 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill 1053, 

1054,  1058,  1085,  1086,  109i,  1210 
remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 
1092,  1093,  1094,  1095,  1096,  1109, 
1110,  1111,  1114,  1115,  1116, 1118, 
1131,  1133,  1134,  1135,  1136,  2542 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1130, 

1316,  1370,  1405,  1406,  1421,  1465 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  promote  enlistments, 1 180, 

1182,  1183,  1212 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  transfers  from 

the  Army  to  the  Navy : 1435 

remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill,  1523, 1524, 

1525, 1526,  1527,  1528,  1529,  1530,  1560, 

1561,  1562,  1566,  1567,  1569,  1570,  1571, 

1572,  1573,  1574,  1576,  1609,  1610,  1612 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford 1636,  1637 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1639, 

1640,  1694,  1705,  1706 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1640,  1642,  1643, 

1647,  1G50,  1668,  1669,  1671,  1672,  2930 
remarks  on  the  alteration  of  the  Treasury  ex- 
tension  1661,  1662 

remarks  on  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre 1662, 

16G3,  1673 
remarks     on     the     legislative     appropriation 

bill 1673,  1685,  1686,  1687, 

1G88,  1689,  1690,  1691,  1692,  1693,  1694, 
1706,  1707,  1708,  1709,  2458,  2484,  3039 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  Provost  Mar- 
shal General 1685,  1704 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

ofliccs.... 1774, 

1775,  1846,  1946,  1947,  1950,  1951,  1952 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XV 


Fessenden,  William  Pitt,  a  Senator  from  Maine — 

Continued.  ' 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1805, 

180G,  1808,  1810,  1813,  1813,  2015, 

2050,  2351,  2521,  2851,  2853,  2854 

remarks  relating  to  the  reporting  of  absentees, 

1813,  2088,  2089,  2090 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State 

of  Wisconsin ...1847,  1863, 

1864,  2017,  2052,  2053,  2729,  2730,  2751 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1865, 

1868,  1869,  1870,  1871,  1879,  1873,  1874, 
1891,  1894,  1895,  1896,  1897,  1953,  1959, 
1989,  2122,  2123,  2126,  2127,  2130,  2131, 
2132,  2146,  2147,  2181,  2182,  2185,  2202 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1919,1920, 

1921,  1923,  3924,  1929,  1930,  1932, 1933 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2015, 

2344,  2437,  2438,  2439,  2440,  2441, 
24'42,  -2443,  2444,  2445,  2446,  2447, 
2459,  2460,  2462,  2463,  2464,  2465, 
2466,  2467,  2469,  2470,  2487,  2488,  2489, 
2490,  2491,  2492,  2493,  2494,  2495,  2496, 
2497,  2498,  2499,  2500,  2501,  2511,  2513, 
2515,  2516,  2517,  2518,  2519,  2520,  2521, 
2522,  2523,  2524,  2525,  2526,  2546,  2549, 
2550,  2551,  2554,  2555,  2556,  2557,  2558, 
2559,  2560,  2561,  2562,  2569,  2574,  2575, 
2590,  2591,  2593,  2594,  2595,  2599,  2602, 
2603,  2626,  2627,  2628,  2629,  2630,  2631, 
2632,  2633,  2656,  2657,  2658,  2659,  2660, 
2661,  2662,  2663,  2665,  2666,  2667,  2668, 
2669,  2670,  2671,  2698,  2699,  2700,  2701, 
2702,  2703,  2705,  2709,  2710,  2713,  2714, 
2715,  2730,  2731,  2732,  2733,  2734,  2735, 
2738,  27.39,  2740,  2741,  2754,  2755,  2756, 
2757,  2758,  2759,  2760,  2761,  2764,  2768, 
2769,  2770,  3039,  3254,  3255,  3256,  3266 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2022,  2023,  2025,  2026,  2028,  2054 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2277 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  resolution 
increasing  temporarily  the  duties  on  im- 
ports   2510,  2782,  2783,  2784,  2908,  2923 

,    remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2589, 

2784,  2785,  2786,  2845 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2751, 

2849,  2850,  2877,  2878 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2921,  3004,3005, 

3006,  3009,  3011,  3012,  3013,  3014, 
3030,  3031,  3032,  3033,  3034,  3035, 
3036,  3037,  3038,  3039,  3041,  3042, 
3044,  3045,  3046,  3047,  3048,  3049, 
3050,  3051,  3052,  3053,  3323,  3368 
remarks  on  fortification  bill  ...2923,  2924,  2925 
■     remarks    on    the    Wisconsin    military    road 

bill .....2964,2965 

remarks    on    the   inter-continental    telegraph 

bill 3072,  3073,  3075,  3076 

remarks  on  the  Kittery  naval  hospital  bill,  3175, 

3176 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill  ...3229, 

3230,  3231,  3232 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3251,  3289 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3364 
remarks  on  House  commutation  bill,  3379, 3381 

remarks  on  claims  for  Army  supplies 3419 

Finance,  the  Committee  on,  16,  2324,  2351,  2384 

instructions  to 42,  1130,3001 

.reports  from 75, 

152,  262,  343,  387,  435,  539,  881,  999, 
1207,  1344,  1345,  1416,  1683,  1771,  1919, 
2050,  2299,  2343,  2344,  2435,  2484,  2510, 
2751,  2921,  3188,  3190,  3219,  3251,  3357 

discharged  from  subjects  .•; 880, 

896,  1207,  1559,  1944,  2324,  3547 

Finkle,  Milton,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1743 

Fire  engine,  bill  providing  for  the  purchase  of  a 

steam 1108 

Fishback,  William  M. ,  a  Senator  from  Arkansas, 

credentials  of,  presented 2392,  2458 

report  on  the 3285,  3360 

action  of  the  Senate  in  the  case  of,  and  Elisha 
Baxter,  claiming  seats  as  Senators  from  Ar- 
kansas  2392,2458,  2586,  3285,  3360 

Fisheries,  bill  (S.  No.  134)  to  repeal  all  acts  or 
parts  of  acts  granting  allowances  or  boun- 
ties on  the  tonnage  of  vessels  engaged  in  the 

Bank  or  other  cod 813,  880,  2818 

Fisk,  Almon  D.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs 
of. .^-,81,  670,  7>9,  1045 


Fitch,  Richard,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3117, 

3415,  3444,  34.83 
Fitzgerald,  Daniel,and  Jonathan  Ball,  bill  for  the 

relief  of. 1743,  2225,  2279,  2300,  2707 

Floating  batteries,  joint  resolution  (No.  95)  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  amend 
the  contract  with  John  Ericsson  for  the  con- 
struction of  two  impregnable,  the  Dictator 

and  the  Puritan 3086, 

3088,  3116,  3166,  3170,  3219,  3360 

Ford,  Joseph,  bill  (H.  R.  No. 228)  confirming  the 

title  of,  to  certain  lands  in  Rice  county,  in 

the  State  of  Minnesota 635, 

719,  1454,  1616,  1636,  1682,  1802 

Foreign  Relations,  the  Committee  on 16 

instructions  to,  153, 1402, 2436, 2651, 3157, 3232 

reports  from 153, 

262,  460,  880,  896,  982,  999,  1022, 
1154,  1228,  1402,  1618,  2117,  2197,  2343, 
2587,  2777,  2778,  2921,  3251,  3289,  3359 

discharged  from  subjects 2586,  2622 

Foot,  Solomon,  a  Senator  from  Vermont 1, 

3,  10,  12,  14,  17,  24,  36,  42,  44,  75;  95, 
100,  101,  117,  118, 134, 153,  173,  197,  208, 
210,  219,  360,  420,  522,  553,  657,  669,  693, 
938,  960,  999, 1086, 1107, 1207, 1257, 1258, 
1261,  1310,  1331,  1345,  1424,  1840,  1847, 
1860,  1990,  2054,  2055,  2087,  2139,  2171, 
2223,  2300,  2384,  2423,  2424,  2458,  2552, 
2586,  2621,  2707,  2866,  2869,  2894,  2962, 
3001,  3028,  3039,  3062,  3086,  3188,  3338, 
3375,  3436,  3491,  3492,  3498,  3514,  3541 

resolutions  by 3,  17,  153,  197,  1860,  3541 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  joint  rules, 

36,  198,  199,200 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath  of 

office 296 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  office  of  the 

Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings 606, 

607,  608,  669,   1082,  1331, 
1332,  1333,  2392,  2393,  2394 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 819, 

868,  2288,  2301,  2306 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405)... .2514, 

2560,  2625,  2628,  2761 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2935 

remarks  on  the  tariffbill 3012 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3100, 

3205,  3206 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3259 

Fortifications,  bill  (H.R.  No.  207)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  construction,  preservation, 
and  repairs  of  certain,  and  other  works  of  de- 
fense, for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of  June, 

1865 2082,  2299,  2923, 

3407,  3408,  3409,  3448,  3452,  3461,  3511 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Conness 2925,  2926 

Mr.  Fessenden 2923,  2924,  2925 

Mr.  Grimes 2924,  2925,  3448 

Mr.  Harris 2924 

Mr.  Johnson 2925 

Mr.  Nesmith 2926 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3409 

Mr.  Sherman 2924 

Mr.  Sumner , 2923,  2924,  3448 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2925 

Mr.  Wilson 2923 

Fort  Pillow,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  N.  65)  di- 
recting the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the 

v/ar  to  examine  into  the  attack  on 1662, 

1665,  1673,  1744,  1842 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Conness 1663,  1664 

Mr.  Fessenden 1662,  1663,  1673 

Mr.  Grimes 1664 

Mr.  Howard,  1662, 1663,  1664,  1665,  1673 

Mr.  Johnson 1663,  1664,  1673 

Mr.  Powell 1664,  1673 

Mr.  Sumner 1673 

Mr.  Trumbull 1664 

Mr.  Wade ; 1663 

Mr.  Wilson 1662,  1664 

Forts,  military  prisons,  and  hospitals,  joint  reso- 
lution (S.  No.  73)  to  allow  Senators  and 
Representatives  to  visit,  within  their  re- 
spective States 3232,  3285,  3326 

Foster,  La  Fayette  S.,  a  Senator  from  Connecti- 
cut  12,47,  83,  97,  101,  118, 

134,  139,  144,  197,  198,  252,  262^319,  420, 
437,  460,  537,  584,  585,  606,  643,  644,  744, 
837,  864,  880,  885,  921,  922,  938,  999, 1082, 
1088,  1108,  1130,  1139,  1154,  1160,  1162,  I 


Foster,  La  Fayette  S.,  a  Senator  from  Connecti- 
cut— Continued. 
1163,  1174,  1207,  1216,  1310,  1445,  1476, 
1522,  1607,  1618,  1635,  1636,  1703,  1705, 
1715,  1774,  1944,  1990,  2014,  2051,  2055, 
2139,  2197,  2219,  2301,  2343,  2371,  2423, 
2424,  2457,  2543,  2551,  2600,  2622,  2651, 
2727,  2807,  2842,  2866,  2962,  2971,  3004, 
3062,  3086,  3138,  3160,  3250,  3292,  3299, 
3340,  3357,  3359,  3375,  3409,  2410,  3413, 
3415,  3455,  3482,  3501,  3502,  3509,  3544 

resolutions  by 197,  697,  837,  1661,  2651 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 127, 

207,  230,  247,  249 
remarks  on   the  proposed   expulsion   of  Mr. 

Davis 146,  147,  254,  390,  391 

remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Corne- 
lius Vanderbilt 258 

remarks  on  the  bill   for  the  relief  of  Albert 

Brown 463,  644,  645,  696,  697,  698,  699 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  members  from 

acting  as  counsel 557,  562 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 562, 

563,  638,  821 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ...646, 

655,  657,  658 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 900 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant 969 

remarks  on  consular  ahd  diplomatic  bill. ...1094 
remarks  on  the  pay  and  pension  of  chaplains, 

1163,  1164 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. .1562, 

1567,  1572,  1575 
remarks  on  the  admission  of  Nebraska. ..1558, 

1559 
remarks  on  the  alteration  of  the  Treasury  ex- 
tension  ; 1661 

remarks   on    the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

law i709,  1715, 

1746,  1747,  1748,  1749,  1750,  1751,  1752 
remarks     on     the     legislative     appropriation 

bill 1706,  1708,  1709 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1932,  1933 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ..2240 
remarks  on  the  bill  granting  a  pension  to  Mrs. 

E.  M.  Whipple 2280 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...2515, 

2603,  2736 

remarks  on  the  tariffbill 3036, 

3037,  3038,  3041,  3051,  3052,  S368 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3133,  3136 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  3168 

remarks  on  supplementary  pension  act. ...3232, 

3233,  3368,  3369,  3412 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill.. ..3261 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3379, 

3380,  3488,  3489 

Fox,  Esther  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 960, 

961,  1665,  2371 

Franked  matter,  bill  in  relation  to 1771, 

1862,  2510,  2551,  2651 
Frauds,  bill  to  prevent,  in  the  collection  of  the  in- 
ternal revenue,  and  to  prevent  smuggling. .921 
bill  (No.  360)  for  the  prevention  and  punish- 
ment of,  in  relation  to  the  names  of  ves- 
sels  1274,  1361,  1888,  2050,  2139 

bill  (S.  No.  237)  supplemental  to  an  act  to  pre- 
vent, upon  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States, 

approved  February  26,  1853 1661,  1743 

Freedmen,bill  (S.  No.  45)  to  set  apart  a  portion 
of  the  State  of  Texas  for  tlie  use  of  persons 

of  African  descent 145,  238,  450,  586,  672 

bill  (S.  No.  128)  to  provide  for  the  renting  of 
abandoned  lands, tenements,  and  houses  in 
insurrectionary  States,  and  fdr  the  care  and 
employment  of  persons  therein  set  free  by 

proclamation  of  the  President 744 

bill  (S.  No.  169)  to  repeal  all  acts  making  ap- 
propriation for  the  colonization  of  free  per- 
sons of  African  descent 1108,  2218 

Freedmen's  Affairs,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  51)  to  estab- 
lish a  Bureau  of. 896, 

908,  1082,  1559,  2457,  2786,  2798,  2931, 
2966,  2967,  3292,  3299,  3303,  3327,  3341 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3336 

Mr.  Brown 2972, 

2975,  3300,  3334,  3335,  3336 

Mr.  Buckalew 2931,2970,  3300, 

3301,  3328,  3329,  3330,  3335,  3341,  3350 
Mr.  Carlile 2969.  S'JDA,  3306 


XVI 


INDEX  TO 


Frcedmcn's  Affairs,  bill  (PI.  R.  No.  51)  to  Rstab- 
lish  a  Cureau  of — Conlinueil. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Chandler 3341,  3348,  3350 

Mr.  Collamer 3337 

Mr.  Conncss 2931, 

2970,  3304,  3305,  3327,  3335,  3336,  3337 
Mr.  Cowan. ..3301,  3302,  330G,  3307,  3308 
Mr.  Davis 3293, 

3.328,  3341,  3342,  3345,  3348,  3349,  3350 

Mr.  Doolittle 2971,  3327,  3329 

Mr.  Fessenden 2972 

Mr.  Foot 2935 

Mr.  Fo.ster 2971 

Mr.  Grimes 2787,2801,  29.31,  2932, 

2935,  2971,  2972,  2973,  2974, 2975,  3299, 
3300,  3304,  3327,  3328,  3331,  3333,  3337 

Mr.  Hale 3308,  9309,  3348 

Mr.  Harlan 29G6,  2973,  3303,  3327 

Mr.  Henderson 2800 

Mr.  Hendricks 2803,  2931, 

2932,  2972,  2977,  3301,  3302, 3303,  3304, 
3308,  3309,  3327,  3328,  3345,  .3346,  3350 

Mr.  Hicks 2970,  3336 

Mr.  Howard 3300,  3301 

Mr.  Howe 2803,  2804, 

2971,  3302,  3304,  3330,  3331,  3332,  3337 

Mr.  Johnson 2803,  2932,  2934,  3337 

Mr.  McDougall 2931, 

3304,  3305,  3306,  3308,  3337,  3349 

Mr.  Morrill 3330 

Mr.  Pomeroy 2931,  3301,  3335,  3337 

Mr.  Powell 2787, 

2966,  3292,  3300,  3302,  3303,  3346,  3350 

Mr.  Richardson 2801,  2302,  2803 

Mr.  Saulsbury 2787,  2933,  2934, 

2935,  2966,  2967,  2968,  2969,  3330,  3336 

Mr.  Sherman 2803,2804,  3.304 

Mr.  Sumner 2786,  2787,  2798, 

2800,  2801,  2802,  2803,  2931,  2932, 
2933,  2935,  2971,  2972,  2973,  2974, 
2975,  2976,  29'?7,  3292,  3299,  3300, 
3301,  3302,  3303,  3304,  3309,  3327, 
3328,  3329,  3330,  3331,  3332,  3333, 
3334,  3336,  3337,  3341,  3342,  3346 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2967,  2968,  2969 

Mr.  Trumbull 3304,  3306,  3307,  3345 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3341, 

3342,  3344,  3345,  3346,  3348 

Mr.  Willey 2933,  2934, 

2975,  2976,  2977,  3301,  3328,  3329, 
3330,  3334,  3335,  3336,  3337,  3341 

Mr.  Wilson 2786, 

2801,  2803,  2804,  3300,  3307, 3308,  3327, 
3331,  3332,  3333,  3334,  3337,  3341,  3349 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2931, 

2979,  3293,  3303,  3327,  3330,  3337,  3350 

Fugitives,  bill  (No.  141)  to  repeal  all  acts  for  the 

rendition  of,  from  service  or  labor. ..14,  521, 

864,  880,  961,  1000,  1175,  1709,  1746,  1775 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 1752,  1782 

Mr.  Buckalew 880,  1709 

Mr.  Conne3s...864,  1710,  1715,  1754,1782 

Mr.  Davis 961, 

1000,  1001,  1175,  1711,  1712,  1715 

Mr.  Doolittle 1782 

Mr.  Fessenden 1782 

Mr.  Foster 1709,  1715, 

1746,  1747,  1748,  1749,  1750,  1751,  1752 

Mr.  Hale 1715,  1754 

Mr.  Henderson 1710 

Mr.  Hendricks 1001,  1709,  1754 

Mr.  Howard  1782 

Mr.  Johnson 1175,  1710,  1711, 

1712,  1713,  1714,  1715,  1748,  1749,  1754 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1754 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1709,  1710,  1782 

Mr.  Powell 880,  1175,  1715 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1715 

Mr.  Sherman 1710,  1714 

Mr.  Sumner 14,  521,  864, 

880,  961,  1000,  1001,  1175,  1176,  1709, 
1710, 1711, 1712,  1713, 1714, 1715,  1746, 
1747,  1748,  1749,  1750,  1751,  1754,  1782 

Mr.  Trumbull 1709,  1754 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 1754,  1775 

Mr.  Wilkinson 1714 

Mr.  Wilson 1715,  1752,  1782 

ycaa  and  nays  on  the 1714,  1715 

Fugitive  slaves,  bill  (II.  R.  No.  512)  to,  repeal 
the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1850,  and  all  acts  and 

parts  of  acts  for  Iho  rendition  of. 2926, 

2963,  3126,  3158,  317C,  3191,  3266,  3360 


Fugitive  slaves,  bill  (11.  R.  No.  512)  to  repeal  the 
fugitive  slave  act  of  I85O,  and  all  acts  and 
partsof  acts  for  the  rendition  of — Continued. 
remarJcs  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Chandler ..^ - 3176 

Mr.  Conness 3129 

Mr.  Davis 2963,3128,  3191 

Mr.  Doolittle 3127,  3128 

Mr.  Grimes 3128 

Mr.  Hale 3128, 3158 

Mr.  Hendricks 3126, 

3127,  3129,  3158,  3191 

Mr.  Howard 3127,  3129,  3177,  3178 

Mr.  Johnson, 2963,  3176,3177,3178,3191 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3177,  3178 

Mr.  McDougall 3177,  3191 

Mr.  Powell. ..2963,  3128,  3197,  3177,  3178 

Mr.  Riddle 3178 

Mr.  Saulsbury 2963, 

3127,  3176,  3177,  3178,  3191 

Mr.  Sherman 3177 

Mr.  Sumner 2963,  3126, 

3127,  3128,  3129,  3158,  3176,  3177,  3178 

Mr.  Trumbull 3128,  3129 

Mr.  Willey 3177 

Mr.  Wilson 3127,  3129,  3176,  3191 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2963, 

3129,3158,3177,3191 

G. 
Gas-Light  Company, bill  to  amend  an  act  incor- 
porating the  Washington 360,  727 

bill  to  incorporate  the  Metropolitan,  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia 388,  1227 

bill  to  incorporate  the  Union,  of  the  District  of 
Columbia. .982,  1162,  1454,  1476,  1491,  1523 
bill  to  amend  the  act  incorporating  the  Wash- 
ington  3337 

Galbraith, Thomas  J.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2050, 
3001,  3322,  3442,  3481,  3501 

Gates,  Horace,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3481, 

3492,  3514,  3547 
Gem,  bill  to  change  the  name  of  the  steamboat, 

to  EmmaBoyce 1945,  2117 

Generals,  joint  resolution  to  drop  from  the  rolls 

of  the  Army  unemployed 2239 

Gilbert  &  Gensh,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3546,  3547 
Glen,  bill  to  indemnify  the  owners  of  the  British 

schooner 221,  232,  460,  586,  606,  699 

Gold,  silver,  and  foreign  exchange,  bill  (S.  No. 
9)  prohibiting  speculative  transactions  in. .24 
bill  (S.No.56)  prohibiting  thesale  of.. 173,  361 
bill  (S.  No.  106)  prohibiting  speculative  trans- 
actions in 539, 

1618,  1640,  1666,  2926,  2930,  3002,  3062 

bill  (S.  No.  325)  to  repeal  the  act  of  the  17ih 

of  June,  1864,  prohibiting  the  sales  of.. .3160, 

3446,  3461,  3481,  3501 

joint  resolution   (H.  R.  No.  37)  to  authorize 

the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  anticipate 

the  payment  of  interest  on  the  public  debt, 

990,  999,  1023,  1045,  1136,  1139,  1209 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Collamer ; 1052 

Mr.  Doolittle 1052 

Mr.  Fessenden 1051 

Mr.  Foot 999 

Mr.  Hendricks 1024,  1045,  1048,  1049 

Mr.  Johnson,  1023,  1047,  1048,1050, 1052 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1025 

Mr.  Powell 1049,  1052 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1052 

Mr.  Sherman 999,  1023,  1024, 

1025,  1045,  1046,  1047,  1048,  1051,  1052 

Mr.  Wilson 1025 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1052 

Goodloe,  Green   Clay,  joint  resolution  relating 

to 2283,  2300,  2344,  2436 

Goods,  bill  (S.  No.  93)  to  repeal  so  much  of  the 
acts  of  Congress  approved  March  3,  1845, 
and  August  6,  1846,  as  authorize  the  trans- 
portation of,  imported  from  foreign  countries 
through  the  United  States  to  the  Canadas,  or 
from  the  Canadas  through  the  United  States 

to  be  exported  to  foreign  countries 435, 

460,  2622 
bill  (No.  230)  to  extend  the  time  for  the  with- 
drawal of,  from  public  stores  and  bonded 

warehouses 837,  843,  874,  936 

bill  (S.  No.  282)  to  amend  an  act  to  extend  the 
time  for  the  withdrawal  of,  from  publicstores 

and  bonded  warehouses 2343, 

2347,  2878,  2879,  2930,  3002,  3062 
Gould,  Jessie,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  960, 1944,2842 


Government,  bill  (No.  244)  to  guaranty  to  cer- 
tain States  whose  governments    have  been 
usurped  or  overthrown  a  republican  form  of, 
2117,  2510,  3407,  3448,  3452, 
3457,  3459,  3482,  3491,  3544 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 3449,  S460,  3461 

Mr.  Carlile 3451, 

3452,  3453,  3454,  3457,  3459 

Mr.  Clark 3453 

Mr.  Conness 3460 

Mr.  Cowan 3407 

Mr.  Doolittle 3407 

Mr.  Hale 3449,  3460 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3449 

Mr.  Saulsbury 3460 

Mr.  Sumner 3460,  3461 

Mr.  Trumbull 3461 

Mr.  Wade 3407,  3448,  3449, 

3451,  2452,  3454,  3457,  3459,  3460,3491 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3453 

Mr.  Wilson 3451,  3452,  3461 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3407 

3449,  3460,  3461,  3491 
Grant — see  Public  Lands. 
Grants — see  Public  Lands. 

Grant,  Major  General  Ulysses  S.,  joint  resolu- 
tion (H.  R.  No.  1)  of  thanks  to,  and  the 
officers  and  soldiers  who  have  fought  under 
his  command  during  this  rebellion,  and  pro- 
viding that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
shall  cause  a  medal  to  be  struck  to  be  pre- 
sented to  General  Grant  in  the  name  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  of  America. ..12, 

36,41 
Green,  Warren  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..1416, 

1684,  2727,  2778,  2842 
Grimes,  James  W.,  a  Senator  from  Iowa,  3, 14,17, 
24,36,37,43,47,48,55,80,95,101,117,118, 
134,  145,  153,  173,  197,  198,  199,  220,  257, 
262,  319,  360,  387,  388,  435,  460,  466,  480, 
520,  523,  539,  581,  586,  643,  671,  672,  719, 
720,  721,  724,  725,  726,  727,  729,  744,  768, 
786,  788,  814,  815,  816,  836,  842,  864,  879, 
880,  887,  895,  897,  920,  92],  922,  936,  937, 
938,963,982, 1022, 1032, 1033, 1044,  1053, 
1082,  1107,  1108,  1131,  1154,  1161,  1162, 
1163,  1174,  1206,  1207,  1226,  1227,  1248, 
1250,  1309,  1310,  1331,  1332,  1344,  1382, 
1419,  1454,  1455,  1465,  1476,  1477,  1490, 
1558,  1615,  1616,  1617,  1637,  1661,  1671, 
1683,  1685,  1703,  1704,  1771,  1813,  1840, 
1841,  1842,  1887,  1888,  1889,  1919,  1944, 
1945,  1985,  1990,  2014,  2015,  2055,  2081, 
2218,  2221,  2222,  2224,  2225,  2227,  2239, 
2275,  2279,  2283,  2299,  2326,  2372,  2436, 
2511,  2586,  2587,  2600,  2601,  2664,  2665, 
2726,  2727,  2752,  2777,  2820,  2842,  2866, 
2867,  2894,  2907,  2921,  2922,  2923,  3029, 
3039,  3040,  3085,  3099,  3106,  3116,  3126, 
3128,  3129,  3130,  3157,  3160,  3194,  3220, 
3233,  3251,  3254,  3337,  3338,  3339,  3340, 
3358,  3359,  3369,  3407,  3411,  3412,  3413, 
3418,  3419,  3436,  3445,  3446,  3454,  3462 

credentials  of,  presented 519 

resolutions  by 118, 

523,  1227,  1310,  1382,  2239,  2299,  3029 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 58, 

59,  60,  67,  68 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 79 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the  en- 
rollment act 82,  83 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  inter- 
ference in  elections 95,  101 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 119, 

120,  121,  122,  126,  143,  160,  161, 162,  205, 
207,  208,  209,  210,  230,  231,  240,  241,  242, 
246,  250,  251,  255,  723,  724,  746,  749,  755 
remarks  relating  to  naval  su  pplies,  135, 137, 138, 
139, 360, 1082, 1520,  2371,  2372, 2405, 2414 
remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill. ..289,  361,  362, 
395,  396,  445, 1083,  1178, 1179, 1181, 1182 
remarks  on  the  resolution  with  regard  to  in- 
vestigating committees 421,  438 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Albert 

Brown 462,  463,  464,  698,  699 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  481,  633,  635, 

636,  638,  639,  641,  705,  770,  873,990, 1028, 
2284,  2286,  2288,  2303,  2304,  2305,  2306 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 486, 

488,  492,  900,  904,  907,  937,  938 

remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 554,  817 


THE  OONailESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XVII 


Grimes,  Janius  W.,  a  Senator  from  Iowa — Con- 
tinued. 
remtuks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General. ..587,  588,  589,  590,  789,  791 
remarks  on  deficiency  bill  {No.  156). ..610,  611, 
614,  652,  646,  648,  650,  651,  655,  657,  658 
remarks  on  amending  the  charier  of  George- 
town  .....720,  721,  722,  723 

remurlcs  on  appointing  a  warden  to  the  District 

jail -. 729,730 

remarks  on   the   bill  (No.  41)  to  continue  the 

payment  of  bounties. 866,  867,  868 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  spec- 
ulations  982,^983,  1001,  1003  j 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill. ..1054,  j 

1056,  1057,  1085,  1088,  1091,  1258 
remarks  on  the   bill   relating  to   the  deaf  and 

dumb  and  the  blind 1108,  1109 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

1110,  nil,  1113,  1114,  1115,  1131,  1133 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association 1138, 1137,  1138,  1139 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1140, 

1141,  3099 

remarks  on  tiie  organization  of  Montana,  1346, 

1362,  1639,  1842,  1845 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in 

the  seceded  Slates 1403,  1404 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  transfers  from 

the  Army  to  the  Navy 1434, 

1435,  1436,  1437,  1453,  1519,  1520 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation   bill,  1524, 

1528,  1562,  1563,  1566,  15G7,  1569, 

1570,  1571,  1576,  1610,  1611,  1612 

-remarks  on    compensating  the    sailors  of  the 

Baron  De  Kalb 1613,  1614 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  volunteer  naval 

appointments 1614,   1615 

remarks  on  the  Port  Pillow  massacre 1664 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1690,  1691 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bnrfau  of 

Military  Justice,  1803,  1804,  1900,2055,2088 

remarks  on  the  Army  appro[niation  bill.. 1806, 

1812,  1813 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  r^ii^'f  of  the  State 

of  Wisconsin... 1847,  2017,  2119,  2623,  2754 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1865, 

1866,    1867,   1868,    1869,   1870,    1874, 

2020, 2021,  2022, 2023, 2024, 2025, 2026, 

2127,  2144,  2145,  2181,2182,2200,2206 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1921,  1922,  1929, 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2023,  2024,  2028,  2029,  2054 

remarks  on  the  bill   providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 2118,  2373,  2374,  237;5,  2435 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  disasters 

on  Red  river 2219,2220 

remarks  on  the  bill  granting  a  pension  to  Mrs. 

E.  M.  Whipple .....2280,2281 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  priniino-  of 

documents 2309,  2310 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio ....2344,  2346 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2352, 

2353,  2356,  2357,  2358,  2383,  2403 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2440, 

2443,    2444,    2445,    2465,    2466,    2467, 

2468,    2501,   2514,   2516,    2546,    2563, 

9569,    2594,   2626,   2627,    2628,    2630, 

2631,   2632,   2656,    2658,    2663,    2669, 

2698,  2700,  2701,2706,  2709,2711,2712, 

2714,  2730,  2731,2733,  2735,2738,2739, 

2756,  2757,  2759,  2760,  2765,  2770,  3254 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  tlie 

city  of  Washington. ..2436,  2512,  2543,  2545 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  gunboat 

contractors 2653, 

2654,  3170,  3171,  3172,  3173,  3174,  3175 
remarks  ©n  the  bill  to  esiablish  a  Freedinen's 

Bureau..... 2787,  2801,  2931,  2932, 

2935,  2971,  2972,  2973,- 2974,  2975,  3299, 

3300,  3304,  3327,  3328,  3331,  3333,  3337 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. ...2805,  2807, 

2832,  3092,  3094,  3096,  3097, 

3101,  3102,  2103,  3195,  3206 

remarkson  the  Indianappropriation  bill,  2872, 

2875,  2876,  2877 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2904,  2905,2906 

remarJfs  on  fortification  bill... .2924,  2925,  3448 

remarks  on  the  Wisconsin  military  road  bill, 

•'--'^^•'»-  2964,2965,2966 

38th  Cong. — 1st  Sess. 


Grimes,  James  W.,  a  Senator  from  Iowa — Con- 
tinued. 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3034, 

3038,  3045,  3051,  3053 
remarks    on    the    inter-contmentai    telegraph 

bill ..:. 3068,  3069,  3071,3072, 

3075,  3118,  3119,  3120,  3122,  2123,  3125 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad    bill 3130, 

3131,3133,3136,3137,3191 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3161, 

3162,  3163,  3164,  3165,  3287,  3288 
remarks  on    the  bill  relating  to   the  Ericsson 

contract .....3167,  3168 

remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill 3225, 

3226,  3227,  3229,  32.30,  3231, 

3233,  3257,  3262,  3263,  3264 

remarks   on  the  comtTicrcial   intercourse  bill, 

3324 
remarks  on  the  East  Tennessee  railroad  bill, 

3360,  3420 
remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3375,  3376 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill,  3380, 

3383,  3384,  3386,  3387,  3403,  3461 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania   war 

claims 3437,  3438,  3439 

Guardian  Society  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 

bill  granting  certain  pr!vile<jes  to  I  he. ..1772, 

3116,  3130,"3407,  3410,  3481 

Guerrillas,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  511)  to  provide  for  tiie 

more  speedy  punishment  of,  and  for  other 

purposes 2751,  2894, 

2922,  3002,  3029,  3350,  3412,  3416, 
3446,  3459,  3482,  3495,  3497,  3514 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 2922 

Mr.  Carlile 3351 

Mr.  Conness 3417,  3418,  3482 

Mr.  Cowan 3350 

Mr.  Davis 3003,  3029,  3030,  3418 

Mr.  Doolittle 3350,  3351,  3416 

Mr.  Grimes 3418 

Mr.  Hendricks 3416,  3417 

Mr.  Howard 2922,  2923 

Mr.  Johnson 2923,  3003,  3417 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3418 

Mr.  McDougall 3417 

Mr.  Sumner 3418,  .3482 

Mr.  Trumbull 3030,  3416,  3417,  3482 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 3417 

Mr.  Willey 3416,3417 

Mr.  Wilson 2922,  2923,  3002,  3029, 

3030,  3350,  3412,  3416,  3417,  3418,  3459 
Gunboat  Cincinnati,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
21)  relative  to  the  accounts  of  the  petty  of- 
ficers, seamen,  and  others  of  the  crew  of  the 
United  States,  842, 843, 1454, 1614, 1639, 1802 
Gunboats,  bill  (S.  No.  50)  for  the  relief  ofthe 
contractors  for  the  machinery  of  the  side- 
wheel,  known  as  double-enders 2081, 

2221,  2653,  3170 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony ,  3170, 3171,  3172,  3174,  3175 

Mr.  Clark 3172,  3175 

Mr.  Cowan 3173 

Mr.  Grimes 2653, 

2654,  3170,  3171,  3172,  3173,  3174,  3175 

Mr.  Hale 2653,  2654,  3170,  3173 

Mr.  Harlan 3174 

Mr.  Hendricks 2653,  3172,3173 

Mr.  Johnson 3172,  3173,  3175 

Mr.  Sherman 3174,  3175 

Mr.  Wilson 3171 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3175 

H. 
Hale,  John  P.,  a  Senator  from  New  Hamp- 
shire  3,  9,  10,  12,  13,  15,  16,  17, 

24,  37,  42,  47,  48,  117, 134, 152, 197,  253, 
262, 360,  388,  434,  460, 480,  536,  553, 581, 
632,  693,  706,  720,  744,  772,  786,  798,  814, 
815,816,836,8.37,1082,  1108,  1109,  1130, 
1251,  1274,  1360,  1361,  1385,  1386,  1416, 
1417,  1434,  1448,  1454,  1479,  1613,  1614, 
1615,  1635,  1660,  1673,  1703,  1704,  1743, 
1746,  1774,  1808,  1840,  1846,  1847,  1861, 
1862,  1863,  1919,  2015,  2081,  2171,  2197, 
2198,  2217,  2218,  2223,  2226,  2277,  2279, 
2282,  2283,  2324,  2347,  2371,  2405,  2436, 
2457,  2459,  2484,  2622,  2652,  2653,  2707, 
2963,  3001,  3014,  3053,  3088,  3116,  3130, 
3138,  3157,  3160,  3165,  3175,  3176,  3218, 
3219,  3220,  3224,  3285,  3286,  3287,  3357, 

B 


Hale,  John  P.,a  Senatorfrom  New  Hampshirsir- 
Conllnued. 

3359,  3360,  3388,  3411,  3412,  34.37,  3448, 
3449,  3459,  3462,  3482,  3493,  3495,  3496, 
3497,  3498,  3501,  3539,  3541,  3542,  3546 

resolutions  by... .' 24,41,  134, 

389,  1130,  1416,  2015,  2170,  2171,3357 
reinarlcson  the  credentials  of  the  West  Virginia 

Senators 2 

remarks  on  the  seatof  Flon.  P>,obert  Wilson, of 

Missouri 3,  9 

remarks  on  Mr.  Davis's  resolutions 32 

remarks  on  the  charges  with  regard  to  acting  as 

counsel • 420,  "460 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 119, 

125,  204,  247,  753,  754 

remarks  relating  to  naval  supplies 134, 

135,   136,   138,    320,    1454,    2405, 
2411,  2414,  2416,  2417,  3.368,  3436 
remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Corne- 
lius Vanderbilt .....257 

remarks  on   the  resolution  concerning  invest- 
igating committees 388,  435,  437 

remarks  on   the  bill   for   the   relief  of  Albert 

Brown.., 389,  462,  463,  694,  696 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  members  from 

acting  as  counsel 555,  559,  560 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ...609, 
610,  611,  615,  616,  620,  652,  655,  6.37,  638 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 792,^796 

remarlcs  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 798, 

2285,  2286,  2237,  2288,  2301,  2303,  2304 
remarks  on  the  Military  A.cademy  bill. ...1085, 

_  1087,  1091 
remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  1110 
remarks  on  the  ortranizaiion  of  Montana,  1364, 

1705,  2349 
remarks  on    the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1424,  1442,  1443 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  transfers  from 

the  Army  to  the  Navy 1434, 

1435,  1437,  1453,  1479,  1521 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  esial)lishmenl  of  cer- 
tain arsenals ■_ 1478 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill,  1523, 

1524,  1525,  1526,  1560,  1561, 

1562,  1569,  1575,  1609,  2283 

remarks    on   com.pensating  the  sailors  of  the 

Baron  De  Kalb 1613 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  volunteer  naval 

appointments...- 1614 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  promotions  in 

the  Navy 1615,  1616 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  m 

gold 1668,  1669,  1671 

remarks  on    the   repeal   of  the   fugitive    slave 

law .......1715,  1754 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1707 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice .....1803,  2055,  2087 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1866, 

1958,  2143,  2176,  2622 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1925,1932 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2022,  2023,  2024 

remarks  relating  to  the  reporting  of  absentees, 

2088,  2089,  2090 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  the  relief  of  the 

contractors  of  certain  gunboats. ...2221,  2222 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Mrs.  E    M. 

Whipple 2280,2282 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill,  2279,  2332 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  printing  of 

documents 2309,  2310,  2326,  2327 

remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  Senators  from 

Arkansas 2459,3361 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...2501, 

2523,  2661,  2662,  2710,  2737,  2738 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  land  claims  in 

California : 2552,2553 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  the  publication 

of  the  debates 2588,'"2589,  3456,  3545 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  California  land 

titles 2652,2653 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  gunboat 

contractors 2653,  2654,  3170,  3174 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Stale  of 

Wisconsin 2623,  2624 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  inter- 
ference in  elections 2963,  3159 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3005, 

3009,  3050,  3051 


XVIII 


INDEX  TO 


Hale,  John  p.,  aSenator  from  New  Hampshire- 
Confirmed, 
remarks  on  the  Overland  Mail  Company  bill, 

3028,  3064,  3065 

remarks  on  the  inter-continentol  telegraph  hill, 

3074,  3075,  3076,  3088,  3409 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3088 

remarks  on  the  House  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws ..3128,  3158 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3136,  3137 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3160, 

3161,  3251,  3287,  3289 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  seamen  of 

lost  vessels 3165 

remarks  on  the  Ericsson  contract 3166, 

3167,  3168.  3170 
remarks  on  the  Kittery  naval  hospital  bill,  3175 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3225, 

3231,  3233,  3257 
remarks  on    the  bill  to  establish   salaries   for 

postmasters 3252,  3253,  3254 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freed  men's 

Bureau 3308,  3309,  3348 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  a  national 

fast 3374,3375 

remarks  on  the  reconstruction  bill,  3449,  3460 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  courts  in  north- 
ern New  York 3542,  3543,  3544 

Hnll,  Chapin,  bill  for  the  relief  of 756 

Harding,  Benjamin  F.,  a  Senator  from  Oregon, 
48,  100,  262,  435,  582,  606,  644,  669, 670, 
694,  880,  1000,  1045,  1207,  1227,  1416, 

1559,  1608,  1661,  1944,  2016,  2324,  2343 

resolutions  by 606 

remarks  on  the  San  Ramon  land  grant.. ..1986, 

1987,  1988 

Harlan,  James, a  Senator  from  Iowa 24, 

42,  55,  139,  273,  343,  360,  420,  435,519, 
606,  631,  643,  693,  719,  743,  768,  786, 
789,  815,  824,  864,  887,  936,  981,  984, 
1000,  1022,  1082,  1107,  1131,  1163, 
1174,  1226,  1227,  1247,  1257,  1274, 
1310,    1344,    1345,    1477,    1558,    1559, 

1560,  1616.  1638,  1901, 1944,  2050,  2052, 
2082,  2171,  2197,  2227,2239,  2274,  2299, 
2324,  2376,  2384,  2405,  2435,  2457,  2551, 
2588,  2622,  2696,  2707,  2727,  2752,  2777, 
2778,  2796,  2819,  2866,  2895,  2896,2963, 
3002,  3029,  3042,  3062,  3099,  3160,3292, 
3326,  3338,  3350,  3374,  3375,  3412,  3413, 
3458,  3459,  3482,3497,  3539,  354J,  3546 

resolutions  by 1082,  2082,  2696 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the  en- 
rollment act 85 

remarks  on  conscription  bill,  204,  205,  207, 208, 
241,  242,  243,  244,  245,  247,  252,  254,  257 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 493,  494 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 613, 

614,  646 

remarks  on  the  admission  of  Nevada 788 

remarks  on  the  disqualification  of  color  in  car- 
rying the  mails 839 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant 924, 

962, 964, 966, 969, 1030, 1031, 1034, 
1035,  1559,  1560,  1900,  1988,  1989 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  spec- 
ulations  1001 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  California  land 

titles 1311,  1312,  1313,  2653 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1361, 

1362,  2348 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 1419 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1425,  1437,  1439,  1440,  1487 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford 1636,  1637 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of 

Wi-sconsin 2052,2119,2121,2623, 

2624,  2(^96,  2697,2698,  2728,  2729,  2730, 

2752,  2753,  2754,  2027,  2928,  2929,  2930 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ..2239, 

2240,  2249 

remarks  on  the  land  grant  for  Iowa  railroads, 

'  2325, 2326 

rcmarkson  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2355, 

2358, 2376, 2377, 2379, 2380, 2381, 2383, 2395, 

2396, 2397, 2398, 2400, 2401, 2402,  2403, 2419 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 

city  of  Washington 2512,  2545 

remarks  on  the  bill  concornmg  lands  claims  in 

California 2553,  2554 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill 2C51, 

2652,  3778,  2779,  3780 


Harlan,  James,  a  Senator  from  Iowa — Continuti. 

remarks    on    the    Indian    appropriation    bill, 

2847,  2848,  2849,  2850,  2872, 

2874,  2875,  2876,  2877,  2878 

remarks  on  the  Wisconsin  military  road  bill, 

2963,  2964,  2965 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2966,  2973,  3303,  3327 

remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 
3069,  3073,  3076,  3077 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  certain  gun- 
boat contractors 3174 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill... .3225, 

3234, 3258,  3263,  3265 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  483), 

3062,  3290,  3291,  3360 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  bail  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3294,  3295,3360 

remarks  relating  to  rooms  for  the  Agricultural 

Department 3413,  3414,  3415 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3508, 

3510,  3511,  3513 

remarks  on  the  income  tax  bill 3540 

Harris,  Ira,  a  Senator  from  New  York, 
17,  47,  93,  100,  173,  219,  420,  481,  539, 
553,  670,  726,  786,  920,  1045,  1082, 
1129,  1174,  1226,  1227,  1258,  1381, 
1416, 1454,  1522, 1607, 1616,  1635, 1636, 
1637, 1666, 1682,  1703, 1704, 1743,  2147, 
2238,2323,  2324,  2457, 2458,  2664,  2707, 
2777,  2796,  2818, 2894,  2895,  2924,  3188, 
3218,  3291,  3322,  3410,  3411, 3495,  3544 
remarks  on  the   bill   to  increase  the  pay  and 

bounty  of  volunteers 57,  58,  60 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14). ..77, 80 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 157, 

202,  203,  209,  230,  239,  252,  3091,  3196 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 640 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill.. ..1053, 

1054,  1056,  1258 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1612 
remarks  on  the   bill  prohibiting  speculations 

in  gold 1650,  1668,  1669,  1672 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  taxes  in  insur- 
rectionary districts. ...1665,  1666,  3266,  3292 
remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill. ..2381,  2382 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..2441, 2459, 
2467,  2468,  2487,  2490,  2496,  2498,  2546, 
2548,  2633,  2657,  2658,  2659, 2660,  2661, 
2669,  2705,  2730,  2731,  2732,  2733,  2764 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  certain  private 

land  claims  in  New  Mexico 2796,  2797 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3032, 

3033,  3047,  3051,  3052,  3053 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 3373,  3437 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  courts  in  north- 
ern New  York...3541,  3542, 3543, 3544, 3545 
Harrison,  Rebecca  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3455 
Hastings,  John,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2239, 3454 
Haun,  C.  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  widow 
of...2274,  2279,  3062,  3169,  3410,  3444,  3514 

Hawes,  M.  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3126 

Hebard,  Captain  Daniel,  joint  resolution  author- 
izing the  settlement  of  the  accounts  of.. 1636, 
3188,  3299,  3452,  3462,  3492,  3497,  3501 
Henderson,    John    B.,   a    Senator   from    Mis- 
souri  3,  24,  83, 

80,  145,  219,  253,  262,  273,  275,  539,  586, 
671, 879, 1226, 1771, 1841, 1842, 2050, 2299, 
2326,  2376,  2484,  2800,  3446,  3498,  3503 

resolutions  by 262,  275,  1842,  2299 

remarks  on  the  proposed  amendment  of  the 
Constitution... ....145,  1457,1459,  1463,  1945 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  arrest  of 

soldiers  in  Missouri 146 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 163 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35). ...219,  220 
remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill. ..362,  363,  922 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  John  W.  Noell,  424 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the- relief  of  Shepherd 

&  Caldwell 671,  672 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1640,  1670,  1671 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

law 1710 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1866,  1867, 

1868, 1869, 1870, 1871, 1874, 1891, 1989, 1990, 
2123, 2125, 2126, 2127 ,  2128, 2143, 2144, 2145, 
2146,2147,2149,2180,2184,2185,  2205,  2206 
rcmarkson  printing  the  report  of  a  military  com- 
mission   1842,  1945,  1946 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 
bill 2023,  2024,  3025,  2026,2028 


Henderson,  John  B.,  a  Senator  from  Missouri — 
Conlinutd. 
remarks  on  pay  of  colored  troops. ..2302,  2303 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2377, 

2379,  2380,  2383,  2404,  2417, 
2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (Nn.  405) 2444, 

2465,  2467,  2491,  2492,  2635,  2636,  2655, 
2656,  2662,  2063,  2703,  2704,  2705,  2706, 
2708,  2709,  2710,  2734,  2735,  2736,  2737, 
2738,  2740,  2760,  2762,  2763,  2764,  2769 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  81) 2783 

remarks  on  commercial  intercourse  bill. ,.2821, 

2823,  3325 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..2854 
remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3439,3443 

remarks  on  House  conscription  bill,  3487,  3488 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3503, 

3504,  3505,  3513 
Hendricks,  Thomas  A.,  a  Senator  from   Indi- 
ana  17,24, 

36,  102,  153,  181,  273,  360,  389,  434,  521, 
562,594,606,  642,  643,  669,  719,  744,  880, 
887,  896,  900,  960,  1001,  1081,  1155,  1156, 
1161,  1176,  1381,  1386,  1476,  1559,  1608, 
1609,  1618,  1635,  1636,  1638,  1639,  1660, 
1661,  1662,  1683,  1691,  1743,  1772,  1813, 
1918,  1944,  2299,  2300,  2324,  2325,  2435, 
2436,  2458,  2486,  2521,  2522,  2542,  2600,  * 
2653,  2751,  2770,  2879,  2895,  2907,  2908, 
2921,  3014,  3028,  3029,  3076,  3103,  3157, 
3159,  3166,  3168,  3218,  3223,  3224,  3232, 
3286,  3338,  3339,  3340,  3358,  3388,  3412, 
3413,  3416,  3445,  3452,  3456,  3462,  3488, 
3491,  3496,  3502,  3539,  3542,  3543,  3544 

resolutions  by 434,  900,  U76,  1661 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the  en- 
rollment act 48,  82,  84,  86 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 60 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 77 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 127,  203, 

209,  221,  230,  239,  247,  249,       ~ 
250,  251,  256,  723,  724,  745 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  naval  sup- 
plies  137 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 278 

remarks  on   the  bill   for  the  relief^of   Albert 

Brown 389,697 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 462,  484, 

485,  486,  493,  494,  902,  903,  904,  907,  937 
remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 553,  554 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  office  of  Com- 
missioner of  Public  Buildings 607, 

608,  1332,  1333 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 621, 

646,  648,  651,  652,  655,  657,  658 
remarks  on  the  disqualification  of  color  in  carry- 
ing the  mails 839 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 882,  883,  884,  885 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant 966, 

967,  968,  1032,  1033,  1034,  1035 
remarks  on    the  repeal  of  the   fugitive  slave 

law 1001,  1709,  1754 

rcmarkson  the  gold  bill. ..1024, 1045,  1048, 1049 
remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  1110, 

1112,1113 
remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  California  land 

titles 1311,1312 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1444,  1448,  1456,  1457, 1458,  1490 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford 1636,  1637 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montaria,  1705, 

1745,  1842 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice 1802,  1803 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1809, 

1810, 1811, 1812,  1813 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Slate  of 

Wisconsin 1847,  1863, 

1864,  2017,  2018,  2622,  2623,  2696, 2698, 

2728,  2729,  2751,  2754,  2926,  2927,  2928 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1922,  1929,  1930,  1931 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  1956,  1958,  1959 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 2289, 

2301,  2306,  2307 
remarks  on  a  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio 2346 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2403, 

2404,  2420,  2423,  2424 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XIX 


Hendricks,  Thomas  A.,  a  Senator  from  Indiana — 

Continued. 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...2461, 

2463,   2464,    2465,    2466,    2498,    2499, 

2500,    2501,    2518,    2519,    2520,    2521, 

2522,  2523,    2524,    2525,    2547,    2548, 

2549,   2551,    2556,    2558,    25G2,    2564, 

2568,  2569,  2570,  2591,  2594,2627,2702, 

'     2703,  2709,  2710,  2712,2714,2715,2731, 

2735,  2740,  2741,  2754,2755,2759,2760, 

2761,  2762,  2769,  2770,  3254,  3255,  3266 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  cliarter  of  the 

city  of  Washington 2486,  2544 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

California 2552,2553,2866 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau ^ 2803,2931, 

2932,  2972,  2977,  3301, 3302, 3303, 3304, 
3308,  3309,  3327,  3328,  3345,  3346,  3350 

remarks  on  the  conscription  Gill 2807,2825, 

2828,  2529,  2530,  2907,3091,3093,  3094, 

3098,  3099,  3100,  3101,  3102,  3200,  3202 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill, 2877 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2930 

remarks  on  the  Wisconsin  military  road  bill, 

2965,  2966 

remarks  on  the  tariffbill 3006, 

3010,  3013,  3014,  3048,  3049,  3051 
remarks  on  the  House  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 3126, 

3127,  3129,  3158,  3191 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3131,  3134,  3265 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  reliefof  certain  gun- 
boat contractors 2653,  3172,  3173 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3228, 
3231,  3234,  3236,  3261,  3264,  3456 
remarks  on  Northern  Pacific  rnilrond  bill,  3291 
remarks  on  the  supplemuruary  pension  act, 3369 
remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3377,3378 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3379, 

3380,  3381,  3383,  3386,  3367,  3461, 

3484,  3485,  3487,  3488,  3490,  3491 

remarks  relating  to  rooms  for  the  Agricultural 

Department 3414,3415 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  punishment  of  guer- 
rillas  3416,3417 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims , 3439,3440,3443 

i-emarks  on  final  adjournment,  3505, 3508,  3513 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  printing  the  de- 
bates  , 3545,3546 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 3224 

Hichbqrn,  Charles  A.,  bill  for  the  reliefof,  2866, 

3169 
Hicks,   Thomas    H.,   a    Senator   from    Mary- 
land..  36,262 

credentials,  of  presented 262 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 67 

remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Com- 
modore Ringgold 435 

remarks  on   the  bill   relative  to  voting  in  the 

city  of  Washington 2545 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2970,  3336 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3263 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylvania 

war  claims 3373,  3440,  3442 

remarks  on  claims  for  Army  supplies 3500 

Hoffman,  Ida,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2457, 

2600,  3415,  3444,  3483 
Home  for  Friendless  Women  and  Children,  bill 

to  incorporate  the 1491, 1522, 

2050,  2239,  2484,  2600,  2878,  2963,  3004 

plomestead  law,  bill  amendatory  of  the 219, 

360,  388,  1176,  1209,  1228 

Homesteads,  bill  (No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons 

in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  United 

States,  on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in 

insurrectionary  districts 2239,  2279,  3116 

bill  (S.  No.  74)  to  secure,  to  persons  in  the 
military  service  of  ihe  United  States,343, 2457 
Hooker,  Major  GeneralJoseph,  joint  resolution 
(No.  3)  expressive  of  the  thanks  of  Con- 
gress to.  Major  General  George  G.  Meade, 
and  Major  General  Oliver  O.  Howard,  and 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  of  the 

Potomac 17, 134,  257,  343,  361,  421 

Horses,  bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  of,  and 
other  property  destroyed  in  the  military  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States ,3157, 

3165,3190,3319,3860 


Hospital,  bill- to  incorporate  the  Providence,  in 

the  District  of  Columbia 360, 

435,  727,  1454,  1491,  1523 
bill  (No.  504)  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  sell  the  marine,  and  grounds  at 
Chicago,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase  a  new  site 
and  build  a  new. ..2727, 2796, 2907,  2963,  3190 
bill  (S.  No.  308)  repealing  so  much  of  an  act 
to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations 
for  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th  of  June, 
1864,  as  appropriates  ^25,000  for  erecting  a 

naval,  at  Kittery,  Maine 2963, 

3086,  3175,  3415,  3444,  3483 

joint  resolution   (S.  No.  70)  to  authorize  the 

acquisition  of  certain  land  for  the  use  of  the 

Government,  for  the  insane 3160, 

3169,  3415,  3444,  3483 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  554)   to  provide  for  the   im- 
provement of  the  grounds  of  the  Govern- 
ment,  for   the  insane    by  an   exchange    of 

land 3224,  3254,  3266,  3360 

bill  (No.  367)  to  provide  for  the  collection  of, 

dues  from  vessels  of  the  United  States  sold 

or  transferred  in  foreign  ports  or  v/aters,  1345, 

1454,1888,  1919,2017 

bill  relating  to  the  admission  of  patients  to  the, 

for  the  insane  in  the  Districtof  Columbia,  153, 

262,  343,  361,  421 
Hospitals,  joint  resolution  (S.No.  79)  to  increase 

the  compensation  of  matrons  in  the 3546 

Hour  of  meeting 3,  3116,  3137 

Howard,  Jacob  M,  a  Senator  from  Michigan, 

67,   68,   75,   100,   146,    257,    263,    289, 

387,  435,  5,'')2,  583,  584,  585,  644,  719, 

772,  836,  837,  880,  921, 1000,  1130,  1176, 

1207,  1251,  1362,  1465,  1466,  1477,  1636, 

1703,  1813,  1900,  2014,  2171,  2218,  2248, 

2325,  2350,  2374,  2375,  2376,  2392,  2394, 

2405,  2416,  2458,  2551,  2622,  2696,  2727, 

2777,  2778,  2781,  2818,  2819,  2820,  2843, 

2879,  2907,  2908,  3044,  3126,  3129,  3289 

resolutions  by... .100, 118,  263,  837,  1130,  1662 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  119, 126,  162, 

203,  204,  209,  224,  225,  228,  229,  231,247, 

248,  251,  255,  256,  748,  750,  751,  752,  756 

remarks  on    the    proposed    expulsion   of  Mr. 

Davis,  146,  178,  254,  343,  344,  349,  391,  392 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 294 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General : 591,  791,  797 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156),  619,  622 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  inter- 
ference in  elections. ...622,  1207,  1235,  1236, 
1258,  2963,  3158,  3159,  3192,  3193,  3326 
(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 641, 

821,^823 
remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill. ..921,  1703, 
1802,  1900,  2171,  2279,  2327,  2331,  2332, 
2351,  2352,  2353,  2354,  2355,  2356,  2357, 
2358,  2376,  2377,  2378,  2379,  2380,  2381, 
2.382,  2383,  2384,  2395,  2396,  2397,  2398, 
2399,  2400,  2401,  2402,  2403,  2404,  2417, 
2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422,  2423,  2424 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant 961, 

962,  1034,  1988,  1989 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill. ...1057, 

1258 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association 1137,  1139 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  promote  enlistments,  1182 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  transfers  from 

the  Army  to  the  Navy .....1436 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
1448,  1457,  1465,  14S8 
remarks  on  the  bill  fortheestablishment  of  cer- 
tain arsenals 1478,  1479,  1522 

remarks  on  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre 1662, 

1663,  1664,  1665,  1673 
remarks  on   the   repeal   of  the   fugitive  slave 

law ■ 1782 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1865,  1866, 

1872,  1898,  1900,  1957,  1958,  1959,  2143 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1932 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1952 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the 

Navajo  captives 2173,  2174 

remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  Senator  from 

Arkansas 2392,2458,2459 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2533, 

2560,  2593,  2656,  2765,  9770,  :»235 


Howard,  Jacob  M.,  a  Senator  from  Michigan — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  wagon  roads  in 

Michigan 2818,  2819 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2878 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  govertiment 

of  Arkansas 2902,  2903,  2904,  2905,  2907 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  punish- 
ment of  guerrillas 2922,  2923 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3092, 

3194,  3197,  3199,  3200,  3203,  3204,  3206 
remarks  on  the  House  bill  fortlie  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 3127,  3129,  3177,  3178 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill,  3161,  3162 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3257, 

3258,  3261,  3262,  3263,  3265 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3289,3291,3292 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 3300,  3301 

Howard,  Major  General  Oliver  0.,  joint  resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  3)  expressive  of  the  thanks  of 
Congress  to  Major  GeneralJoseph  Hooker, 
Major  General  George  G.  Meade,  and,  and 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  of  the 

Potomac 17, 134,2.57,  343,  361,  421 

Howe,  Timothy  O.,  a  Senator  from  Wiscon- 
sin  16,  48,  76,  117,  118,  119,  144,  210, 

253,  273,  360,  387,  420,  435,  481,  520, 
536,  581,  631,  643,  670,  788,  789,  864,  895, 
924,  1045,  1154,  1207,  1344,  1386,  1402, 
1404,  1476,  1479,  1607,  1639,  1683,  1840, 
1842,  1887,  1985,  2051,  2052,  2082,  2139, 
2171,  2197,  2574,  2276,  2324,  2372,  2384, 
2510,  2545,  2778,  2787,  2907,  2908,  2965, 
3028,  3062,  3157,  3266,  3337,  3388,  3411, 
3441,  3446,  3455,  3462,  3497,  3505,  3544 

resolutions  by 253,  420,  481 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 59, 

60,  62,  64,  67,  68 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14). ..78,  79 
remarks  on  the  bill  (No.    18)   to  amend   the 

enrollment  act 84,  86 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 121, 

122, 124, 125, 127,  159,  161,  201,  204,  209, 

210,  221,  225, 226,  227,  230,  231,  245,  246, 

247,248,249,250,  251,  747,  748,  749,  750 

remarks  on  the   proposed  expulsion    of  Mr. 

Davis 147 

remarks  on  the  Wisconsin  draft  riots 152 

remarks  on  the  amendinent  of  joint  rules 199 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  relief  of  A.  Brown,  462, 
463,  464,  644,  645,  646,  694,  695,  697,  698 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  , 481, 

563,  632,  633,  642,  872,  2284,  2285,  2286 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No,  122) 487, 

492,  493,  908 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 588,  589,  794 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 610, 

611,  657,  658 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant,  923,  924, 

962,963,964,966,967,968, 

969,  1030,  1033,  1034,  1035 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill 1086, 

.    1088,  1089,  1090,  1091,  1258,  1283 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 

1405,  1445,  1446 
(See  Appendix.) 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1772,  1773,  1774 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  reliefof  the  State  of 

Wisconsin 1847,  1863, 

1864,  2052,  2053,  2054,  2119,  2120, 

2121,  2623,  2696,  2697,  2698,  2727, 

2729,  2752,  2754,  2926,  2929,  2930 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  1889,  1898,  2180 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1921,  1922,  1923 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill ; 2028,2029 

remarks  relating  to  reporting  of  absentees,  2089 
remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ..2243 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  printing  of 

documents 2308,  2309,  2310 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill,  2382,  2383 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2438, 

2439,  2440,  2441,  2442,  2443,  2444, 
2445,  2446,  2447, 2460, 2463,  2464,  2490, 
2494, 2495,  2515, 2557, 2559,  2560,  2589, 
2599,2699,2700,  2701,  2702,  2703,  2714 
remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  chiims  in 
California 3552,  SS67 


XX 


INDEX  TO 


Howe,  Timothy  0.,  n  Senator  from 'Wisconsin — 
Coniinued. 
remarks  on  tlie  bill  to  establish  a  Frcedmon's 

.  Bureau „ 2803,  2804, 

2971,  3303,  3304,  3330,  3331,  3332,  3337 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2833, 

3092,  3093,  3096,  3098,  3199,  3204 

remarks  on  the  Army  appronriniion  bill. ..2845, 

2851,  2852,  2853,  2879 

remnrks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansa.s • 2905 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3035,  3044 

remarks  on  the  inter-continental  tele£^!-aph  bill, 

3073,  '3074,  3122 
remarlcs  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3364, 

3365,  3367,  3368 

Hubbell,  William  Wheeler,  joint  resolution  (No. 

51)  relative  to  the  claim   and  letters  patent 

of 1345,  1660,  2599,  2664,  2778 

Hvde,  Mary  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2274, 

2279,  2866 
I. 
Idaho,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (3.  No.  2G8)  for  in- 
creased facililies  of  telcgraiihiG  communica- 
tion between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States 

and 2139,2324, 

2457,  3001,  3221,  3446,  3492,  3497,  3500 
bill  (S.  No.  277)  making  a  grant  of  lands  to 
Dakota  and,  in  alternate  sections,  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  certain  railroads  in  cer- 
tain Territories  to  connect  v/ith  the  railroad 

system  of  Minnesota 2274,  2751 

bill  (El.  R.  No.  486)  to  amend  an  act  to  pro- 
vide a  temporary  governinent  for 2796, 

2818,2824,2921,2963,3190 
(See  Telegraph.) 
Illinois,  bill  (S.  No.  57)  declaring  the  assciit  of  Con- 
gress to  an  act  of  the  Lea:islaturo  of  the  State 

of,  therein  named 173,198,  200,  221,  238 

Immigration, bill  to  encourage,  719, 865, 896, 1802, 
2510,  3292,  3368,  3388,  3495,  3544,  3547 

Indian  Afi'airs,  the  Comnlitt^e  0)i 16 

instructions  to 1523,  2458,  3500 

reporl.s  from 420,  880,  960,  1154,  1402, 

1523,  1608,  1683,  1771,  2014,  2117,2405, 
3001,  3086,  3188,  3219,  3322,  3482,  3495 

adverse  reports  from 1310, 

1402,  1683,  2117,  2171,  2586,  2650 

discharged  from  subjects 1683, 

1919,  2117,  2239,  2274,  3219,  3285,  3481 
Indian  affairs,  bill  (S.  No.  80)  to  provide  for  the 

belter  organization  of,  in  California 360, 

1154,  1184,  1209,  1364,  1402,  1416,  1523 
Indian  agent — see  Salary. 

Indian  captives,  bill  (S.  No.  226)   to  aid   in  the 

settlement,  subsistence,  and  support  of  the 

Navajo,  upon  a  ro.servation  in  the  Territory 

of  New  Mexico,  1523,2172,  3360,3378,3444 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Collamer ...2173 

Mr.  Conncss 2173 

Mr.  Doolittle 2172,2173,2174 

Mr.  Fessenden..,.., 2172 

Mr.  Howard 2173,  2174 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2174 

Indian  department,  bill  (No.  240)  makingappro- 
priations  for  the  current  and  contingent  ex- 
penses of  the,  and  for  fulfilling  treaty  stipu- 
lations with   variou.s  Indian  tribes,  for   the 

year  ending  June  30,  1865 2392, 

2751,  2845,  2869,  3077,  3190,  3360 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 2869,  2871,  2876,  3077 

Mr.  Chandler 3077 

Mr.  Conncss 2877 

Mr.  Doolittle 2845,  2846, 

2847,  2848,  2849,  2850,  2869,  2870, 
2871,  2873,  2874,  2877,  2878,  3077 

Mr.  Fesscnden 2751 

2849,  2850,  2877,  2878 

Mr.  Foot 2869 

Mr.  Grimes 2872,  2S75,  2876,2877 

Mr.  Harlan 2847,  2848,  2849, 

2850,  2872,  2874,  2875,  2876,  2877,  2878 

■Mr.  Hendrick.s 2877 

Mr.  Howard 2878 

Mr.  .Johnson 2846,2847,  2848, 

2849,  2871,  2872,  2873,  2877,  2878,  3077 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2850,  2851, 

2869,  2970,  2871,  2875,  2876,  2877,  2878 

Mr.  Nesmilh 2875,  2876 

Mr.  Pomeroy 2846 

2847,  2848,  2849, 2850, 2851 ,  2870,  287l! 
3672,  2873,  2874,  2875,  2876,  2877,  2878 


Indian  department,  bill  (No.  240)  makingappro- 
priations  for  the  current  and  contingent  ex- 
penses of  the,  and  for  fulfilling  treaty  stipu- 
lations with  various  Indian  tribes,  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1865 — Contimied. 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Sherman 2845, 

2846,  2848,  2871,  2872,  2873 

Mr.  Sumner 2849 

Mr.  Trumbull 2848,2849 

Mr.  Wilkinson 2847,  2875,  2876,  2877 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2877,  2878 

Indian  depredations,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  377)  making 
appropriations  for  the  payment  of  tlie  awards 
made  by  the  commissioners  appointed  under 
an  act  for  the  relief  of  persons  for  damages 
sustained  by  reason  of  the  depredations  and 
injuries  by  certain  bands  of  Sioux  Indians, 
2016,  2050,  2343,  2447,  2458,  2484 
Indian  hostilities,  bill  (S.  No.  205)  authorizing 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  pay  to  the 
Governor  of  Minnesota,  or  his  authorized 
agent,  the  further  costs,  charges,  and  ex- 
penses incurred  in  suppressing,  within  that 
State,  and  upon    its    borders,   in    the   year 

1862 1331,1344 

Indian  refugees,  bill  (S.  No.  198)  to  aid  the,  to 
return  to  their  homes  in  the  Indian  terri- 
tory  1274,  1402,  2016,  2050,  2117 

Indian  regiments,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  oflicers 

of  the  fourth  and  fifth 12,  24, 

3157,  3322,  3*370,  3481 
Indian  reservations,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  220)  to  va- 
cate and  sell  the  present,  in  Utah  Territory, 
and  to  settle  the  Indians  in  the  Uinta  val- 
ley   '..1000,  1001,  1460,  2017,  2050,  2139 

Indians:  bill  (S.  No.  47)  to  authorize  the  Com- 
missioner of  Indian  Affairs  to  issue  Sioux 
half-breed  certificates  or  scrip  to  certain  per- 
sons therein  named 145,  2117 

bill  (S.  No.  90)  to  provide  for  the  employment 
of  the  Sioux  Indian  captives  in  the  military 
service  of  the  United  States 435,  1107 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  32)  for  the  removal  of 
refugee,  in  Kansas,  to  tlieir  liomes  in  the 
Indian  country 921 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  38)  directing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  pay  to  the  Chip- 
pewa, Ottawa,  and  Pottawatomie,  residing 
in  Michigan  the  sum  of  p92,850...1109,  3482 

bill  (S.  No.  186)  for  the  relief  of  the  Peorias, 
Piankeshaw,  Kaskaskia,  and  Wea,  of  Kan- 
sas   1154,  1207,  3219 

bill  (S.  No.  202)  making  an  appropriation  for 
the  Ottawa  and  Chippewa,  of  Michigan.. 1310 

bill  (S.  No.  219)  for  the  relief  of  the  Wea, 
Peoria,  Kaskaskia, and  Piankeshaw,  of  Kan- 
sas  1454,2405 

bill  (S.  No.225)  for  the  relief  of  certain  friend- 
ly, of  the  Sioux  nation  in  Minnesota. ..1477, 

2014,  2222 

bill  (S.  No.  261)  for  the  benefit  and  better 
management  of  the 1945,  2117 

bill  (No.  377)  making  appropriations  for  the 
payment  of  the  awards  made  by  the  com- 
missioners appointed  under  the  act  for  the 
relief  of  persons  for  damages  sustained  by 
reason  of  the  depredations  and  injuries  by 

certain  bunds  of  Sioux 2016, 

2050,  2343,  2437,  2458,  2484 

bill  (No.  193)  for  the  benefit  and  better  man- 
agement of  the 2050,  2117 

bill  (No.  425)  for  the  relief  of  the  Wea,  Peoria, 
Kaskaskia,   and   Piankeshaw,   of  Kansas, 

2050,  3219 

bill  (No.  441)  providing  for  the  removal  of 
certain  stray  bands  of,  from  the  State  of 
Wisconsin 9050,3219 

bill  (No.  442)  to  authorize  thePresident  of  the 
United  States  to  negotiate  with  certain,  of 
Middle  Oregon  for  a  relinquishment  of  cer- 
tain rights  secured  to  them  by  treaty. ..2050, 
3086,  3157,  3407,  3410,  3481 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  52)  to  appoint  com- 
missioners to  the  hostile  tribes  of,  on  the 
upper  Missouri 2117 

bill  (S.  No.  294)  for  the  better  protection  of 
the  tribal  rights  and  interests  of  the 2624 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  68)  securing  payment 
to  the  Delaware  and  Pottawatomie  Indians 
for  lands  sold  to  the  Leavenworth,  Pawnee, 
and  Western  Railroad  Company,  now  known 
as  the  Union  Pacific  Railway  Company, 
eastern  division 3062  I 


Indians — Continued. 

bill    (S.   No.  327)    for   the   relief  of  Thomas 
Richardville,  and  other  Indiana  Miami,  now 

residing  in  the  State  of  Kansas 3188 

bill  (No.  194)  for  the  benefit  of  half-breeds  and 
mixed-bloods  of  the  Winnebago   tribe    of, 

3481,3491,3495 
Indian  superintendcncy,  bill  (S.  No.  59)  extend- 
ing the  limits  of.the  northern 197, 

960,  1130,  3541 
Indian  title,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  222)   to  extinguish 
the,  to  lands  in  the  Territory  of  Utah  suit- 
able for  agricultural  and  mineral  purposes, 

2050,  2117 
Indian  tribes,  bill   (No.    25)    to   authorize    the 
President  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Kla- 
math, Modoc,  and   other,  in  southeastern 

Oregon 48,  420, 

938,  961,  1228,  1248,  1257,  1310 
bill  (S.  No.  120)  to  amend  an  act  to  regulate 
trade  and  intercourse  with  the,  and  to  pre- 
serve peace  on  the  frontiers 669, 

880,  887,  1053, 1109,  1130 
Indictment,  bill  (No.  274)  in  relation  to  the  compu- 
tation of  time  within  which  an,  may  be  found 
against  persons  charged  with  crimes  against 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  2778, 2781, 3188 
Indictments — see  Courts. 

Insane  asylum,  bill  for  improving  the  sewerage 
of  the  city  of  Washington,  and  supplying 

the,  with  Potomac  water 55 

Insane,  bill  relating  to  the  admission  of  patients 
to  the  hospital  for  the,  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia  153,262,343,361,  421 

Inspector  of  steamboats,  bill  (No.  426)  to  create 
an  additional  supervising,  and  two  local  in- 
spectors of  steamboats  for  the  collection  dis- 
trict of  Memphis,  Tennessee,  and  two  local 
inspectors  for  the  collection  district  of  Ore- 
gon  1864,1865, 

2371,  2436,  2484,  2625,  2696,  2727,  2879 
Insurance  company,  bill  to  incorporate  an,  in  the 

city  of  Washington 1082,  1416,  3138 

Interest,  joint  resolution  (No.  37)  to  authorize 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  anticipate 

the  payment  of,  on  the  public  debt 990, 

999,  1023,  1045,  1136,  1139,  1209 
Interior  Department,  calls  for  information  from 

the 253,880, 

1045,  1227,  1416,  1454,  2082,  2274,  2496 

communications  from  the 14,  95,  524,  631, 

960,  1107,  1247, 1416, 1434, 1607, 1703, 1743, 

1900,1918,2170,2777,2795,3219,  3408,  3546 

Internal  revenue — see  Revenue. 

International,  bill  (S.  No.  214)  relative  to  the 

steamboat,  on  the  Red  River  of  the  North, 

1402 

Invalid  and  other  pensions,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  33) 

making  appropriations  for  the  payment  of, 

of  the  United  States  for  the  year  ending  the 

30ih  June,  1865 48,  75,  361,  460 

Invalid  corps,  bill  to  organize  the,  of  the  Army, 

1130,  1207 
Investigating  committees,  resolution  relating  to 

the  taking  of  testimony  before 388, 

420,  421,  425,  435 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Doolittle,  388,  420,  421,  436,  437,  438 

Mr.  Foster 437 

Mr.  Grimes 425,438 

Mr.  Hale 388,  435,  437 

Mr.  Sherman 388,  437 

Mr.  Trumbull 421,437,  438 

Iron  clads:  joint  resolution  (No.  95)  authorizing 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  amend  the  con- 
tract with  John  Ericsson  for  the  construction 
of  two  im  pregnable  floating  batteries ,  the  Dic- 
tator and  the  Puritan 3086, 

3088,  3116,  3166,  3170,  3219,  3360 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3167 

Mr.  Dixon 3167 

Mr.  Foster 3168 

Mr.  Grimes 3167,3168 

Mr.  Hale 3166,  3167,  3168,  3170: 

Mr.  Hendricks 3166,  3168 

Mr.  Johnson 3167,3168 

Mr.  Sherman ....3167 

J. 

Jameson,  W.  H.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3188,  3454 
John  Martin,  bill   to  authorize  the  issuing  of  a 

register  to  the  Bteam  vessel 1771, 

1802,  1842,  1860,  1885 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XXI 


Johnson,  C.  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3169, 

3481, 3491 

Johnson,  James  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3062 

Johnson,  Reverdy,  a  Senator  from  Maryland,  3, 
9,  14,  24,  41,  42,  55,  67,  68,  85,  86,  93, 
100,117,  118,  134,  137,  152,  197,  198,219, 
220,232,  253,  262,  319,  360,  420,  434,  435, 
466,  521,  536,  539,  552,  553,  581,  584,  586, 
606, 608,  671,  693,  694,  695,  720,  725,  726, 
727,  789,  814,  815,  816,  867,  887,  936, 
I  1000,  1022,  1081,  1130,  1138,  1139,  1154, 

1162,  1174,  1175,  1184,  1257,  1344,  1345, 
1405,  1419,  1454,  1558,  1608,  1615,  1616, 
1635,  1685,  1703,  1704,  1772,  1806,  1946, 
2015,  2050,  2119,  2218,  2323,  2347,  2436, 
2456,  2484,2510,  2511,2521,  2545,  2621, 
2622,  2625,  2664,  2665,  2819,  2820,  2852, 
2907,  2923,  2929,  3086,  3156,  3160,  3219, 
3224,  3407,  3440,  3446,  3461,  3462,  3488, 
3493,  3498,  3501,  3539,  3540,  3541,  3542 

resolutions  by 671, 

1345,  1454,  2484,  2625,  3219 

remarks  on  the  exclmiige  of  prisoners 2830 

remarks  on  the  charges  against  Mr.  Hale. ..41 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 49,  278,  281,  290,  328 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14).. 76,  77,  79 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  120, 121, 122, 

125,  141,  142,  160,  161,  200,  201,  203,207, 

208,  221,  226,  227,  231,  232,  244,  245,248, 

249,  251,  255,  256,  257,  723,  751,  752,  753 

remarks    on   the    proposed  expulsion  of  Mr. 

Davis 147,  347,  349,  350,  391 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 362, 

394,  395,  396,  1176,  1181,  1183,  1184,  1208 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 462, 

491,  905,  906 

remarks  on  an  emancipation  petition 538 

remarks  on  the   bill  to  prohibit  members   of 
Congress,  &c.,from  acting  as  counsel. ..555, 

557,  558,  562 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 566, 

632,633,  634,  635,  636,  639,  705,  818, 

820,  822,  990,  1028,  1029,  1030^  2287, 

2288,  2289,   2302,  2303,  2304,  2305 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  revi  ve  the  grade  of  Lipu- 

tenant  General. ..587,  590,  593,  594,  791,  796 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 611, 

612,  618,  619,  620,  646, 
649,  650,  654,  655, 1053 
remarks  on  amending  the  charter  of  George- 
town  721,722,723 

remarks  on  the  appointment  of  a  warden  to  the 

District  jail 728,  729,  787 

remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 817 

remarks   on    the    disqualification   of  color  in 

carrying  the  mails 841 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 882,  883,  885 

remarks  on  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  898,  899 
remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant,  963, 1031 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  specu- 
lations  984 

remarks  on  the  gold  bill 1023, 

1047,  1048,  1050,  1052 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill.. ..1057, 

1086,  1087 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

1093,  nil,  1114,  1115,  1117 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1141, 

1142,1156,1157,1158 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  landlords  and 

tenants IIGI,  1162 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military   inter- 
ference in  elections 1235, 

1276,  1283,  2223,  3158,  3159,  3192,  3193 
remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  California  land 

titles. ; 1312 

remarkaonihe  organization  of  Montana. ..1346, 

1362,  1363,  1364 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1370,  1406,  1419,  1421 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  establishment  of 

certain  arsenals 1478,  1479 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill,  1523, 

1524,  1525,  1568,  1570, 1611 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford : 1636,  1637 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  .speculations  in 

gold 1644, 1650,  1668,  1671,  1672,  2930 

remarks  on  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre 1663, 

1664,  1673 

remarks  on  legi.slative  appro[iriation  bill,  1686, 

1688,  1691,  1692,  1707,  1708 


Johnson,  Reverdy,  a  Senator  from  Maryland — 
Continued.  ' 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive    slave 

law 1710,  1711, 

1712,  1713,  1714,  1715,  1748,  1749,  1754 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice 1804 

remarks  on  currency  bill 1892,  1894,  1955, 

1956, 1958,  1989,  2021,  2122,  2123, 

-2125,2126,  2132,  2145,  2146,  2147, 

2148,2155,  2174,  2178,  2179,  2180, 

2181,  2182,  2184,  2201,  2203,  2206 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1922, 

1924,  1925,  1929,  1930,  1931,  1933 
remarks  on  the  San  Ramon  land  grant. ...1986, 

1987,  1988 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2022, 

2023,  2025,  2026,  2027,  2028,  2054 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  a  consti- 
tutional quorum 2084,  2085,  2086 

remarks  on  the  bill  regulating  proceedings  in 

criminal  cases 2198,2199 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2277 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio 2345,2346 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 2374,2375 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2351, 

2352,  2353,  2382,  2383,  2403,  2423 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 

city  of  Washington. ..2436,  2543,  2544,  2545 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2438, 

2440,  2441,  2462,  2468,  2469,  2470, 
2486,  2487,  2488,  2489,  2490,  2497,  2498, 
2499,  2500,  2514,  2516,  2517,  2518,  2520, 
2522,  2523,  2524,  2525,  2526,  2546,  2549, 
2550,  2551,  2559,  2560,  2567,  2591,  2592, 
2593,  2594,  2606,  2628,  2629,  2631,  2633, 
2635,  2656,  2657,  2658,  2660,  26G1,  2662, 
2665,  2666,  2667,  2668,  2670,  2709,  2711, 
2713,  2730,  2731,  2735,-2738,  2740,  2754, 
2757,  2758,  2759,  2762,  2763,  3254,  3255 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2589, 

2784,  2785,  2786 
remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill. ..2779,  2780 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  81) 2782, 

2783,  2784,  2923 

remarlts  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Freedmen's  Affairs....2803,  2932,  2934,  3337 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2804, 

2805,  2808,  2824,  2832,  2833,  3088,  3091, 

3092,  3094,  .3101,  2102,  2103.  3195,  3196 

remarks  on  commercial  intercourse  bill. ..2821, 

2822 

remarks   on    the   Indian    appropriation    bill, 

2846,2847,2848,2849,2871, 

2872,  2873,  2877,  2878,  3077 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  land  claims  in 

California 2867,  2868 

remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2896,  2899,  2900,  2901 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 2925 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  punish- 
ment of  guerrillas ...2923,3003,3417 

remarks  on  the  House  hill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 2963, 

3176,  3177,  3178,  3191 
remarks  on  Wisconsin  military  road  bill,  2965 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3005, 

3006,  3007,  3013,  3031,  3033,  3034,  3037, 

3038,  3039,  3040,  3041,  3042,  3043,  3044, 

3045,  3046,  3047,  3049,  3051,  3053,  3368 

remarks  on  Overland  Mail  Company  bill,  3064, 

3065 
remarks   on    the    inter-continental    telegraph 

bill ....3074,  3076,  3077,  3120,  3121 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3135,  3137 

remarks  on  the  Ericsson  contract. ...3167,  3168 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  certain 

gunboat  contractors 3172, 3173, 3175 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3228, 

3229,  3230,  3235,  3237,  3238,  3257,  3262 

remarks  on  claims  for  Army  supplies — 3418, 

3419,  3499,  3500 
remarks  on  House  conscription  bill, 3484, 3485 

Jones.  Deborah,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2274, 

2279,  3086 

Jones,  John  T.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1840, 

2117,3413 


Judicial  district,  bill  (S.  No.  107)  to  establish  an 

additional,  in  the  State  of  New  York 539 

bill  (S.  No.  131)  to  consolidate  into  one,  for 
judicial  purposes,  the  northern  and  southern 

districts  of  California 786,  1476 

bill  (No  513)  to  detach  the  counties  of  Calhoun 
and  Branch  from  the  western, and  annex  the 
same  to  the  eastern,  of  the  State  of  Michi- 
gan  , ..2778,  2781,  2962,  3002,  3190 

Judicial  districts,  bill  (S.  No.  256)  to  change  and 
define  the  boundaries  of  the  eastern  and 
western,  of  Virginia,  and  to  alter  the  names 
of  said  districts.  .1861, 1919,  2778,  2796,  2894 

Judiciary,  the  Committee  on  the 16,  460 

instructions  to 3,  9, 

24,  37,  41, 48, 100, 118, 606, 1331 ,  1621 

reports  from, ..319, 460, 553, 586, 786,  999, 1130, 

1416,  1476, 1660,  1861,2299,  2324,2457, 

2622,  2796,  2962,  3188,  3322,  3339,  3360 

adverse  reports  from 319,  693,  1476,  1607, 

1608,  1661,  1743,  2622,  3188,  3285,  3339 

discharged  from  subjects 275, 

319, 387,  420,  553,  693, 1 107, 1247,  1 454, 

2051,  2218,  2457,  2622,  2962,  3188,  3339 

K. 

Keenan,  James,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  63) 

to  settle  the  account  of,  late  consul  at  Hotig 

Kong,  China 2274, 

2279,  2371,  2437,  2510,  2545,  2696 

Kellogg,  Mary,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3126, 

3188,  3219,  3370,  3481 
Kendall,  B.  F.,  bill  for  the   relief  of  the  estate 

of. 2050,  2117,  3339,  3340,  3378,  3481 

L. 
La  Manche,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  owners  of 
the  French  ship. ..896,  921,  1209,  1228,  1247 
Land  claims,  bill  to  amend  an  act  confirming  cer- 
tain, in  the  State  of  Michigan ,387 

bill  (S.  No.  238)  for  the  settlement  of  private, 

in  California 1683, 

2171,  2552,  2842,  2866,  2922,  2962,  3087 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 2553 

Mr.  Carlile.. 2552, 

2553,  2843,  2866,  2867,  2869,  2962,  3087 

Mr.  Collamer 2552,  2867 

Mr.  Conness 2552,  2553,  2554, 

2843,  2844,  2867,  2868,  2922,  2962,3087 

Mr.  Davis 2843 

Mr.  Doolittle.... 2868,  3087 

Mr.  Fessenden 2554,  2844 

Mr.  Foot 2962,  3087 

Mr.  Grimes 2866,2867 

Mr.  Hale 2552,2553 

Mr.  Harlan 2553,2554 

Mr.  Hendricks 2552,2553,2869 

Mr.  Howard 2843 

Mr.  Howe 2552,  2867 

Mr.  Johnson 2867,  2868 

Mr.  McDougall 2554, 

2843,  2844,  2867,  2868,  2869,  2922,  3087 

Mr.  Sherman ..2552,  2553,  2844 

Mr.  Sumner 2552,  2869 

Mr.  Trumbull .....2552,  2553,  2554 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2867,  2922,  3087 

Land  Office,  General,  bill  (S.  No.  278)  prescribing 
the  terms  on  which  exemplifications  shall  be 

furnished  by  the 2299,  3002,  3482,  3500 

Land  scrip,  bill  (S.  No.  258)  making  Dakota  or 

Sioux  half-breed,  assignable 1887 

Lands,  belonging  to  certain  States,  joint  resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  22)  in  reference  to 460,  2457 

bill  (S.  No.  229)  to  regulate  the  mode  of  ascer- 
taining the  value  of,  taken  for  public  use, 

1559, 1661 

(See  Public  Lands.) 

Land  titles,  bill  (S.  No.  166)  authorizing  the  nr- 

chives  in  the  office  of  the  recorder  of,  in  the 

State  of  Missouri  to    be  delivered    to  said 

State 1082,  1247,  1559,1802,  2622 

Landlord  and  tenant,  bill  to  regulate  proceedings 
in  cases  between,  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia..837,  982,  1161,  1772,3157,  3169,3224, 
3459,  3495,  3497,  3498,3502,  3544,  3546 

Lane,  James  H.,  a  Senator  from  Kansas 12, 

14,  24,  33,  37,  42,  43,  76,  93,  118, 
145,  146,  173,  219,  220,  27^  319,  360, 
460,  480,  494,  520,  521,  523,  526,  539,  631, 
642,603,  694,  728,  744,  786,  788,  791,  798, 
813,836,  837,  864,  902,  908,  921,  936, 960, 
982,  1022,  1036,  1045,  1081,  1108,  1118, 
1154,  1174,  1207,  1257,  1260, 1310,  1331, 
1416,  1454,  1523,  1608,  1609,  1703,  1704, 


XXII 


INDEX  TO 


Lune,  Jamca  H.,  a  Senator  from  Kansas — Con- 
tinued. 

1743,  1754,  1772,  1804,  1842, 1860,  1945, 
2055,  2081,  2141,  2171,  2218,  2225,  2238, 
2279,  2298,  2299,  2309,  2371,2384,2392, 
2393,  2394,  2405,  2458,  2465,  2484,  2496, 
2545,  2622,  2726,  2820,  2866,  2907,  2920, 
3002,  3014,  3028,  3103,  3116,3156,3160, 
3265,  3285,  3290,  3292,  3322,  3325,  3408, 
3413,  3446,  3459,  3483,  3491,  3496,  3499, 
3502,  3542,  3543,  3544,  3545,  3546,  3547 

resolutions  by 37, 

43,  76,  219,  523,  786,  798,  837,  864, 
982,  1022,  1045,  1108,  1207,  1310,  1523, 
1609,  2081,  2218,  2405,  2458,  2496,  2866 
remarks  on  conscription  bill,  126, 148, 162, 163, 
206,  207,  208,  223,  227,  244,  249, 250, 746 

remarks  on  the  colonization  of  negroes 145, 

238,  480,  586,  672 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  482,  483,  640,  641,  642,  702, 

820,  824,  868,  869,  870,  872,  873, 990, 1028 
remarks  on  the  disqualification  of  color  in  car- 
rying the  mails 837,  841 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  spec- 
ulations  983,  984,  1001, 1002 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 1022, 

2357,  2380,  2402,  2403,  2404,  2417, 

2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422,  2423 

remarks  on   the   bill  to  promote   enlistments, 

1178,  1179,  1181 
remarks  on  the  amendmentofthe  Constitution, 

1317 
remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1650,1669,1671 

remarks  on  the   land  grant  for  Kansas  rail- 
roads  1683,  1684,  1743,  1744 

remarks    on    the    organization   of  Montana, 

1704,  1705 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1951,1952 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1954, 

1955,  1989,  1990,  2126,  2180,  2202,  2206 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2054 

remarks  on,  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  disasters 

on  Red  river 2218,  2219,2220,  2221 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill.. 2244 
remarks  on  the  credentials  of  Hon.  William 

M.  Fishback 2392,2458,2459, 

3360,  3361,  3362,  3363,  3364,  3365,  3367 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (JNo.  405) 2465, 

2526,  2548,  2663 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas,...  2842, 

2895,  2896,  2902,  2904,  2905,  2906,  2907 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2850, 

2851, 2869, 2870, 2871,  2875, 2876, 2877, 2878 

remarks  on  the  Overland  Mail  Company  bill, 

3064,  3065 

remarks  on  the  inter-continentnl  telegraph  bill, 

3072,  3073,  3074,  3125,  3126 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3091, 

3093,  3204 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3233, 
3234,  3235,  3259,  3261,  3262,  3263,  3264 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 3374,  3441 

remarks  on  the  East;  Tennessee  railroad  bill, 

3447,  3448 

rertiarks  on  the  fortification  bill 3449 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3485, 

3486,  3487,  3491 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3502, 

3505,  3506,  3508,  3509,  3510 

Lane,  Henry  S.,  a  Senator  from  Indiana 3, 

17,  24,  55,95,144,153,238,252,258,331, 
343,  360,  494, 581 ,  606,  608, 631,  730, 798, 
825,  837,  867, 874, 1247, 1257, 1361, 1405, 
1406,  1491,  1651,  1660,  1703,  1743,  1812, 
1813,  2300,  2371,  2622,  2726,  2921,  3028, 
3062,  3177,  3178,  3358,  3359,  3436,  3508 

resolutions  by 606,  631,  837,  2171,  3436 

remarks  on  Mr.  Davis's  resolution 32 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill,  61,  62, 67 
remarks  on  (he  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the  en- 
rollment act 85 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  interfer- 
ence in  elections,  102,  103, 104, 105,  107,  108 

remarks  on  the  conscription  l)ill 142, 

157,229,230,231,232,239,250,746,2808, 

2827,  2828,  2829,  2830,  2832,  3097,  3101 

remarks  on  the  proposed  expulsion  of  Mr. 

Davis 569 


Lane,  Henry  S.,  a  Senator  from  Indiana — Con- 
tinued. 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 564, 

565,  566,  2286,  2287,  2288 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 591,  592 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 652, 

654,  657 
remarks  on  the  disqualification  of  color  in  car- 
rying the  mails 837 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  office  of  Com- 
missioner of  Public  Buildings 1333, 

2392,2395 
remarks  on  the  bill  in  relation  to  the  Provost 

Marshal  General 1684,  1685,  1704 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice 1803 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2024,  2027,  2028 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3164 

remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3376 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  punishment  of  guer- 
rillas  3418 

remarks  on  the  East  Tennessee  railroad  bill, 

3420,  3447 
remarks    on    the    House     conscription    bill, 

3436,  3486 

Lawrence,  Kansas,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  4) 

authorizing  the  Secretary  of  War  to  appoint 

a  board  of  officers  to  audit  the  accounts  of 

the  citizens  of. 12,  24,  93,  1154 

bill  (S.  No.  215)  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers  at, 
bytheauantrellraidof  July  21, 1863... 1416, 

1559 

Leave  of  absence  granted 3388,  3407,  3375 

Legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  expenses, 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  192)  making  appropriations 
for  the,  of  the  Government  for  the  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1865 1082,  1092, 

1344, 1673, 1685, 1706,  2436,  2458, 2484, 
2587,  2622,  3039,  3088,  3126,  3192,  3360 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 1706 

Mr.  Carlile 1692 

Mr.  Chandler 1690 

Mr.  Clark 1690 

Mr.  CoUamer 1690, 1691, 1706,  1708 

Mr.  Conness 1707 

Mr.  Cowan 1690 

Mr.  Davis 1685 

Mr.  Doolittle 1690 

Mr.  Fessenden 1673, 1685,  1686, 1687, 

1688,  1689, 1690, 1691, 1692, 1693, 1694, 
1706,  1707,  1708,  1709,  2458,  2484,  3039 

Mr.  Foster 1706,1708,  1709 

Mr.  Grimes 1690, 1691 

Mr.  Hale 1707 

Mr.  Hendricks 1691 

Mr.  Johnson 1686, 

1688,  1691,  1692,  1707,  1708 

Mr.  McDougall ...1692,  1693 

Mr.  Morrill 1708 

Mr.  Nesmith 1706,  1707 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1690 

Mr.  Powell 1686,  1688,  1689,  1691 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1691,  3088 

Mr.  Sherman 1687, 

1688,  1689,  1690,  1691,  3088 

Mr.  Sumner 1685,  1686,  1690 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 1691 

Mr.  Trumbull 1690, 1707, 1708 

veas  and  nays  on  the 1689,  1690, 1692 

Library,  the  Joint  Committee  on  the 16 

instructions  to 17,  481,  3219 

reports  from ., 153 

adverse  reports  from 252 

Library,  Congressional,  joint  resolution  (S.  No. 
1)  allowing  the  use  of  the,  to  the  justices  of 
the  supreme  court  of  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia  13,153 

Lieutenant  General,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  26)  reviving 

the  grade  of. 434,  435, 

539,  586,  771,  789,  8J5,  824,  842,  874,  936 

Lindsay,  James,  bill  for  the  relief  of, 3157 

Literature  and  Art,  bill  (S.  No.  341)  to  incorpo- 
rate the  National  Academy  of,  and  also  to 
incorporate  the  National  Academy  of  Moral 

and  Political  Sciences 3420,  3492 

Little,  Charles  C,  communication  from 786 

Loan,  bill  (S.  No.  71)  to  authorize  a,  on  the  se- 
curity of  the  public  lands  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  promote  the  sale  and  settlement  of  the 
6amc 319,2457 


Loan — Contiinied. 

bill  (No.  265)  supplementary  to  an  act  to  pro- 
vide ways  and  means  for  the  support  of  the 

'Government 874,881,896,900,  1053 

bill  (No.  540)  to  provide  ways  and  means  for 

the  support  of  the  Government 3219, 

3251,  3289,  3326,  3370,  3481 
(See  Revejiue.) 
Lot  No.  13,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  54)  au-      ^ 
thorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  sell ,  at 
public  auction,  in  Sackett's  Harbor,  New 

York 1345, 1454,  1613,  1639,  1802 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  death  of,  announced 1333 

Lunatics,  bill  to  enable  guardians  and  commit- 
tees of,  appointed  in  the  several  States  and 
other  countries  to  act  v/ithin  the  District  of 

Columbia 723,  727,  786,  864,  982,  1053 

Lyon,  Emily  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of...2392,  3455 

M. 
Magnet,. bill  to  change  the  name  of  the  steam- 
boat  3160,3188,3292 

Mails,  bill  (H.  R.No.  143)  to  amend  the  law  pre- 
scribing the  articles  to  be  admitted  into  the, 

221,232,288,289 
bill  (S.  No.  62)  to  remove  all  disqualification 

of  color  in  carrying  the 253,566,837,868 

bill  to  provide  for  carrying  the,  from  the  Uni- 
ted States  to  foreign  ports 960, 

961, 1154,  1174,  1216,  1228,  1257,  1345 

bill  (S.  No.  194)  to  authorize  the  Postmaster 

General  to  contract  with   the  Overland  Mail 

Company  for  carrying  the 1274,  1360 

bill  (No.  183)  to  secure  the  speedy  transporta- 
tion of  the 1665,  1673,  1771 

Mail  Company,  Overland,  joint  resolution  (H. 
R.  No.  93)  to  authorize  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral to  extend  the  contract  with  the 3004, 

3014,  3028,  3063,  3407,  3410,  3481 

Mail  steamship  service,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  407)  to 

authorize  the  establishment  of  ocean,  between 

the  United  Stales  and  Brazil 1665, 

1673,  2117,  2283,  2372,  2435,  2484,  2587 
Manufactures,  the  Committee  on. ..480,  553,  581 
Marine  corps  of  the  United  Stales,  bill  (S.  No. 

189)  for  the  increase  of  the 1227 

Marine  hospital,  bill  (No.  504)  to  authorize  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  sell  the,  and 
groundsatChicago,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase 

a  new  site  and  build  a  new  hospital 2727, 

2796,  2907,  2963,  3190 
Masonic  Hall  Association,  bill  lor  a  charter  of  i he, 

in  the  District  of  Columbia 786,  880, 

1136,  1360,  1617,  1802,  1842,  1860,  1888 

Malchett,  W.  B.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 960, 

961,  999,  3028, 3039,  3190 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  110)  to  declare  the 
construction  of  a  joint  resolution  for  the  re- 
lief of. 3222,  3232,  3266,  3360 

McConnell,  John  C,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2392, 

3028,  3541,  3544,  3547 

McCulloch,  James  H.,  joint  resolution  (No.  60) 

referring  the  case  of,  to  the  Court  of  Claims, 

1491,  1522,  3028 
McDougall,  James  A.,  a  Senator  from  Califor- 
nia  3,  9,  10,  24,  47,96, 100, 145, 

197,219,814, 1108, 1227, 1683,  1715,  1900, 
2436,  2456,  2458,  2459,  2521,  2522,  2621, 
2651,  2664,  2931,  3051,  3053,  3157,  3158, 
3160,  3177,  3191,  3224,  3326,  3339,  3340, 
3375,  3388,  3417,  3445,  3446,  3452,  3459, 
3462,  3483,  3488,  3491,  3495,  3498,  3499 

resolutions  by 1108, 

1900,  2436,  2542,  2651,  3157,  3339 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 52,  53,  54 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 

1444,  1447,  1490 
remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1692,  1693 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1870,  1871 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1930,  1932,  1933 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1952 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2418, 

2419,  2423 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2462, 

2463,  2465,  2546,  2555,  2556,  2557,  2567, 

2568,  2569,  2574,  2575,  2589,  2590,  2606, 

2657,  2667,  2740,  2741,  2758,  2759,  2760 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

California 2554, 

2843,  2844,  2867,  2868,  2869,  2922,  3087 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOBE. 


XXIII 


McDougall,  James  A.,  a  Senator  from  Califor- 
nia—  Continued. 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill 2651, 

2652,  2778,  2779,  2780 

remarks  on  conscription  bill...2831, 2832, 3092, 

3095,3097,3100,3101,3103,3202,3204,3205 

remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2895,  2896,  2903,  2906 

remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 
3067,  3070,  3071,  3073,  3074,  3075 
remarks  on  bill  to  establish  a  Freetlmen's  Bu- 
reau, 2931, 3304,  3305,  3306,  3308, 3337, 3349 
remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3376 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill,  3385, 

3485,  3486,  3488 
remarks  relating  to  rooms  for  the  Agricultural 

Department 3414,  3415 

remarks  on  claims  for  Army  supplies 3419 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3440 

remarks  on  the  steamship  passengers  bill. .3456 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  National 

Academy 3492,  3493 

remarks  on  Mexican  affairs. ..3496,  3499,  3500 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3506, 

3507,  3508,  3509,  3510 
McLean,  Nathaniel,  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief 

of. 756,  3322,  3339,  3415 

Meade,  Major  General  George  G.,  joint  resolu- 
tion expressive  of  the  thanks  of  Congress 
to  Major  General  Joseph  Hooker,  and,  and 
Major  General  Oliver  O.  Howard,  and  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac, 
17,  134,  257,  343,  361,  421 
Medical  corps^f  the  Army,  bill  to   increase  the 

efficiency  of  the 3126,  3165,  3498 

Member  of  Congress,  joint    resolution    (H.   R. 

No.  178)  providing  for  the  election  of  a,  for 

the  State   of  Illinois  by  the  Stale  at  large, 

2283,  2300,  2344,  2436 

Members  of  Congress,  bill  concerning 55,  76 

bill  relating  to,  heads  of  Departments,   and 

other  officers  of  the  Government 93, 

460,  555,  2778,  2796,  2894 
Mercantile  Mutual  Insurance  Company  of  New 

York,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2274,  2279 

Metropolitan   Railroad   Company,  bill  to  incor- 
porate the,  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  .173, 
343,  1139,  1156,  3086,  3099, 
,      3116,  3326,  3378,  3410,  3482 
Mexico,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  36)  in  relation 
to  the  occupation  of,  by  France. ...145,  1227 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  58)  relative  to  the 
substitution  of  monarchical   for  republican 
government  in,  under  European   auspices, 
1402,  1416,  2521,  .3339,  3359 
Michie,  John  J.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. 3546,  3547 

Military  Academy,  bill  relating  to  the 1310 

joint  resolution  relating  to  professors  of  tlip, 

2457,  2622,  2664,  3452,  3492,  3497,  3501 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  34)  making  appropriation  for 

the  support  of  the,  for  the  year  ending  June 

30,  1865 93,  387,  1053,  1084, 

1209,  1210,  1228,  1258,  1283,  1345,  1454 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 1053, 

1054,  1055,  1056,  1057, 1058,  1085,  1086 

Mr.  Clark 1054,  1056,  1088 

Mr.  Collamer 1085,  1091 

Mr.  Conness 1056, 

1057,  1086,  1088,  1089,  1090,  1091 

Mr.  Davis 1086,  1088,  1089,  1090 

Mr.  Doolittle 1088,  1091 

Mr.  Fessenden 1053, 

1054,  1058,  1085,  1086;  1091,  1210 

Mr.  Foot 1086 

Mr.  Foster 1088 

Mr.  Grimes 1054, 

1056,  1057,  1085,  1088,  1091,  1258 

Mr.  Hale 1086,  1087,  1091 

Mr.  Harris 1053, 1054,  1056,  1258 

Mr.  Howard 1057,  1058 

Mr.  Howe 1086, 

1088,  1089,  1090,  1091,  1258,  1283 

Mr.  Johnson 1057,  1086,  1087 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1054 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1089 

Mr.  Sumner 1088 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 1090,  1091 

Mr.  Trumbull 1088,  1258,  1283 

Mr.  Wilson 1085,  1088 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1086 

(See  Pay.) 


Military  Affairs  and  the  Militia,  the  Committee 

on 16 

instructions  to 9,  174,  275, 

769,  786,  824,  837,  1207,  1310,  2081,  2457 
reports  from,  36,  48, 100, 134, 153, 173, 253, 262, 
275,  360,  460,  466, 539, 553,  631,  643, 864, 
880,  896,  921,  999, 1082, 1130, 1207,  1247, 
1310,  1402,  1523,  1887,  2218,  2239,  2324, 
2371,  2457,  2622,  2894,  2962,  3120,  3188, 
3190,  3287,  3322,  3375,  3437,  3498,  3546 

adverse  reports  from 553, 

622,  936,  1154,  1174,  1402,  1743 

discharged  from  subjects..,.' 360, 

460,  786,  999,  1130,  1344,  2014, 

2239, 2484, 2894, 3116, 3188, 3265 

Military   communication,   joint   resolution    (S. 

No.  46)  to  facilitate  commercial,  postal,  and, 

among  the  several  States 1840,  2239 

Military  interference  in  elections:  bill  (No.  37) 
to  prevent  officers  of  the  Army  and  -Navy 
and  other  persons  engaged  in  the  military 
and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  from 

interfering  in  elections  in  the  States 12, 

95,  97,  101,  622,  798,  868,  924,  938, 
960,  1207,  1235,  1250,  1258,  1274, 
2222,  2963,  3158,  3192,  3224,  3326 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 1260 

Mr.  Clark 95,  2223 

Mr.  Davis 102, 104,  1250 

Mr.  Dixon 3159 

Mr.  Foot 2223 

Mr.  Foster 3160 

Mr.  Grimes 95,  101 

,  Mr.  Hale 2963,3159 

Mr.  Harlan 3160 

Mr.  Hendricks 102,  3159 

Mr.  Howard 622,  1207,  1235,  1236, 

1258,  2963, 3158,  3159,  3192,  3193,  3326 

Mr.  Johnson 1235, 

1276, 1283,  2223,  3158,  3159,  3192,  3193 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 102, 

103,  104,  105,  107,  108 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1260,3160 

Mr.  McDougall 96,  3160 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3158,  3159 

Mr.  Powell 12, 

95,  101,  102,  104,  105,  106,  107,  108, 
798,  868,  924,  938,960, 1260, 1261,  2222, 
2223,  2963,  3158,  3159,  3160,3224,  3326 

Mr.  Saulsbury 102,  103,  105, 

106,  1250,  1258,  1260,  1274,  1276,  3159 

Mr  Sherman 3224 

Mr.  Sumner 3326 

Mr.  Trumbull 1260,  3158,  3326 

Mr.  Wade 3158 

Mr.  Wilson 96, 97, 105, 106 

yeas  and  nays  on  the. ..97, 102,2963,  3160,3326 
Military  Justice,  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of,  1802, 

1864,  1900,  2055,  2087 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 1804 

Mr.  Carlile 1604 

Mr.  Collamer 2055,  2087 

Mr.  Conness 2087 

Mr.  Doolittle 1803 

Mr.  Fessenden 2055,  2088 

Mr.  Foot 2087 

Mr.  Grimes. ..1803, 1804,  1900,2055,2088 

Mr.  Hale 1803,  2055,2087 

Mr.  Hendricks 1802,  1803 

Mr.  Johnson 1804 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 1803 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1804 

Mr.  Nesmith 1802 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1804 

Mr.  Sherman 1804,  2055,  2087,  2088 

Mr.  Wilkinson 1803 

Mr.  Wilson 1802, 

1803,  1804,  1865,  1900,  2055,  2087,  2088 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1804,  2055,  2087 

Military  railroad,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
83)  authorizing  the  President  to  construct*, 
from  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  to  East  Tennes- 
see  2587,  2599,  3360,  3420,3446 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3421 

Mr.  Clark 3421 

Mr.  Davis 3420,  3446 

Mr.  Grimes 3360,  3420 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3420,  3447 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3447,'  3448 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3448 

Mr.  Powell. ..3360,  3448 


Military  railroad,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
83)  authorizing  the  President  to  construct  a, 
from  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  .to  East  Tennes- 
see— Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Trumbull 3420 

Mr.  Wade ' 3448 

Mr.  Wilson 3360 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3420,  3448 

Military  road,  bill  (H.  R.  No.   247)   granting 
lands  to   the  State  of  Wisconsin  to  build  a, 

to  Lalce  Superior 1888, 

1900,  2866,  2963,  3063,  3360 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Conness 2965 

Mr.  Doolittle 2963,  2964,  2965 

Mr.  Fessenden 2964,  2965 

Mr.  Grimes 2964,  2965,  2966 

Mr.  Harlan 2963,  2964,  2965 

Mr.  Hendricks 2965,  2966 

Mr.  Howe 2965 

Mr.  Johnson 2965 

Mr.  Sherman 2964,  2966 

Mr.  Sumner 2905 

Mr.  Wilson 2963 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2966 

(See  Public  Lands.) 
Military  service — see  Army. 
Militia,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  47)  to  appropri- 
ate §25,000,000  for  the  subsistence  and  pay 
of,  called  out  by  the  President.. ..1861,  2022 
bill  (No.  117)  to  reimburse  the  Slate  of  Penn- 
sylvania for  expenses  in  calling  out  the,  of 
said  State  during  the  recent  invasion. ..2139, 
2170,  3219,  3370,  3407,  3408,  3437,  3443 
bill  (No.  293)  to  provide  for  the  payment  of 
the  second  regiment,  third  brigade,  Ohio  vol- 
unteer, during  the  time  they  were  mustered 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States. ...2392, 
2622,2727,  2751,2879 
bill  (S.  No.  348|)  to  pay  a  certain,  force  called 
into  service  in  the  State  of  Missouri.. ..3498 
joint  resolution  (No.  69)  for  the  payment  of 
volunteers  called  out  for  not  less  than  one 

hundred  days 1919, 

1933,  2022,  2054,  2117,  2207 

Miller,  Morris  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3126, 

3188,3219,3360 

Mills,  Rachel,  bill  granting  pension  to,  3408,  3409 

Mineral  lands,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  99) 

reserving,    from    the  operation  of  all  acts 

passed  at  the  present  session  granting  lands 

or  extending  the  time  of  former  grants,  3087, 

3099,  3339 

bill  to  provide  for  the  survey  and  sale  of  the, 

and    to    extend    the    right    of  preemption 

thereto ,. 3360,  3544 

Mines  and  minerals,  bill  in  relation  to  the,  in  the 

public  domain 1861 

Minnesota  land  grant:  bill  (S.  No.  31)  making  a 
grant  of  lands  to  the  Stale  of  Minnesota,  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  the  railroad  from 

*St.  Paul  to  Lake  Superior 42,  95, 

606,  814,  923,  961, 1030, 1887, 
1900,  1988,  2050,  2117,  2140 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Carlile 923 

Mr.  Clark 1034 

Mr.  Conness 1031 

Mr.  Doolittle 923,  964,  965,  966,  967, 

968,  969,  1031,  1032,  1033,  1034,  1035 

Mr.  Foster 969 

Mr.  Grimes 963,  1032, 1033 

Mr.  Harlan 924,  962,  964,  966,  969, 

1030,  1031,  1034,  1035,  1900,  1988,  1989 

Mr.  Hendricks 966, 

967,  968,  1032,  1033,  1034,  1035 
Mr.  Howard...  .96i»  962,  1034,  1988,  1989 

Mr.  Howe 923, 924,  962,  963,  964, 

966,  967,  968, 969, 1030, 1033, 1034, 1035 

Mr.  Johnson .j 963, 1031 

Mr.  Powell 1033 

Mr.  Ramsey...923,924,961,962,  963,  969, 
1030,  1033,  1034,  1035,  1900,  1988,  1989 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck '. 1035 

Mr.  Wilkinson 962,963,  964, 

965,  967,  968, 969, 1031, 1032, 1033, 1034 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 969, 1035 

Mint,  bill  (S. No.  33)  providing  for  the  establish- 
rnent  of  a  branch  of  the  United  States,  at  Port- 
land,Oregon 17,  95,  1207 

bill  (S.  No.  176)  authorizing  the  erection   of 

buildings  for  the  branch,  at  San  Francisco, 

1130,1207,2171.2307.2324,3481.3482.3500 


XXIV 


INDEX  TO 


Mint — Continued. 

bill  (vS.  No.  185)  to  eslfibliah  a  branch  of  tlie 
Ui)iied  Slates,  at  Dulles  City,  in  the  Slate 

ofOiveon .*. 1207, 

1382,  1772,  1846,  194G,  3498,  3544,  3546 
joint  vesokuiori  (S.  No.  33)  to  enable  the  Sec- 
retary of  tlie  Treasury  to  obtain  the  title  to 
certain  property  in  Carson  City,  Territory 
of  Nevada,  for  the  purposes  of  a  branch,  lo- 
cated in  said  place 1000,  3188 

Missouri,  bill  (No.3'5)  to  provide  for  deficiency  in 
appropriation  for  the  pay  of  oflicers  and  men 
actually  employed  in  the  Western  department 

or  department  of. 86,  153,219,275 

Mohawk,  joint  resolution  authorizing  tlie  issue  of 

a  register  to  the  steamer 921, 

999,  1258,  1274,  1310 
Money,  bill  to  provide  for  the  safe  and  speedy 
transmission  of,  from  soidier.s  to  their  fami- 
lies and  friends 4,  360 

Moneys,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  71)  authorizing 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  dispose  of 

certain,  therein  mentioned 3219, 

3481,  3492,  3547 
Montana,  the  Territory  of,  bilI(H.  11.  No.  15)  to 

provide  a  temporary  government  for 1209, 

1210,    1310,    1345,    1361,    1382, 
1402, 1616, 1639, 1694, 1704, 1744, 
1804, 1842,2347,2372,  2436,  2510 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 1361 

Mr.  Chandler 1744 

Mr.  Collamer 1640 

Mr.  Conness 1639,  1804,  2348 

Mr.  Cowan 1706 

Mr.  Davis 1346 

Mr.  Doolitilo 1705, 

1745,  1746,  1804,  1842,  1843,  1844,  1845 
Mr.  Fessenden,  1639,1640, 1694, 1705, 1706 

Mr.  Foot , 1346 

Mr.  Foster 1705 

Mr.  Grrmes...l346,  1362,  1639,  1842,  1845 

Mr.  Flale 1364,  1705,2349 

Mr.  Harlan 1361,  1.362,  2348 

Mr.  Hendricks 1705,  1745,  1642 

Mr.  Howard 13G2,  2349,  2.350 

Mr.  Howe 1842 

Mr.  Johnson 1346,  1362,  1363,  1364 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 1361 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1704,  1705 

Mr.  Morgan 1843 

Mr.  Morrill. ..1843,  2347,  2348,  2349,  2350 

Mr.  Nesmith 2350 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1361,  1362,  1842 

Mr.  Powell 1345,  1362 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1362,  2351 

Mr.  Sherman,  1639, 1640, 1694,  1704,  1705 

Mr.  Sumner 1346,  1362,  1363, 

1705,  1746,  1843,  1844,  2348,  2350,  2351 

Mr.  Trumbull 1,346, 

1362,  1364,  1705,  1706,  1744 

Mr.  Wade...  1310,  1345,  1346,  1360,  1301, 

1362,  1382,  1403,  1616,  1639,  1640,  2348 

Mr.  Wilkinson 1346, 

1361,  1362,  1363,  1694,  1705, 
1706, 1744, 1745, 1843, 1846, 2349 

Mr.  Wilson 1706 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1361,  1364,  2351 

(See  Public  Lands.) 

Moore,  Clara,  executrix,  bill  for  relief  of,  3002 

Morell,  George,  bill  (S.  No.  87)  to  extend  the 

provisions  of  an  act  to  provide  compensation 

for  the  services  of,  in  adjusting  titles  to  land 

in  Michigan 435^  1227 

Morgan,  Edwin  D.,  a  Senator  from  New  Yo~k, 
15,  23,  55,  76,  93,  100,  144,  145,  153, 
173,  238,  253.  262,  3ld,  387,  420,  434,  435, 
520,  693,  719,  ?43,  768,  813,  879,  959,  960, 
981,999,1000,  1022,  1081,  1130,  1207, 
1247,  1257,  1310.  1344,  1381,  1402,  1522, 
-  1607,  1035,  1683,  1694,  1843,  1860,  1918, 
2081,  2197,  2298,  2323,  2371,  2405,  2567, 
2695,  2726,  275],  2818,  2866,  2894,  2920, 
2962,3001,3028,  3071,  30S6,  3116,  3157, 
3188,  3285,  3322,  3446,   3493,  3539,   3547 

resolutions  by 55 

remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Corne- 
lius Vanderbilt 257^  258 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 885,  886 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties ]929 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  2122,  2180,  2181 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill .2356, 

2401,  2402,  2404 


Morgan,  Edwin  D.,  a  Senatorfrom  New  York — 

f^  Oil  fi'ii  11  p  ft 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..2667,  2755 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3004, 

.3005,3008,  3041,  3044,  3047,  3048,  3049 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3126, 

3194,  3195,  3203,  3204,  3207 
remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3437 

Morrill,  Lot  M.,  a  Senator  t>om  Maine 36, 

55,93,  96,  100,  101-,  134,  151,  343,  360, 
388,  480,  523,  539,  606,  670,  725,  726,  727, 
728,836,837,931,  1130,  1154,  1227,  1274, 
1361,  1454,  1476,  1477,  1607,  1609,  1635, 
1703,  1744,  1771,  1772,,  1813,  1843,  1888, 
1944,  1945,  2050,  2172,  2198,  2238,  2239, 
2279,  2325,  2326,  2484,  2551,  2588,  2600, 
2696,  2754,  2320,  2842,  2866,  2921,  3001, 
3086,  3116,  3130,  3138,  3191,  3219,  2220, 
-3250,  3254,  3292,  .3299,  3337,  3357,  3436, 
3454,  3459,  3488^  3493,  3497,  .3542,  3545 

resolutions  by 96,  101,  523,  1454,  2279 

retrsarks  on  the  proposed  expulsion  of  Mr. 

Davis .350,  S63,  364,  371,  420 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (jN'o.  156) 619 

remarics  on  amending  the  charter  of  George- 
town  722 

remarks  on  appointing  a  warden  to  the  District 

jail 728,  729,  730,  787 

remarks     on    the     consular    and     diplomatic 

bill 1114, 

1115,  1116,  1131,  1135,  1136,  2279,  2542 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association 1137 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1139, 

1140,  1141,  1156,  1159,  1160,  3326 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  landlords  and 

tenants ..1161,  1162 

remarks  on   the   land  grant  for  Kansas  rail- 
roads  1684 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill. ..1708 

remarks  on  the  organization  ofMontana...l843, 

2347,  2348,  2349,  2350 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  regulate  tlie  coasting 

trade 2016 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. .2240, 

2241,  2249 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2275,  2276 

remarks  on  the  bill  grantinga  pension  to  Mrs. 

E.  M.  Whipple 2281 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 2304 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2331, 

2378,  2383,  2396 
remarks  on   the   bill   to  amend  the  charter  of 

Washington  city 2436,  2486,  3512,  2543 

remarks  on  tive  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...2546, 

2595,  2596,  2599 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  abandoned  prop- 
erty  2542,  2819,  2820,  2821,  2822, 

2930,  2931,  3222,  3323,  3324,  3325,  3488 
remarks    on    the    inter-continental   telegraph 

bill 3117, 

3119,  3120,  3121,  3122,  3123,  3124,  3126 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3137 

remarlis  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3225, 

3226,  3227,  3228,  3230,  3231,  3263 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 3330 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3486 

remarks  on  final  adjournment. ..3508, 3510,3511 

Morris,  Harriet  and  Emily  W.,  bill  for  the  relief 

of. 2392,2551,3138 

Mowrey,  George,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3481,  3491 
Munson,  Frances,  bill  for  the  relief  of, 3481,  3492 
Murphy,  Richard  G.,  bill  for  relief  of,  756, 3322, 
3339, 3444,  3455, 3497,  3514, 3544,  3546,  3547 
Murray,  George  VV.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .1434, 

1448,  3086 
•     N. 
Nash,  Betsey,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  represent- 
atives of. 1036,3357 

National  Academy — see  Lileratxire  and  ^rt. 
National  forces — see  Jinny. 

National  humiliation  and  prayer,  joint  resolution 
requesting  the  President  to  appoint  a  day 

for 3350,  3374,  3446,  3481,  3501 

National  Union  -Insurance  Company  of  Wash- 
ington, bill  to  incorporate  the 3378,  3388 

Naval  Academy,  bill  (S.  No.  108)  relating  to  act- 
ing assistant  paymasters  in  the  Navy,  and 
regulating  the  appointment  of  cadets  in 
the ...539,553,814,  1344,  1364,  1402 


Naval  Affairs,  the  Committee  on 16,  47,  76 

instructions  to 24, 

134,320,523,744,1130,1477 

reports  from 80,262, 

360,  460,  480,  523,  553,  837,  1453,  1454, 
1660, 1743, 1861,  2081,  2217,  2218, 2484, 
2796,  3086,  3116,  3251,  3287,  3437,  3482 

adverse  reports  from 1660,  3285 

discharged  from  subjects 553, 

693,  836,  865,  1454,  1635,  1660,  2217, 

2324,  2510,  2795,  3001,  3218,  32J9,  3437 

Naval  constructors,  bill   (No.  534)  to  authorize 

the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  provide  for  the 

education  of,  and  steam  engineers 3087, 

3099,  3437,  3497,  3513,  3544,  3547 
Naval  hospital,  bill  (S.  No.  308)  repealing  so 
much  of  an  act  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the 
appropriations  for  the  service  of  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30, 1864,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses, approved  March  14,  1864,  as  appro- 
priates |25,000  for  erecting  a,  at   Kittery, 

Maine 2963,  3086,  3175,  3415,3444,  3483 

Naval  patients,  bill  (S.  No.  323)  in  relation  to,  in 

the  insane  asylum 3160 

Naval  pension  fund,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  69) 

regulating  the  investment  of  the 3176, 

3415,  3444,  3483 
Naval  service,  bill  (S.  No.  8)  to  encourage  enlist- 
ments in  the 14, 17,  262 

bill  (No.  76,)  relating  to  appointments  in  the, 

and  courts-martial 360,  815,  836, 1345, 

1361, 1448, 1772, 1802,  2239,  2275, 2324 

joint   resolution    (S.    No.  27)   relative  to  the 

transfer  of  persons  in  the  military  service  to 

the 726,  756,  769,  785,  816 

bill  (No.  218)  to  repeal  a  joint  resolution  thenin 

named 1434, 

1453,  1479,  1519,  2622,  2664,  2727 
remarks  on  the,  by— - 

Mr.  Conness 1435,  1436,  1520 

Mr.  Davis 1453 

Mr,  Fessenden 1435 

Mr.  Grimes 1434, 

1435,  1436,  1437,  1453,  1519,  1520 

Mr.  Hale 1434, 

1435,  1437,  1453,  1479,  1521 

Mr.  Howard : 1436 

Mr.  Trumbull .' 1435,  1436 

Mr.  Wilson 1435 

bill  (No.  187)  to  regulate  the  dismission  of  offi- 
cers in  the  military  and 1035,  1036,  1402 

bill  (S.  No.  246)  for  the  relief  of  officers,  sea- 
men, and  others,  borne  on  the  books  of  ves- 
sels wrecked  or  lost  in  the 1743, 

2218,  3165,  3442,  3448,  3457, 
3459,  3495,  3513,  3544,  3546 
bill  (S.  No,  236)  to  provide  for  granting  an  hon- 
orable discharge  to  coal-heavers  and  firemen 

in  the 1660,  1919,  2696,  2727,  2842 

bill  (S,  No.  324)  prescribing  the  punishment 
for  enticing  or  aiding  seamen  to  desert  the, 

of  the  United  States 3160, 

3176,  3415,  3444,  3483 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  151)  making  appropriations  for 

the,  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865. ..837, 

842, 1207, 1523, 1560, 1609, 2082, 

2117,  2283,  2325,  2344,  2436 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 1524, 

1525,  1562,  1563,  1565, 1566,  1567, 1570, 
1572,  1573,  1576,  1609,  1610,  1611, 1612 

Mr,  Brown 1612 

Mr.  Chandler 1574,  1575 

Mr.  Clark 1611 

Mr.  Conness 1528, 

1561,  1562,  1572,  1573,  1574,  1610,  1611 

-  Mr.  Davis 1525, 

1526,  1528,  1529,  1530,  1576 

Mr,  Doolittle 1570 

Mr.  Fessenden 1523,  1524, 

1525,  1526,  1527,  1528, 1529, 1530,1560, 
1561,  1562,  1566,  1567, 1569, 1570, 1571, 
1572,  1573,  1574,  1576,  1609,  1610, 1612 

Mr.  Foster 1562,  1567,  1572,  1575 

Mr.  Grimes,  1524,  1528,  1562,  1563, 1567, 
1569,  1570,  1571,  1576,  1610,  1611, 1612 

Mr.  Hale 1523, 1524,  1525,  1526, 

1560,  1561,  1562,  1569,  1575,  1609,2283 

Mr.  Harris 1612 

Mr.  Johnson 1523, 

1524,  1525,  1568,  1570,  1611 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1571,  1612 

Mr.  Powell 1571, 

1572,  1574,  1575,  1576,  1612 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XXV 


Naval  service,  bill  (H.R.No.  151)  makingappro- 
prialions  for  the,  for  the  year  ending  June 
30,  1865 — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Saulsbury 1575 

Mr.  Sherman 1529,  1530,  1574,  1576 

Mr.  Sumner 1527, 

1528„1530,  1568,  1569,  1611 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 1567,  1569,  1610,  1612 

Mr.  Trumbull 1569,  1571,  1611,  1612 

Mr.  Wilkinson ' 1612 

Mr.  Wilson. ..1567, 1570,  1571, 1572, 1611 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1530, 

1560,  1571,  1576,1611,  1612 
Naval    supplies,    investigation    on    the    sulycct 

of. 134,  320,  360 

bill  (S.  No.  165)  in  relation  to 1082, 

1454,  2371,  2372,  2405,  3368,  3436 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Conness 2416,  2417 

Mr.  Davis 2416,  2417 

Mr.  Dooliitle 2416,  3368,  3436 

Mr.  Grimes 1082, 

1520,  2371,  2372,  2405,2414 

Mr.  Hale 1454, 

2405,  2411,  2414,  2416,  2417,  3368,3436 

Mr.  Howard 2416 

Mr.  Sumner 2416,  2417 

select  committee  on 134,320,360 

reports  from  the 581,3360,3436 

bill  (S.  No.  342)  to  amend  a  joint  resolution 
authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  ad- 
just the  equitable  claims  of  contractors  for, 
and  regulating  contracts  with  the  Navy  De- 
partment  ." 3436 

Navarre,  Peter,  bill  for  relief  of,  2274,  2279,3028 
Navy  Department,  calls  for  information  from 
the,  42,  55,  253,  1310,  2170,  2239,  2299,  3029 
joint  resol-ution  (No.  114)  authorizing  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  to  expend  a  portion  of 
the  contingent  fund  for  enlarging  the,  build- 
ing  3303 

communications  from  the ; 55, 

95,  219,  273,  895,  1381,  1607,  2323,  3408 
Navy,  bill  to  amend  the  act  to  establish  and  equal- 
ize the  grade  of  line  officers  of  the,  24, 37, 837 
bill  (S.  No.  144)  to  amend  an  act  to  establish 
and   equalize    the   grade   of  line   officers  of 

the 896,  1660 

bill  (No.  303)  to  amend  an  act  to  establish  and 

equalize  the  grade  of  line  officers  of  the,  1345, 

1454,  1615,  1694,  1744,  1842 

bill  (No.   369)   to  appoint  certain   officers  of 

the 1345,  1454, 

1614,  1772,  1802,  2223,  2239,  2275, 2344 

bill  (S.  No.  253)  to  amend  the  act  of  the  21st 

of  December,  1861,  to  further  promote  the 

efficiency  of  the,  1861,2283,3063,  3116,3289 

bill  (S.  No.  270)  to  amend  an  act  to  establish 

and  equalize    the   grade   of  line   officers   of 

the 2197,  2218,  3063,  3116,  3289 

bill  (S.  No.  292)  to  provide  for  the  efficiency  of 

the 2457,  2484,  3160,  3415,  3444,  3483 

bill  (No.  470)  to  authorize  assimilated  rank  to 

be  given  to  tlie  warrant  officers  of  the  United 

States, 3086,3088,3116, 3175,3410, 3444, 3514 

bill  (S.  No.  330)  to  amend  an  act  to  establish 

and  equalize  the  grades  of  line  officers  of  the 

United  States 3219,  3437 

Navy-yard,  bill  (S.  No.  IDA)  to  establish  a,  and 
depot  at  Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  1247, 
2218,  3160,  3251,  3287,  3326 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown  ...3161,  3162,  3164,  3165, 3289 

Mr.  Chandler 3165 

Mr.  Grimes 3161, 

3162,  3163,  3164,  3105,  3287,  3288 

Mr.  Hale 3160,  3161,  3251,  3287,  3289 

Mr.  Floward 3161,  3162 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 3164 

Mr.  Richardson 3162,  3164,  3165 

Mr.  Trumbull 3161, 

3162,  3163,  3164,  3287,  3288,  3289 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3165,  .3289 

bill  (S.  No.  190)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  appoint  a  commission  to  select 
a  site  for  a,  and  naval  station  on  the  western 

waters 3326,3444 

bill  (S.  No.  206)  for  the  establishment  of  a,  and 

naval  depot  on  the  Delawar&river 1331 

bill  (S.  No.  190)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  appoint  a  commission  to  select 
a  site  for  a,  or  naval  station  on  the  western 
waters 3326,3444 


Nebraska,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (No.  14|)  to  en- 
able the  people  of,  to  forma  constitution  and 
State  government,  and  for  the  admission  of 

such  State  into  the  Union 1176, 

1310,  1558,  1607,  1639,  1802 
Negroes — see  Freedmen. 

bill  (S.  No.  45)  to  set  apart  a  portion  of  the 
State  of  Texas  for  the  use  of  persons  of  Af- 
rican descent *...145,  238,  480,  586,  672 

Nelson,  Charles  L.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..1274, 
1331,  2274,  2300,  2324,  2372 

Ncsbitt,  George  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2866, 

3085,  3415,  3444,  3483 
Nesmitli,  James  W.,  a  Senator  from  Oregon. ..1, 
9,  16,  17,  42,  95,  134,  262,  360,  420,  435, 
523, 539,  553,  622,  880,  896,  936,  938,  961, 
1118,  1207,  1247,  1274,  1522,  1882,  2274, 
2282,  2437,  2457,  3157,  3188,  3262,  3407 

resolutions  by..... .....523,  1207,2274 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 77 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 120, 

202,  210,  224,  226,  250 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 587,  588,  590,  592,  593 

remarks  on   the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Albert 

Brown 695,  696,  698 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  continue  the  payment  of 

bounties 867 

remarks  on  bill  relating  to  enlistments. ...1083, 

1084 

remarks  on  th.e  assay  offices  bill. ...1382,  1383, 

1773,  1774,  1846,  1949,  1950,  1951,  1952 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1706, 

1707 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2277 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  2350 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2555, 

2556,  2557,  2558 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2826 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2875, 

2876 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 2926 

remarks  on  the  Overland  Mail  Company  bill, 

3063,  3064 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Morris  S. 

Miller 3188,3189 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3361 
Nevada,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (S.  No.  96)  to  en- 
able the  people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and 
State  government,  and  for  the  admission   of 

such  State  into  the  Union 521, 

693,  787,  1162,  1209,  1228 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  33)  to  enable  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  to  obtain  the  title  to 
certain  property  in  Carson  City  in,  for  the 
purposes  of  a  branch  mint  located  in  said 

place 1000,3188 

bill  (S.  No.  267)  to  amend  an  act  to  enable  the 
people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State 
government,  and  for  the  admission  of  such 
State  into  the  Union. ..2118, 2344,  2372,2405 
bill  (No.  45)  to  enable  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  obtain  the  title  to  certain  prop- 
erty in  Carson  City  in,  for  the  purposes  of 

a  branch  mint  located  in  said  place 2786, 

2796 

bill  (S.  No.  185)  to  establish  assay  offices  at 

Carson  City  in,  and  at  Dalles  City  in  the 

Stale  of  Oregon 1207, 

1382;  1772,  1846,  1946,  3498, 3544,  3546 
New  Mexico,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (S.  No.  226) 
to  aid  in  the  settlement,  subsistence,  and  sup- 
port of  the  Navajo  Indian  captives  upon  a 
reservation  in. ..1523,  2172,  3360,  3378,  3444 
bill  (No.  422)  to  amend  an  act  to  confirm  cer- 
tain private  land  claims  in 1802, 

2777,  2796,  2818,  2894 
(See  Public  Lands.) 
Nevirsboys'  Home,  bill  to  incorporate  the. ..2458, 

2587,  2622,  2696 
Noell,  John  W.,  a  Representative  from  Missouri, 

death  of,  announced 425 

Northrup,  Sally  0.,billfor  the  relief  of,  3481, 3492 

Notaries  public,  bill  concerning,  for  the  District 

ofColumbia....387,435,720, 1454, 1491, 1523 

0. 

Oath  of  office,  resolution  relating  to  the  adminis- 
tering of  the,  to  Senators  elect 42,  48,55, 

118, 174, 200, 253, 263, 275, 290, 320, 341 
(See  Appendix.) 

bill  (S.  No.  72)  supplementary  to  an  act  to  pre- 
scribe an 319,  3339 


Objects  of  the  war,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  28) 

declaring  the 769,  999 

Offenses,  bill  (S.  No.  52)  to  provide  for  the  sum- 
mary trial  of  minor,  against  the  laws  of  the 

United  States 153, 

553,  1155,  2778,  2796,  2894 

Official  reports,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  21)  to 

provide  for  the  printing  of,  of  the  operations 

of  the  armies  of  the  United  States 343,  ■ 

360,  1771,  2279,  2300,  2324,  2372 
Officers  of  the  Government,  bill  (3.  No.  28)  re- 
lating to  members  of  Congress,  heads  of  De- 
partments, and  other 93, 

460,  555,  2778,  2796,  2894 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Cowan 561,  562 

Mr.  Fessenden 555,  556,  557,  558,  560 

Mr.  Poster 557,  ,562 

Mr.  Hale 555,  559, 560 

Mr.  Hendricks 562 

Mr.  Johnson 555,  557,  558,  562 

Mr.  Saulsbury 562 

Mr.  Trumbull,  460,  555,  556,  560,  501, 562 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 562 

Mr.  Wilson 555 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 562 

Overland  Mail  Company,  joint  resolution  (H. 
R.  No.  93)  to  authorize  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral to  extend  the  contract  with  the 3004, 

3014,  3028,  3063,  3407,  3410,  3481 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown 3065 

Mr.  Buckalew 3065 

Mr.Collamer ...3028, 

3063,  3063,  3064,  3065 

Mr.  Conness ..3014,  3063,  3064,  3065 

Mr.  Flale 3028,  3064,  3065 

Mr.  Johnson 3064,  3065 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3064,  3065 

Mr.  Nesmith 3063,  3064 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3063,3064,3065 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3065 


Pacfiic  Railroad,  the  Committee  on  the.. ....76, 101 

instructions  to 523,  982,  1022,  1045 

reports  from 921, 

1703,  2171,  2218,  2696,  3289 

adverse  reports  from 921 

discharged  from  subjects 1703,  2551 

Pacific  railroad:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  483)  graining 
lands  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad 
and  telegraph  line  from  Lake  Superior  to 
Puget  sound  on  the  Pacific  coast  by  the  north- 
ern route 2622, 

2664,  3062,  3290,  3360,  3459,3482,  3514 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Conness 3290,  3291 

Mr.  Harlan. ..3062,  3290,  3291,  3360,3459 

Mr.  Hendricks 3291 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3290 

Mr.  Ramsey 3290,  3291 

bill  (S.  No.  132)  to  amend  an  act  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line 
from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean 
and  to  secure  to  the  Government  the  use  of 
the  same  for  postal,  military,  and  other  pur- 
poses  786, 

921,936,960, 1022, 1703, 1802, 1900, 1921, 
2171,  2279,  2327,  2351,  2376,  2395.  2417 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 2424 

Mr.  Chandler.. 2424 

Mr.  Collamer 2352,2353,2357,  2400 

Mr.  Conness 960, 

1921,  2279,  2352,  2354,  2355,  2356,  2357, 
2358,  2384,  2397,2398,  2399,  2400,  2401, 
2402,  2404,  2417,  2419,  2422,  2423,  2424 

Mr.  Davis 2380,  2382,  2383,  2417,  2422 

Mr.  Doolittle 2379, 

2380,  2381,  2383,  2397,  2417 

Mr.  Grimes 2352, 

2353,  2356,  2357,  2358,  2383,  2403 

Mr.  Foot 2384,  2423,  2424 

Mr.  Foster 2423,  2424 

Mr.  Hale 2279,  2332 

Mr.  Harlan 2355,  2358,  2376, 

2377,  2379,  2380,  2381, 2383, 2395,  2396, 
2397,  2398,  2400,  2401,  2402,  2403,  2419 

Mr.  Harris 2381,  2382 

Mr.  Henderson 2377,2379,  2380,  2383, 

2404,  2417,  2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422 

Mr.  Hendricks 2403, 

2404,  2420,  2423,  2424 


/ 


XXVI 


INDEX  TO 


Pacific  railroad:  bill  (S. No.  132)  to  amend  an  act 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the 
Pacific  ocean  and  to  secure  to  the  Govern- 
ment the  use  of  the  same  foi^aostal, military, 
and  other  purposes — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  hy — 

Mr.  Howard 921,  1703, 

1802,  1900,  2171, 2279, 2327, 2331,  2332, 
2351,  2352,  2353, 2354, 2355,  2356,  2357, 
2358,  2376,  2377,  2378, 2379, 2380,  2381, 
2382,  2383,  2384, 2395,  2396,  2397, 2398, 
2399,  2400,  2401, 2402, 2403,  2404, 2417, 
2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422,  2423,  2424 

Mr.  Howe 2382,  2383 

Mr.  Johnson 2351, 

2352,  2353,  2382,  2383,  2404,  2423 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1022, 

2357,  2380,  2402,  2403,  2404,  2417, 
2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422,  2423 

Mr.  McDougall 2418,  2419,  2423 

Mr.  Morgan 2356,  2401,  2402,  2404 

Mr.  Morrill 2331,2378,  2383,2396 

Mr.  Pomeroy. .936, 2332, 2351,  2352, 2354, 
2355,  2356,  2358,  2377,  2379, 2380, 2382, 
2397,  2398,  2399, 2400, 2401,  2402, 2403, 
2404,  2417,  2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422 

Mr.  Ramsey 2384,  2419,  2422 

Mr.  Richardson 2357,  2358 

Mr.  Sherman 786, 1900, 2358, 

2399,  2400,  2401,  2418,  2419,  2421,  2422 

Mr.  Sprague 2423 

Mr.  Sumn('r...2332,  2352, 2358,  2383,  2401 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2424 

Mr.  Trumbull 2332, 

2351,  2352,  2353,  2354,  2355,  2356, 
2357,  2358,  2377,  2378, 2379, 2380, 2381, 
2397,  2398,  2420,  2421,  2422,  2423,  2424 

Mr.  Wade „ 2421 

Mr.  Wilkinson : 2423,  2424 

Mr.  Wilson 2331,  2332,2384 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2352, 

2380,  2384,  2418,  2422,  2424 
(Sec  Railroad;  Public  Lands.) 

Parsons,  Solomon,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2392 

Passengers,  bill  (^No.  510)  further  to  regulate  the 

carriaije  of,  in  steamships  and  other  vessels, 

2842,  2866, 3285, 3455, 3483, 3491,  3544,  3547 

Patents  and  the  Patent  Office,   the  Committee 

on 16 

reports  from 581,1045,  1082,  1382,  1743 

adverse  reports  from 1743 

discharged  from  subjects 1743 

Patents:  bill  (S.  No. 22)  supplementary  to  an  act  to 

promote  the  progress  of  the  useful  arts 42 

bill  (S.  No.  162)  amendatory  of  an  act  to  amend 
an  act  to  promote  the  progress  of  the  useful 

arts 1082, 2139,  3192,  3289 

bill  (No.  205)  authorizing  the  issue  of,  for  lo- 
cations made  with  certificates  granted  under 
authority  of  the  act  of  Congress  approved 
March  17,  1862,  allowing  floats  in  satisfac- 
tion of  lands  sold  by  the  United  States  within 
the  limits  of  the  Las  Ormigas  and  La  Nana 

grants  in  Louisiana 2344, 

2457,  3338,  3378,  3481 
Patents  for  lands — see  Public  Lands. 
Patterson,  Francis,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3408, 3409 
Pay,  bill  (S.  No.  6)  to  increase  the,  of  the  rank 

and  file  of  the  Army 4,  17,  3116 

bill  (S.  No.  40)  to  define  the,  of  the  officers  of 

the  Army  of  the  United  States 134,  553 

bill  to  equalize  the,  of  soldiers  in  the  United 
States  Army.. ..466,  481,  562,  632,  635,  675, 
699,  769, 798,  818,  825,  868,  896,  969,  990, 
1002,  1025,  2082,  2117,  2218,  2284,  2301, 
2894,  2926,  2963,  3040,  3063,  3086,   3116 
bill  (S.  No.  103)  to  define  the  rank,  and  emolu- 
ments   of  chaplains   in    the   United    States 

Army  and  volunteer  forces 521,  553 

bill  (S.  No.  104)  to  regulate  the,  of  clerks  to 

paymasters  in  the  Navy 523,  814 

bill  (S.  No.  133)  in  relation  to  the,  of  cadets 

at  Military  Academy  at  WestPoint,  786,  896 

bill  (No.  301)  to  amend  an  act  for  enrolling 

and  calling  out  the  national  forces  ko  as  to 

increase  the  rank,  and  emoluments  of  the 

Provost  Marshal  General 1000, 

1001,  1247,  1684,  1704,  1744,  1842 

bill  (No.  302)  to  amend  section  nine  of  the  act 

approved  July  17,  1862,  to  define  the,  and 

emoluments     of    certain     officers     of     the 

Army 1000, 1001,  1082,  1092,  1108,  1163, 

1207, 1345,  1361,  1447,  1454,  1491,  1560 


Pay —  Continued. 

bill  (No.  300)  for  the  classification  of  the  clerks 
to  paymasters  in  the  Navy,  and  graduating 

their 1345, 1454,  1743,  1919,  2436,  2510 

bill  (S.  No.  231)  concerning  the  subsistence 

and,  of  the  Army 1559,  1887 

joint  resolution  (No.  72)  relative  to,  of  staff 

officers  of  the  Lieutenant  General 2050, 

2324,  2344,  2436 
bill  (No.  281)  to  amend  the  sixteenth  section 
of  the  act  to  define  the,  and  emoluments  of 
certain  officers  of  the  Army,  2778, 2781,  2962 
joint  resolution  (No.  87)  amendatory  of  an  act 
to  provide  for  the  deficiency  in  the  appro- 
priation for  the,  of  officers  and  men  actually 
employed  in  the  Western  department  or  de- 
partment of  Missouri 2778, 

2782,  3190,  3219,  3360 
bill    (No.    542)    to    regulate   the,    of    pay- 
masters and  military  storekeepers  of  ord- 
nance  3126,  3437,  3541 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  546)  to  regulate  the  rank,  and 
emoluments  of  veterinary  surgeons  of  cav- 
alry regiments 3157,  3165,  3188 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  77)  explanatory  of  an 

act  to  increase  the,  of  soldiers  in  the  Army 

of  the  United  States. ..3452,  3481,  3482,  3501 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  119)  explanatory 

ofjoint  resolution  in  relation  to  the,  of  staff 

officers  of  the  Lieutenant  General 3481, 

3492,  3501,  3544,  3547 
bill  (S.  No.  7)  to  increase  the  bounty  for  vol- 
unteers and  the,  of  the  Army 9, 

17,  36,  42,  48,  57,  543 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  35)  to  provide  for  the  deficiency 
in  the  appropriation  for  the,  of  officers  and 
men  actually  employed  in  the  Western  de- 
partment or  department  of  Missouri 86, 

153,  219,  275 
bill  (S.  No.  118)  to  promote  the  efficiency  of 
chaplains  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States 
and    define    their    rank    and,  and    emolu- 
ments  643,936 

resolution  (No.  47)  to  appropriate  !i^25,000,000 
for  the  subsistence  and,  of  militia  called  out 

by  the  President 1861,  2022 

(See  Compensation.) 
Paymasters,  acting  assistant,  bill  (S.  No.  108) 
relating  to,  in  the  Navy,  and  regulating  the 
appointment  of  cadets  in  the  Naval  Acad- 
emy  539,  553,  814,  1344,  1364,  1402 

Payment,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  69)  for  the, 
of  volunteers  called  out  for  not  less  than  one 

hundred  days 1919, 

1933,  2022,  2054,  2117,  2207 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  293)  to  provide  for  the,  of  the 
second  regiment  third  brigade  Ohio  volun- 
teer militia  during  the  time  they  were  mus- 
tered into  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
2392,  2622,  2727,  2751,  2879 
Peace,  resolution  of  Mr.  Davis  proposing  a  con- 
vention to  arrange  terms  of. 2819 

Pennsylvania  war  claims:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  117) 
to  reimburse  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  for 
expenses  in  calling  out  the  militia  of  said 

State  during  the  recent  invasion 2139, 

2170,  3219,  3370,  3407,  3408,  3437,  3443 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3440 

Mr.  Brown. ..3437,  3438,  3440,  3441,  3443 

Mr.  Cowan 3219, 

3370,  3373,  3374,  3407,  3408,  3437, 
3438,  3439,  3440,  3441,  3442,  3443 

Mr.  Davis 3437, 

3438,  3439,  3441,  3443,  3444 

Mr.  Doolittle 3438,3440,  3443 

Mr.  Grimes 3437,  3438,  3439 

Mr.  Harlan 3374 

Mr.  Harris 3373,  3437 

Mr.  Henderson 3439,  3443 

Mr.  Hendricks 3439,  3440,  3443 

Mr.  Hicks .....3373,  3440,  3442 

Mr.  Howe 3441 

Mr.  Johnson 3440 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3374,  3441 

Mr.  McDougall 3440 

Mr.  Morgan 3437 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3438,  3440 

Mr.  Sherman 3371,  3372,  3373, 

3374,  3408,  3437,  3438,  3439,  3441,  3443 

Mr.  Sprague 3440,  3442,  3443 

Mr.  Sumner 3374 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 3370, 

3371,  3372,  3373,  3374,  3438,  3439,  3441 


Pennsylvania  war  claims:  bill  (H.  R.No.  117)  to 
reimburse  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  for  ex- 
penses in  calling  out  the  militia  of  said  State 
during  the  recent  invasion — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Trumbull 3441 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3371,  3372,  3373,  3374 

Mr.  Willev 3441 

Mr.  Wilson 3437 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3437,  3440,  3443 

Pension  agents,  bill  (S.  No.  199)  relating  to  the 

compensation  of. 1310, 

1344,  2139,  2552,  3303,  3226,  3444 

Pension,  bill  (No.  312)  to  increase  the,  of  the 

revolutionary  pensioners  now  on  the  rolls  of 

the  Pension  Office 1036,  1310,  1345,  1454 

Pensions,  the  Committee  on 16,  198,  460 

instructions  to 2651 

reports  from... .606,  864,  960,  1310,1703,  2139, 
2170,2371,2457,2842,2866,3062,3086,3357 

adverse  reports  from 837,  864,  880, 

1174,  1944,  2014,  2139,  2170,  2371,  2457, 
2551,  2622,  2842,  2866,  3028,  3086,  3455 

discharged  from  subjects 252, 

1174,  1635,  1636,  2866,  3482 
Pensions,  bill  (S.  No.  4)  to  extend  the  act  of  Con- 

fress  granting,  to  persons  wounded  in  the 
ndian  massacres  in  Minnesota  in  the  years 

1862and  1863 9,  17,  1944 

bill  (No.  406)  supplementary  to  an  act  to  grant, 
1665,  1673,    2866,    3232,    3368,    3410, 

3412,  3495,  3501,  3513,  3514,  3544,  3547 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  33)  making  appropriations  for 

the  payment  of  invalid  and  other,  for  the  year 

ending  June  30,  1865 48,  75,  361,  460 

Peoria,  Baptiste,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  1257,  1402 
Phelps,  John  S. — see  .Accounts. 
Pike,  Joseph, bill  granting  pension  to,  3481, 3492 
Pitcher,  C.  A.,  bill  for  relief  of... 896,  3358,  3454 
Pomeroy,  Samuel  C,  a  Senator  from  Kan- 
sas  16,  36,  37,  76,  144,  173, 

198,  253,  288, 319,  343, 435, 459, 519, 521, 
585,  608,  631, 669, 694, 813, 864,  895, 920, 
936,  1002,  1009,  1025,  1054,  1082,  1107, 
1154,  1207,  1274,  1310,  1344,  1385,  1559, 
1607,  1637,  1690, 1771,  1804,  1840,  1841, 
1842,  1863,  1887,  1944,  2050,  2055,  2139, 
2371,  2395,  2405,  2511,  2545,  2588,  2621, 
2624,  2777,  2820,  2962,  3062,  3086,  3116, 
3129,  3157,  3l58,  3159,  3188,  3222,  3232, 
3285,  3375,  3387,  3388,  3408,  3411,  3412, 

3413,  3414,  3448,  3491,  3494,  3498,  3514 

resolutions  by 1000,1841,  2511,  3116,  3514 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill...  141,  246,  247 
remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 289, 

990,  1177,  1178,  1207,  1208 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  483, 

639,818,  820,  1025,  1027,  1028,  2285,  2288 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 487,  937 

remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 553,  554 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156),  622,  657 
remarks  on  the  death   of  Hon.  Owen   Love- 
joy 1334 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1361, 

1362,  1842 
remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill,  1571, 1612 
remarks  on  the    land  grant   for  Kansas    rail- 
roads  1683, 3408 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law, 

1708,  1710,  1782 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1804, 

1805,  1806,  1809,  1813,  2845,  2851 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of 

Wisconsin 1863,  2752,  2754 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1865, 

1870,    1871,    1889,   1897,    1898,    1900, 

1953,  1955,  2123,  2125,  2143,  2145,  2146 

remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1923,  1930 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2023,2024 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2332, 

2351,  2352,  2354,  2355,  2356,  2358, 
2377,  2379,  2380,  2382,  2397,  2398, 
2399,  2400,  2401,  2402,  2403,  2404, 
2417,  2418,  2419,  2420,  2421,  2422 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio 2346 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2439, 

2460,  2463,  2488, 2518,  2523,  2546, 
2548,  2564,  2569,  2601,  2632,  2656, 
3668,  2669,  2668,  2671,  9765,  2768 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XXTII 


Pomeroy,  Samuel  C,  a  Senator  from  Kansas — 
Conlinued. 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2833,  3202 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  hill,  2846, 

2847,  2848,  2849,  2850,  2851,2870,2871, 

2872,  2873,  2874,  2875,  2876,  2877,  2878 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  estabhsh  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2931,  3301,  3335,  3337 

remarks  on  the  tal-iffbill 3006,  3007, 

3008,  3009,  3010,  3013,  3041,  3042,  3043 
remarks  on  the  Overland  Mail  Company  bill, 

3063,  3064,  3065 
remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 

3119,  3126 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill,  3233, 

3234 
remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3375,3376 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 3409 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3438,3440 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3503,  3510 

Porter,  Admiral,  joint  resolution  (H.R.  No.  13) 

tendering  the  thanks  of  Congress  to 842, 

1454,  1614, 1639,  1802 
Porter,  William,  and  William  Lurkins,  bill  for 

the  relief  of. 118,  480,670 

Port  of  delivery,  bill  (S.  No.  69)  to  constitute 
Parkersburg,  in  the  State  of  West  Virginia, 

a 319,864,  1001,  1036,  1082 

Ports  of  delivery,  bill  (S.  No.  242)  to  establish 
Portland ,  in  the  State  of  Oregon ,  and  Leaven- 
worth, in  the  State  of  Kansas 1703, 

.      1772,3408,3444,3483 

Port  of  entry,  bill  (S.  No.  120)  to  reestablish  the 

principal,  for  the  district  of  Champlain,at 

Pittsburgh r, .'. 606, 

622,  743,  2567,  2623,  2664,  2778 
bill  (S.  No.  210)  establishing  a,  at  Washing- 
ton, District  of  Coluinbia 1361,  2239 

Postal  money  order  system,  bill  to  establish  a, 

1694,  1771,  1861,  2239,  2275,  2344 

Postmasters,  bill  (H.  R.No.  408)  for  the  relief  of, 

who  have  been  robbed  by  confederate  forces 

or  rebel  guerrillas 1665, 

1673,  1771,  1842,  1860,  2017 
bill  (S.  No.  332)  to  establish  salaries  for,  3219, 
3251,  3415,3444,3483 
remarks  on  the,  by-;- 

Mr.  Anthony 3254 

Mr.  Coliamer,  3219,3251,3252,3253,3254 

Mr.  Conness 3252,  3253 

Mr.  Davis 3254 

Mr.  Dixon „ 3253, 3254 

Mr.  Hale 3252,  3253,  3254 

Mr.  Wilson 3252 

Post  Offices   and   Post   Roads,   the   Commiitee 

on 16.  153 

instructions  to,  42,  153, 219, 523,  606, 837, 1207 

reports  from 288,  586, 

836,  1022,  1130,  1154,  1274,  1381,  1454, 
1773, 2117,  2324,  2866,  3028,  3190,  3219 

adverse  reports  from 2484 

discharged  from  subjects 288, 

-  583,  1771,  2324 
Post  Office  Department,  calls  for  information  from 

the 76,262 

communications  from  the 459 

bill  (S.  No,  158)  in  addition  to  an  act  to  amend 

the  laws  relating  to  the 1022, 

1109,  1136,  1156 

bill  (No.  575)  to  correct  a  clerical  error  in  the 

law  of  June  30,  1864,  relating  to  the. ..3497, 

3499,  3514,  3547 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  50)  making  appropriations  for 
the  service  of  the,  during  the  fiscal  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1865 118, 

343,  1052,  1136,  1209 

Post  roads,  bill  (S.  No.  102)  to  establish  certain, 

and  to  regulate  commerce  among  the  States, 

521,  583,  887,  2239 
bill  (No.  320)  supplementary  to  an  act  approved 

July  14,  1862,  to  establish  certain 1743, 

1746.2117,2344 

bill  to  establish  certain 3087, 

3099,  3190,  3303,  3370,  3481 

Post  route,  bill  to  establish  a,  from  Mankato.in 

Minnesota,  to  the  Winnebago  agency  on  the 

Missouri  river,  in  the  Territory  of  Dakota,  37 

Pott,  Charles  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2392,  3455 

Powell,  Lazarus  W.,  a  Senator  from  Kentucky, 

4,  12,    15,   81,    84,   86,   95,    137,  173, 

319,    459,    519,    524,    538,    553,    583, 

643,     769,    786,    813,    842,    8B0,    938, 


Powell,  Lazarus  W.,  a  Senatorfrom  Kentucky — 
Continued. 

1000,  1058, 1081, 1096, 1108,  1164, 1^47, 
1249, 1274, 1360, 1361 ,  1386,  1417,  1478, 
1638, 1660, 1666, 1743, 1813,  1933,  1945, 
1986,  2016,  2239,2300,  2424,  2437,  2484, 
2522, 2770, 2771, 2798,  2818,  2879,  3002, 
3029,3062,3086,3100,3129,  3130,  3138, 
3158,  3338,  3448,  3462,  3498,  3509,  3510 

rcsoUUions  by 319, 

524,  786,  1247,  1361,  2484,  3169,  3188 
remarks  on  the  seat  of  Hon.  Robert  Wilson, 

of  Missouri 9 

remarks  on  appointment  of  committees,  15, 16 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  inter- 
ference in  elections 12,  95,  101,  102, 

104,  105,  106, 107, 108,319,  524,  769, 798, 

868,  924,  938,960, 1250, 1260, 1261,  2222, 

2223,  2963,  3158,  3159,  3160,  3224,  3326 

(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office .*. 52,  53,294 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 206, 

230,  723,  745,  748,  749,  755, 756 

remarks  on  theenlistments  bill 289,361,  394 

remarks  on   the  proposed   expulsion  of  Mr. 

Davis 366,369 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers   466,  641,  1029,  2284,  2301, 2306 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 488, 

490,494,769 
remarks  on  an  emancipation  petition,  537,538 
remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156)  ..615, 655 
remarks  on  the  disqualification  of  color  in  car- 
rying the  mails 838,  841 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law, 

880,  1175, 1715 

remarks  oa  the  loan  bill 881,883 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  spec- 
ulations  982,  983,  984,  1001,  1002 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant 1033 

remarks  on  thegoliTbil! 1049,  1052 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1130,  1405,  1424,  1425,1444, 

1445,  1446,  1447,  1483,  1486,  1487,  1490 
remarks  on  theorganizationof  Montana,  1345, 

1362 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill,  1571, 

1572,  1574,  1575,  1576, 1612 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1651,  1670, 1673 

remarkson  the  FortPillow  massacre, 1664, 1673 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  taxes  in  the  in- 
surrectionary districts 1665,  1666 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation   bill, 

1686,  1688,  1689,  1691 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1813, 

2853,  2879 
remarks  on  the  one  hundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2025,2029 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 2127,  2142, 

2146,  2174,  2180,  2202,  2203,  2206,  2207 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2276 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  printing  of 

documents 2309 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio 2344, 2345,  2346 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2492, 

2493,  2525,  2526/  2548,  2569,  2571,  2574, 
2594, 2595,2596, 2601, 2634, 2654, 2655, 2705, 
2708, 2710, 2713, 2734, 2763, 2764,  2770,  3255 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 
publication  of  the  debates. ...2589, 2785,  3545 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Freed  men's  Affairs 2787, 

2966,  3292,  3300,  3302,  3303,  3346,  3350 
remarks  on  the  House  bill  repealing  the  fugi- 
tive slave  laws,  2963,  3128,  3129,  3177,  3178 
remarks  on  the  tariff  bill , 3037, 3046 ,  3048, 3053 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3194 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill ......3134 

remarks  on  the  suppression  of  the  Cincinnati 

Enquirer 3188,  3375, 3376,  3377,  3378 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3265 

remarks  on  the  bill   providing  bail  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3293,  3298,  3299 

remarks  on   the  East  Tennessee  railroad  bill, 

3360,  3448 
remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill,  3385, 

-  3387,  3487 

remarkson  claims  for  Army  supplies 3419, 

3500 


Preble,  George  Henry,  bill  for  relief  of.. .480,  632 
Preemption — see  Public  Lands. 
President  of  the  United  States,  calls  for  inform- 
ation from  the 37,  118,  275,  343, 

394,  481,  837,  864,  880,  936,  1082, 
1108,  1247, 1382, 1609, 1900,  1986,  2171, 
2274,  2458,  2484,  2866,  3169,  3188,  3219 

communications  from  the 12, 

33.  44,  93,  100,  117,  118,  151,  275, 
420,  480,  524,  643,  693,  769,  785,  816, 
880,  936,  960,  1000,  1044.  1081,  1082, 
1107,  1108,  1130,  1156, 1247, 1274, 1310, 
1344,  1402,  1523,  1840, 1888, 1918,  2014, 
2015,  2117,  2140,  2218,2274,2299,2324, 
2372,  2405,  2586,  2624,2651,2727,2842, 
2894,  3062,  3085, 3116, 3219,  3289,  3337, 
3360,  3388,  3444,  3482,  3491,  3500,  3546 

President  p'o  tempore,  election  of 47, 

768,  1044,  1519,  1860 
Presque  Isle — see  Collection  District. 

Printing,  the  Joint  Committee  on 16 

instructions  to 17,42,  1000,  1249 

reports  from 24, 

55,  75,  76,  146,  153,  197,  275,  343,  523, 
719,  743,  960,  1022,  1082,  1108,  1154, 
1174,  1608,  1635,  1771, 1861, 1887, 1919, 
2218,  2299,  2343,  2696,2751,2777,3062, 
3086,  3157,  3285,  3358,  3437,  3481,3546 

.adverse  reports  from 1248,  2050,  2218 

discharged  from  subjects 36, 

55,  144,  319,  693,  3062 
Prisoners:  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  10)  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  United 
States  held  captive  in  the  rebel   prisons  at 

Richmond  and  vicinity 118,  3116 

Private  Land  Claims,  the  Committee  on  ,16, 47,481 

reports  from 1454,  2777,  2818 

discharged  from  subjects 2778 

Private  land  claims,  bill  to  amend  an  act  to  con- 
firm certain,  in  the  Territory  of  New  Mex- 
ico  1802,2777,  2796,  2818,  2894 

bill  (S.  No.238)  to  ascertain  and  settle  certain, 

in  the  State  of  California 1683, 

2171,  2552,  2842,  2866,  2922,  2962, 3087 
Prize  money,  joint  resolution  (No.  42)  author- 
izing the  paymentof,  due  to  Commander  A b- 
ner  Read,  United  States  Navy,  to  his  widow, 

Constance  Read 837,  842,  865,  874,  936 

bill  (No.  446)  to  regulate  prize  proceedings  and 

the  distribution  of. 3087, 

3099,  2150,  3292,  3368,  3410,  3481 
Proclamation,  bill  (S.No.  HI)  ratifying  and  con- 
firming the,  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  dated  January  1,  1863,  and  giving  it 

the  force  of  statute 553 

Property,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  Ill)  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  re- 
claim and  preserve  certain 3251, 

3292,  3327,  3481 

bill  (S.  No.  318)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 

the  Treasury  to  sell  certain,  when  no  longer 

required  for  the  public  service 3086,3219 

Provost  Marshal  General — see  Pay. 

Public  Buildings  and  Grounds,  the  Committee 

on 16 

instructions  to 1176,3266 

reports  from 553,  982,  1082,  1331,  2171 

adverse  reports  from 1840 

discharged  from  subjects 1840 

Public  Buildings,  bill  (S.  No.  43)  relating  to  the 

office  of  Commissioner  of. 134, 

553,  606,  669,  1082, 1331, 2392 
bill  (S.  No.  179)  to  aid  the  State  of  Kansas  in 
the  erection  of  a  court-house  for  the  United 
States  courts  and  post  office  at  Topeka,  Kan- 
sas  744,1154 

Public  documents,  bill  (S.  No.  265)  to  expedite 

and  regulate  the  printing  of. 2050, 

2218,  2307,  2326,  3116,  31C0,  3289 

Public  Lands,  the  Committee  on 16 

reports  from... 153,  360,  435, 606,  693, 743,880, 
1227, 1247,  1274,  1344, 1345, 1416, 1559, 
1608, 1802,  1944,  1986,1988,2050,2171, 
2239,  2274,  2299, 2343, 2436,  2457, 2586, 
2622,  2696,  2751, 2777, 2778,  2866, 2921, 
3062,  3099,  3116,  3117,  3339,  3359,  3375 

adverse  reports  from 719,  1257,  2622,  2777 

discharged  from  subjects 343, 

693,   719,  768,  880,  1107,   1227,  1344, 

1416,  1559,  2229,  2457,  2622,  2777,  3413 

Public  lands,  joint  resolution  (S.No.  17)  relative 

to  a  certain  grant  of,  for  railroad  purposes 

made  to  the  Territory  of  Minnesota  in  the 

year  1857 17,  153,  435,  1802,  1841 


XXVIII 


INDEX  TO 


Public  lands — Continiied. 

bill  (S.  No.  12)  extending  the  time  within 
which  the  States  and  Territories  may  accept 
the  grant  of,  made  by  the  act  donating,  to 
the  several  States  and  Territories  which  may 
provide  colleges  for  the  benefit  of  agricul- 

culture  and  the  mechanic  arts 17, 

24,153,389,1491,1560,1607 

;bill  (S.  No.  11)  granting,  to  the  People's  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Company  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  and  telegraphic  line  to 
the  Pacific  coast  by  the  northern  route. ...24, 

101,  921 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  6)  in  relation  to  a  grant 
of,  heretofore  made  to  the  State  of  Michigan 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  railroads  in  that 
Stale 42 

bill  (S.  No.  21)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Kansas 
to  indemnify  her  citizens  for  losses. ..42,  693 

bill  (S.  No.  23)  granting,  to  the  Statu  of  Ore- 
gon to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  military 
road  from  Eugene  City  to  the  southern  or 

eastern  boundary  of  said  State 48, 

606,  3461,  3482,  3500 

bill  (S.  No.  24)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Ore- 
gon to  aid  in  the  construction  of  ii  military 
road  from  the  Dalles  of  Columbia  river  to  a 
point  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  Owyhee  river, 

48,  606,  669 

bill  (S.  No.  31)  making  a  grant  of,  to  the  State 
of  Minnesota  to  aid  in  the  construction  of 
the  railroad  from  St.  Paul  to  Lake  Supe- 
rior  42,95,  606,814,923,961, 

1030,  1887,  1900,  1988,  2050,  2117,  2140 

bill  (No.  32)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Michi- 
gan for  the  construction  of  a  wagon  road  for 
postal  and  military  purposes 95,719 

bill  (S.  No.  101)  amendatory  to  the  act  for  a 
grant  of,  to  the  State  of  Kansas  in  alternate 
sections  to  aid  in  tlie  construction  of  certain 
railroads  in  said  State 118,  521,  1608 

bill  (S.  No.  60)  amendatory  of  the  homestead 
Jaw ...219,  360,  388,  1176,  1209,  1228 

bill  to  authorize  a  loan  on  the  security  of  the, 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  promote  the  sale 
and  settlement  of  the  same 319,  2457 

bill  (S.  No.  73)  to  enable  the  trustees  of  Blue 
Mont  College  to  perfect  tlie  title  to  their 
.lands 343,  743,  2796,  3461,  3482,  3500 

bill  (S.  No.  74)  to  secure  homesteads  to  per- 
sons in  the  military  service  of  the  United 
.States 343,  2457 

bill  (S.  No.  83)  to  amend  an  act  confirming 
certain  land  claims  in  the  State  of  Michi- 
.gan 387 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  22)  in  reference  (o  lands 
.belonging  to  certain  States 480,  2457 

bill  (S.  No.  109)  to  expedite  the  settlement 
of  titles  to  lands  in  the  State  of  Califor- 
nia  539,  982,  1002, 

1130,  1247,  1310,  2653,  3378,  3410,  3482 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  179)  concerning  lands  in  the. 
State  of  California (535 

,  .„  ,^  2651,  2778,  3063,  3077,"3019 

bill  (S.  No.  117)  to  provide  for  the  consolida- 
tion of  certain  surveyor  generals'  districts, 

643,  693,  824 

bill  (S.  No.  121)  donating,  to  the  several  States 
for  the  support  and  education  of  the  orphan 
children  of  soldiers  and  sailors  who  die  in 
the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  United 
States gf)4    2777 

bill  (S.  No.  124)  to  amend  the  act  for  a'grant 
of,  to  the  State  of  Kansas  in  alternate  sec- 
tions, to  aid  in  the  construction  of  certain  rail- 

.  .';°"i^  ""^  telegraphs  in  said  State,  694,  1608 

bill  (S.  No.  137)  to  exclude  disloyal  persons 

.  n'Ti  ^'T.;-;; ; ••••837, 2622 

bill  (iNo.  217)  to  confirm  certain  entries  of,  in 
the  State  of  Missouri ggf) 

u>, .«  ^T    J,V '  ^^^'^'  3"^'^'  soesVsofy.'sigd 

bill  (&.  JNo.  ]()0)lograiit,iii  aid  of  the  construc- 
tion of  certain  railroads  in  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin   10'35  1559 

u„  .  J^^*^'  ^^^~'  ^^8"^'  13"!'  2050,'  2117,  2140 
bill  (No.  164)  to  revive  an  act  for  the  i(  lief  of 
purchasers  and  locators  of  swamp  and  over- 
flowed  jOQO  2299 

bill  (S.  No.  149)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Ore- 
gon to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  military 
road  from  Portland  lo  Dalles  City...        936 

,  •„  ,o    ^r      J^^r--^^^^-  ^2^^'  ^-^4'  1^59,  2457 

bill  (b.  No.  180)  in  relation  to  university  lands 

in  Minnesota II74   i227 


Public  lands — Continued. 

bill  (S.  No.  181)  in  reference  to  donation  claims 

in  Oregon  and  Washington 1207, 

1227,  1661,  1887,  1919,  2015 

bill  to  donate  the  unsold,  along  the  route  of 
the  Iron  Mountain  railroad  to  aid  in  the  ex- 
tension and  construction  of  that  road  to  a 
point  on  the  Mississippi  river 1247 

bill  (S.  No.  208)  making  a  grant  of,  to  the  State 
of  Iowa  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  rail- 
road from  McGregor  to  some  point  on  the 
Missouri  river  and  certain  lateral  roads  to 
connect  with  the  railroadsin  Minnesota,  1344, 

1559 

bill  (S.  No.  192)  to  amend  an  act  for  a  grant 
of,  to  the  State  of  Kansas  in  alternate  sec- 
tions to  aid  in  the  construction  of  certain 
railroads  and  telegraphs  in  said  State,  1207, 

1257,  1608 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  38)  explanatory  of  the 
tenth  section  of  an  act  to  reduce  the  expenses 

of  the  survey  and  sale  of  the 1257, 

1274,  1345,  3408,  3444,  3483 

bill  (S.  No.  193)  to  extend  the  eighth  section 
of  an  act  to  appropriate  the  proceeds  of  the 
sales  of  the,  and  to  grant  preemption  rights, 

1274,  3412,  3413 

bill  (No.  200)  for  a  grant  of,  to  the  State  of 
Kansas  to  aid  in   the  construction   of  the 

,  Osage  and  Cottonwood  Valley  railroad  in 
said  State 1310,  1608 

bill  (No.  203)  authorizing  a  grant  to  the  State 
of  California  of  the  Yosemite  valley  and  of 
the  land  embracing  the  Mariposa  Big  Tree 
Grove 1310,  2299,  2300,  3378,  3444 

bill  (No.  371)  for  the  relief  of  the  settlers  upon 

certain,  in  California 1382, 

1402,  1416,  1636,  1986,  2015,  2139 

bill  (S.  No.  216)  to  grant  the  right  of  pre- 
emption to  certain   settlers  on  the  Rancho 

Bolsa  deTomales,  in  California 1416, 

2015,  2796,  2878,  3062 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  42)  to  extend  the  time 
for  the  reversion  to  the  United  States  of  the, 
granted  by  Congress  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  a  railroad  from  Pere  Marquette  to 
Flint,  and  for  the  completion  of  said  road, 

1477.  2436,  2727 

bill  (S.  No.  233)  making  an  additional  grant 
of,  to  the  State  of  Kansas  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction   of  railroad   and    telegraph  lines, 
1608,  1683,  1743,  3408,  3444,  3483 

bill  (S.  No.  239)  to  grant  aid  for  the  construc- 
tion of  certain  railroadsin  Minnesota,  1683, 

2777 

bill  (S.  No.  241)  granting  to  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin a  donation  of,  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  a  ship  canal  at  the  head  of  Sturgeon 
bay 1704,  2586,  2751 

bill  (S.  No.  250)  to  amend  the  act  making  a 
grant  of  alternate  sections  of  the,  to  the  State 
of  Michigan  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  cer- 
tain railroadsin  said  State 1840, 

2299,  2324,  2696,  2727,  2778,  2842 

bill  (S.  No.  255)  in  relation  to  the  mines  and 
mineials  in  the 1861 

bill  (No.  227)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Mich- 
igan for  the  construction  of  certain  wagon 
roads  for  military  and  postal  purposes,  1888, 
1900,2239,  2819,  3086,  3190 

bill  (No.  247)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin to  build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Supe- 
rior...1888,  1900, 2866, 2963, 3039, 3063, 3360 

bill  (No.  159)  for  a  grant  of,  to  Iowa  in  alter- 
nate sections  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a 

railroad  in  said  State 1888,  1900, 

2015,  2050,  2082,  2171,  2227,  2239,  2275 

bill  (No.  381)  to  amend  an  act  making  a  grant 
of,  to  the  State  of  Iowa  in  alternate  sections 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  certain  railroads 

in  said  State 1900, 

2274,  2325,  2384,  2458,  2622,  2696 

bill  (S.  No.  264)  for  the  disposal  of  coal  lands, 

and  of  town  property  on  the 2050, 

2707,  2963,  3408,  3444,  3483 

bill  (S.  No.  269)  making  additional  grant  of, 
to  the  State  of  Minnesota  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  railroads  from  Stillwater  to  St. 
Cloud 2170,2622 

bill  (S.  No.  279)  to  amend  the  actof  Congress 
making  donations  to  settlers  on  the,  in  Ore- 
gon, approved  September  27,  1850,  and  the 

acts  amendatory  thereto 2324, 

2343,  3192,  3289 


Public  lands — Continued. 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  20S)  authorizing  the  issue  of 
patents  for  locations  made  with  certificates 
granted  under  authority  of  the  act  of  Con- 
gress, approved  March  17,  1862,  allowing 
floats  in  satisfaction  of,  sold  by  the  United 
States  within  the  limits  of  the  Las  Ormigas 

and  La  Nana  grants  in  Louisiana 2344, 

2457,  3338,  3378,  3481 
bill  (No.  469)  extending  the  time  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Marquette  and  Ontonagon  rail- 
road of  the  State  of  Michigan 2587, 

2599,  2696,  2727,  2778,  2787,  3116 
bill  (No.  483)  granting,  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line  from 
Lake  Superior  to  Puget  sound,  on  the  Pa- 
cific coast,  by  the  northern  route 2622, 

2664,  3062,  3290,  3360,  3459,  3482,  3514 
bill  (S.  No.  295)  making  additional  grant  of,  to 
the  State  of  Minnesota  in  alternate  sections , 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  in 

said  State 2651,2777 

bill  (S.  No.  297)  making  a  grant  of,  to  the 
Territories  of  Dakota  and  Montana  in  al- 
ternate sections  to  aid  in  the  construction  of 

a  railroad  in  said  Territories 2651,  2777 

bill  (S.  No.  301)  for  the  sale  of  a  lot  of,  in 
Iowa,  in  the  Fort  Crawford  reservation,  2751, 

3170,  3483 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  149)  concerning  certain  school 

lands  in   township    forty-five   north,   range 

seven  east,  in  the  State  of  Missouri  ....2818, 

2895,  2963 
bill  (S.  No.  306)  to  grant  to  the  State  of  Califor- 
nia certain,  for  State  prison  purposes. ..2894, 
2921,  3004,  3116,  3160,  3289 
bill  (S.  No.  315)  in  relation  to  the  sale  of  res- 
ervations of  the 3062, 

3266,  3442,  3481,  3500 
joint  resolution  (No.  99)  reserving  mineral 
lands  from  the  operation  of  all  acts  passed 
at  the  present  session  granting,  or  extend  ina: 
the  time  of  former  grants. ..3087,  3099,  3339 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  435)  concerning  certain  loca- 
tions of,  in  the  State  of  Missouri 3224, 

3358,  3410,  3481 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  558)  to  authorize   the  issuing 
of  patents  for  certain,  in  the  town  of  Stock- 
bridge,  Slate  of  Wisconsin 3326,  3337 

bill  (S.  No.  340)  to  provide  for  the  survey  and 
sale  of  the  mineral  lands  and  to  extend  the 

right  of  preemption  thereto 3360,  3544 

bill  (No.  203)  authorizing  a  grant  to  the  State 
of  California  of  Yosemite  valley  and  of  the 
land  embracing  Mariposa  Big  Tree  Grove, 

3360 

bill  (H.   R.  No.   559)   to  quiet  the  titles   to, 

within  the  Rancho  Laguna  de  Santos  Calle, 

in  the  State  of  California  3360, 

3370,  3375,  3388,  3420,  3514 
bill  (No.  560)  to  amend  an  act  to  grant  the 
right  of  preemption  to  certain  purchasers  on 
the  Soscol  Ranch  in  the  State  of  Califor- 
nia  3378,3388 

bill  (No.  301)  for  the  sale  of  a  lot  of,  in  Iowa 
in  the  Fort  Crawford  reservation, 3415, 3444 
bill  (S.  No.  333)  for  a  grant  of,  in  the  Territo- 
ries of  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  and  Arizona, 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 

telegraph  through  said  Territories 3232 

bill  to  grant  one  million  acres  of,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  public  schools  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia  2015 

bill  (S.  No.  277)  making  a  grant  of,  to  the 
Territories  of  Dakota  and  Idaho,  in  alternate 
sections,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  certain 
railroads  in  certain  Territories,  to  connect 
with    the   railroad    system    of   Minnesota, 

2274,  2751 
Public  printing,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  18)  in 

relation  to  the... 253,  420,  435,  480 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  474)  to  amend  an  act  relative  to 

the 2325,  2326,  2622,  2664,  2778 

joint  resolution    (S.   No.   65)  in   relation    to 

the 2921 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  14)  to  supply  in 
part  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for 
the,  and  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appro- 
priationsforbounties  to  volunteers,  7G,d3, 118 
joint  resolution  (3.  No.  15)  amendatory  of  the 
joint  resolution  to  supply  in  part  deficiencies 
in  the  appropriations  for  the,  and  to  supply 
deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for  boun- 
ties to  volunteers 145,  200,  221,  238 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XXIX 


Public  works,  bill  (S.  No.  143)  making  appro- 
priations  for  the  repair,   preservation,  and 
completion  of  certain,  heretofore  commenced 
under  the  authority  of  law...89G,  1918,  1919 
bill   (No.   450)   to  provide  for  the  repair  and 

preservation  of  certain 2551-,  2567,  2650, 

2921,3004,  3014,  3219,  3256,  3266,  3360 

a. 

Q,uarantine,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  563)  in  addition  to 
the  act  respecting:,  and  health  laws,  approved 
February  25,  1799,  and  for  the  better  execu- 
tion of  the  third  section  thereof 3407, 

3409,  3547 

duartermaster's  department,  bill  (S.  No.  154) 

to   provide   for   the   belter   organization    of 

the ; 982, 

1402,  2223,  3350,  3407,  3442,  3481,  3546 
Qi-uorum,  resolution  relative  to  the  number  con- 
stituting a,  of  the  Senate 960, 

1806,  2017,  2050,  2081,  2082 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Carlilo 2085,  2087 

Mr.  Davis 2017, 

2051,  2052,  2082,  2085,  2086,  2087 

Mr.  Foster 2051 

Mr.  Howe '. 2051,  2052 

Mr.  Johnson 2084,  2085,  2086 

Mr.  Sumner 1806,  2087 

Mr.  Sherman 960, 

1806,  2017,  2050,  2051,  2052,  2082,2087 

Mr.  Trumbull 1806 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2087 

R. 

Railroad,  bill  providing  forextending  the  Leaven- 
worth and  Galveston,  and  telegraph  line  to 
intersect  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  rail- 
road at  Cameron,  Missouri 539 

bill  (No.  132)  to  amend  an  act  to  aid  iii  the 
construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line  from  the 

Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean 786, 

921, 936,  960, 1022, 1703,  1802,  1900,  1921, 
2171,  2279,  2327,  2351,2376,2.395,   2417 
bill  (S.  No.  161)  to  extend  the  northern  branch 
of  the  Pacific,  from  Sioux   City   to    Supe- 
rior  1035 

bill  (S.  No.  287)  granting  lands  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line   from 

Lake  Superior  to  Pu£;ot  sound 2436 

joint  resolution  (No.  83)  autliorizing  the  Presi- 
dent to  construct  a  military,  from  the  valley 

of  the  Ohio  to  East  Tennessee 2587, 

2599,  3360,  3420,  3446 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  64)  explanatory  of  the 

net  extending  the  time  for  the  completion  of 

the  Marquette  and  Otonagon,  of  the  State  of 

Michigan 2907,  3002,  3087 

bill  (No.  438)  to  amend  an  act  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line  from 
the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and 
to  secure  to  the  Government  the  use  of  the 
same  for  postal,  military,  and  other  pur- 
poses  3251,  3266, 

3289,  3291,  3368,  3458,  3482,  3497,  3514 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  483)  granting  lands  to  aid  in 

the  construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line  from 

Lake  Superior  to  Pugcl  sound,  on  the  Pacific 

coast,  by  the  northern  route 2622, 

2664,  3062,  3290,  3360,  3459,  3482,  3514 
bill  to  amend  an  act  to  extend  the  charter  of  the 

Alexandria  and  Washington 3063,  3077 

Railroads:  joint  resolution '(S.  No.  46)  to  facili- 
tate commercial,  postal ,  and  military  commu- 
nication among  the  several  States,  1840,  2239 
(See  Public  Lands.) 
Railroad  Company,  bill  to  incorporate  the 
Metropolitan,  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia  173,  343,  1139, 1156, 

3086, 3099,  3116,  3326,  3378,  3410,  3482 
bill   to  amend  the  cliarter  of  the  Washington 

and  Georgetown 3063, 

3077,  3116,  3130,  3407,  3410,  3481 
Railway,  bill  to  authorize  the  construction  of  a 
street,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  1154, 2050 
Railway  Company,  bill  to  incorporate   the  Co- 
lumbia, in  the  District  of  Columbia,  197,  360 
RalTisey,  Alexander,  a  Senator  from   Minneso- 
ta... 14, 24,  42, 95, 144, 145, 152, 197,  219, 232, 
253, 263, 273, 343, 643, 719,  743, 768, 813, 
814, 836, 887, 895, 905, 906, 936,  960, 999, 
1025,  1174,  1226,  1247, 1331, 1.344,  1381, 
1402,  1448,  1454,  1637,  1863, 1887,  1945, 
2225,  2274,  2283,  2298,  2458,  2466,2600, 
2664,  2751,  30e9,  3157,  3266,  350Qy  3506 


Ramsey,  Alexander,  a  Senator  from  Minnesota — 
'  ("^ ny\  It iX'iLcd  * 
resolutions  by. ..253,  343,960,  3157,3266,3500 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  483 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  lancTgrant 923, 

924,  961,  962,  963,  969,  1030,  1033, 

1034,  1035,  1842,  1900,  1988,  1989 

remarks  on  the  bill   for  the  relief  of  Joseph 

Ford 1637,  1638 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2384, 

2419,  2422 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2466, 

2520,  2548 

remarks  on  tariff  bill 3040,  3041,  3042 

remarks  on  thesupplementary  pension  act, 3232, 

3233 
remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3263,  3265 
remarks  on  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill,  3290, 

3291 

Read,  Commander  Abner,  United  States  Navy, 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  42)  authorizing 

the  payment  of  prize  money,  due  to,  to  his 

widow,  Constance  Read 837, 

842,  865,  874,  936 
Rebellion,  bill  (S.  No.  3)  more  effectually  to  sup- 
press the 17,253 

bill  (S.  No.  46)  to  remove  doubts  on  the  con- 
struction of  the  joint  resolution  explanatory 
of  an  act  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish 
treason  and,  to  seize  and  confiscate  the  prop- 
erty of  rebels ;.. 145,  693 

resolution  (H.  R.  No.  18)  to  amend  a  joint 
resolution  explanatory  of  an  act  to  suppress 
insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and,  to  seize 

and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels 521, 

524,  693 
Reciprocity  treaty — see  TreaUj. 
Reconstruction,  bill  (No.  244)  to  guaranty  to  cer- 
tain States  whose    governm(;nts  have  been 
usurped  or  overthrown  a  republican  form  of 

government 2117,  2510,  3407, 

3448,  3452,  3457,  3459,  3482,  3491,  3544 
Recorder  of  land  titles,  bill  (S.  No.  166)  author- 
izing the  archives  in  she  office  of  the,  in  the 
State   of  Missouri,  to   be  delivered   to  said 

State 1082,  1247,  1559,  1802,  2622 

Red  river  expedition,  inquiry  relative  to  the  dis- 
asters to  the... 2218 

Register,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  31)  authoriz- 
ing the  issue  of  a,  to  the  steamer  Mo- 
hawk  921,  999,  1258,  1274,  1310 

bill  (S.  No.  249)  to  authorize  the  issuing  of  a, 

to  the  steam  vessel  John  Martin 1771, 

1802,  1842,  1860,  1888 
Registers  and  receivers  of  land  offices — see  Coni- 

•pensalion. 
Religion,  bill  to  prevent  the  Secretary  of  War 
and  others  engaged  in  the  military  service  of 
the  United  States  from  interfering  with  the 

freedom  of. 1000,  3448 

Reports,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  21)  to  provide 
for  the  printing  of  official,  of  the  operations 

of  the  Army  of  the  United  States 343, 

360,  1771,  2279,  2300,  2324,  2372 

Revenue,  the    Commissioner  of  Internal,  joint 

resolution   (H^.  R.  No.  15)  to  provide  for  the 

printing  annually  of  the  report  of..„ S9, 

153,163,-200 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  122)  to  increase  the  internal, 

339, 331,  435,  460, 484, 699, 719, 769, 786, 

814,  874,  886,  900,  921,  937,  960,  1053 

remarks  on  the  by — 

Mr.  Carlile 902,  908,  938 

Mr.  Clark 937,  938 

Mr.  CoUamer 491,  493 

Mr.  Conness...901,902,  904,  905,  906,  907 

Mr.  Cowan 489,  491,  903,  904,  906 

Mr.  Davis  937 

Mr.  Doolittle 488, 

489,  490,  492,  494,  902,  903, ,905,  907 

Mr.  Fessenden 435,  460,  462,  484, 

485, 486, 487, 488, 489, 490,  491,  492, 494, 
719,769,814,874,900,902,903,904,907 

Mr.  Foot 938 

Mr.  Foster 900 

Mr.  Grimes 486, 

488,  492,  900,  904,  907,  937,  938 

Mr.  Hale 814 

Mr.  Harlan .....493,494 

Mr.  Hendricks 462,  484, 

485,  486, 493, 494, 902, 903, 904,  907,  937 

Mr.  Howe 487,  492,  493,  908 

Mr.  Johnson 462,  491,  905,  906 


Revenue,  bill  (H.  R.No.  122)  to  increase  the  in- 
ternal—  Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 902,908 

Mr.  Pomeroy 487,  9,37 

Mr.  Powell 488,  490,  494,769 

Mr.  Ramsey 905,  906 

Mr.  Richardson 490 

Mr.  Sherman 489,  874, 

886,900,901,902,904,905,906,  907,  937 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 907 

Mr.  Trumbull 489,490,  491,  493 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 488 

Mr.  Wilson 906,  907 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 488,  494,  907,  938 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  265)  supplementary  to  an  act 
to  provide  ways  and  means  for  the  support 
of  the  Government. ..874,  881,  896, 900, 1053 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 881,  885 

Mr.  Chandler 884 

Mr.  Clark 885 

Mr.  Conness 883 

Mr.  Davis 886 

Mr.  Fessenden 881,  882,  883,  884,  885- 

Mr.  Foster 885 

Mr.  Plendricks 882,  883,  884,  885 

Mr.  Johnson 882,  883,  885 

Mr.  Morgan 885,886 

Mr.  Powell 881,  883 

Mr.  Sherman 881,  882,  883,  885,  886 

yens  and  nays  on  the 883,  886 

bill  (S.  No.  148)  to  prevent  frauds  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  internal,  and  to  prevent  smug- 

gling 921 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  34)  repealing  so  much 
of  the  act  to  increase  the  internal,  and  for- 
other  purposes,  passed  March  4,  1864,  as 
imposes  an  additional  tax  upon  distilled  spir- 
its imported  from  foreign  countries 1045 

bill  (No.  356)  requiring  the  proof  of  payment 
of  duties  on  foreign  salt  before  payment  of 
the  allowances  provided    for  by   the  acts  of 

July  29,  1813,  and  March  3,  1819 1228, 

2324,  2371,  2437,3002,  3039,  3190 
joint  resolution  (No.  67)  to  increase  tempora- 
rily the  duties  on  imports 1864, 

1865,  1919,  1945,  2017 
joint  resolution  (No.  68)  authorizing  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury    to    release   certain 

goods  from  the  payment  of  duties 1900, 

3188,  3303,  3327,  3481 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  405)  to  provide  internal,  to  sup- 
port Government,  to  pay  interest  on  the  pub- 
lic debt. ..2015,  2344,  2437,  2459,  2486,  2496, 
2512,  2522,2545,  2554,  2567,  2589,  2601, 

2625,  2654,2665,2698,2707,  2730,  2754, 
2765,  3039,  3254,  3266,  3378,  3410,  3481 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 2438, 

2466, 2606, 2669, 2670,  2671,  2756,  2757, 
2758,  2759,  2760,  2762,  2764,  2768,  3254 

Mr.  Brown 2569,  2710 

Mr.  Buckalew 2501,  2560,  2656 

Mr.  Carlile...., 2715 

Mr.  Chandler 2494,2495, 

2635,  2636,2654, 2655,  2656,  2657,  2703, 
2704,  2708,2709,  2710,  2731,  2732,  2770 

Mr.  Clark 2491, 

2492,2497, 2500,  2520,  2521,  2523,  2524, 
2525,  2526,2557,2567,2568,  2569,  2591, 
2593,  2594,  2626,  2635,  2654, 2655,  2656, 
2659,2660,2662,2663,  2666,2667,  2668, 
2669,  2670,  2071, 2703,  2704,  2705, 2706, 
2707,  2708,  2709,  2710, 2733,  2762,  2764 

Mr.  Collamer 2488, 

2489,2490,  2494,  2519,2520,  2521,  2525, 
2546,2551,2561,  2562,  2592,  2658,  2660, 
2061.2662,2663,  2665,  2666,  2067,  2670, 
267li2699,  2701,  2733,2734,  2735,2736, 
2737,  2738,  2739,  2740,  2754,  2757,  2762 

Mr.  Conness 2487,  2488, 

2489,  2490,2492,  2498,  2501,2515,2551, 
2554, 2555,  2556, 2557,  2558,  2559,  2560, 
2568,  2574,  2575,2595,  2629,2657,2661, 
2699,  2700,  2740,  2757,  2760,  2761,  2763 
Mr.  Cowan 2496,  2500,  2594,  2595, 

2626,  2671,  2714,  2715,  2733,  2757,  2764 
Mr.  Davis 2438, 

2440,  2445,  2487,  2488,  2500,  2515, 
2521,  2557,  2558,  2568,  2571,  2592, 
2593,  2596,  2599,  2603,  2631, 2633,  2634, 
2635,  2698,  2710,  2733,  2735,  2736,  2740, 
2756,  2764,  2765,2766,  2767,  2768,  2769 


XXX 


INDEX  TO 


Revenue,  bill  (H.R.No.  405)  to  provide  internal, 
to  support  tlie  Government,  to  pay  interest 
on  the  public  debt — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Doolittle 2497,  2635,  2738 

Mr.  Fessenden,  2015,2344,2437,2438,2439, 
2440,2441,2442,2443,  2444,  2445,  2446, 
2447,  2459,  2460, 2462,  2463, 2464,  2465, 
2466, 2467, 2469,  2470,  2487,  2488, 2489, 
2490,  2491,  2492,2493,  2494,  2495,  2496, 
2497,  2498,  2499,  2500,  2501,2513,  2515, 
2516,  2517,2518,  2519,  2520,  2521,  2522, 
2523,  2524,  2525,  2526,  2546,  2549,  2550, 
2551,  2554,  2555,  2556,  2557,  2558,  2559, 
2560, 2561 ,  2562, 2569,  2574,  2575,  2590, 
2591,  2593,  2594, 2595,  2599, 2602, 2603t 
2626, 2627, 2628, 2629,  2630,  2631,  2632, 
2633,  2656,  2657, 2658, 2659,  2660,  2661, 
2662, 2663,  2665,  2666,  2667,  2668, 2669, 
2670, 2671, 2698, 2699,  2700,  2701, 2702, 
2703,  2705, 2709,  2710,  2713, 2714, 2715, 
2730, 2731,  2732, 2733,  2734, 2735,  2738, 
2739,  2740, 2741,  2754,  2755, 2756,  2757, 
2758, 2759, 2760,  2761,  2763, 2764,  2768, 
2769,  2770,  3039,  3254,  3255,  3256,  3266 

Mr.  Foot 2514,2560,  2625,2628,  2761 

Mr.  Foster 2515,  2603,  2736 

Mr.  Grimes 2440,  2443,  2444,  2445, 

2465,  2466,  2467,  2468,  2501,  2514,2516, 
2546, 2568, 2569, 2594,  2626,  2627,  2628, 
2630,  2631, 2632,  2656,  2658,  2663,  2669, 
2698,  2700,2701,2706,  2709,  2711,2712, 
2714,  2730, 2731,  2733,  2735,  2738, 2739, 

2756,  2757, 2759,  2760,  2765,  2770,  3254 
Mr.  Hale 2501, 

2523,  2661,  2662,  2710,  2737,  2738 

Mr.  Harris 2441,  2459, 

2467,  2468, 2487, 2490,  2496, 2498, 2546, 
2548,  2633,  2657,  2658,  2659,  2660,  2661, 
2669,  2705,  2730,  2731,  2732,  2733,  2764 

Mr.  Henderson 2444, 

2465, 2467,  2491,  2492,  2635,  2636, 2655, 
2656,  2662,  2663,  2703,  2704,  2705, 2706, 
2708,  2709,  2710,  2734, 27.35, 2736, 2737, 
2738,  2740,  2760,  2762,  2763,  2764,  2769 
Mr.  Hendricks 2461,2463,2464,  2465, 

2466,  2498, 2499,  2500,  2501,  2518,  2519, 
2520,  2521,  2522, 2523,  2524,  2525,  2547, 
2548,  2549, 2551,  2556,  2558,  2562,  2564, 
2568,  2569,  2570,  2591,  2594,  2627,  2702, 
2703,  2709, 2710,  2712,  2714,  2715, 2731, 
2735,  2740,  2741,  2754,  2755,  2759, 2760, 
2761,  2762, 2769, 2770,  3254,  3255,  3266 

Mr.  Howard 2523, 

2560,  2593,  2656,  2765,  2770,  3255 
Mr.  Howe 2438, 

2439,  2440,  2441,  2442,  2443,  2444, 
2445,  2446,  2447,  2460,  2463,  2464,  2490, 
2494,  2495, 2515,  2557,  2559, 2560, 2589, 
2599,  2699, 2700,  2701,  2702, 2703,  2714 

Mr.  Johnson 2438 

2440,  2441,  2462,  2468,  2469,'  '247o! 
2486,  2487, 2488,  2489,  2490,  2497,  2498, 
2499,  2500, 2514, 2516, 2517,  2518,  2520, 

2522,  2523,  2524, 2525,  2526,  2546,  2549, 
2550,  2551, 2559,  2560,  2567,  2591,  2592, 
2593,  2594,  2606,  2628,  2629, 2631,  2633, 
2635,  2656,  2657,  2658,  2660, 2661, 2662, 
2665,  2666, 2667,  2668,  2670,  2709,  2711, 
2713,  2730,  2731,  2735,  2738, 2740, 2754 

2757,  2758, 2759,  2762,  2763,  3254,  3255 
Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2465 

_ .  ^,  ^    „       2526,  2548,  2663 
Mr.  McDougall 2462 

2463,  2465,  2546,  2555, 2556,"  2557,' 2567! 

2568,  2569,  2574, 2575, 2589,  2590,  2606 
■   2657,  2667,  2740,  2741, 2758,  2759,  2760 

Mr.  Morgan 2667,  2755 

Mr.  Morrill 2546,  2595,  2596,  2599 

Mr.  Nesmith 2555,  2556,  2557,  2558 

Mr.  Pomeroy ,  2439, 2460, 2463, 2488, 2518, 

2523,  2546,  2548,  2564,2569,2601,2632, 
2656,  2658,  2659,2668,  2671,2765,  2768 

Mr.  Powell 2492,  2493,  2525, 

2526,  2548,  2569,  2571, 2574,  2594,  2595, 
2596,  2601,  2634,  2654, 2655,  2705,  2708, 
2710,  2713,  2734,2763,2764,2770,  3255 

Mr.  Ramsey 2466,2.520,  2548 

Mr.  Richardson 2462,  2567,  2714 

Mr.  Sherman 2015,  2344,  2439,  2440, 

2444,  2445,  2460, 2464,  2467,  2468,  2489, 
2493,  2494,  2495, 2496, 2498, 2501,  2513, 
2514,  2515,  2516,  2521,  2523, 2524, 2525, 
2546,  2549,  255 J ,  2560, 2561 ,  2562,  2563, 


Revenue,  bill  (H.R.No. 405)  to  provide  internal, 
to  support  the  Government,  to  pay  interest 
on  the  public  debt — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

2564,  2567,  2568,  2569, 2570,  2591, 2595, 
2625,  2632,  2634, 2657, 2658,  2663, 2666, 
2668,  2669,  2671,  2701,  2711, 2712, 2713, 
2730,  2731,  2733,  2734, 2735, 2736, 2738, 
2740,  2757,  2761,  2762,  2767,  3254,  3255 
Mr.  Sprague,  2445,  2470,  2491,  2496,  2525 

Mr.  Sumner 2344, 

2437,  2438,  2439,  2466,  2489,  2491, 
2492,  2493,  2501,  2513,2514,2568,2569, 
2593,  2594,  2599,  2658,2667, 2668,  2669, 
2714,  2740,  2760,  2762,  2763,2768,  2769 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2469,  2518, 

2627,  2632,  2633, 2660,  2732,  2733,  2738 

Mr.  Trumbull 2344, 

'  2440,  2445,  2446,  2464,  2466,  2469, 
2498,  2499,  2513,  2514,  2515,  2520, 
2549,  2550,  2567,  2658,  2662,  2671,  2769 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 2522,2660 

Mr.  Wade 2575 

Mr.  Wilkinson 2444, 

2445,  2446,  2606,  2769,  2770 

Mr.  Wilson 2515,  2516,  2567, 

2568,  2606,  2625,  2626,2627,2628,2629, 
2630,  2631,  2632,  2663,  2699, 2700, 2710, 
2712,  2756,  2757,  2758,2759,  2761,  2767 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2495, 

2501,    2515,    2521,    2550,    2559,   2591, 
2G06,  2628,  2632,  2655,2660,2704,2710,' 
2714,  2715,  2730,  2732,  2733,2736, 2738, 
2740,  2757,  2759,  2761,  2762,  2768, 2770 
joint  resolution  (No.  81)  amendatory  of  the 
joint  resolution  to  increase  temporarily  the 
duties  on  imports, 2424,2510,2782, 2908,2923 
bill  (No.  494)  to  increase  the  duties  on   im- 
ports  2751,  2921,  3004, 

3030,  3040,  3303,  3323,  3368,  3420,  3481 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  540)  to  provide  ways  and  means 

to  support  the  Government 3219, 

3251,  3289,  3326,  3370,  3481 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  115)  to  continue  in 
force  the  joint  resolution  to  increase  tempo- 
rarily the  duties  on  imports 3303,  3360 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  120)  imposing  a 

special  income  tax 3509, 

3514,  3539,  3544,  3547 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  78)  providing  for  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  raising,  by  taxation 3544 

joint  resolution  (No.  123)  to  correct  certain 

clerical  errors  in  the  internal,  act 3547 

Revision  of  the  laws,  bill  to  provide  for  the  codi- 
fication and,  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 

960,2484 
joint  resolution  to  provide  for  the,  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia 2484 

Revolutionary  Claims,  the  Committee  on 16 

reports  from 3219,  3547 

Richardson,  William   A.,  a  Senator  from   Illi- 

nois...341,  480,  521,  2283,  2424,  2459,  2586, 

3002,  3188,  3239,  3445,  3496, 3511,  3513 

resolutions  by 3188 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 490 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill. ...539,  541,  542 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 587,  589,  590 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  Red  river 

disasters 2218,  2219,  2220 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops.. ..2302 
remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill.. 2357,  2358 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405).. ..2462, 

2567,  2714 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Freedmen's  Affairs 2801,  2802,  2803 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2828,  2832, 

3091,  3093,  3097,  3201,  3202,  3203,  3204 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2901,2902 

remarks  on  the  Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3162, 

3164,  3165 
Richner,  William  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..3126 

3165,  3287,  3326,  3481 

Riddle,  George  R.,  a  Senator  from  Delaware, 

606,  744,  768,  1000,  1608,  1860,  2056, 

3178,  3232,  3285,  3326,   3493,  3495 

credentials  of,  presented 418 

resolutions  by 606,  744, 1000 

Ringgold,  Commodore  Cadwaladcr,Joint resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  19)  of  thanks  of  Congress  to, 
the  officers  and  crew  of  the  United  States  ship 
Sabine 253,262,435,842,874,960 


Rivers,  bill  (S.  No.  146)  to  enlarge  the  canals 
and  improve  the  navigation  of  the  Fox  and 
Wisconsin,  from  the  Mississippi  river  to 
Lake  Michigan,  for  military,  naval,  and  com- 
mercial purposes 896 

Rives,  John  C,  death  of,  announced 1560 

Roberts,  Louis,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .1608,  1636 

Robinson,  John  L.,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  460)  for  the 
relief  of  the  estate  of,  late  United  States  mar- 
shal for  the  district  of  Indiana 2274, 

2279,  3454,  3495,  3514 

Robinson,  Sarah,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2274, 

2279,  3454,  3495 

Rodgcrs,  Captain  John,  joint  resolution  (No.  12) 
tendering  the  thanks  of  Congress  to,  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  for  eminent  skill  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties 48,  80,  93, 118 

Rudd,  Henry,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3062 

Rules,joint, amendments  ofthe, proposed,  36, 198 
resolution  to  suspend  16th  and  17th,  3541,  3544 

Rules  of  the  Senate,  amendments  of  the 42, 

480,  553,  1154,  1176,  2437,  3129 

Russell,  W.  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  admin- 
istrator of. 3481,  3491 

S. 

Sackett's  Harbor,  joint  resolution  (No.  54)  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  sell 
at  public  auction  lot  No.  13  in  the  village 

of. 1345,  1454,  1613,  1639,  1802 

Salaries,  bill  (No.  552)  to  increase  the,  of  the 

judges  and  arbitrators  appointed  under  the 

treaty  with  Great  Britain  for  the  suppression 

ofthe  slave  trade,  3192, 3194, 3251, 3412, 3483 

bill  (S.  No.  332)  to  establish,  for  postmasters, 

3219,  3251,  3415,  3444,  3483 

Salary,  bill  (S.  No.  247)  in  relation  to  the,  of  the 

United  States   agent   for   the   Indians  near 

Green  bay 1771,  2222 

Salomon,  Haym  M.  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3219 

Sail,  bill  (No.  356)  requiring  the  proof  of  pay- 
ment of  duties  on  foreign,  before  payment  of 
the  allowances  provided  for  by  the  acts  of 

July  29,  1813,  and  March  3,  1819 1228, 

2324,  2371,  2437,  3002,  3039,  3190 

San  Ramon  land  grant,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  371)  for 

the  relief  of  the  settlers  upon  certain  lands  in 

California 1.382, 

1402,  1416,  1636,  1986,  2015,  2139 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  CoUamer 1988 

Mr.  Conness 1987,1988 

Mr.  Cowan 1987,  1988 

Mr.  Doolittle 1988 

Mr.  Fessenden 1987,  1988 

Mr.  Harding 1986,  1987,  1988 

Mr.  Johnson 1986,  1987,  1988 

Mr.  Sherman 1988 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1988 

Saulsbury,  Willard,aSenatorfrom  Delaware,  10, 
3&,  81, 139, 418, 434,  460, 542, 553,  581,  587, 
813,  908,  938,  1045,  1052, 1082,  1089, 1250, 
1260,  1360,  1465,  1466,  1704,  1806,  1808, 
2206,  2392,  2484,  2664,  3287,  3491,  3495 

resolutions  by 48,  460,  3287 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 48, 

49,  50,  51,  52,  54,  55,  281,  294,  296,  320 

remarks  on  the  soldiers'  bounty  bill 66,  67 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military  interfer- 
ence in  elections 102, 

103,  105,  106,  1258,  1260,  1274,  1276,  3159 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 126, 

204,  205,  247,  256,  749,  750 
remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Corne- 
lius Vanderbilt 258 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  522, 

1346,  1364,  1405, 1406, 1424, 1425, 1439, 

1440,  1442,  1446,  1465,  1487,  1489, 1490 

remarks  on  an  emancipation  petition. ..536, 537 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  members  from 

acting  as  counsel 562 

remarks  on  the  pay  of  colored  troops 641, 

642,  771 
remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 817 

remarks  on  the  disqualification  of  color  in  car- 
rying the  mails 837,  838,  840,  841 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1141, 

1157,  1159,  1160 
remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1362, 

2351 
remarks  on  the  nawd  appropriation  bill. ...1575 


THE  00:NrGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XXXI 


Saulsbury,  Willurd,  a  Senator  from  Delaware — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1691,  3088 
remarks  on   the  repeal    of  the   fugitive    slave 

law 1715 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2787,  2933,  2934, 

2935,  296G,  2967,  2968,  2969,  3330,  3336 
remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  Senators  from 

Arkansas 2392,3362 

remarks  on  the  commercial  intercourse  bill,  2823 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2903,2904 

remarks  on  the^ouse  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 2963, 

3127,  3176,  3177,  3178,  3191 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3088, 

3089,  3090,  3194,  3197,  3204,  3206 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3131,  3134,  3136,  3137 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3258, 

3261,3263,3264 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  bail  in   certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3295,  3297,  3299 

remarks  on  the  reconstruction  bill 3460 

Savings  Bank,  bill  to  incorporate  the  Washing- 
ton City ...37,  343,  727,  960,  982,  1000 

Sawyer,  William,  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief 

of 3222,  3413,  3444,  3514 

Schenck,  Robert  C,  and  Francis  P.  Blair,  reso- 
lution in  relation  to  the  resignations  of,  2218, 

2275,  3412 

School,  bill  to  provide  for  the  establishment  of  a 

county  and  District  of  Columbia  Industrial 

Normal 1477 

Schools,  bill  to  provide  for  the  public  instruction 
of  youth  in  the  county  of  Washington. ...55, 
539,  724,  2842,  2866,  3126,  3190,  ,3289 
bill  to  grant  one  million  acres  of  public  lands 
for  the  benefit  of  public,  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia  2015 

Schreiner,  George  A.,  bill  for  relief  of,  1703,  3413 

Scott,  Rebecca,  bill  granting  pension  to 2392 

Scrip — see  Indians;  Land  Scrip. 
Seamen,  bill  (No.  519)  repealing  certain  provis- 
ions concerning,  on  board  public  and  private 

vessels  of  the  United  States 2842, 

2866,  3001,  3219,  3266,  3360 

bill  (S.  No.  246)  for  the  relief  of  officers  and, 

and  others  borne  on  the   books  of  vessels 

wrecked  or  lost  in  the  naval  service. ..1743, 

2218,  3165,  3442,  3448,  3457, 

3459,  3495,  3513,  3544,  3546 

(See  J^aval  Service.) 

Secretary  of  the  Senate,  instructions  to  the,  96, 197 

communications  from  the 252,  3039 

Seppien,  Elizabeth  B.,  bill  granting  pension  to, 

3415,  3420 

Sergeant-at-Arms,  instructions  to 153 

Sewerage,  bill  for  the  purpose  of  improving  the, 

of  the  city  of  Washington 55,  2818,  2823 

Shepherd,  John  H., and  Walter  K.  Caldwell,  bill 
for  the  relief  of... 539,  586, 671, 960,  982, 1000 

Sherman,  John,  a  Senator  from  Ohio 3, 

9,  24,  42,  43,  44,  47,  84,  86,  93,  100, 
108,  210,  219,  220,  238,  253,  254,  288, 
360,  388,  480,  520,  539,  553,  554,  643,  669, 
671,  693,  719,  786,  787,  813,  815,  839,864, 
887,  895,  896,  921,  960,  999,  1009,  1022, 
1025,  1081,  1174,  1176,  1310,  1313,  1344, 
1359,  1360,  1382,  1386,  1453,  1477,  1607, 
1618,  1635,  1637,  1638,  1661,  1666,  1683, 
1703,  1771,  1806,  1900,  1945,  1946,  1986, 
1988,  2081,  2082,  2142,  2197,  2222,  2225, 
2347,  2371,  2375,  2376,  2384,  2392,  2510, 
2511,  2542,  2545,  2621,  2727,  2751,  2842, 
2895,  3086,  3116,  3138,  3157,  3190,  3223, 
3224,  3232,  3233,  3239,  3251,  3287,  3289, 
3291,  3303,  3325,  3326,  3337,  3338,  3378, 
3411,3412,3462,  3491,  3492,  3495,  3496, 
3497,  3501,  3514,  3539,  3544,  3546,  3547 
resolutions  by. ...3, 960,  1986,  2751,  3442,  3547 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 53,  327,  330 

remarks  on  the  soldiers' bounty  bill. ..58,  59,  68 
remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14),  76,  77,  79 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 122, 

123,  126,  127,  142,  154,  155,   156,   157, 
158,  160,  163,  202,  203,  222, 223,  229, 230, 
231,  246,  247,  248,  252,  254,  643,  745,  746 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  joint  rules,  199 
remarks  on  the  resolution  concerning  investi- 
gating committees 388,437 


Sherman,  John,aSenatorfromOhio — Continued. 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 397,  42i, 

438,  445,  541,  542,  11.30  1131, 
1178,  1179,  1180,  1403,  1404 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 489,874, 

886,  900,  901,  902,  904,  905,  906,  907,  937 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 587, 

588,  589,  771,  772,  790,  791 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (JN'o.  156). ..610, 

612,  613,  614,  616,  617,  619,  620, 

649,  650,  654,  655,  656,  657,  658 

remarks  on  pay  of  colored  troops,  634,  638, 639 

remarks  in   relation  to  the  Senate  contingent 

fund 669 

remarks  on  Pacific  railroad  bill,  786, 1900,  2358, 

2399,  2400,  2401,  2418,  2419,  2421,  2422 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  encourage  immigration, 

865,  896,  3292 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  continue  the  payment  of 

bounties 866,  867 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill,  881,  882,  833,885,  886 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  spec- 
ulations  983 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold,  999,  1023, 
1024, 1025, 1045, 1046, 1047, 1048, 1051, 1052 
remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 
1095,  1096,  1115,  1134,  1135,  2542 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1314, 

•    1315,  1316,  1317,  1318,  1319,  1446,  1465 
reniarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1529, 

1530,  1574,  1576 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  iMontana,  1639, 

1640,  1694,  1704,  1705 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1640,  1645,  1646,  1647,  1649, 

1650,  1651,  1666,  1669,  1670,  1671,  1672 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation   bill, 

1687,  1688,  1689,  1690,  1691,  3088 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law, 

1710, 1714 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1771, 

1865,  1866,  1867,  1868,  1869,  1870, 
1871,  1873,  1874,  1896,  1897,  1898, 
1899,  1900,  1933, 1952,  1953, 1954, 1958, 
1959,  1989,  1990,2020,2021,2122,2123, 
2124,  2125,  2126,  2127, 2142,  2143,  2144, 
2145,  2146,  2149,  2174,  2175,  2180, 2181, 
2183,  2183,  2184, 2185, 2200,  2201, 2202, 
2203,  2204,  2205,  2206,  2458,  2621,  2622 
remarks  on   the  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice ..1804,  2055,  2087,  2088 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  a  consti- 
tutional quorum 1806, 

2017,  2050,  2051,  2052,  2082,  2087 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State 

of  Wisconsin 1863, 

1864,  2017,  2119,  2121,  2728,  2751 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1920, 

1921,  1923,  1925,  1929,  1930,  1931,  1933 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2015, 

2344,  2439,  2440,  2444,  2445,  2460,  2464, 

2467,  2468,  2489,  2493,  2494,  2495,  2496 

remarks  on  the  one  hundred   days'  volunteers 

bill ..2023,  2024,  2026,  2027,  2028 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  bridge  over  the 

Ohio 2345,  2346 

remarks  on  the  bill   to  pay  for  the   publishi'd 
debates... .2485,  2786,  2845,  3442,  3545,  3546 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2015, 

2344,  2439,  2440,  2444,  2445,  2460, 
2464,  2467,  2468,  2489,  2493,  2494, 
2495,  2496,  2498,  2501,  2513,  2514, 
2515,  2516,  2521,  2523,  2524,  2525, 
2546,  2549,  2551,  2560,  2561,  2562, 
2563,  2564,  2567,  2568,  2569,  2570, 
2591,  2595,  2625,  2632,  2634,  2657, 
2658,  2663,  2666,  2668,  2669,  2671, 
2701,  2711,  2712,  2713,  2730,  2731, 
2733,  2734,  2735,  2736,  2738,  2740, 
2757,  2761,  2762,  2767,  3254,  3255 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  81) 2510, 

2782,  2783,  2784,  2923 
remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

California 2552,  2553,  2844 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill. ..2780,  2781 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2803,  2804,  3304 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill — 2807,  2831, 

2832, 3097, 3098, 3102, 3198, 3202, 3204, 3206 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill. ..2845, 

2846,  2848,  2871,  2872,  2873 


Sherman,  John, a  Senator  from  Ohio — Continued. 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  govornmi'nt 

of  Arkansas 2895 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 2924 

remarks  on  the  Wisconsin   military  road  bill, 

2964,  2966 

remarkson  the  tariff  bill,  3033, 3035,  3036,  .3037, 

3038, 3042,  3043,  3044,  3045,  3047, 3048, 3303 

remarks  on  the  Wa.sl)ington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3131 

remarks  on  the  Erricsson  contract 3167 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  certain  gun- 
boat contractors 3174,  3175 

remarks  on  the  House  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 3177 

remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill  ...3219,  3225, 
3226,  3227,  3229,  3230,  3231,  3232,  3233, 
3234,  3235,  3238,  3256,  3257,  3258,  3259, 
3260,  3261,  3262,  3263,  3264,  3287,  3456 
remarks  on  the  bill   providing  bail  in   certain 
cases  of  military  arrests...  .3295,  .3297,  3298 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 3371,  3372,  3373, 

3374,  3408,  3437,  3438,  3439,  3441,  3443 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. .3379, 

3383,3386,3387,3485,3468,3487,3488,3489 

remarks  on  referring  the  claim  of  Nahum  Wa  rd , 

3411,3412 
remarks  relating  to    rooms   for   the   Agricul- 
tural Department 3414 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3504, 

3507,  3508,  3509,  3512,  3513 

remarks  on  the  income  tax  bill 3539,  3540 

Sherman,  Major  General  W.T.,  joint  resolution 
(No.  30)  tendering  the  thanks  of  Congress 

to 524,539,  631,  669,  786 

Ship  canal,  bill  (S.  No.  195)  to  construct  a,  for 
the  passage  of  armed  and  naval  vessels 
from  the  Mississippi  river  to  Lake  Michi- 
gan  1247,  1274 

(See  Public  Lands.) 

Shircliff,  Mary,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2392 

Skaggs,  Martha  Jane,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2.392, 

3062,  3169,  3415,  3444,  3514 

Slavery  and  freedmen,  select  committee  on. ..'174, 

197 

instructions  to 197 

reports  from 864, 

1227,  1559,  2171,  2457,  2963,  3194 

Slavery,  bill  (S.  No.  123)  to  abolish,  throughout 

all  the  States  and  Territories  of  the  United 

States 694 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  16)  proposing  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 

abolishing 145, 

553,  694,  921,  1130,  1283,  1313,  1346, 
1364,  1405,  1419,  1437,  1448,  1456, 1479 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 522,  523,  1424,  1446 

Mr.  Clark 1367 

Mr.  Collamer 1446,  1457,  1458 

Mr.  Cowan 1421 

Mr.  Davis 921,  1324,  1346, 

1370,  1421,  1424,  1425,  1445,  1447,  1489 

Mr.  Dooliltle 1283, 

1406,  1448,  1465,  1488,  1489 

Mr.  Fessenden 521, 

1130, 1316,  1370,  1405,  1406,  1421,  1465 

Mr.  Foot 1424 

Mr.  Foster 1445 

Mr.  Hale 1424,  1442,  1443 

Mr.  Harlan. ..1425,  1437,  1439,  1440, 1487 

Mr.  Henderson 145,  1457,  1459,  1463 

Mr.  Hendricks 1444, 

1448,  1456,  1457,  1458,  1490 

Mr.  Howard 1448,  1457,  1465,  1488 

Mr.  Howe  1405,  1445,  144G 

Mr.  Johnson ....1370,  1406,  1419,  1421 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Indiana 1405,  1406 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 1317 

Mr.  McDougall 1444,1447,  1490 

Mr.  Powell...ll30, 1405, 1424,  1425,  1444, 
1445,  1446,  1447,  1483,  1486,  1487,  1490 

Mr.  Saulsbury 522, 

1346, 1364, 1405, 1406,  1424,  1425,  1439, 
1440,  1442,  1446,  1405,  1487,  1489,  1490 

Mr.  Sherman 1314, 

1315,  1316,  1317,  1318,  1319,  1446,  1465 

Mr.  Sumner 521,  694,  1130,  1421, 

1447,  1465,  1479,  1486,  1487,  1488,  1489 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 1463 

Mr.  Trumbull 521,  .522,  553, 

694,  1130,  1283,  1313,  1324,  134G,  1405, 
1406,  1424,  1425,  1445,  1446,  1465,  1488 


XXXII 


INDEX  TO 


Slavery,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  16)  proposing 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  abolishing — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 1370 

Mr.  Wt.de 1446 

Mr.  Wilkinson 1315,  131G,  1317,  1319 

Mr.  Willey 1446,  1458 

Mr.  Wilson ...1319, 1324,  1347,  13G5 

yeas  and  nays  on  tlie 522, 

1370,  1424,  1425,  1446,  1447,  1465,  1490 

(See  Constitution  of  the  United  States.) 

Slaves,  bill  (S.  No.  141)  to  repeal  all  acts  for  the 

rendition  of,  from  service  or  labor.. ..14,  521, 

864, 880, 961, 1000, 1175, 1709, 1746, 1775 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  512)  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave 

act  of  1850,  and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  for 

the  rendition  of. 2926, 

2963,  3126,  3158,  3176,  3191,  3266,  3360 

bill    (S.  No.   188)   to    prohibit   commerce  in, 

among  the  several  States  and  the  holding  or 

transporting  of  human    beings   as  property 

in  any  vessel  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 

•     national  Government , 1227 

(See  Fugitives.) 
Sloo,  A.   G.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  tiie    trustees 

of 1130 

Small-pox  in  the  District 253 

Smuggling,  bill  to  prevent  frauds  in  the  collection 
of  the  internal  revenue,  and  to  prevent. ...921 

bill  to  prevent 2081,  2117,  2172,  2198, 

2866,  3001,  3077,  3254,  3256,  3292,  3360 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  573)  making  an  appropriation 

to  carry  into  effect  an  act  to  prevent. ...3482, 

3492,  3544,  3547 

Soldiers'  Home,  joint  resolution   (S.  No.  49)  to 

provide  additional  ground  for  a  cemetery  at 

the 2015,  3116 

Spencer,  A.T.,  and  Gordon S.  Hubbard, bill  for 

the  relief  of. 836,3039 

Spoliations,  bill  (S.  No.  213)  to  provide  for 
the  adjustment  and  satisfaction  of  claims  of 
American    citizens    for,   committed    by    the 

French..... 37,  1402,  1608 

Sprague,  William,  a  Senator  from  Rhode  Isl- 
and  42,  134,  152,  813,  920, 

921,  1944,  2239,  2456,  2842,  2863,  2894, 
3001,  3188,3235,  3292,  3338,  3493,  3547 

resolutions  by 2457 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  1891,  2202,  2206 
remarks  on  a  memorial  reliting  to  a  new  man- 
ufacture of  paper 1918 

remarks  on  the  IPacific  railroad  bill 2423 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2445, 

2470,2491,2496,2525 
remarks  on  the  appointment  ofcertain  uiilitary 

officers 2457 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3040, 

3041,  3049,  3050,  3053 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3195, 

3196,  3197,  3198,  3204,  3205 
remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3258,  3259 
remarks  on  House  conscription  bill,  3384,  3387 
remarks   on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3440,  3442,  3443 

i-emarkson  the  steamship  passengers  bill,  3483, 

3484 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 3543 

Stable  at  the  President's,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  225) 
making  an  appropriation  for  rebuilding  the, 

586,  606, 699 
Staff,  joint  resolution  to  increase  the  efficiency  of 

the,  of  the  Army 2371 

(See  Pmj.) 
Stafford,  MargaretM.,  billforthe  rpjirf of....864 
887,  2274,  2300,  2324,  2372 

Stamps,  bill  relating  to g43 

State   Department,    calla  for    information    from 

'hi; ■ 197 

communications  from  the 693 

1402,  2586,  2G24,".3085 

Statuary,  joint  resolution  (No.  C6)  setting  apart 
the  old  Hall  of  the  House  of  Ri'prosentatives 
as  a  hall  of... 1744,  1746,  1340 

Statute  of  limilaiions,  bill  to  amend  the,  now  in 
force  in  the  Di.strict  of  Columbia 1636 

Statutes  of  limitation,  bill  (S.  No.  42)  repealing 
certain ]34,  C70 

Statutes,  bill  (S.  No.  29)  lo  piovide  for  the  re- 
vision an<l  consolidation  of  the,  of  ihe  United 
States 76,  93,  3339 

Steamboats — see  Inspecloi'S. 

Steam  fire  engine,  bill  providing  for  (he  purchase 
<'f" 1108 


Steamships — aae  Passengers;  Mail  Service. 
Stevens,  Margaret  L.,  biUfor  the  relief  of,  2392, 

2650 
Stuart,  D.  McV.,bill  for  the  relief  of,  3481,  3491 
Submarine  inventions,  bill  (S.  No.  343)  making 

an  appropriation  for  testing 3437, 

3497,3544,3546,3547 
Sumner,    Charles,   a    Senator    from    Massachu- 
setts  ; 10,  14,  16,  17, 

24,  37,  41,  42,  44,  48,  55,  76,  81,  93,  96, 
118,  144,  145,  153, 153,  174,  210,  232,  253, 
262,  273,  275,  290, 296,  319, 371,  387,  388, 
397,  434,  459,  460,  481, 520,  521,  523,  581, 
586,  631,  6.58, 693,  694,  768,  771,  772,  813, 
837,  864,  879,  880,  887,  895,  896,921,  922, 
936,  959,  981,  984,  999,  1000,  1022,  1081, 
1082,  1088,  1107,  1108,  1154,  1164,  1207, 
1227,  1228,  1236,  1247,  1248,  1249,  1250, 
1310,  1331,  1402,  1416,  1522,  1559,  1607, 
1609,  1617,  1618,  1635,  1661,  1673,  1683, 
1703,  1813,  1840,  1887,  1900,  1985,  1986, 
2014,  2015,  2023,  2050,  2090,  2117,  2170, 
2197,  2222,  2226,  2227,  2275,  2298,  2299, 
2405,  2416,  2417,  2424,  2436,  2457,  2458, 
2486,  2496,  2511,  2512,  2542,  2586,  2587, 
2599,  2621,  2622,  2650,  2727,  2751,  2770, 
2777,  2778,  2797,  2798,  2819,  2820,  2842, 
2844,  2849,  2879,  2894,  2908,  2920,  2921, 
2926,  2962,  2965,  3001,  3003,  3004,  3065, 
3086,  3129,  3138,  3156,  3157,  318S,  3190, 
3194,  3218,  3220,  3229,  3232.  3251,  3285, 
3286,  3289,  3303,  3326,  3338,  3339,  3340, 
3359,  3408,  3412,  3420,  3483,  3491,  3495, 
3496,  3502,  3503,  3514,  3539,  3542,  3544 
resolutions  by. ...24,  42,  76,  174,  275,  481,523, 
553,  1249,  1986,  2496,  2512,  3232,  3339 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave 

law 14,  521,  854, 

880,  961,  1000,  1001,  1175,  1176,  1709, 

1710,  1711,  1712,  1713,  1714,  1715,  1746, 

1747,  1748,  1749,  1750,  1751,  1754,  1782 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 42,  51, 

52,  53,  54,  55,  57,  118,  174,  200,  253,  263, 
281,  296,  320,  325,  327,  328,  330,  331,  342 

remarks  on  tlie  conscription  bill 127, 

139,  140,  141,  154,  158,  159,  204,  207, 

223,  227,  228,  250,  252,  254,  255,  745 

remarks   on   the    proposed   expulsion  of  Mr. 

Davis .....146, 174,  179,  181,  364 

remarks  on  the  bill  removing  disqualification  of 

color  in  carrying  the  mails 253, 

838,839,841,868 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  John  W.  Noell.  ..425 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  .■...., 484,563, 

564,  565,  566,  632,  633,  634,  635,  637, 
641,  705,  819,  820,  871,  872,  990,  991 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  521,  694,  1130,  1421, 

1447,  1465,  1479,  1486,  1487,  1488,  1489 

remarks  on  a  petition  for  emancipation 536, 

538 
remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 553,  554,  815,  817,  818 

remarks    on    the    consular     and     diplomatic 

bill 1092,  1093, 

1094,  1095,  1096,  1109,  1110,  .1111,  1112, 

1113,  1114,  1117,  1134,  1135,  2347,  2907 

remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  raib'oad  bill,  1141, 

1157,  1158,  1159,  1161 

remiirks  on   the  bill  to   promote  enlistments, 

1178,  1180,  1182 
remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.   Owen   Love- 
joy 1334 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1346, 

1362,    1363,    1705,    1746, 

1843, 1844, 2348, 2350, 2351 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1527, 

1528,  1530,  1568,  1569,  1611 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  specuhttions  in 

gold... 1648,  1649,  1668 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation   bill, 

1685,  1686,  1690 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  certain  assay 

offices 1773,  1774,  1846,  1947 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1806, 
1808,  2845,  2852,  2853,  2879 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to, a  consti- 
tutional quorum..... 1806,  2087 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1867, 

1873,  1893,  1894,  1895,  1896,  1897, 
1900,  1955,  1956,  1958,  2124,  2127, 
2128,  2130,  2131,  2132,  2142,  2149 


Sumner, Charles, a  Senatorfrom  MassaGhusetts-:- 
Cor.tinued. 
remarks  on  the  temporary  increase  of  import 

duties 1919,  1929,  1930,  1931,  1932,  1933 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ..2141, 
2241,  2244,  2246,  2247 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  expedite  the  printing  of  ■ 

documents 2307,  2308,  2309 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2344, 

2437,  2438,  2439,  2466,  2489,  2491, 
2492,  2493,  2501,  2513,  2514,  2568,  2569, 
2593,  2594,  2599,  2658,  2667,  2668,  2669, 
2714,  2740,  2760,  2762,  2763,  2768,  2769 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 2374,  2435 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2332, 

2352,  2358,  2383,  2401 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 

city  of  Washington 2486, 

2511,2543,2544,2545 
remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the  Senators  fioin 

Arkansas. 2458,  3365 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land  claims  in 

California 2552,2869 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2567, 

3102,  3103 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  forthe  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2784, 

2786,3545,3546 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen 's 

Bureau 2786,  2787,  2798,  2800, 

2801,  2802,  2803,  ^931,  2932,  2933,2935, 
2971,  2972,  2973,  2974,  2975,  2970, 2977, 
3292,  3299,  3300,  3301,  3302,  3303,  3394* 
3309,  3327,  3328,  3329,  3330,  3331,  3332, 
3333,  3334,  3336,  3337,  3341,  3342,  3346 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2895, 

2896,  2898,  2899,  2900,  2901,  2906 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill,  2923, 2924, 3448 

remarks  on   the  commercial  intercourse   bill, 

2930,  2931,  3222,  3325 

remarks  on  the  House  resolution  repealing  the 

fugitive  slave  laws 2963,3126, 

3127,  3128,  3129,  8158,  3176,  3177,  3178 

remarks  on  the  tadfFbill 3006,  3009,  3010, 

3031, 3033, 3034, 3035, 3037, 3038, 3039,  3042, 

3044,  3045,  3040,  3048,  3049,  3051,  3052,  3303 

remarks  on  tlie  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill .-..3131, 

3132,  3133,  3134,  3135,  3137 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3219, 

3229,  3230,  3235,  3236,  3237,  3238, 

3258,3259,3260,3261,3263,3264 

remarks  on  the  bill   providing  bail  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3293,  3294 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylvania 

war  claiiTis 3374 

remarks  on  the  bill  forthepunishment  of  guer- 
rillas..  3418,^3482 

remarks  on  the  Flouse  conscription  bill. ...3489 
remarks  on  the  reconstruction  bill. ..3460,  3461 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  National 

.     Academy 3492,  3493 

remarks  on  final  adjournment,  3502,  3503,3504, 
3505,3506,3508,3510,3511,3512,3513 

\-pemarks  on  the  income  tax  bill 3539,  3540 

Surveyor  generals'  districts,  bill  to  provide  for  the 

consolidation  of  certain 643,  693,  824 

Sutliir  &  Case,  bill  for  the  relief  of 755, 

1802,  2372 

Swampand  overflowed  lands,  bill  (S.  No.  164)  to 

revive  an  act  for  the  relief  of  purchasers  and 

locators  of. 1082,  2299 

Sweeting,  Anthony,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
117)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
to  settle  and  pay  the  claim  of,  late  pilot  of 

the  United  States  steamer  Juniata 3446, 

3462,  3482,  3495,  3514 

T. 

Tariff,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  122)  to  increase  the. ..319, 

331,  435,  460,  484,  699,  719,  769,  786, 

814,  874,  886,  900,  921,  936,  960,  1053 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  81)  amendatory  of 

the  joint  resolution  to  increase"  temporarily 

the  duties  on  imports 2424, 

2510,  2782,  2908,  2923 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  CoUamer 2783 

Mr.  Conness 2782 

Mr.  Fessendcn 2510, 

2782,  2783,  2784,  2908,  2923 
Mr.  Grimes •2783 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


tariff,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  81)  amenda- 
tory of  the  joint  resolution  to  increase  tem- 
porarily the  duties  on  imfiorts — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Henderson 2783 

JMr.  .Johnson 2782,  2783,  2784,  2923 

]Mr.  Sherman. .2510,  27S2, 2783, 2784, 2923 

Mr.  Sumner 2908 

bill  (S.  No.  494)  to  increase  the  duties  on  im- 
ports  2751,  2921,  3004, 

3030,  3040,  3303,  3323,  33C8,  3420, 3481 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 3037, 

3038,  3U50,  3051,  3053,  3368 

Mr.  Brown 3043 

Mr.  Buckalew 3042,  3050,  3051,  3052 

Mr.  Chandler 3008,  3009,  3050 

Mr.  Clark ....3005, 

3006,  3007,  3008,  3009,  3010,  3011, 3012, 
3014,  3031,  3032,  3036,  3038,  3047,  3053 

Mr.  CoUamer 3034,  3035,  3036 

Mr.  Conneiss 3005, 

3006,  3010,  3014,  3046,  3049,  3050 

Mr.  Cowan 3042 

Mr.  Dixon .3011, 

3012,  3031,  3037,  3047,  3050,  3053 

Mr.  Doolittle 3052 

Mr.  Fe.'ssenden 2921,  3004,  3005, 

3006,  3009,  3011,  3012,  3013,  3014, 
3030,  3031,  3032,  3033,  3034,  3035, 
3036,  3037,  30.38,  3039,  3041,  3042, 
3044,  3045,  3046,  3047,  3048,  3049, 
3050,  3051,  3052,  3053,  3323,  3368 

Mr.  Foot 3012 

Mr.  Foster 3036, 

3037,  3038,  3041,  3051,  3052,  3368 
Mr.  Grimes. ..3034,  3038,  3045,  3051,  3053 

Mr.  Hale 3005,  3049,  3050,  3051 

Mr.  Harlan 3042 

Mr.  Harris 3032, 

3033,  3047,  3051,  3052,  3053 

Mr.  Hendricks 3006, 

3010,  3013,  3014,  3048,  3049,  3051 

Mr.  Howard 3044 

Mr.  Howe 3035,  3044 

Mr.  Johnson 3005, 

3006,  3007,  .3013,  3031,  3033, 3034,  3037, 
3038,  3039,  3040,  3041,  3042,  3043,  3044, 
3045,3046,3047,3049,3051,3053,   3368 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3014 

Mr.  McDougall 3051,  3053 

Mr.  Morgan 3004, 

3005,  3008,  3041,  3044,  3047,  3048,  3049 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3006,  3007, 

3008,  3009,  3010,  3013,  3041,  3042,  3043 

Mr.  Powell 3037,  3046,  3048,  3053 

Mr.  Ramsey 3040,  3041,  3042 

Mr.  Sumner,  3006, 3009,  3010,  3031,  3033, 

3034,  3035,3037,3038,  30.39,  3042,  3044, 

3045,3046,3048,3049,  3051,  3052,  3303 

Mr.  Sherman ,  3033, 3035, 3036, 3037, 3038, 

3042,  3043,  3044,  3045,  3047,  3048,  3303 

Mr.  Sprague,3040,  3041,  3049,  3050,  3053 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 3012, 

3013,  3032,  3041,  3045,  3046,  3047,  3049 

Mr.  Trumbull 3010,  3011,  3013, 

3042,  3043,  3044,  3d45,  3046,  3047,  3053 

Mr.  Van  Winkle 3012,  3013,  3031 

Mr.  Wilkinson 3007,  3008,  3009,  3010 

Mr.  Wilson... 3051,3053 

yeas  and  nays  oii  th« 3005,  3006, 

3011,  3035,  3037,  3041,  3042, 

3047,  3049,  3051,  3052,  3053 

Tai,  bill  to  authorize  the  Government  to  assume 

and  reimburse  the  State  of  Kansas  for  moneys 

paid  for  territorial  indebtedness,  and    have 

the  same  applied  to  the  liquidation  of  the 

direct,  of  the  State 76 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  authorize  the  corpora- 
tion   of  Georgetown    to   lay   and  collect   a 

water 744,  880,  1683,  2818,  2878,  3062 

Taxes,  joint  resolution  (No.  31)  making  appro- 
priation for  the  payment  of,  on  certain  lands 

owned  by  the  United  States 743, 

744,  756,  786 

bill  (S.  No.  171)  further  to  amend  an  act  for 

the  collection  of  direct,  in  the  insurrectionary 

districts  within  the  United  States... .....1108, 

1416, 1665,  3266,  3292 
remarks  on  the,  by- — 

Mr.  Harris 1665,  1666,  3266,  3292 

Mr.  Powell 1665,  1666 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck ......1666 

(Sq5  Revenue.) 

38th  Cong. — 1st  Sess. 


Telegraph,  bill  (S.  No.  280)  to  amend  an  act  to 
facilitate  communication  between  the  Atlan- 
tic and  Pacific  States  by  electric 2324, 

2344, 2696 
bill  (S.  No.  290)  for  increased  facilities  of,  com- 
munication between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
States  and  the  Territory  of  Idaho, 2139, 2324, 
2457,  3001,  3221,3446,  3492,  3497,  3500 
bill  (S.  No.  302)  to  encourage  and  facilitate, 
communication  between  the  eastern  andwest- 

ern  continents 2818, 

3065,  3088,  3117,  3408,  3409,  3444,  3483 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown ".....3066,3068, 

3069,  3072,  3073,  3117,  3119,  3122,  3125 

Mr.  Chandler 3065,  3066,  3067,  3068, 

3069,  3070,  3071, 3072, 3073, 3074,  3088, 
3117,  3118,  3120,  3121,  3122,  3125,  3126 

Mr.  Conness 3068,3069,  3070,  3071, 

3072,  3073,  3074,  3076,  3119,  3123,  3125 

Mr.  Cowan 3075,  3409 

Mr.  Doolittle 3068,  3075, 

3076,  3088,  3120,  3121, 3122,  3123,  3125 

Mr.  Fessenden 3072, 

3073,  3074,  3075,  3076 

Mr.  Foster 3409 

Mr.  Grimes 3068,  3069,  3071 ,  3072, 

3075,  3118,  3119,  3120,3122,  3123,  3125 

Mr.  Hale 3074,  3075,3076,  3088,  3409 

Mr.  Harlan 3069,  3073,  3076,  3077 

Mr.  Hendricks 3076 

Mr.  Howe 3073,  3074,  3122 

Mr.  Howard 3126 

Mr.  Johnson, 3074,  3076,  3077,3120,3121 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 3072, 

3073,  3074,  3125,  3126 

Mr.  McDougall 3067, 

3070,  3071,  3073,  3074,  3075 

Mr.  Morgan 3071 

Mr.  Morrill 3117, 

3119,  3120,  3121,  3122,  3123,  3124,  3126 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3119,  3126 

Mr.  Sumner 3065 

Mr.  Trumbull 3071,  3072,  3075,  3076 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck .3065, 

3066,  3067,  3068,  3070,  3073,  3074, 
3120,  3121,  3122,  3123,  3125,  3409 

Mr.  Wade 3088,  3117 

Mr.  Wilson 3065,  3072,  3075,  3121 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3066, 

3069,  3072,  3120,  3125,  3126 

Telegraphic  communication,  bill  (S.No.  268)  for 

increased  facilities  of,  between  the  Atlantic 

and    Pacific    States    and    the   Territory    of 

Idaho 21.39,2324, 

2457,  3001,  3221,3446,3492,  3497,  3500 
(See  Railroad;  Public  Lands.) 
Ten  Eyck,  John  C,  a  Senator  from  Nrw  Jer- 
sey.  43,95,  197,  343,  360, 

420,  536,  719,  727,  786,  864,  920,  921, 
981,999,  1022,  1090,  1091,  1107,  1130, 
1156,1162,  1247,1257,1258,  1261,  1360, 
1418,1463,1522,  1607, 1683,  1806,  1861, 
1919,  1933,2172,2238,2424,2586,  2621, 
2650,  2795,  2798,3408,  .3436,  3539,  3542 

resolutions  by 786 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 52 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 80 

remarks  on  reconstruction  of  the  Union,  97, 103 
remarks  on  the  conscription  bill...205,252, 255 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers  481,  564,  639,  2302,  2303 

remarks  on  amending  the  charter  of  George- 
town...,  722 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122).. 907 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  giant 1035 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  1115, 

1132,  1133 
remarks  on  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill,  1140, 

1141,  1161 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1567, 

1569,  1610,  1612 
remarks  on  compensating  the  sailors  of  the 

Baron  De  Kalb 1613, 1614 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  taxes  in  the  in- 
surrectionary districts.. 1666 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1691 
remarks  on  the  bill  regulating  proceedings  in 

criminal  cases 2198,  2199 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Fitzgerald 

&  Ball 2225,  2226,  2227 

remarks  on  the  Diatrict  registration  bill,  2242, 

2243 

C 


Ten  Eyck,  John  C.aSenatorfrom  New  Jersey— 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2278 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405), 2469,  2518, 
2627,  2632,  2633,  2660,  2732,  ^733,  2738 
remarks  on  the  bill  relative  to  voting  in  Wash- 
ington city 2543 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2784 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2833, 

3098,  3099,  3100 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 2925 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freed  men's 

Bureau 2967,  2968,  2969 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3012, 

3013,  30.32,  3041,  3045,  3046,  3047,  3049 
remarks   on    the    inter-continental    telegraph 

bill 3065,  3066,  3067,  3068,  3070,  3073, 

3074,  3120,  3121,  3122,  3123,  3125,  3409 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3265 

remarks  on  Arkansas  representation,  3361,3367 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  Pennsylvania 

war  claims 3370, 

3371,  3372,  3373,  3374,  3438,  3439,  3441 
i-emarks  on  House  conscription  bill,  3384,  3387 
remarks  on  steamship  passengers  bill. ..3456, 

3484 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  courts  in  north- 
ern New  York 3542,  3543 

Territories,  the  Committee  on 16 

reports  from 480, 

693,  1310,  2118,  2218,  2457,  2510,  2921 

discharged  from  subjects 2324 

Territory  of  Montana,"  bill  (No.  15)  to  provide  a 
temporary  government  for  the. ..1209,  1210, 
1310, 1345, 1361, 1382, 1402, 1616, 1639, 1694, 
1704,  1744,  1804,1842,2347,2372,2436.2510 
Testimonial,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  51)  author- 
izing the  acceptance  of  a  certain,  from  the 

Government  of  Great  Britain 2117, 

2222,  2696,  2727,  2842 
Thanks  of  Congress,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
1)  of,  to  Major  General  Ulysses  S.  Grant 
and  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  fought 
under  his  command  during  the  rebellion  and 
providing  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  shall  cause  a  medal  to  be  struck  to  Un 
presented  to  Major  General  Grant  in  the 
name  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  of 

America 12,  .36,  41 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  2)  expressive  of  the, 
to  Major  General  Nathaniel  P.  Banks  and 
the  officers  and  soldiers  under  his  command 
at  Port  Hudson,  17,  134,  257,  343,  361,  421 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  3)  expressive  of  the, 
to  Major  General  Joseph  Hooker,  Major 
General  George  G.  Meade,  Major  General 
Oliver  0.  Howard,  and  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers of  the  army  of  the  Potomac 17, 

1.34,  257,  343,  361,  421 
joint  resolution   (S.  No.  5)  of,  to  Major  Gen- 
eral Ambrose  E.  Burnside  and  the  officers 
and  men  who  have  fought  under  his  com- 
mand  24,  134,  257,  343,  361,  421 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  12)  tendering  the, 
to  Captain  John  Rodgers,  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  for  eminent  skill  and  zeal  in 

the  discharge  of  his  duties 48,  80,  93,  118 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  11)  of,  to  Major  Gen- 
eral George  H.  Thomas  and  the  officers  and 
men  who  fought  under  his  command  at  the 

buttle  of  Chickamauga 134, 

262,  435,  1001,  1036 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  14)  presenting  the,  to 
Cornelius  Vanderbilt  for  a  gjft  of  the  steam- 
ship Vanderbilt...l45, 153, 257, 343,  361, 421 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  19)  tendering  the,  to 
Commodore  Cadwalader  Ringgold,  the  offi- 
cers   and    crew    of  the    United    States  ship 

Sabine 253,  262,  ?35,  842,  874,  960 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  30)  tendering  the, 

to  Major  General  W.  T.  Sherman 524, 

539,  631,  669,  786 
joint  resolution  (No.  35)  of,  to  the  volunteer  sol- 
diers who  have  reenlisted  in  the  Army,  699, 

880,  881,  1053 
joint  resolution  (No.  13)  tendering  the,  to  Ad- 
miral Porter 842,  1454,  1614,  1639, 1802 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  60)  tendering  the,  and 
for  the  presentation  of  a  medal  to  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Joseph  Bailey,  of  the  fourth  regiment 

Wisconsin  volunteers 2542^ 

2587,  2622',  2664,  2778,  2796,  2804 


XXXIV 


INDEX  TO 


Thomas,  Major  General  George  H.,  joint  resolu- 
tion (No.  11)  of  tiianks  lo,  and  the  officers 
and  men  who  fought  under  iiis  command  at 

the  battle  of  Chickamauea ]34, 

262,435,  1001,  103fi 

Throckmorton,  Mary,  bill  for  the  relief  of... 1344 

Title,  bill  (S.  No.  73)  to  enable   the  trustees  of 

Blue  Mont  College   to  perfrct  the,  to  their 

lands 343,  743,  2796,  3461,  3483,3500 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  228)  confirming  the,  of  Joseph 
Ford  to  certain  lands  in  Rice  county,  in  Min- 
nesota, 635,  719, 1454, 1616, 1636,  1682, 1802 
Titles,  bill  to  quiet,  in  favor  of  parlies  in  actual 
possession  of  lands  situated  in  the  District  of 

Columbia 420,  439,  999,  3410 

bill  (No.  109)  to  expedite  the  settlement  of,  to 
land  in  the  StateofCalifornia...539, 982, 1002, 
1130,  1247,  1310,  2653,  3378,  3410,  3462 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Carlile....l0n2,  1247,  1310, 1311, 1312 

Mr.  Collamer 1312 

Mr.  Conness,  1130,  1311,  1312,1313,2053 

Mr.  Davis 1311 

Mr.  Hale 2652,  2653 

Mr.  Harlan 1311,  1312,  1313,2653 

Mr.  Hendricks 1311,  1312 

Mr.  Johnson 1312 

Mr.  Sherman , 1313 

(See  Public  Lands.) 
Tonnage,  bill  (No.  119)  to  regulate  the  admeas- 
urement of,  of  ships  and  vessels  of  the  United 

States 1402,  1035,  1888,  2017,  2117,  2207 

Trade,  bill  (S.  No.  272)  to  IhciliiatM,  on  the  Re.l 

_  river  ofthe  North, 2197,2437,3415,3444,3483 

bill  (S.  No.  232)  in  addition  to  the  several  acts 

concerning  commercial  intercourse  between 

the  loyal  and  the  insurrectionary  States,  and 

to  provide  for  the  collection  of  captured  and 

abandoned  property,  the  prevention  of  frauds 

in  States  declared  in  insurrection,  1609,  2819, 

2820,  2930,  3222, 3323, 3482, 3488, 3497, 3500 

Treasury  Department,  calls  for  infurniation  Oom 

the,  219, 880,1361,1402,1601,2299,2376,3188 

communications  from  the 12,  15,  41,  536, 

960,  13'19,  1557,  1840,  2298,  2624,  3116 
bill  (S.  No.  243)  lo  amend  section  eight  of  an 

act  to  establish  the 1743 

Treai.ies,  bill  (No.  487)  to  provide  for  the  execu- 
tioti  of,  between  the  United  States  and  foreign 
nations  respecting  consularjurisdiction  over 
the  crews  of  vessels  of  sucli  foreign  nations 
in  the  waters  and  ports  of  the  United  States, 
2587,  2599,  2778,  2797,  2818,  2894 
Treaty,  bill  to  authorize  the  President  to  nego- 
tiate a,  with  the  Klamath,  Modoc,  and  other 

Indian  tribes  in  southeastern  Oregon 48, 

420,  938,  961,  1228,  1248,  1257,  1310 
jointresolution  (3.  No.  12)  requiring  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  to  give  the  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Briiain  the  notice  required  for 
the  termination  of  the  reciprocity,  of  the  5th 

of  June,  1854 134 

bill  (S.  No.  156)  to  carry  into  effect  the  fourth 
article  of  the,  of  Washington,  concluded 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 

on  the  9th  of  August,  1842 ^ 982 

bill  (S.  No.  187)  to  carry  into  effect  the,  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  her  Britannic 
Majesty,  for  the  final  settlement  of  the  claims 
of  the  Hudson  Bay  and  Puget  Sound  Agri- 
cultural Companies... 1227,  3222,  3266,  3360 
joint  resolution  (No.  91)  in  relation  to  the,  of 

,1817 3086,'308S 

(boc  Convention;  Indians.) 
Trumbull,  Lyman,  a  Senator  from  Illinois  10 

13,  15,  4-4,  67,  86,  93,  1.39,  146,  151,  153, 
173,210,262,275,  288,  319,  387,  420,  434, 
435,  460,519,520,  524,  539,  553,  581,  582, 
583,585,586,6116,670,693,698,  720,  1U81, 
1107,  11301,  1131,  1154,  1155,  1227,  1247. 
1248,  1249,  1250,  1251,  1258,  1260,  1274, 
1282,  1309,  1360,  1361,  1370,  1381,  1386, 
1402,  1405,  1416,  1417,  1418,  1419,  1448, 
1454,  1476,  1479,  1558,  1607,  1608,  1616, 
1660,  1661,  1666,  1683,  1684,  1709,  1743. 
1754,  1806,  2119,  2139,  2140,  2198,  2218, 
2300,  2323,  2371,  2,395,  2424,  2457,  2511, 
2545,2622,2651,  2695,  2770,  2796,  2798, 
2823,  2866,  2895,  2890,  29ii7,  2920,  2962, 
3028,  3040,  3128,  3129,  3157,  3188,  3189, 
3192,3222,  3223,  3266,  3285,  3320,  3338, 
3339,  3358,  3359,  3375,  3412,  3420,  3446, 
3452,  3458,  3459,  3461,  3483,  3491,  3496, 
3501,3502,3503,  3514,  3541,   3546,   3547 


Trumbull,  Lyman,  a  Senator  from  Illinois — Con- 
tinued. 

resolutions  by 10,  86,  93, 

153,  1154,  1402,  1454,  2895,  3368,  3339 
remarks  on  the  credentials  of  the   West  Vir- 
ginia Senators 2,  3 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  the  oath 

of  office 48,  49,  50,  53,  254,  319 

remarks     on    the    amendment    of    the   joint 

rules 200 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 228, 

229,  230,  248,  249,  250,  252,  256,  724 
remarks  on  the  resolution  with  regard  to  inves- 
tigating committees 421,  437,  438 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  mernbers,  &c., 
acting  as  counsel,  460,  555, 556,  500,  561,  562 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 489, 

490,  491,  493 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  521,  522,  553, 

694,  1130,  1283,  1313,  1324,  1346,  1405, 
1400,  1424,  1425,  1445,  1440,  1405,  1488 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 586,  587,  588,  589,  590 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 611, 

616,  617,  618,  619,  621,  622, 
640,  647,651,  650,  657,  658 

remarks  on  Military  Academy  bill 1088, 

1258, 1283 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Masonic 

Hall  Association 1138,  1139 

remarks  on   the  bill  for  the  summary  trial    of 

minor  offenses .1155, 1156 

remarks  on   the  bill  to  prevent   militnry  inter- 
ference in  elections 1260,  3158,  3326 

remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lov( joy,  1333 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1346, 

1362,1364,  1705,  1706,1744 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in 

the  seceded  States .'. 1404,  1405 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  transfers  from 

the  Army  to  the  Navy 1435,  1436 

remarks  on  thearreslof  W.  Yocum,  1454,  1455 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill,  1569, 

1571,  1611,  1612 
remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  promotions  in 

the  Navy 1616 

remarks  on  the  alteration  of  the  Treasury  ex- 
tension  1661 

remarks  on  the  Fort  Pillow  massacre 1664 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 1668,1671,  1672,  1073 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1090, 

1707,  1708 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  a  consti- 
tutional quorum 1806 

remarks    in    relation    to  the  i-eporting   of  ab- 
sentees  2089 

remarks  on  the  bill  for'the  relief  of  the  State  of 

Wisconsin '. 2119,2752,2929 

remarks  on   the  bill  providing  mail  service  (o 

Brazil 2118,  2373,  2374,  2375,  2376,  2435 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 2123, 

2124,  2120,  2127,  2174,  2458 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Fitzgerald 

&Ball .....2225,2226,2227 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2275, 

2276,2277,3412 

remarks  on  pay  of  colored  troops. ...2288,  2301 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  2344,  2440, 

2445,  2446,  2464,  2466,  2469,  2498, 

2499,  2513,  2514,  2515,  2520,  2549, 

2550,  2567,2658,  2662,  2671,  2769 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2332, 

2351,    2352,    2353,  2354,    2355,    2356, 

2357,  2358,  2377,2378,  2379,2380,2381, 

2397,  2398,  2420,  2421,  2422,  2423,  2424 

remarks  on  the  bill  concerning  land   claims  in 

California ..2552,  2553,  2554 

remarks  on  the  college  rancho  bill. ..2651,  2652 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2786,3545 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2848, 

2849 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2907,3098 

remarks   on  the   bill  in  relation  to  district  ju- 
dicial fees 2922 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  punish- 
ment of  guerrillas 3030,  3416,  3417,  3482 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3010,  3011,  3013, 

3042,  3043,  3044,  3045,  3046,  3047,  30.53 

remurka  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 

3071,  3072,  3075,  3076 


Trumbull,  Lyman,  a  Senatorfrom  Illinois — Con- 
tinued. 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georsretovv'n 

railroad  bill 3131,  3132,  3133 

remarks  on  the  Ctiiro  navy-yard  bill 3101, 

3162,  3163,  3164,  3287,  32R8,  3289 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Morris  S. 

Miller 3188,  3189,  3190 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3231, 

3257,  3258,  3261 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3285, 

3360,  3361, 3362, 3363,  3364, 3365, 3360,  3368 

remarks  on   the  bill  providing  bail  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests 3188,  3293,3295 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmeii's 

Bureau 3304,  3306,  3307,  3345 

remarks  on  commercial  intercourse  bill. ..3323, 

3324 
remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill,  3380, 

3381,  3401,  3485 
remarks  on  claims  for  Army  su  pplies,  3419, 3499 
remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3441 

remarks  on  fintil  adjournment 3503, 

3504,3506,  3508,  3509,  3510,  3511,  3513 

remarlcs  on  tlie  income  tax  bill 3540 

reinarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  courts  in  north- 
ern New  York 3541,  3542,  3545 

u. 

Unemployed  generals,  joint  resolution  to  drop, 

from  the  rolls  of  the  Army 2239 

University  lands,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  116)  in  rela- 
tion to,  in  Washington  Territory 635, 

880,  1045,  1091,  1136 
bill  (S.  No.  180)  in  relation  to,  in  Minnesota, 

1174,  1227 
Utah ,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (No.  220)  tovacate  and 
sell  the  present  Indian  reservations  in,  and 
to  settle  the  Indians  of  said  Territory  in  the 
Uinta  valley, 1000, 1001, 1460,2017, 2050, 2139 
bill  (No.  222)  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to 
lands  in,  suitable  for  agricultural  and  mineral 

purposes 2050,2117 

V. 
Vanderbilt,  Cornelius,  joint  resolution  (No.  14) 
presenting  the  thanks  of  Congress  to,  for  a 

gift  of  the  steamship  Vanderbilt 145, 

153,  257,  343,  361,  421 
Van  Vv''inkle,  Peter  G.,  a  Senator  from  West  Vir- 
ginia  55,203, 

387,  562,  864,  1345,  1370,  1743,  1773, 
1944, 1945,  2197,  2300,  2435,  2707,  3357 

credentials  of,  presented 1 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 488 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  1093 
remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law, 

1754,  1775 
remarks  on  the  steamboat  inspectors  bill,  2437 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  2522,  2660 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3012,  3013,  3031 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  punishment  of  guer- 
rillas  3417 

Vessels — see  Frauds  ..'t.''" 

bill  (S.  No.  246)  for  the  relief  of  officers,  seamen, 
and  others  bor^rje  on  the  books  of,  wrecked  or 

lost  in  the  naval  service 1743, 

2218,  3165,  3442,  3448,  3457, 
3459,  3495,  3513,  3544,  3546 
Veterinary  surgeons — see  Pay. 
Veto  power,  bill  to  regulate  the,  in  Washinffton 
Territory,  2372,2510,26(10,2818,  287H,  3063 
Volunteers,  joint  resolution  (No.   14)  to  supply 
in  part  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations  for 
the  public  printing  and  to  supply  deficien- 
cies in  the  appropriations  for  bounties  and 

premiums  to 76,  93,  118 

joint  resolution  (No.  15)  amendatory  of  the 
joint  resolution  to  supply  in  partdeficiencies 
in  the  appropriations  for  the  public  printing 
and  lo  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropria- 
tions for  bounties  to 145,  200,  221,  238 

joint  resolution  (H.R.No.  69)  forthe  payment 
of,  called  out  for  not  less  than  one  hundred 
days... 1919,  1933,  2022,2054,  2117,  2207 
(See  Bounty.) 
Voters:  bill  (S.  No.  114)  to  amend  section  five  of 
an  act  to  continue,  alter,  and  amend  the  char- 
ter of  theciiy  of  Washington, approved  May 
17,  1848,  and  further  to  preserve  the  purity  of 
elections  and  guard  against  the  abuse  of  the 
elective  franchise,  by  a  registration  of  electors 
for  the  city  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia 631,  982,  1162,  2140,2239 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XXX  V 


Voters:  bill  (S.  No.  114)  to  amend  section  five  of 
an  act  to  continue,  alter,  and  amend  the  char- 
ter of  the  city  of  Wusliington,  approved  May 
17, 1848,  and  further  to  preserve  tlie  purity  of 
elections  and  guard  against  the  abuse  of  the 
elective  franchise,  by  a  registration  of  electors 
for  the  city  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anthony 2244 

Mr.  Carlile 2241,  2243 

Mr.  Collamer 2241 

Mr.  Conness 2247 

Mr.  Cowan 2140,  2141, 

2239,  2240,  2241,  2242,  2244,  2247,  2248 

Mr.  Dixon 2140,  2141,  2142 

Mr.  Doolittle 2141 

Mr.  Foster 2240 

Mr.  Harlan 2239,  2240,  2249 

Mr.  Howard 2248 

Mr.  Howe 2243 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2141,  2244 

Mr.  Morrill 2240,  2241,  2249 

Mr.  Powell 2239 

Mr.  Sherman 2142 

Mr.  Sumner,  2141,  2241,  2244,  2246,  2247 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2242,  2243 

Mr.  Wilkinson  2241,2242,2243 

Mr.  Wil!ey...2141,  2241,  2244,  2240,2247 

Mr.  Wilson 2241,  2243,  2247,  2249 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2141 

Voting:  joint  resolution  (S.   No.  57)    to  amend 
the  charterof  the  city  of  Washington. ...2436, 
2457,  2486,  2511,  2542,  2587,  2622,2651 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 2545 

Mr.  Carlile 2543 

Mr.  Chandler 2436 

Mr.  Collamer 2545 

Mr.  Conness 2486,  2512 

Mr.  Cowan 2544,  2545 

Mr.  Davis 2486,  2512,  2543 

Mr.  Pessenden 2486,  2512 

Mr.  Foster 2543 

Mr.  Gnmv.s 2436,  2512,  2543,  2545 

Mr.  Hale 2436 

Mr.  Harlan, 2512,  2545 

Mr.  H.-idricks 2486,  2544 

Mr.  Hicks 2545 

Mr.  Johnson 2436,  2543,  2544,  2545 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas 2545 

Mr.  Morrill 2436,  2486,  2512,  2543 

Mr.  Pomeroy 2545 

Mr.  Sherman 2545 

Mr.  Sumner..2486,  2511,  2543,  2544,  2545 

Mr.  Ten  Eyck 2543 

Mr.  Trumbull 2545 

Mr.  Wade 2430,  2457,  2480,  2512 

Mr.  Wilkinson 2457 

Mr.  Willey 2512,  2543 

Mr.  Wilson.... 2545 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2512,  2545 

W. 

Wade,  Benjamin  F.,  a  Senator  from  Ohio 3, 

13,  24,  36,  37,  42,  81,  93,  173,  249, 
252,  255,  275,  319,  434,  435,  460,  553, 
631,  642,  643,  693,  720,  743,  879,  895, 
896,  936,  1108,  1154,  1310,  1402, 
1360,  1440,  1523,  1558,  1060,  2117,  2171, 
2324,  2344,  2372,  2421,  2457,  2458,  2484, 
2485,  2510,  2511,  2542,  2854,  2908,  3117, 
3129,  3158,  3190,  3287,  3340,  3357,  3359, 
3360,  3387,  3413,  3444,  3445,  3448,  3452, 
3454,  3456,  3459,  3491,  3493,  3501,  3503 
resolutions  by. ..42,  173,2458,  3001,3129,3169 
remarks  on  the  admission  of  Nevada,  787,  788 

remarks  on  the  admission  of  Colorado 788, 

789,2521 
remarks  on  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  898,  899 
remarks  on  the  expenses  of  the  war  commit- 
tee..  1249 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory  of 

Montana, 1310,1345,  1346,  1360,  1361, 

1362,  1382,  1403,  1616,  1639,  1640,  2348 
remarks  on  the  admission  of  Nebraska,  1558, 

1559,  1607 
remarks  on  Fort  Pillow  massacre..;  1663,  2117 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mall  service  to 

Brazil 2118 

remarks   on   the  inquiry   relative    to    the  Red 

river  disasters. 2219 

remarks  on  tlie  bill  to  amend  tlio  cliarter  of  the 
city  of  Washnigion...2436,  2457,  2486,2512 


Wade,  Benjamin  F.,  a  Senator  from  Ohio — Con- 
tinued. 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2575 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 2600 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2807, 

3195,  3196,  3197 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2906 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  repair  of 

certain  public  works 2921 

remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  liill, 

3088,  3117 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill... .3230, 

3238,  3239,  3264,  3265,  3456 

remarks  on   the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3265 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3362, 

3363,  3364,  3365 
remarks  on  the  government  for    the    seceded 

States 3407,  3448,  3449, 

3451,  3452,  3454,  3457,  3459,  3460,  3491 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Carmatk 

&  Ramsey 3494,  3405 

Wadsworth,  Solomon,  bill  (No.  431)  for  the  relief 

of. 1888,  1900,3086 

bill  (No.  288)  to  amend  an  act  for  the  relief  of, 

2430,  2521 
Wagon  road — see  Public  Lands. 

WagstafF,  Robert,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1477 

Wait,  Israel  C,  bill  ii^fuvorof  the  represeniaiives 

of 95,  262,  1274,  1310,  1344 

Walker,  William  C,  and  others,  bill  for  the  re- 
lief of 756,  1944,  2015,  2082 

Wallabout  bay,  bill  (No.  561)  to  authorize  the 
United  States  to  acquire  land  in,  belonging 
to  the  city  of  Brooklyn,  and  to  authorize  the 

exchange  of  other  lands  therefor 3360, 

3370,  3437,  3482,  3514 

Warden  of  the  jail,  bill  to  authorize  theappoint- 

ment  of  a,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  420, 

539,  728,  787,  815,  880 

War   Department,    calls    for    information    from 

the 55,  76,  80,  93,  90,  101,  118,  145, 

319,  343,  523,  524,  539,  798,  982,  1022, 
1108,1227,  1345,  1359,  1301,  1477,  1009, 
2239,  2405,  2490,  2625,  2707,  2895,  3285 
communications  from  the  ,...95,  151,  197,  387, 
420,  459,  631,  768,  709,  786,  824,  1206, 
1402, 1476,  2372,  2405,  2727,  2804,  2894, 
2923,  2967,  3029,  3039,  3085,  3168,  3325 
bill  (S.  No.  50)  to  authorize  the  President  to 
appoint  a  second  Assistant  Secretary  of,  153, 
173,  198,  221,  202,  275 
bill  (S.  No.  259)  supplemental  to  the  laws  re- 
lating to  the,  and  authorizing  the  settlement 
and   payment  of  certain   claims  against  the 

United  States 1945,  2622 

Ward,  Nahuni,  bill  to  refer  the  claim  of,  to  the 

Court  of  Claims 2696, 

2707,  3411,  3446,  3401,  3514 
Warren,  John,  &  Son,  bill  tor  relief  of,  3481,  3491 
Washington  and  George  town  Railroad  Company, 

bill  to  amend  charter  of  the 2818, 

2823,  2921,  3130,  3190,  3205 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 3137 

Mr.  Conness 3137 

Mr.  Doolittle .1 3131 

Mr.  Foster 3133,  3136 

Mr.  Grimes 3130, 

3131,  3133,  3130,  3137,  3191 

Mr.  Hale 3136,  3137 

Mr.  Hendricks 3131,  3134,  3205 

Mr.  Johnson  ..^ 3135,  3137 

Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansas ; 3205 

Mr.  Morrill 3137 

Mr.  Powell 3134 

Mr.  Saulsbury 3131,  3134,  3136,  3137 

Mr.  Sherman 3131 

Mr.  Sumner 3131, 

3132,  3133,  3134,  3135,  3137 

Mr.  Trumbull 3131,  3132,  3133 

Mr.  Wade 3265 

Mr.  Willey. ..3131,  3132,  3135,  3136,  3137 
Mr.  Wilson 3132,  3133 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3135,  3137,  3265 

Washington,  tlie  Territory  of,  bill  (H.  R.  No. 

116)  in  relation  to  university  lands  in .  ...635, 

880,  1045,  1091,  1136 

bill  (S.  No.  181)  in  reference  to  donation  claims 

in  Oregon  and 1207, 

1227,  1661,  1887,1919,2015 

bill   (S.  No.  285)  to   regulate   the  veto  power 

in 2372,  2510,  2600,  2S18,  2878,  3063 


Watch,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  29)  giving  the 
assent  of  Congress  to  ihe  acceptance  of  a, 
from  the  British  Privy  Council  of  Trade,  by 
the  master  of  the  American  schooner  High- 
lander  880,  922,  1000 

Weber,  Jacob,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3415, 

3420,  3482 
Wehrheim,  Valentine,  bill  to  amend  an   act  tor 

the  relief  of....' 2274,  2279,  3455 

Welch,  Harris,  bill  for  the  relief  of., 2274, 

2279,  3357 

Wetherill,  Charles  M.,  hill  for  the  relief  of,  2392, 

2542,  3337,  3411,  3444,  3514 

Wheeler,   Peter,  joint   resolution   tor  the   relief 

of. 3039" 

Whipple,  Ellen  M.,  bill  (S.  No.  2)  granting  a 
pension  to,  widow  of  the  late  MnjorGeneral 
Amiel  W.  Whipple,  of  the    United   States 

Army 9, 12,  2139,  2197,  2279 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Buckalew 2282 

Mr.  Conness 2281 

Mr.  Foster 2280 

Mr.  Grimes 2280,  2281 

Mr.  Hale 2280,  22r<2 

Mr.  Morrill 2281 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 32815 

Wliitall,John  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3415,  3420 
Wiggins,  George  T.,  bill  for  relief  of,  343,  18U2 
Wilkes,  Charles,  joint  resolution  (No.  01)  refer- 
ring the  case  of,  to  the  Court  of  Claims,  149), 

1522,  3028 
Wilkinson,  Morton  S.,  a  Senator  from  Minne- 
sota  9,  16,  17, 

37,  55,  80,  81, 144, 153,  197,  253, 388, 389, 
435,  460,  5,53,  788,  814,8.36,868,  896,921, 
936,  1022,  1025,  1107,  1108,  1131,  1154, 
1184,  1274,  1344,  1434,  1476,  1500,  1607, 
1608,  1636,  1637,  1083,  1714,  1743,  1T71, 
1900,  2015,  2117,  2218,  2384,  2405,  2423, 
2424,  2437,  2457,  2458,  2051,  2842,  2t<95, 
3001,  3002,  3093,  3129,  3219,  3322,  33:i7, 
3453,  3498,  3499,  3500,  3542,  .3544,  3547, 

resolutions  by 145,394,  921,  19Utl 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  arrest  of 

soldiers  inJMissouri 145 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill..  .250,  724,  746 
remarks  on  the  joint  resolution  (No.  20)  rela- 
ting to  bounties 202,  203 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill 362, 

394,  680,  1177,  1178,  1179,  1213 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lien- 
tenant  General 588,  589,  796 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  150)) 052, 

653,  654 

remarks  on  the  payofcolored  troops 677, 

820,  821,  822,  1027,  2303 
remarks  explanatory — army  of  the  P<itomac, 

796,  896 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  land  grant 962, 

963,   964,   965,   967,    968,    969, 

1031, 1032, 1033, 1034, 1841, 1842 

remarks  on  the  amendmentof  the  Constitution, 

1315,  1316,  1317,1319 

remarks  on  the  organization  ofMontana,  1340, 

1301, 1362, 1363, 1694, 1705, 1706, 

1744,     1745,     1843,    1846,    2349 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...1612 

remarks  on   the  bill   to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice 1803 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 2118,  2283,  2372,  2373 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill,  2241, 

2242,  2243 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2444, 

2445,  2446,  2006,  2769,  2770 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of 

Wisconsin 2753 

remarks  on  conscription  bill.. ..2833,  3093,3488 
remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bilJ,  2847, 

2875,2876,2817 
remarks  on  the  tariff  bill,  3007, 3008, 3009, 3010 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill...  ,3261, 

3262,  3264,  3265 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau. ...3341,  3342,  3344,  3345,  3346,  3348 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing forPennsylvania 

war  claims 3371,  3372,  3373,  3374 

remarks  on  final  adjournment 3503,  3504 

Willey,  Waitmaii  T.,  a  Senator  from  West  Vir- 
ginia  55,  117,  300,  389,  727, 

780,900,982,1000.1162,1310,1360,1416. 
1417,  1476,  1522,  1617,  1618,  1061,  1703, 
2014,  2050,  2197,  2274,  2436,  3286.  3541 


XXXVI 

- f« 


IHDEX  TO 


Willey,  Waitman  T.,  a  Senator  from  Virginia— 
Continued. 

credentials  of,  presented 1 

resolutions  by » ....1661 

remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  LemuelJ.  Bow- 
den 147 

remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars ;. 817 

remarks  on  bill  to  promote  enlistments 1216, 

1228 
remarks  on  the  amendment  ofthe  Constitution, 

1446,  1458 

remarks  on  Army  appropriation  bill,  1812, 1813 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ..2141, 

2241,  2244,  2246,  2247 

remarlcs  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 

city  of  Washington 2512,  2543 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2933, 2934, 2975, 2976, 2977,3301, 

3328,3329, 3330, 3334, 3335, 3336, 3337, 3341 
r-emarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3131,3132,  3135,  3136,3137 

remarks  on  the  House  bill  for  the  repeal  ofthe 

fugitive  slave  laws 3177 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  punishment  of  guer- 
rillas  3416,3417 

remarks  on  providing  for  Pennsylvania  war 

claims 3441 

Williams,  Edward,  bill  for  relief  of.. ..2392,  2866 

Williams,  Jesse,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1491, 

1522,  1944,  2015,  2082 

Williams,  John,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3415, 

3420,  3455,  3482,  3514 
Wilson,  Henry,  a  Senator  from  Massachusetls, 
3,  9,  16,  17,  24,  28,  36,  43,  44,  55,  57,  75, 
7-6,93,95,96,  100,  117,118,  127,134,  137, 
138,  145,  151,  153,  164,  173, 198,219,252, 
2.)3,  257,  262,  275,  289,  319,  331,  343,  351, 
360,  420,  434,  435,  445,  460,  481,  494,  520, 
521,  523,  524,  539,  542,  543,  .553,  555,  581, 
585,  671,  768,  769,  786,  787,  814,  824, 837, 
864,  868,  880,  881,  887,  896,  908,  921,  938, 
960,  982,  999,  1022,  1025,  1044,  1081, 
1082,  1083,  1108,  1110,  1130,  1154,  1158, 
1174,  1176,  1207,  1227,  1236,  1247,  1248, 
1274,  1310;  1344,  1361,  1385,  1386,  1402, 
1435,  1453,  1465,  1477,  1519,  1522,  1523, 
1559,  1609,  1617,  1618,  1635,  1683,  1706, 
1743,  1771,  1887,  1901.  1922,  1944,  1945, 
1985,  1986,  2050,  2081,  2117,  2170,  2197, 
2207,  2223,  2224,  2225,  2226,  2238,  2239, 
2279,2282,  2301,  2310,  2324,  2332,2371, 
2372,  2457,  2484,  2510,  2545,  2552,  2567, 
2586,  2622,  2650,  2664,  26G5,  2695,  2751, 
2844,  2894,  2908,  2962,  2963,  3001,  3002, 
3004,  3028,  3040,  3051,  3053,  3062,  3116, 
3126,  3178,  3188,  3190,  3218,  3219,  3232, 
3266,  3285,  3287,  3338,  3350,  3360,  3378, 
3388,  3411,  3412,  3436,  3437,  3443,  3451, 
3452,  3462,  3483,  3484,  3501,  3541,  3546 

resolutions  by 9, 

93,  96,  253,  319,  435,  769,  824,  1227, 

1274,  1361,  1477,  1519,  1609,  2239,  2275 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  increase  the  bounty  and 

pay  of  volunteers 9,  17, 

36,  48,  58,  64,  66,  67,  68,  543 
remarks  on   the  bill  (No.   18)  to  amend  the 

enrollment  act 37,  48,  81,  83,  84,  85 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14),  76,  79,  80 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prevent  military   inter- 
ference in  elections 96,  97,  105,  106 

remarks  on  conscription  bill, 95,  100,  119, 120, 
122,  123,  124,  125,  126,  127, 139, 141,  142, 

143,  154,  156,  159,  100,  161,163,200,201, 
202,  203,  204,  205,  207,  208,  209,221,  222, 
223,  225,  226,  229,  230,  231,  238,244,  245, 
246,  247,  248,  250,  251,  252,  254, 635,  643, 
672,  723,  724,  744,  745,  746,  747,  748,  749 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  continue  tlie  payment  of 

bounties 108,  119,  153 

remarks  on  the  enlistments  bill. ..134,  253,  289, 

361,  394,  397,  421,  438,  445,  542, 

922,  1176,  1177,  1178,  1180,  1181, 

1182,  1184,  1207,1208,  1210,  1228 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  the  expulsion  of 

Mr.  Davis 139, 

144,  146,  182,  183,  350,  360,  371,  389,  392 
remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Lemuel  J.  Bow- 
den 148 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  an  ambulance 
corps 464,  465,  466,  1001 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  iho  (uiy  of  sol- 
diers  466,  481,  483,  484,  562,  565,  632, 

634,  636,  637,  638,  639,  6.58,  675,  704,  7(i5, 


Wilson,  Henry,  a  Senator  from  Massachusetts — 
Continued. 
769,770,  798,  818,  820,  821,  822,  824,  825, 
868,  873,  896,  969,  990,  991,  1028,  2117, 
2118,  2284,  2285,  2286,  2287,  2288,  2289, 
2301,  2302,  2304,  2305,  2306,  2926,  3040 

remarks  on  an  emancipation  petition 537 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 539,  586, 

589,  590,  591,  771,  793,  795,  797,  824,  842 
remarks  on  the  exclusion  of  colored  persons 

from  the  cars 554,  817 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 612, 

617,  621,  656,  657 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  41)  to  continue  the 

payment  of  bounties. ..866,  867, 868, 921 ,  922 

remarks  on  the  army  of  the  Potomac 899 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 906,  907 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments,  960, 
999,  1083,  1084,  1108,  1176 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  cotton  spec- 
ulations  982,  984 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in 

the  seceded  States 999, 

1130,  1131,  1403,  1404,  1405 

remarks  on  the  gold  bill 1051 

remarks  on  Military  Aeademy  bill. .1085,  1088 

remarks  on  the  pay  and  pension  of  chaplains, 

1163,  J.164,  1361,  1447,  1448 

remarks  on  bill  in  relation  to  deserters. ..1249, 

1250 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion  1319,  1324,  1347,1365 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..1567, 

1570,  1571,  1572,  1611 

remarks  on  Port  Pillow  massacre. ..1662,  1664 

remarks  on   the  repeal   of  the  fugitive  slave 

law 1715,  1752,  1782 

reiTiarks  on   the  bill   to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice 1802, 

1803,  1804,  1865,  1900,  2055,  2087,  2088 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1805, 

1806, 1807, 1809, 1813, 2851, 2853, 2854, 2879 

remarks  on  currency  bill,  1869, 1870, 1891, 1900, 

1990,  2128,  2146,  2147,  2180,  2181,  2207 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2015, 

2515,  2516,  2567,  2568,  2606,  2625, 
2626,  2627,  2628,  2629,  2630,  2631, 
2632,  2663,  2699,  2700,  2710,  2712, 
2756,  2757,  2758,  2759,  2761,  2767 
remarks  on  the  one  liundred  days'  volunteers 

bill 2022, 

2023,  2024,  2025,  2026,  2027,  2054 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  disasters 

on  Red  river 2219,  2220 

remarks  on  the  District  registration  bill. ..2241, 

2243,  2247,  2249 
remarks  on  providing  for  the  new  censws,2274 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relative  to  the  military 

position  of  General  Blair 2275,  2278 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 2331, 

2332,  2384 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  continued 

publication  of  the  debates 2784,  2786 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 

Bureau 2786, 

2801,2803,2804,  3300,  3307,  3308,  3327, 
3331,  3332,  3333,  3334,  3.337,  3341,  3349 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill ....2804, 

2805,2806,2807,  2808,  2824,  2825,  2832, 
2833,2907,3088,  3090,  3091,  3092,  3093, 
3094, 3095, 3096,  3097,  3098,  3099,  3100, 
3101,  3102,  3l94,  3197,  3204,  3206,  3207 
remarks  on  commercial  intercourse  bill. ..2821 
remarks  on  the  recognition  of  the  government 

of  Arkansas 2901,  2904 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill .'2923 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  punish- 
ment of  guerrillas... .2922,  2923,  3002,  3029, 
3030,  3350,  3412,  3416,  3417,  3418,  3459 
remarks  on  the  inter-continental  telegraph  bill, 
3065,  3072,  3075,  3121 
remarks  on  the  House  bill  forthe  repeal  ofthe 
fugitive  slave  laws.. ..3127,  3129,  3176,>3191 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3132,  3133 

remarks  on  the  bill   for  the  relief  of  certain 

.gunboat  contractors 3171 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  salaries  for 

postmasters 3252 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3257, 

3259,  3262 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  bail  in  certain 

cases  of  military  arrests ...3294,  3298 


Wilson,  Henry,  a  Senator  from  Massachusetts— 

Continued. 

remarks  on  the  House  conscription  bill. ..3375, 

3378,  3379,  3380,  3381,  3383,  3384,  3387, 

3461,  3484,  3485,  3487,  3488,  3489,  3491 

remarks  on  the  reconstruction  bill 3451, 

3452,  3461 

remarkB  on  final  adjournment 3503, 

3505,  3509,  3513 
Wisconsin,  joint  resolution  for  the  relief  of  the 

State  of 48,  76,  1635, 

1847,  1863,  2017,  2052,  2119,  2622,  2696, 

2727,  2751,  2752,  2926,  3415,  3444,  3483 

Wiawall,  Noah,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs 

of 221,  232,  693,  723,  786 

Wolcott,  Rhoda,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .960,  961, 

2170,  2600, 2696, 2727, 3002, 3004,  3039, 3190 

Woodbridge,  Eliza  Cass,  bill  for  the  relief  of, 

3408,  3495,  3514 

Wood,  E.  F.  &  Samuel  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of, 

539,  879,  886,  1274,  1310,  1344 

joint  resolution  (No.  85)   repealing  an  cct  for 

the  relief  of 2842,  2866 

Wormer,  Daniel,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 756, 

1476,  1491,  1560 
Wright,  William,  a  Senator  from  New  Jersey, 

23,  920,  1045 
Y. 
Yeas  and  nays  on — 

absentees,  resolution  directing  the  names  of,  to 

be  reported 2090 

adjournment 251,  232,  643,  658,  772, 

1651,  1715,  1813,  1931,1990,2056,2238, 
2831,  3176,  3178,  3462,  3508,, 3509, 3510 

adjournment,  final 3509,  3510,  3513 

adjournment  over 37, 

43,  86,  1813,  2142,  2238,  2384 
Agricultural  Department,  bill  relating  to  rooms 

for 3415 

amendment  of  the  Constitution 522, 

1370,  1424,  1425,  1446,  1447,  1465, 1490 
Arkansas,    recognition    of    the     government 

of. 2906 

Arkansas  representation 3365,  3368 

Army  appropriation  bill 1806, 

1807,  1809,  1813 
assay  offices,  bill  to  establish  certain,  1774, 1953 

Brown,  Albert,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 699 

Cairo  navy-yard  bill 3165,  3289 

Carmack  &.  Ramsey,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3495 
charter  of  the  city  of  Washington,  bill  to  amend 

the 2.512,2545 

Cincinnati  Enquirer,  resolution  relating  to  the 

suppression  of. 3378 

civil  appropriation  bill 3225, 

3228,  3256,  3258,  3261,  3264,  3265 

college  rancho  bill 2779,  2781 

commercial  intercourse  bill 3325 

conscription  bill  (No.  36) 189, 

202,  203,  204,  208,  209,  223,  224, 226,  227, 

228,  231,  246,  247,  251,  252,  257,  723,  756 

conscription  bill. .2832,  3094,  3098,  3101,  3102, 

3194,  3195,  3196,  3198,  3202,  3205,  3207 

conscription  bill  (H.  R.  No.  549) 3387, 

3485,  3488,  3489,  3491 

consular  and  diplomatic  bill 1114,  1135 

cotton  speculations,  inquiry  relating  to. ...1002 
counsel,  bill  to  prohibit  members  from  acting 

as 562 

courts  in   northern   New  York,  bill    relating 

to 3544,3545 

currency  bill 1870, 1957, 

1959,  2123,  2142, 2143, 2145,  2171,  2180, 

2183,  2200,  2202,  2203,  2204,  2205,2206 

debates,  bill  to  pay  for  the  printingof  the,  3546 

deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 80 

deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 655,  656,  657,  658 

District  registration  bill  (S.  No.  114) 2141 

documents,  bill  toexpeditethe  printing  of,  2310 
duties  on  imports,  bill  providing  for  tlie  tem- 
porary increase  of. 1929,  1931, 1932,  1933 

elections,  bill  to  prevent  military  interference 

in 97,  102,  2963,  3160,  3.326 

enlistments,  bill  to  promote 1207 

enrollment  act,  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  the,  85 

Fitzgerald  &  Ball,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2227 

Ford,  Joseph,  bill  for  the  relief  of 1638 

Freedmen's  Bureau,  bill  to  establish  a... .2931, 
2979,  3293,  3303,  3327,  3330,  3337,  3350 

fugitive  slave  law,  repeal  ofthe 1714, 1715 

fugitive  slave  laws.  House  bill  for  the  repeal 

ofthe; 2963,  3129,  3158,  3177,  3178,  3191 

gold  act,  repeal  of  the 3446 

gold,  bill  providing  forthe  sale  of  surplus,  1052 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


XXXVII 


Yeas  and  nays  on — Contimied. 

gold,  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 1650, 

1668,  1672,  1673 

rovernment  for  the  rebellious  States 3407, 

3449,  3460,  3461,  3491 
gunboat  contractors,  bill  for  the  relief  of  cer- 
tain  : 3175 

income  tax  bill ■ 3541 

Indian  appropriation  bill 2877,  2878 

Indian  captives,  bill  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the 

Navnjo 2174 

land  claims  in  California,  bill  relating  to,  2867, 

2922.  3087 
land  entries  in' Missouri,  bill  to   confirm  cer- 
tain  3029 

legislative  appropriation  bill. ..1689,  1690,  1692 
Lieutenant  General,  bill  to  revive  the  grade 

of. 587,  797,  798 

loan  bill  (ten-forties) 883,  886 

mail  service' to  Brazil,  bill  providing 2373, 

2435 

Metropolitan  railroad  bill 1161 

Military  Academy  bill 1086 


Yeas  and  nays  on — Continued. 

Military  Justice,  bill  to  establish  a  BureaO  of, 

1804,  2055,  2087 

Miller,  Morris  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3190 

Minnesota,  bill  granting  lands  to 969,  1035 

Montana,  organization  of. 1361,  1364,  2351 

naval  appropriation  bill 1530, 

1560,1571,1576,1611,1612 
New  Mexico,  bill  relating  to  certain  private 

land  claims  in 2797 

oath  of  office,  resolution  relating  to  the,  54, 331 

Overland  Mail  Company  bill 3065 

Pacific  railroad  bill ...2352, 

2380,  2384,  2418,  2422,  2424 

pay  of  soldiers,  bill  to  equalize  the 641, 

771,  820,  1029,  1030,  2288,  2306 
Pennsylvania  war  claims,  bill  providing  for, 

3437,  3440,  3443 
Provost  Marshal  General,  bill  relating  to  the, 

1704 
quorum,  resolution  relating  to  a  constitutional, 

2087 
railroad  toEastTennessee,billfora,  3420,3448 


Yeas  and  nays  on — Continued. 

revenue  bill  (No.  122) 488,  494,  907,  938 

revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2495, 

2501,   2515,   2521,    2550,    2559,    2591, 

•2606,  2628,  2632,  2655,  2660,  2704, 2710, 

2714,  2715,  2730, 2732, 2733,  2736,  2738, 

2740,  2757,  2759,  2761,  2762,  2768,  2770 

San  Ramon  land  grant 1988 

slavery,  abolition  of,  by  constitutional  amend- 
ment  .'. „ 522, 

1370,  1424,  1425,  1446,  1447,  1465,  1490 

tariff  bill 3006,  3011,  3035,  3037, 

3041,  3042,  3047,  3049,  3051,  3052,  3053 

telegraph  bill,  inter-continental 3066, 

3069,  3072,  3120,  3125,  3126 
volunteers  for  one  hundred  days,  bill  to  provide 

for  the  payment  of 2028,  2029,  2054 

Washington   and   Georgetown    railroad     bill, 

3135,  3137,  3205 
Whipple,  E.  M.,bill  granting  pension  to,  2282 
Wisconsin,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  State  of, 

2728,  2730,  2930 
Wisconsin  military  road  bill 2966 


HOUSE  OF  KEPRESENTATIYES. 


A. 

Abandoned  lands,  bill  to  provide  for  the  rent- 
ing of,  tenements,  and  houses  in  insurrec- 
tionary States,  and  for  the  care  and  employ- 
ment of  persons  therein  set  free  by  the  proc- 
lamation   of  the   President   of  the   United 

States 757 

Abbott,  J.  S.  &,  E.  A.,  joint  resolution  in  favor 

of. .- 1407 

Abolition  of  shivery-^see  Constitution. 
Accardi,  Mary  Scales,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  1531, 

2273,  2387 

Account,  bill  (No.  63)  to  settle  the,  of  James  Kee- 

nan,  late  consul  at  Flong  Kong,  China,  2265, 

2509,  2541,  2672 

Accounts,  the  Committee  of. 18 

reports  from..... : 1673,  1679 

Accounts,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  130)  to  authorize  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  adjust  and  settle 
the,  of  ex-Governor  Brigham  Young.  ..-..196, 

757,  942,3471 
bill  in  relation  to  the,  Of  the  States  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Maine........ .- 331 

bill  (No.  94)  to  authorize  the settlementof  the, 

of  Paymaster  E.  C.  Doran 658,  714,  844 

joint  resolution  authorizing  the  settlement  of 
the,  of  J.  N.  Carpenter,  a  paymaster  in  the 

United  States  Navy 844,  1143,  1148 

joint  resolution  relative  to  the,  of  the  petty  of- 
ficers, seamen,  and  others  of  the  crew  of  the 

United  States  gunboat  Cincinnati 148, 

844,  1634,  1657 

bin  (S.  No'.  38)  to  authorize  the  settlement  of 

the,  of  A.  Bush,  late   public  printer  for  the 

Territory  of  Oregon 1732,  2132,  2249 

joint   resolution    (No.  66)   providing   for  ad- 
justment of  the,  of  Henry  W.  Diman.  .3272, 

3278,  3428,  3463 

joint  resolution  to  settle  and  pay  the,  of  John 

S.  Phelps,  of  Missouri,  as  a  member  of  the 

Thirty-Seventh  Congress 3311,  3432 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  43)  authorizing  the  set- 
tlementof the,  of  the  late  Captain  D.  Hebard, 
of  the  United  States  volunteers. ...3423,  3465 
Actions,  bill  (No.  42)  in  relation  to  the  limitation 

of,  in  certain  cases 689,  714,  2773 

Adjournment,  propositions  for  final. 259, 

888,  2426,  2880,  3112,  3178,  3535 

Admiralty,    bill    to    facilitate    proceedings    in, 

through  judicial  proceedings  in  the  port  of 

New  York 387,  2776,  3355,  3357 

Agricultural  colleges — see  Public  Lands. 
Agricultural   Department;  rfesolution    assigning 

rooms  to  the....^ u 625,  33li,  3354 

bill(S.  No.  339)  to  repeal  the  joint  resolution 

to  grant  additional  rooms  to  the ......3464, 

3517,  3523,  3524 

Agriculture,  the  Committee  o-n 18 

instructions  to..... 21 

reports  from 625,1262 


Ahna,  Colonel  Henry  Charles  De,  joint  resolu- 
tion to  provide  for  the  claim  of,  for  military 

services 3141,3470 

Alien  enemies — see  Courts. 

Allen,  Isaac,  bill  to  increase  the  pension  of,  2264, 

3208,  3214 
Allen,  James    C,   a   Representative   from    Illi- 
nois  5,  6, 8,  15, 

22,35,  39,  71,  260,  261,  310,  3.33,  355, 
356,  414,  426,  431, 495, 508,  509, 596,  660, 
668,  760,  798,  805,  846,  851,  909,  927, 
1036,  1044,  1061,  1154,  1196,  1219,  1223, 
1236,  1247,  1380,  1407,  1513,  1518,  1519, 
1531,  1635,  1679,  1734,  1763,  2000,  2290, 
2333,  2538,  2609,  2813,  2856,  2861,  2911, 
3053,  3059,  3061,  3079,  3082,  3179,  3180 

resolutions  by 35,  426,  660,  2290 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122). ...216,  305, 

307, 668, 688,  689, 690, 892,  893, 935, 939 

remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill. ..357,  359 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 552, 

576,577,601,602,603,628 
remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold. ..932, 1128 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 978 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1021,  1042,  3017 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1040 

remarks  on  purchasing  the  Annals  of  Con- 
gress  1193,  1194,  1195 

remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  1327 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1392, 

1393,  1394,  1397,  1399,  1400,  1413, 

1415,  1431,  1433,  1681,  1682,  2448 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long.  ..1513, 

1625,  1630 
remarks  on  the  bill  temporarily  increasing  du- 
ties  1697,  1855,  1856 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  agovernment  for 

the  rebellious  States 1737 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1786,1790, 
1815, 1819, 1820, 1824, 1826, 1833, 1850, 1851, 
1852, 1854, 1875,  1908, 1916, 1917, 1918, 1940 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty.. 2503 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2717,  2718 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold ; 2788 

remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3106,3109 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill .-. 3185 

Allen,  William  J.,  a  Representative  from   Illi- 
nois  W..19,  23,  46, 

527,  528,  624,  668,  731, 1354, 1355, 1551, 
1581,  1652,  2214,  2936,  3104,  3424,  3521 

resolutions  by ..............23,  411 

speech  on  the  state  of  the  Union....! .-...382 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory. 457,  458 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 530, 

551,  552,  574 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333).... 1379 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long.  ,.1551, 

1581,  1638 


Allen,  William  J.,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois—  Continued. 
remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill. ..3244, 

.    3245,  3246 
Alley,  John  B.,  a  Representative  from  Massa- 
chusetts  164, 

233,  284,  332,  387,  624,  660,  798,  805, 
939,  941,  1062,  1164,  1286,  1290,  1325, 
1.387,  1395,  1409, 1416, 1466, 1652, 1656, 
1660,  1784,  2033.  2170,  2238, 2272, 2.323, 
2426,  2476,  2526,  2650, 2715, 2772, 2879, 
2880,  3016,  3054,  3077,  3207, 3311 ,  3316, 
3423,  3427,  3518,  3519,  3520,  3523,  3536 

resolution  by 2715 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 337, 

357,  994 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 576 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold, 737, 

763,  1102,  1104,  1123 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  mail  service  to 

foreign  ports 970,  971,  1243 

remarks  on  the  bill  extending  the  fi'anking  priv- 
ilege  1118,  1119 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1166, 

1371 

remarks  on  thecurrency  bill  (No.  333). ...1375, 

1378,  1379,  1397,  1398,  1399,  1400 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  steamship 

service  to  Brazil , 1653, 

1656,  1657,  1658,  2476 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  secure  the  speedy  trans- 
portation of  the  mails .'..1658,  1659 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  postal  money 

order  system ..1659,  1660 

Eemarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1905 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill ; 2748 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  New  York  rail- 
road bill 2634 

remarks  on  the  overland  mail  bill 2935, 

2936,  3016,  3404,  3405,  3406 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish   salaries  for 

postmasters ....3429,  3430,  3431 

Allison,    William    B.,   a    Representative    from 

Iowa .\44,87,  281,  429,  519, 

706,  740,  1009,  1036,  1096,  1097,  1453, 
1495,  1507,  1754,  1791,  1886,  1887,  2000, 
2056,  2384,  2475,  2476,  2501,  2695,  2716, 
2772,  2937,  3104,  3148,  3462,  3479,  3537 

resolutions  by > .• 44, 1009 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 534 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405).. 1878,  3020 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  homesteads  on 

forfeited  estates, ; 2113 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3244 
Ambulances — see  Army. 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution,  joint  resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  16)  proposing,  of  the  United 

States............ .„..;... ...... ....2612,  2613, 

2722,  2939,  2948,  2977,  3000,  3014,  33oI 


XXXVIII 


INDEX  TO 


Arkansas,  contested  election  case  of  James  M. 
Johnson,  claiming  a  seat  as  Representative 
from  the  second  congressional  district  of — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Cobb 684 

Mr.  Cox 684,  686,  687 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 574, 

680,  681,  682,  683,  685,  686 

Mr.  Dawes 574, 

680,  681,  684,  685,  686,  687 

Mr.  Ganson  683,  684 

Mr.  Harding 681,  682 

Mr.  Kernan 683,  684 

Mr.  Mallory .„ 682 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania 687 

Mr.  Schenck 684,  686,  687 

Mr.  Shannon 685 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 681 

Mr.  Stevens 682,  686,  687 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 681 

Mr.  Wilson 684 

Armes,  Josiah  0.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  313,  758, 

759,  1286,  2388 
Armory,  national,  select  committee  on  a,  427,  459 
bill  (No.  267)  authorizing  commissioners  lo  se- 
lect a  site  for  a  national 785,  972 

Arms,  joint  resolution  to  remit  and  refund  cer- 
tain duties  on,  imported  and  purchased   liy 

the  State  of  New  York 273 

Army,  bill  reviving  the  grade  of  Lieutenant  Gen- 
eral in  the,  9,  21,  333,  427,  825,850,875,883 
bill  to  amend  the  act  for  enrolling  and  c;illing 
out  the  national  forces,  12, 19, 20,  95, 149,  331 
bill  for  the  relief  of  the  members  of  the  thirty- 
seventh  Iowa  volunteer  infantry 21 

joint  resolution  to  authorize  the  enlistment  of 

colored  citizens  in  the  rebellious  districts,  20 

bill  to  repeal  section  three  and  part  of  section 

ten  of  an  act  for  enrolling  and  calling  out 

the  national  forces 70,94 

bill  explanatory  of  the  act  for  the  enrolling  and 

calling  out  the  national  forces 40 

bill  to  amend  the  act  to  authorize  the  employ- 
ment of  volunteers  to  aid  in  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws  and  to  protect  public  property,  46 
bill   supplemental  to  an  act  for  enrolling  and 

calling  out  the  national  forces 196 

bill  to  promote  the  efficiency  of  the   battalion 

of  engineers  in  the 196 

bill  (No.  36)  to  amend  an  act  for  enrolling  and 

calling  out  the  national  forces 266, 

319,334,355,  376,  397,  431,  451,  47], 
528, 547,574, 597, 602,  604,  622,  623,  626, 
658, 680, 687,  691,  733, 766,  772, 776, 836 
bill  (No.  187)  to  regulate  ihe  dismission  of  offi- 
cers in  the  military  and  naval  service  of  ihe 

United  States 405,  1012 

bill  (S.  No.  30)  to  establish  a  unii'orm  system 

of  ambulances  in  the,  496,  714, 805,  998, 1010 

joint  resolution  to  drop  from   the  rolls  of  the, 

unemployed  general  officers 574, 

996,  1148,  1164,  1652,  2215,  2235 

bill  (S.  No.  85)  to  provide  for  the  examination 

of  certain  officers  of  the,  581,  714,  3139,  3214 

bill  (No.  551)  to  organize  a  regiment  of  veteran 

volunteer  engineers 731, 

1011,2333,2343,2426 
bill  (S.  No.  41)    to    promote    enlistments    in 

the 785,  844,  845 

resolution  (S.  No.  21)  to  provide  for  the  print- 
ing of  official   reports  of  the  operations  of 

the 2249,2293 

bill  (S.  No.  151)  relating  to  enlistments,  1123, 

1195,  1196,  1266,  3243,  3400,  3432 

bill  to  promote  the  efficiency  of  the  artillery  of 

the 1142 

joint  resolution  repealing  the  lastclause  of  sec- 
tion sixteen  of  the  enrollment  act,  approved 

March  3,  1863 1448 

bill  (No.  154)  to  provide  for  better  organization 

of  quartermaster's  department 2291,2391, 

3243,  3355,  3397,  3404, 3435,  3468,  3479 
bill  to  further  regulate  and  provide  for  enroll- 
ing and  calling  out  the  national  forces, 2909, 
3112,  3143,  3272,  3278, 3280,  3309,  3310, 
3314,  3315, 3317,  3318, 3353, 3354,  3355, 
3357,  3427, 3430, 3431 ,  3433,  3436, 3462, 
3463,  3465,  3468,  3479,  3524,  3535,  3536 
bill  to   increase   the  efficiency  of  the   medical 

corps  of  the 3139 

bill  (No.  286)  to  prohibit  the  discharge  of  per- 
sons from  liubilify  In  military  duty  by  reason 
of  the  pay  mem  oC  money,  3239,  3423,  3532 


Amendments  to  the  Constitution,  joint  resolution 
(S.  No.  16)  proposing,  of  the  United  States — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by —  • 

Mr.  Arnold 2988,  2992 

Mr.  Ashley 3000,  3357 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin ..3000 

Mr.  Coffroth 2952 

Mr.  Cox 2612,  3000 

Mr.  Edgcrton 2985 

Mr.  Eldridge 2613,  2978 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2977,  2978,  2980 

Mr.  Finck 2723 

Mr.  Ganson 2995 

Mr.  Herrick 2615 

Mr.  Higby 2939,  2943 

Mr.  Holmnn 2612, 

2960,  2961,  2978,  2995,  3000,  3357 

Mr.  Ingersoll 2989 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 2945,  2995 

Mr.  Kelley 2983 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 2954 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  New  York 2618 

Mr.  Mallory 2612,  2613,  2981,  2982 

Mr.  Marcy 2950 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 2613 

Mr.  Pendleton, 2612,2613, 2992, 2993, 2995 

Mr.  Perry 3014 

Mr.  Price 2995 

Mr.  Pruyn 2723,2939 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 2991 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  Missouri 2992 

Mr.  Ross 2956,2980 

Mr.  Schenck 2612 

Mr.  Shannon 2947,  2948 

Mr.  Stevens 2939,  2982 

Mr.  Stiles 2995 

Mr.  Strouse 2992 

Mr.  Thayer 2980,  2981,  2993 

Mr.  Wadsworth 2982,  2993 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois...  .2961,  2978 
Mr.  Washburn,  of  Massachusetts. ....3014 

Mr.  Wheeler 2948 

Mr.  Wilson...2612,  2613,  2722,  2723,  2995 
Mr.  Wood,  Fernando. ...2939,  2980,  3000 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2612,  2995,  3014 

Ames,  Julia  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 874, 

1370,  2385,  2482,  2578 
Ames,  Oakes,  a  Representative  from  Massachu- 
setts  , 942 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1833,  1839 
Ancona,  Sydenham  E.,  a  Representative   from 

Pennsylvania 6,  19,  23,  44,  46,  95,108, 

127, 128, 134, 150, 151, 258, 313, 459, 509, 
519, 527, 550,  693, 740, 772, 810, 876, 879, 
970,  999,  1143,  1164,  1218,  1219,  1325, 
1335, 1336, 1359,  1394,  1402, 1448, 1494, 
1518,  1519, 1533, 1591, 1972, 2000,  2033, 
2107,  21,38,  2214,  2289,  2509,  2510,  2526, 
2575, 2578,  2579,  2586, 2612,  2672,  2751, 
2771,  2775, 2776,  2793,  2836, 2936,  3016, 
3060,  3430,  3516,  3517,  3527,  3.536,  3537 

resolutions  by 95,  151,  999,  0575 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Lon2'...1591, 

1630,  1634 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1836, 

1840,  1943,  2030,  3020 
remarks   on   the   repeal   of  the   fugitive   slave 

laws 2575,  2.576,  2936 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3147 

3354,  3355,  3357,  3462,  3466,  3525 
Anderson,  Charles,  assignee,  &c.,  bill  for  the 

relief  of 313_  425,  753 

Anderson,  Charles  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... 1901, 

,      .  2426,3469 
Anderson,  Lucien.  a  Ropresentaiivp  from  Ken- 
tucky  69,  333,  459,  893, 1143,  1959,  2.585 

resolutions  by 333 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory  ....456,  4.57 

remarks  on  the  coiiscripiion  bill 593 

remarks  on  Kentucky  politics — see  Appendix. 
Anderson,  Peter,  bill  for  relief  of,  1698,  2273, 2387 
Annals  of  Congress,  proposition  for  the  (iiirehnse 

of  il'« 1098,  1191,  1195 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1193,  1194,  1195 

Mr.  Ashley 1093 

Mr.  Beaman 1194 

Mr.  Clark,  A.  W 1191,  1192 

Mr.  Dawes 1192 

Mr.  Deming II94 

Mr.  Farnsworth 1193,1194,  1195 

Mr.  Mallory l(l<)8,  1193 

Mr.  Morrill 1098 


Annals  of  Congress,  proposition  for  the  purchase 
of  the — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 1193 

Mr.  Smith. 1098, 

1191,  1192,  1193,  1194,  1195 

Mr.  Spalding 1192,  1193,  1194 

Mr.  Stiles 1191 

Mr.  Upson 1194 

Mr.  Wadsworth 1195 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1191, 

1192,  1193,  1194,  1195 

Mr.  Wilson 1191,  1195 

Mr.  Windom .1191,  1192,  1193,  1194 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1098,  1195 

Appeals,  bill  to  prevent  vexatious 148 

bill  to  regulate,  from  the  Court  of  Claims,  196 
(See  Land  Office.) 
Appraiser,  bill  to  appoint  an,  and  assistant,  for 

the  port  of  Portland 1389,  1492,  1495 

Apprentices — see  Jsfaval  .Apprentices. 
Appropriations:  for  the  payment  of  invalid  and 
other  pensions  of  the  United  States  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1865. ..33,  46,  372,  427 
for  the  support  of  the  Military  Academy  for 
the  year  ending  June  30, 1865. ..33,  91,  1118, 
1144,  1219,  1243,  1265,  1293,  1349, 1389 
for  the  consular  and  diplomatic  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1865. ...44,  129,1165,  1261,  1531,  2215,  2227, 
2333;  2371,  2789,  2939,  2996,  3018,  3141 
joint  resolution  to  supply  in  part  deficiencies  in 
the,  for  the  public  printing  and  to  supply  de- 
ficiencies in  the,  for  bounties  due  to  volun- 
teers  69,  71,  92,93,99 

joint  resolution  amendatory  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution to  supply  in  part  deficiencies  in  the, 
for  the  public  printing,  and  to  supply  defi- 
ciencies in  the,  for  bounties  to  volunteers,  151 , 

188,  215,  234 
for  the  deficiency  for  the  pay  of  officers  and  men 
actually  employed  in    the  Western  depart- 
ment or  departmentof  Missouri 38, 

69,  75,  88,  90,  92,  238,  263,  313 

for  the  service  of  the  Post  Office  Department 

during    the  fiscal    year   ending-   30th   June, 

1865 86,  111,  1063,  1118,  1143,  1147 

for  the  naval  service  for  the  year  ending  June 

30,  1865 266,  357,  377 

715,763,766,  779,  805,  810,  811,  826,  827, 

1634,  1673,  2057,  2091,  2310,  2364,  2426 

to  supply  deficiencies  for  the  service  of  the  fiscal 

year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1863 288, 

334,  355,  371,  684,  713,  825,  972, 
991,994,1010,1063,1097,1101 
for  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  ex- 
penses of  the  Govei-nment  for  the  year  end- 
ing 30ih  of  June,  1865 410,  1013, 

1017,  1041,  1061,  1760,  1761,  2391,  2428, 
2611,  3016,  3018,  3078,  3107,  3141,  3214 
for  the  support  of  the  Army  for  the  year  end- 
ing the  30th  of  June,  1865 446,  1220, 

1833,  1854,  1991,  2063,  2091,  2385, 

2386,  2470,  2892,  2908,  2938,  3016 

for  the  construction,  preservation,  and  repairs 

of  certain  fortifications  and  other  works  of 

defense  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of  June, 

1865 494, 

2090,  2995,  3314,  3404,  3468,  3472,  3530 

for  the  current  and  contingent  expenses  of  the 

Indian  department,  and  for  fulfilling  treaty 

stipulations  with  various  Indian  tribesfor  the 

year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1865 600, 

2.338,  2359,  2910,  2947,  3079,  3104,  3186 
for  sundry  civil  expenses  of  the  Government 
fortlieyearendingJune30,  1865.. 2716, 2771, 
2937,  2938,  2939,  3014,  3105,  3108,  3113, 
3115,  3311,  3314,  3394,  3395,  3397,  3399, 
3400,  3402,  3423,  3469,  3517,  3520,  3530 
for  certain  miscellaneous  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  year  ending  30th   of  June, 

1865 3077,  3112,  3533 

(See  Indians.) 
Aqueduct — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Arizona — see  JVew)  J\Iexico. 

Arkansas,  joint  resolution  in  relation  to  the  rep- 
resentation from 3178,  3389,  3390,  3423 

contested  election  case  of  James  M.  Johnson, 
claiming  a  seat  as  Representative  from  the 

second  congressional  district  of 574, 

680,  684 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri 683 

Mr.  Boutwell 682,  683,  684 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


XXXIX 


Army — Continued. 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appropriations  for 
the  support  of  tlie,  for  the  year  ending  the 

30ih  of  Juno,  1865 446, 

1220,    1833,    1854,    1901,    2063,    2091, 
2385,  2386,  2470,  2892,  2908,  2938,  3016 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1223,2000 

Mr.  Allison 200O 

Mr.  Ancoiia 2000 

Mr.  Ashley •. 2892 

Mr.  Bouiwell 2909 

Mr.  Broomdl 1221,  1222 

Mr.  Chanler 1223,  1225 

Mr.  Clay 1993,  1994,  1998 

Mr.  Cox 1999,  2000,  2001,  2392 

Mr.  Cravens 1998 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland, 2001,  2002,2473 

Mr.  Dawes 1996,  2892 

Mr.  Dawson 1226 

Mr.  Driggs 2471 

Mr.  Eldridge 1223,  1998,  1999,  2001 

Mr.  Eliot 1991,  1992,  1993,1994 

Mr.  Farnsworth 1225, 

2001,2471,2472,2475 

Mr.  Finck 2002 

Mr.  Ganson 1992,  1966,  2001 

Mr.  Garfield 1995,  2471,  2472,  2473 

Mr.  Gooch 1222, 1223 

Mr.  Griswold 2474 

Mr.  Harding 1226,  1993 

Mr.  Harris,  of  Maryland, 1221,  1993 

Mr.  Holmnn 1223,  1224, 

1225,  1991, 1992, 1993, 1994,  1995,  1996, 
1998,  1999,  2000,  2471,  2475,  2908,  2909 

Mr.  Bulibard,  of  Connecticut 2472 

Mr.  Kellev 1221, 

1222,  1224,  1993,  1996,  1998,  2473 
Mr.  KernaM...1220,  1221,  1223,1224,  1225 

Mr.  Mallory 1222 

Mr.  McKinnev 2000 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania.. ..1224,  1225 

Mr.  Morrill 1998, 

2386,  2470,  2471,  2472,  2474,  2908 

Mr.  Morrison 2001 

Mr.  Odell 1225 

Mr.  Patterson 1998 

Mr.  Price 1225,  1995 

Mr.  Radford 2001 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania. ..1224, 2474 

Mr.  Ross 2473 

Mr.  Schenck...l999, 2000, 2001,  2002, 2473 

Mr.  Shannon 1995,  1999 

Mr.  Sloan 2892 

Mr.  Spalding 2472,  2892 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 1999 

Mr   Stevens 1220,  1221,  1222,  1223, 

1224, 1225,  1226, 1854, 1991,  1995,  1996, 
.1998,  1939,2000,  2001,2002,  2091,2471, 
2472,  2473,  2474,  2475,  2892,  2908,  2909 

Mr.  Stiles 1221,  1222, 1224 

Mr.  Thayer 2472,  2473,  2474 

Mr.  Upson 1991,  2472 

Mr.  Wadsworth 2474 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois...  .1998,  1999 

Mr.  Webster 2475 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 1991 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1226, 

1999,2000,2001,2002,2475 
(See  .Appropriations;  Pay.) 
Army  Register,  jonit  resolution  (H.R.  No.  101) 
to  provide  for  the  publication  of  a  full,  3138, 

3311,  3354 
Arnold,  Isaac  N.,  a   Representative!    from    Illi- 
nois....:  20,  23,  108,  149,  188,  190, 

333  426, 480, 526, 527, 658, 659, 660, 875, 

1036,  1037, 108J,  1096, 1407, 1532,  1533, 

1695,1736,  1762,1884,  1970,  2338,2426. 

2427,  2526,  2776,  2811,2936,  3140,  3316 

resolutions  by ,  23, 188, 426, 659, 875, 1695,  2426 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122)...  .286,  287 

remarks    on    the    death    of   Hon.    John    W. 

Noell 415 

remarks  on  conscription  bill,  549,550,628,629 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1037, 

1038,  1039,  1040,  1734,  1792 
remarks  on  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  1196 
remarks  on   the  death  of  Hon.  Owen   Love- 
joy 1330 

remarks  on  the   bill  relating  to  bridges  over 

the  Ohio 1425, 1426,  1734,  1735 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1905,  1936 

remarks  on  the  rccipiociiy  treaty 2369, 

2370, 2.371,  2455,  2481,  2482,  2483,  2508 


Arnold ,  Isaac  N.,  a  Representative  from  Illinois — 
Continued. 

remarks  on  the  tariffbill 2749 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  2988,  2992 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill ....3215,3216 

remarks  on  the  civil  bill 3399 

Artillery — see  Jlrmxj. 
Arsenal — see  District  of  Columbia. 
ArsenaU),  bill  in  addition  to  an  net  for  the  estah- 
lishmcntofccrtain,  494,  730,  1634,  1651,  1679 
Aslibnrn,  George  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .1335 
Ashley,    James    M.,     a    Representative     from 

Ohio 5.  19.  20. 

35, 45,  46,  70,  71,  87,  91,  288,  415, 407, 480,' 
509,519,843,847,878,893,  898,  919,  920, 
9.59,  999,  1019,  1097,  1098,  1142,  1154, 
1164,  1165,  1166,  1167,  1169,  1170,  1219, 
1247,  1286,  1289,  1290,  1.325,  1409,  1531, 
1532,  1.535,  1052,  1673,  1079,  1695,  1764, 
1793,  1943,2029,  2030,  2214,  2238,  2265, 
2266,2272,2291,  2333,  2880,  2892,  2893, 
2909,2995,2996,  3016,  3104,  3112,  3245, 
3390,  3429,  3468,  3516,  35,18,  3530,   3537 

resolutions  by 71,  1325 

remarks  on  thestateof  the  Union,  113,  386,  387 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 550, 

579,  629,  3146,  3147,  3148,  3280 
remarks    on     the    agricultural    colleges    bill, 

1097,  1286 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory 

of  iMontana 1168,  1169,  1652 

remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Love- 


.py- 


.1329 


remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  W.  W. 

Hubbell 1338,  1347,  1349 

remarks  on  the  liberation  and  restoration  ofihe 

South 1354 

remarkson  the  bill  providing  a  government  for 

the  rebellious  Stales 1743, 

1764,  1766,  2068,  2069,  2105 
remarks  on  tiie  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan)... 2166,  2212,  2213 

remarks   on  the   repeal  of   the  fugitive    slave 

law 2918 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  3000,  3357 
remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3110,  3115 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3208,  3209,  3218 

Assay  office,  bill  to  establish  an,  in  the  city  of 

St.  Louis,  State  of  Missouri 480 

(See  Depositors;  JVevada.) 
Attachment,  bill  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  stipulate  for  the  release  from,  or 
other   process  of  property  claimed   by   the 

United  Slates 110,  1236,  2776 

Atwood,  Anson,  bil    or  the  ri'lief  of. 2880 

Award — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Awards — see  Indians. 

B. 

Bailey,  B.  C,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  920,  1118,  2787 
Bailey,  George  A.,  communications  from,  relat- 
ing   to    the    printing  of  the    Congressional 

Globe 1783,  2297 

Bailey,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Joseph — see  Thanks. 
Bailey,  Joseph,  a  Repn^sentalive  from  Primsyl- 

vania 1291,  1335,  19.33,  2893,  3,527 

Bainbridge,  bill  (No.  297)  fixing  the  date  of  the 
loss  of  the  United  States  brig,  and  for  the  re- 
lief of  officers,  seamen,  and   marines  of  the 

same 972,  1337,  1634,  1657 

Baker,  Mary  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2333, 3422 
Baldwin,  Augustus   C,  a  Representaiive   from 

Michigan 659,  2663,  2741,  3105 

resolutions  by 659 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. ..452,  477,  578; 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1903,1908 
remarks  on   the  government  of  ihe  rebellion.s 

States 1981 

Baldwin,  John  D.,  a  Representative  from  Massa- 
chusetts, .127,  168,  189,  285,  623,  863.  1289, 
1387,  1406,  1407,  1.531,  1680,  1695,  1697, 
1733,  1944,  1959,  1966,  1968,2169,2197, 
2470,  2578,  2795,  2809,  3281,  3315,  3516 

resolutions  by 127 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  478,  599,  631 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 949 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1733,  2999 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2718 

remarks  on   the   repeal  of  the  fngiiive   slave 

law 2914,  2915,  2916 

Bankruptcy,  bill  (No.  424)  to  establish  a  uniform 

system   of,   ihrouffliout  the   United   States, 

660,  1793,  1814,  2636,  2639,  2723, 

1  2741,  2810,  2812,  2835,  2853,  2880 


Bankruptcy,  bill  (No.  424)  to  establish  a  uniform 
system  of,  throughout  the  United  States — 
Co7Uinued. 
remarks  on  the,  by- 
Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 2856 

Mr.  Arnold 2811 

Mr.  Ashley 2880 

Mr.  Boutwell,  2836,  2855,2856,2880,2881 

Mr.  Brandegee 2836 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 2724, 

2725,2726,2812 

Mr.  Chanler 2812 

Mr.  Cravens 2810, 

2811,  2812,  2813,  2835,  2836,  2880 

Mr.  Dawes 2855,  2880 

Mr.  Driggs 2812 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2811 

Mr.  Frank 2810 

Mr.  Garfield 2724,2725,  2741,  2742 

Mr.Grider 28.35 

Mr.  Hale 28,56 

Mr.  Holman 2812,2880 

Mr.  Jenckes 2636,  2724„2725,  2726, 

2742,  2810,  2811,  2812,  2813,  2835,  2880 

Mr.  Morrill 2856 

Mr.  Pruvn 2726 

Mr.  Scofield 2835 

Mr.  Sloan 2723 

Mr.  Spalding 2636,  2723,  2725,  2742 

Me.  Steele,  of  New  Jersey 2812 

Mr.  Stevens 2880 

Mr.  Strouse 2726 

Mr.  Sweat 2811 

Mr.  Ward  2723,2724,2725 

Mr.  Wilson 2811 

yeas  and  nuys  on  the... .2636,  2812,  2835,  2880 
Bankrupt  law,  select  committee  on  the,  70, 93, 108 

reports  from  the 660,  1793,  2636 

Banks:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  333)  to  provide  a  national 
currency  secured  l)y  a  pledge  of  United  States 
stocks,  and  to  provide  for  the  circulation  and 

redemption  thereof. 1099, 

1166,  1254,  1266, 1287,  1338, 13.50,,1373, 

1378,  1380,  1389,  1396,  1409,  1429,  1448 

(See  Currency.) 

Banks,  Major  General  Nathaniel  P. — see  Thanks. 

Baron  De  Kalb,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  35)   to 

compensate  the  sailors  on  the  gunboat,  fi:r 

loss  of  clothing 1634,  2694 

Barry,  Garret  R.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2694, 

3083,  3084,  3470 

Baxter,  Portus,  a  Representative  from  Virrnont, 

459,  759,  1291,  1429,  1943,  2238 

resolution  by 2238 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 692, 

693,  707,  893 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Hruce  and 

Loan) 2188,  2238,  2270 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty. ...2502,  2503 

remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill 2817,  2818 

Beaman,   Fernando    C,  a  rv,epresenlative   from 

Michie;an 34,  45,  70,  431,  508,  597, 

625,  893,  970,  1044,  1167,  1194,  1217, 
1290,  1292,  1466,  1468, 1471, 1593, 1707, 
1969,  2139,  2273,  2431,  2470,  2776,2777, 
2795,  2810,  2814,  2910,  3059,  3062,  3079 

resolutions  by 1217,2910 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 532 

remarkson  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory 

of  Montana 116&, 

1169,  1380,  1395,  1396,  1651,  1652 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  governments  for 

the  rebellious  States 1243 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333). ..1288, 

1343,  1353,  1391,  1392 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...1755, 

1819,  1823,  1902,  1908,  2999,  3(i01 

remarks  on  the  registration  of  voters 2608 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2718 

remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill 2818 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3317,33.53 

Beaston,  Samuel,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2838 

Beelen,  Frederick  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .1217, 

2272,  2385,  2607,  2613,  2672 

Bennet,  Hiram  P.,  a  Delegate  from   Colorado, 

40.  232,  495,  658,  798,  971,  1167, 

1169,  1170,  1173, 1184, 1335, 1396 

resolutions  by 40,232,  495,  658,  1396 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1060 

remarks  on  protection  of  mineial  lands... .1096 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1915 

Berry,  Hiram   G.,  bill  granting  pension   to   the 
widow  of..., •:.2695,3428 


XL 


INDEX  TO 


B.F.  Davidson  and  W.  K.  Muir,  bill  (S.  No.  39) 
to  authorize  (he  enrollment  raid  license  of  the 

steam-iuffs G8D,  714,  940,  991 

Birch,  James  H.,  a  con  testing  Representative  from 
Missouri,  remarks  of,  on  the  Missouri  elec- 
tion  2639,  2640,  2645 

Blaine,     James     G.,     a     Representative     from 

Maine 73,  111, 

127,  355,  1261,  1387,  1407,  1532,  2036, 
2645,  2750,  2909,  3060,  3061,  3114, 3315 

resolutions  by Ill,  127,  1261 

remarks  on   tlie  bill  relatin;;  to  Pennsylvania 

war  expenses 169,  1796,  1797,  1800 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  285, 288, 309 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. ..434,  477,  479 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333). ..1352, 

1353,  1373,  1375,  1376, 

1378,  1410,  1411,  1452 

remarks  on  the  penitentiary  bill 1474,  1494 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1839, 

1853,  1907 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

*■  2433, 3017 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2683 

remarks   on  the  repeal  of  the   fu2:itive    slave 

law 2915;  2916,  2919 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3145, 

3146,  3274,  3278,  3280,  3353 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3114, 

3398,  3399 
Blair,  Francis  P.,  a  Representative  from   Mis- 
souri...165,  238,  261,  406,  426,  480,  683,  782, 
785,  843,  844,  845, 852, 856, 876,  877,  878, 
924,  1016,  1017,  1061,  1289,  1336,  1673 

resolutions  by 406,  426,  877,  1253,  1673 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ...336 

remarks  on  theconfi.scation  bill....' 507,  509 

remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill. ..833,  834 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in 

the  southern  States 845,  846 

remarks  on  Missouri  politics — see  Appendix. 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ...979 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election 1058, 

1059,  1060 

remarks  on  the  charges  of  Mr.  McClur^,  1016, 

1017,  1252,  1253,  1827, 

1828,  1829,  1830,  1831 

charges  of  Mr.  McClurg  against,  in  relation  to 

a  certain  order  for  supplies 1017, 

1251,  1253,  1254,  1396,  1827,  1959,  1964 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri 1016,  1017, 

1252,  1253,  1827,  1828,  1829,  1830,  1831 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 1966 

Mr.  Clay 1965,  1966 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 1828 

Mr.  Earns  worth 1831 

Mr.  Fenton 1829 

Mr.  Garfield 1253,  1829 

Mr.  Higby 1396,  1827,  1828,  18.30, 

1831,  1959,  1960,  1964,  1965,  1966,  1967 

Mr.  Julian 1830 

Mr.  Mallory 1831 

Mr.  McClurg :;i016,  1017, 

1251,  1252,  1253,  1832,  1959,  1960,  1966 

Mr.  Morrill 1827,  1828,  1830,  1832 

Mr.  Stevens 1253,  1396,  1830,  1960 

Mr.  Spalding 1252 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1253, 

1828,  1831 
select    committee     on    the    charges    of    Mr. 

McClurg  against 1253,  1254,  1396 

report  from  the 1827 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  and  Robert  C.  Schenck,  in- 
quiry   in    regard    to    the   military    position 

of. 1854,  1859,  1939,  1942, 

1943,  1967,  2031,  2908,  3242,  3355,  3389 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia 1967 

Mr.  Brooks 1943 

Mr.  Cox 1859 

Mr.  Dawes ...1859, 1860, 

1939,  1940,  1942,  1943,  1967,  1969, 
1970,  2031,  2908,  3242,  3355,  3389 

Mr.  Dawson 1942 

Mr.  Farnsworth 3242 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 1939 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 3355 

Mr.  Pomeroy 1859 

Mr.  Schenck 1939,  1942 

Mr.  Stevens 1854,  1855,  3242 

Mr.  Wad-sworih 3355 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando •. 1942,  1943 

yeas  and  nnya  on  the 1967 


Blair,  Jacob  B.,a  Representative  from  West  Vir- 
ginia  6,  397,  526,  527, 

597,692,772,1009,1044,  1184,  1185,  1761, 
1762,  1792,  1901,  1959,  1967,  2090,  2270, 
2386,  2390,  2426,  2586,  2771,  2772,  3518 

resolutions  by 410,527,  1792,2090 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims ."....918,  919 

remarks  on  the  Virginia  election,  (Segar  and 

Chandler) 2321,  2323,  2324 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3317, 

3321,  3322,  3353 
remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation,  3389, 

3390 
remarks  on  the  pay  of  the  Arkansas  claim- 
ants  3518 

Blanchard,  Henry  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  1037, 

1118 

Bliss,  George,  a  Representative  from  Ohio. ..215, 

895,  1074,  1076,  1289,  1290,  1651,  2363 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 264,  317 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 286,  313 

remarks  on  deficiency  bilf  (No.  156) 978 

remarks  on  the  causes  of  the  war 1076 

remarks  on  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1517, 1533 
Blow,  Henry  T.,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
souri  38,  47,  117,  134, 

331,  526,  659,  757,  766,  1220,  1429,  2090 

resolutions  by 117,  134,  415 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35) 69, 

70,  75,  88,  89,  90,  91 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  John  W.  Noell,415 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 779 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 978, 

979,  980,  981 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333). ..1379 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 2134 

remarks  on  western  navy-yard  bill,  3247,  3248 
Blue  Mont  College — see  Public  Lands. 
Blunk,  David  H.,  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief 

of. 1324 

Board  of  Health — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Bonded  warehouses — see  Goods. 
Bonds,  bill  to  declare  the  validity  of  certain,  ob- 
ligations, and  undertakings,  sealed  and  un- 
sealed, heretofore  made  or  that  may  here- 
after be  made , 1217 

Bonney,  Jethro,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3424,  3471 

Booth,  Thomas,  bill  granting  pension  to 2264 

Bouligny,  John  E.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs 

of. 46,  2030,  2273 

Boundaries — see  Judicial  Districts. 

bill  to  extend  the  western,  of  the  State  of  Iowa 

to  the  Missouri  river 1694 

Boundary,  bill  to  adjustthe  southern,  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  reservation  powder  magazine  and 

marine  hospital  tract 1220 

bill  for  the  defense  of  the  northeastern 3116 

Bounties,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  14)  to  sup- 
ply in  part  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations 
for  the  public  printing  and  to  supply  defi- 
ciencies in  the  appropriations  for,  to  volun- 
teers  69,71,92,93,99 

bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  of,  to  soldiers 

in  certain  cases 21 

bill  granting 95 

joint  resolution  to  repay 148 

bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  of. 148 

joint  resolution  to  continue  the,  heretofore  paid, 

109,  165,  173,  931,  944,  991 

bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  of,  to  soldiers 

in  the  United  States  service  who  have  served 

a  less  time  than  two  years  upon  honorable 

discharge 261 

bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  to  volunteers 
who  enlisted  before  the  date  of  the  last  call 
for  troops,  October  17,  1863,  the  same,  paid 
to  those  who  enlisted  subsequent  thereto,  730 
joint  resolution  extending  the  time  for  the  pay- 
ment of. 843 

bill  to  facilitate  the  payment  of,  and  arrears  of 
pay  due  for  the  service  of  wounded  and  de- 
ceased soldiers 94,  447 

bill  in  relation  to  the  payment  of,  in  cases  of 
persons  who  have  enlisted  and  died  before 

being  sworn  into  service 1396 

bill  relative  to  the  payment  of,  to  soldiers,  1577 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  150)  providing  for  the  payment 
of,   to    soldiers   in    the   United   States    ser- 
vice  3533 

(See  tSppropriations.) 
Bounty,  bill  in  relation  to  the  payment  of,  to  sol'- 
diers  discharged 319 


Bou  n  ty —  Continued. 
joint  resolution  construing  the  act  approved 
July  17,  1862,  calling  out  the  militia  for  nine 
months,  so  as  to  entitle  the  men  called  out 
under  its  provisions  to  be  paid  the,  of  twenty- 
five  dollars 740 

(See  Claims.) 
Bounty   land,   bill  granting,  to  the  officers  and 
soldiers  engaged  in  the  military  service  of 
the  United  States  during  the  present  rebel- 
lion  45 

Bounty  lands,  bill  (No.  228)  providing  for  satis- 
fying claims  for 3397,3463,3479 

Bounty  laws,  bill  amendatory  of  the 1694 

Boutwell,  George  S.,  a  Representative  from  Mas- 
sachusetts  356,  528,  596, 

624,  730,  874,  909,  927,  995,  1036,  1290, 
1293,  1389,  2049,  2272,  2291,  2385,  2787, 
2909,  3054,  3059,  3111,  3140,  3389,  3536 

resolutions  by 683,  909,  3423 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ..266,  315,  507 
.  remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  309, 311 ,  708 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 431 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 579,  600, 

605,  3148,  3271,  3279,  3280,  3281,  3435 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  ejection ,  682,  683,  684 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold. ..734,  735, 

995,  1101,  1102,  1103,  1104,  1105,  1122 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Courtof  Claims 913,  918 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  63)  relating  to  claims 

against  the  Government 925 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333) 1269, 

1339,  1397,  1400,  1401 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1535, 

1585,  1591,  1599,  1600 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405)... .1755, 

1756,    1758,    1759,    1760,    1784,   1785, 

1788,    1789,    1791,    1815,    1816,    1817, 

1818,    1819,    1821,    1835,    1836,   1839, 

1850,  1852,  1877,  1879, 1880, 1883, 1884, 

1901,  1902,  1908, 1909, 1910, 1911, 1912, 

1916,  1941,  2997,  3000,  3001,  3004,  3423 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2067,  2068,  2102,  2105 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill.- 2836, 

2855,  2856,  2880,  2881 
Bowden,  Lemuel  J.,  a  Senator  from  Virginia, 

death  of,  announced 151 

Boyd,  Sempronius   H.,  a   Representative    from 

Missouri. .35,  71,117,258,399,406.426,566, 

595,  659,  693,  825,  843,  898,  939,  1062, 

1164,  1291,  1792,  2638,  2751,  2996,  3085 

resolutions  by 71,  117,843 

remarks  on' the  deficiency  bill  (No.  35). ..89,  90 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 428,  429 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill ! 433, 

578,  579,  772 

remarks  on  the  amnesty  proclamation 952 

Brandegee,  Augustus, a  Representative  from  Con- 
necticut  19, 92, 99, 100,  108, 

112,  113,  127,  148,  189,  196,  261,  508,  519, 
550,  623,  714, 852,  875,  876, 888,  914, 1290, 
1291,  1292,  1346,  1350,  1990,  2132,  2260, 
2575,  2836,  3079,  3083,  3084,  3085,  3112 

resolutions  by 100,  108,  127,  508,  888 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...826, 

827,  828 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  New  York 

railroad  bill 2833,  2834,  28.35 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Garret  R. 

Barry 3083,  3084 

Brazil — see  Mail  Steamship  Service. 
Brenton,  Nathan  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... .3140, 

3469,  3479,  3516 

Bridge,  bill  relative  to  the  construction  of  a,  across 

the  Hudson  river  at  Albany,  New  York,  for 

postal  and  other  purposes 2639 

Brindle,  William,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2526 

Brooks,   James,    a    Representative    from    New 

York 6,  7,  8,  108,  190,  316,  595,  668, 

680, 707, 825, 851, 876,  888,  895,  908, 995, 
1012,  1290,  1291,  1388,  1407, 1408, 1658, 
1679,  1680,  1695,  1703,  1909,  1943,2232, 
2265,  2435,  2833,  2838,  2879,  2920,  2936, 
3021,  3060,  3272,  3354,  3357,  3389,  3421, 
3429,  3430,  3469,  3515,  3522,  3527,  3534 

resolutions  by 1967, 1968,  3112 

remarks  on  the  reference  of  the  President's 

message..;..:.' 34 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14)....™ 69, 

71,  72,  73,  75 


THE  COI^GRESSIOJ^^AL  GLOBE. 


XLI 


Brooks,  James,  a  Representative  from  New  York 
— Continued. 
remarks  on  bill  to  continue  bounties. ..109, 110 
remarks  on  the  Post  Office  appropriation  bill, 

111,  113 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

129,  130,  131,  2215,  2228,  2230 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylvania 

war  expenses 169 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 216, 

303,  304,  306,  308 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156),  334,335, 

336,  337,  338,  355,  356,  3.57, 

825,972,973,  974,  975,  991 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...358, 

811,  831,  835,  2057 

remarks  on  theconscriptian  bill 398, 

552,3112,3145,3354 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 707, 

715,  732,  733,  931,  994,  995 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 876,  877 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation   bill, 
1017,  1018,  1042,  1043 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No. 333). ..1255, 
1256,  1257,  1266,  1267,  1268,  1269, 
1270,  1287,  1288,  1339,  1340,  1343, 
1344,  1350,  1351,  1377,  1378,  1389, 
1401,  1402,  1409,  1430,  1433,  1451 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395). ..1680, 
1681,  1682,  1694,  1696,  1697,  2448,  2449 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405).. ..1729, 
1732,  1733, 17;55, 1756, 1758, 1787, 1788, 1937 
remarks  in  relation  to  charges  against  the  Treas- 
ury Department 1967, 

1968,  1969,  1991,  3423,  3468 
remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill, 2338, 

2339,  3079 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  News- 
boys' Home ...,2452,2453 

remarks  on  the  tariffbill 2718,  2719,  2743, 

2745,  2747,  3079,  3312,  3313,  3403,  3404 
remarks  on  the  bill  regulating  the  carriage  of 

passengers 2836 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...2937, 

2938,  3105,  3106, 3108,  3110,  3111, 3112, 

3114,  3395,  3396,  3397,  3398,  3399,  3400 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3080,  3244,  3266 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3187, 

3208,  3209,  3212,  3351,  3352 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  compensa- 
tion of  pension  agents 3314 

remarks  on  the  special  income  tax. ..3528,  3529 
Brooks,  John,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  represent- 
atives of 218 

Broomall,  John  M.,a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  88,  128, 

150, 151, 259, 680, 1097, 1292, 1475, 
1531,  2232.  3148,  3388,  3464,  3470 

resolutions  by 150,  259,  1097,  1531, 1593 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 212,  448 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. ..548,  599,  680 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1123 

remarks  on  Army  appropriation  bill,  1221, 1222 

remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1202, 

1263,  1265,  1467,  1761,  2263,  2264 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333). ...1340, 

1394,  1397,  1398 
■    remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  W.  W. 

Hubbell 1347 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  JMontana,  1395 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  and  cen.sure  of  JVlr. 

Long 1517, 1593, 1625 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1767 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1786, 

1880,  1881,  1934,  2998 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  in  relation  to  the  Treas- 
ury Department 1968,  1969,  1991 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 2855 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 2863 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3185 

remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill. ...3250 
Brown,  Albert,  bill  for  relief  of,  715,  757, 942, 3471 
Brown,  E.,jr.,  bill  for  relief  of.. .3311,  3430,  3431 
Brown,  James  S.,  a  Representative  from  Wis- 
consin  526,527,  624,  659, 

1037,  1289,  1325,  1429,  1494,  1519,  1530, 
2238,2483,2501,  2509,  2772,  2842,  2866, 
2890,3000,3061,  3084,  3112,  3179,   3310 

resolutionsby 526,  527,  1532 

remarks  on  the  bill   relating  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  theCourt  of  Claims 165,  167,  168 


Brown,  James  S.,  a  Representative  from  Wis- 
consin—  Continued. 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 218, 

271,  287,  310,  311 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 518 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 535, 

605,  2909,  3281,  3354 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 545,  546 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1019,  1020,  2431 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1038,  1040 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1255,  1256, 

1339,  1340,  1343,  1398,  1401,  1680,  2448 
remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1395 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  and  censure  of  Mr. 

Long 1531, 1532, 1589,  1593 

remarks  on  the  fortification  bill 209(5,  2091 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2189,  2196, 2207 

remarks   on  the  New   Jersey   railroads    bill, 

2258,  2262 
remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 

2291,  2292,  2293 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2724, 

2725  2726  2812 

remarks  on  the  tariffbill 27481  2749!  2750 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 2855,  2856,  2857,  2858,  2860,  2861 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2997, 

3000,  3001,  3018 
remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3108,3113 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3186 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  representation. ..3389, 

3390,  3392 
Brown,  William  G., a  Representative  from  West 

Virginia 4,  44, 

86,  128,  133,  168,  190,  218,  238,  480,  528, 
530,  623, 972, 1036, 1408, 1677,  1696,  1098, 
1794,  2029,  2271,  2290,  2291,  2526,  3104 

resolutions  by 44,  151,  190,  528,  1696,  2290 

remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Lemuel  J.  Bow- 
den 151 

Brown,  William  G.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 623, 

759,  1061,  1492,  1495,  1534 
Bruce,  John  P.,  contestant  for  the  seat  of  Benja- 
min   Loan   from  the  seventh    congressional 
district  of  Missouri,  remarks   on  the  Mis- 
souri election 2165,  2166,  2186,  2187, 

2188,  2189,  2197,  2207,  2208,  2212,  2213 
Buford,  Patty  D.,  bill  granting  pension  to,  2298 
Burnes,  Amasa  L.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3054,  3470 
Burns,  John  L.,  bill  granting  a  pension  to. ..658, 

714,  1036,  1058 
Burns,  William,  bill  for  reliefof,  1531,2273,2387 
Burnside  &  Company,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2271 
Burnside,  Major  General  A.  E. — see  Thanks. 
Bush,  A. — see  Accounts. 

Butlsr,  Huldah,  bill  for  the   relief  of  tha    chil- 
dren of. '. 148 


Cabinet  ministers  occupying  seats  in  the  Hous«, 

select  committee  on  the  question  of. 467, 

526,  553,  2575 

report  from  the 1448 

(See  Executive  Department;  J\Iembers  of  Con- 
gress.) 

Cadets — .see  Paymasters. 

Cahokia,  bill  to  amend  an  act  confirming  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  of, 
in  the  State  of  Illinois 2995 

Calvert,  George,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..3054,  3470 

Canal,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  91)  to  construct  a  ship, 
for  the  passage  of  armed  and  naval  vessels 
from  the  Mississippi  river  to  Lake  Michi- 
gan  .88,  149,  480,  1037,  1216,  1738,  1792 

bill  for  the  construction  of  a,  for  improvement 
of  the  upper  rapids  and  the  lower  Des  Moines 

rapids  of  the  Mississippi  river 1736, 2607 

(See  Ship  Canal.) 

Canals  and  harbors,  bill  giving  consent  to  an  act 
of  the  Legislature  of  Michigan  concerning  the 
construction  of,  and  the  improvement  of  the 
same 2722 

Captures,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  269)  in  relation  to  the, 
made  by  armed  vessels  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States 1349 

Carmack  &  Ramsey,  joint  resolution  relating  to 

the  claim  of. .....86,  94, 

3142,  3311,  3388,  3432,  3518,  3520 

Carpenterj  J.  N. — see  Accounts. 

Carrigan,  C.  W.,  contesting  Representative  from 
Pennsylvania,  remarks  on  the  Pennsylvania 


eleelion  (Carrigan  and  Thayer). 


.3243 


Cartee,  L.  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 658,  714 

Carter,  John  C,  bill  for  the  reliefof,  148, 940,  991 

Censure,   resolution    for   the,   of  Benjamin    G. 

Harris,  a  Representative  from    Maryland, 

1518,  1532,  1.577 
resolutionforthe,of  Alexander  Long,  a  Rfpre- 

sentative  from  Ohio 1593,  1618 

Cents — see  Coin. 

Chandler,  Lucius  J.,  claiming  a  scat  as  a  Repre- 
sentative from  Virginia,  remarks  on  the  Vir- 
ginia election 2317,  2319,  2320,  2321 

Chanler,  John  W.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 99,  108, 

109,  273,  298,  313, 399, 404, 595, 995, 1152, 

1261,  1291,  1380,  1448,  1630,  1702,  1703, 

2029,  2428,  2579,  3014,  3207,  3316,  3421 

resolutions  by,. ..99,  273,  282,  313,  1380,  3316 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill.. ..130 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 269,  270 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 453, 

455,  579,  631,  3146,  3316 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill... .1220 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1223, 

1225 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1835 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2812 

Chaplain,  election  of. 14 

Chaplains,  bill  giving  rank  to 259 

bill  to  promote  the  efficiency  of. 874,  3142 

Charter — see  District  of  Columbia. 

Chicago  water-works — see  Illinois. 

Cincinnati,  gunboat — see  Accounts. 

Civil  commission,  bill  to  legalize  and  establish 

the,  at  Memphis,  Tennessee 149,  2773 

Civil  expenses,  bill  (No.  527)  making  appropri- 
ations for  sundry,  of  the  Governmpnt  for  the 
year  ending  June  30, 1865. ..2716, 2937,  2938, 
2939,'  3014,  3105,  3108,  3113,  3115, 
3314,  3394,  3395,  3397,  3399,  3400,      ' 
3402,  3423,  3469,  3517,  3520,  3530 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 3106,  3109    • 

Mr.  Arnold 3399 

Mr.  Ashley 3110,  3115 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Michigan 3105 

Mr.  Blaine 3114,  3398,  .3399     . 

Mr.  Boutwell 3111 

Mr.  Brooks 2937, 

2938,3105,3106,  3108,3110,3111,3112, 
3114,  3395,  3396,  3397,  3398,  3399,  3400 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 3108,  3119 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California  ...3106,  3112,  3113 

Mr.  Cox 2938,  3398,  3399 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 3397 

Mr.  Dawes. ..2938,  3105,  3113,  3114,  3115 

Mr.  Eldridge 3115 

Mr.  Eliot 3105 

Mr.  English 3395 

Mr.  Fenton 2938,  2939,  3109 

Mr.  Frank 3109,  3396,  3399 

Mr.  Ganson 3108,  3114 

Mr.  Garfield 3105 

Mr.  Hale 3109,  3113,  3114,  3115 

Mr.  Higby 3115 

Mr.  Holman 2937, 

2938,  2939,  3015,  3105,  3106,  3112, 
3114,  3394,  3396,  3397,  3400,  3402 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 3394,  3396,  3397 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan,  2939, 3106, 3109 

Mr.  Kinney 3110 

Mr.  Law...' 3111 

Mr.  Mallory 3107, 

3111,  3114,  3115,  3396,  3397,  3400,  3402 

Mr.  McBride...' 3110 

Mr.  Morrill 2939,3107,  3108, 

3113,  3114,  3395,  3396,  3399,  3400,  3402 

Mr.  Nelson 3115 

Mr.  Pendleton 2937,  3015,  3113,  3115 

Mr.  Pike 3115 

Mr.  Price 3107,3108,3110,  3111,  3115 

Mr.  Pruyn 3108,  3109,  3395 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 3398 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 3105, 

3106,  3108,  3109,  3110,  3395,  3396 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Massachusetts 3112 

Mr.  Schenck 3107, 

3108,  3111,  3113,  3114,  3115 

Mr.  Sloan 3111 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 3107 

Mr.  Stevens, 2937, 2938,  2939,  3014,  3015, 

3105,  3106, 3107,  3108,  3109,  3]  10,  3111, 

3112, 3113, 3114,  3115,  3314,  3394,  3395, 

3396,  3397,  3399,  3400,  3402,  3469,  3470 

Mr.  Stiles 3112,  3115 


XLII 


INDEX  TO 


Civil  expenses,  bill  (No.  527)  making  appropri- 
ations for  sundry,  of  the  Government  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1865 — Co7itinued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Upson 2939 

Mr.  Wadsworth 3397 

Mr.  Wallace,  of  Idaho. ..3109,  3110,  3115 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois. ...3015,  3105, 

3106,  3107,  3108,  3109,  3110, 

3111,3113,3114,  3115,  3395 

Mr.  Wilson 2938, 

2939,  3109,  3111,  3113,  3114,  3115 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 3015 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2938,  3115,  3402 

(See  Public  Buildings.) 

Claims,  tlieCommittee  of. 18,  68 

instructions  to 22,  39,  480,  909 

reports  from 86,  87,313,  447, 

495,  623,  624,  757,  940,  972,  1061,  1236, 
1286,  1494,  1944,  2270,  2271 ,  2272,  2426, 
2526,  3053,  3054,  3055,  3239,  3424,  3515 

discharged  from  subjects 313, 

426,  940,  1933,  2787,  3053 
Claims,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  63)  supplemental  to  the 
laws  relating  to  the  War  Department  and  au- 
thorizing tlie  settlementand  payment  of  cer- 
tain, against  the  United  States,  117,  168,924 
bill  to  provide  for  auditing  and  allowing,  for 
bounty  under  an  act  to  amend  an  act  to  au- 
thorize the  employment  of  volunteers  to  aid 
in  enforcing  the  laws  and  protecting  public 

property 127 

bill  (S.  No.  65)  to  provide  for  the  payment  of 
the,  of  Peruvian  citizens  under  the  convention 
between  the  United  States  and  Peru  of  the 

12ih  of  January,  1863 399, 

713,  825,  2502,  2509,  2510,  2579 
bill  to  provide  for  ascertaining  and  adjusting, 
against  the  Government  for  injuries  to  and 
destruction  of  property  by  the  Army  of  the 
United  States  or  by  military  authority  dur- 
ing the  present  rebellion 148,  495, 

3055,  3056,  3057,  3060,  3077,  3078,  3080 
bill  to  reimburse  the  city  of  New  York  for  ex- 
penses incurred  in  the  outfit  of  troops  to  aid 

in  suppressing  the  present  rebellion 273 

bill  to  authorize  the  payment  of  certain,  in  the 

Western  department 843 

bill  to  provide  for  refunding  to  the  loyal  States 
certain  sums  of  money  expended  by  them  in 
raising  and  organizing  troops  for  the  Union 

strmies 1387 

bill  (H.  R.  No. 521)  to  amend  an  act  to  provide 
for  the  payment  of  the,  of  Peruvian  citizens 
under  the  convention  between  the  United 
States  and   Peru  of  the   12th    of  January, 

1863 2879,  3018,  3060,  3141 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  117)  to  reimburse  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  for  expenses  in  calling  out  the 
militia  of  said  State  during  the  recent  inva- 
sion  151, 

168,  188,  189,  1793,  2132,  2137,  2155 
(See  Convention;  Militia;  Missouri.) 

Clark,  A.  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 1494,  2271 

Clark,  Ambrose  W.,a  Representative  from  New 

York 21,  34,  38, 

45,  88,  313,  406,  459,  495,  496,  757,  759, 
972,  1061,  1121,  1122,  1220,  1338,  1494, 
1659,  1673,  1679,  1680,  1698,  1814,  2238, 
2249,  2298,  2323,  2470,  2722,  2741,  2772, 
2777,  2794,  2842,  3112,  3351,  3352,  3353 

resolutions  by 88,  3353 

remarks  on  printing  the  agricultural   report, 

926,  927 
remarks  on  purchasing  the  Annals  of  Congress, 

1191,  1192 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published 

debates 1782, 

1783,  1784,  1814,  1875,  2297,  2298 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1849 

Clark,  G.  H.,  joint  resolution  referring  the  claim 

of. 2271,'2435,  2527 

Clarke,  Freeman,  a  Representative  from   New 

York 448,  887,  3316 

resolutions  by 448,  887 

Clarke,  R.  L.  B.,  bill  for  relief  of,  757,  942,  3471 
Clay,   Bnitus  J.,  a  Representative   from   Ken- 
tucky,  189,  508,  625,  730,  913,  1959 

resolutions  by 189 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 272,  287 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election 341 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 570,  571 

remarks  oh  the  conscription  bill 579, 

580,  599,  000,  627,  629, 


Clay,  Brutus  J.,  a  Representative  from  Ken- 
tucky—  Continued. 
remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill. .1020, 

1021 
remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill. ..1262, 

1284,  1285,  1499 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1850 

remarks  on  the  charges  against  Mr.  Blair,  1965, 

1966 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1993, 

1994,  1998 
Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  election 

of. 10 

instructions  to  the ^ 1098,  1679 

communication  from  the 622 

Clerks,  bill  to  authorize  the  Assistant  Treasurer 

af  San  Francisco  to  appoint  certain 785 

bill  to  provide  for  the  examination  of,  in  the 
several  Departments  of  the  Government,  1036 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  300)  for  the  classification  of 
the,  to  paymasters  in  the  Navy  and  gradu- 
ating their  pay 991, 

1337,  1939,  2435,  2448,  2527 

joint  resolution  (No.  44)  for  the  relief  of,  at 

the  Kittery  and  Philadelphia  navy-yards, 

1939,  2694,  3080 

Clerks  to  committees 22,  35,  87, 

190,  297,  1217, 1218,  1396,  1577,  3515 
Clothing  lost — see  Compensation, 
Coal-heavers — see  J^aval  Service. 
Coal  lands,  bill  for  the  disposal  of,  and  town 

properly  on  the  public  domain 2185, 

2995,  3421 

Coasting  trade,  bill  to  repeal  section  two  of  an 

act  to  regulate  the  foreign,  on  the  northern, 

northeastern,  and  northwestern  frontiers  of 

the  United  States 1061 

bill  (No.  223)  to  regulate  the  foreign,  on  the 
northern,   northeastern,   and    northwestern 

frontiers 2033,  2132,  2838,  2882 

Cobb,  Amasa,  a  Representative  from  Wiscon- 
sin  39,  93,  173, 233,  238,  303,  313,  332, 

333, 372, 431, 527, 684, 687, 735, 766, 768, 
776,  813,  875,  878,  890,  920,  931,  991, 
1022,  1058,  1061, 1097, 1099, 1101, 1118, 
1119,  1121, 1143, 1167, 1195,  1218, 1226, 
1254, 1273, 1284, 1290, 1326, 1336, 1349, 
1354, 1494,  1495, 1499, 1581, 1657, 1678, 
1715, 1737, 1791, 1833, 1967,  2031,  2057, 
2137,  2290,  2243, 2364,  2385, 2427, 2435, 
2448,2482,  2508  2541,  2579,  2613,  2722, 
2750,  2837,  2882,  2910, 2920,  2938, 3018, 
3060,  3061,  3078, 3083, 3108,  3182,  3186, 
3217,  3218,3278,3280,  3318,3354,  3390, 
3421, 3423,  3424,  3428,  3430,  3463,  3464, 
3466,  3523,  3531,  3533,  3537,  3538,  3539 

resolutions  by 39,  1349 

Cobb,  J.  &  0.  P.,  &  Co.,  joint  resolution  for  the 

adjustment  of  the  claim  of. 3053 

Coffroth,  Alexander  H.,  a  Representative  from 

Pennsylvania,  45, 47, 92, 95, 99, 134, 168, 188, 

189,  218,  259,  467,  844,  909,  1022,  1680, 

2214,  2363,  2384, 2426,  2484,  2722,  2809, 

3179,  3315,  3422,  3462,  3464,  3471,  3472 

resolutions  by 92,  99,  467,  909,  2426 

■    remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  132 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 271,  287 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 477,  478, 

532,  547,  550,  551,  578, 
579,626,3144,3145,3355 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1758 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2952 

Coin,  bill  to  prevent  and  punish  the  counterfeit- 
ing of  the,  of  the  United  States 2265, 

2741,  2750,  2856 
bill  to  prevent  the  sellingand  circulation  of  coun- 
terfeit, and  counterfeit  and  altered  Treasury 
notes  and  postage  currency  bills. ...877,  2773 
Coinage,  Weights,  and  Measures,  the  Committee 

on 39,  297,  310,  1262 

reports  from 1426,  1763,  2265,  3239 

Coins,  bill  (No.  183)  in  amendment  of  an  act  re- 
lating to  foreign,  and  the  coinage  of  cents  at 
the  Mint  of  the  United  States,  approved  Feb- 
ruary 21,  1857 1261,  1426,  1763,  1791 

Cole,  Cornelius,  a  Representative  from  Califor- 
nia  39,  148,  331,  354,  480, 

579,785,874,909,970,1381,1448,1495, 
1532,  1703,  1959, 2063,  2269, 2426, 2449, 
2586,  3015,  3077,  3208,  3389,  3428,  3524 

resolutions  by ..„..480, 

659,  909,  1448,  1532,  2426, 2586,  3389 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 713,  740 

remarks  on  the  navnl  appropriation  bill, ....834 


Cole,  Cornelius,  a  Representative  from  Califor- 
nia— Continued. 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333).. 1352, 
1353,  1373,  1374,  1376 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1820, 

1833,  1851,  1909,  1916,  2996,  3025 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2717 

remarks  on  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law,  2915 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3080,  3155,  3180,  3181,  3267,  3388 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill.. ..3106, 

.     3112,  3113 

Cole,  Darius  S.,bill  for  the  relief  of. 623, 

759,  1492,  1495,  1534 

Cole,  George  E.,  a  Delegate  from  Washingilnn , 

40, 150, 184, 232,^371 ,  480,528,  623,' 659, 

1036,  1044,  1096,  1324,  1499,  2470,  2777 

resolutions  by 232,  528 

remarks    on    the   Washington   military   road 

grant 1010 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  the  distribution  of 

documents 2470 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  veto  power 

in  Washington  Territory 2794 

Colfax,  Schuyler,  a  Representative  from  Indiana, 

'        973 

resolution  by 1505 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ...973 

remarks    on    the    expulsion    of    Mr.    Long, 

1505,    1507,    1509,    1510,    1515,    1516, 

1517,  1518,  1544, 1545, 1552,  1578, 1584, 

1558,  1589,  1601, 1606,  1624, 1625, 1626, 

1627,  1628,  1630,  1632, 1633,  1634,  1635 

Collection  district,  bill  (H.R.  No.  287)  to  change 

the  name  of  the,  and  port  of  Presque  Isle  to 

the  district  and  port  of  Erie 909, 

1389,  1492,  1698,  1737,  1815 

(See  Washington.) 

Collection  districts,  bill  to  abolish  the,  of  Cape 

Perpetua  and  Port  Orford,  Oregon,  and  to 

attach  the  same  to  the  collection  district  of 

Oregon 2384,2777 

Collisions,  bill  fixing  certain  rules  and  regulutioi^s 

for  preventing,  on  the  water 110, 

232,  1387,  1903,  1995 
Colorado,  theTerritory  of,  bill  toenable  the  people 
of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State  govern- 
ment, and  for  the  admission  of  such  State  into 

the  Union 19,  87,  811,  1166,  1195 

bill  making  an  appropriation  for  military  posts 

in 232 

bill  making  an  appropriation  for  a  military  road 
^,  from  Denver,  in,  to  Camp  Crittenden,  in  the 

Territory  of  Utah ...232,  998 

bill  to  provide  for  the  development  of  the  min- 
eral resources  of  the  United  States  and  of  the 

public  domain 232,909 

bill  amendatory  of  the  act  of  June  2,  1862,  in 

regard  to  preemption  claims  in 495 

bill  for  the  reliefof  the  citizpns  of  Den ver  City , 

in 495,  1886,  2502,  2508,  2578 

bill  supplementary  to  an  act  to  enable  the  peo- 
ple of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State  gov- 
ernment, and  for  the  admission  of  said  State 

into  the  Union 1335 

bill  (S.  No.  291)  to  amend  an  act  to  enable  the 
people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State 
government,  and  for  the  admission  of  such 
State  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with 

the  original  States 2578,  2996 

(See  JVew)  Mexico.) 
Colored  men:  bill  to  giveeffect  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  also    to   certain    pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  of  the   United 

States 20 

Columbia  Bank,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2271,  2273 

Commerce,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 23,  164.  189,  233,  282,313, 

480,  508, 1010, 1098, 1426,  1531, 2090, 2575 

reports  from 232, 

233,  622,  940,  1061,  1283,  1284,  1335, 
13S7, 1388, 1389, 1990,  2391,  2428,  250JI, 
2578, 2606, 2787, 2836,  2837,  2c-<38,  3421 

discharged  from  subjects 623,  1389,  2836 

Commerce,  bill  (S.  No.  310)  for  the  promotion  of, 

and  the  improvement  of  navigation 3428 

bill  to  protect  and  promote 2185,  3428 

bill  to  regulate,  among  States,  1387, 15.32,  2787 
Commercial  intercourse,  bill  (S.  No.  233)  in  ad- 
dition to  the  several  acts  concerning,  between 
loyal  and  insurrectionary  States  and  to  pro- 
vitle  for  the  collection  of  captured  and  aban- 
doned property  and  the  prevention  of  frauds 
in  States  declared  in  insurrection, 3430>  3514 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XLIII 


Committees,  standinf^-... 18,  39,  68,  148,  297, 

303,  308,  310,  313,  594,  970,  12C2,  2188 
select — 

on  the  rules  of  tlie  House 8,  33 

on  emancipation 19,  21,  37 

on  rebellious  States „....33,37,  45,  313 

on  foreign  immijiration 35,  37 

on  a  railroad  to  New  York,  36,  100,  108, 127 
reports  from  the 259,  6G8,  2833 

on  the  Pacific  railroad 37 

on  a  national  bankrupt  act 70,  93,  108 

on  the  conduct  and  expenditures  of  tiie  war, 
189,  215,  218,  259,  282,  299,  308 

on  the  case  of  Dr.  C.  M.  Wetlierill,  chemist 
of  the  Department  of  Agriculture. ..261, 

263,281 
report  from .*. 1217 

on  a  national  armory 427,  459 

on  Cabinet  ministers  occupyii)i2;  seats  in  the 

House 467,  526,  553,  2575 

report  from  the 1448 

on   the  charge  against  Mr.  Blair,  of  Mis- 
souri  1253,  1254,  1396 

report  from  the 1827 

on  the  defenses    of    the    northeastprn  fron- 
tier  1860,  1875 

instructions  to 2771 

report  from  the 3116 

on  the  charjg-ps  against  ihe  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, 1967, 1972,  1990,  1996,  3423,  3468 

instructions  to 2090 

report  from  the 3423,  3468 

in  relation  to  the  heaiiiig,  ventilittion,  &c., 
of  the  Senale  Chamber  and  the  Hall  of  the 

House  of  Representatives 2207 

of  conference — 

on  bill  (No.  36)  to  amend  an  act  for  enrolling 
and  calling  out  the  national  forces,  687,  691 

on  the  bill  to  Increase  the  internal   revenue, 
708,  738,  779,  827,  892,  920 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  26)  to  revive  the  grade 
of  Lieutenant  General  in  the  Army  of  the 
United  States 825 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  156)  to  supply  defi- 
ciencies in  the  appropriations  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1864, 

994,  1010 

on  the  bill  (No.  199)  to  provide  for  carrying 
the  mails  from  tiie  United  States  to  foreign 
ports..,.. 1189,  1191 

on  tiie  bill  (H.  R.  No.  34)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  support  of  the  Military 
Academy  for  the  year  ending  30th  June, 
1865 1243 

on  the  bill  (No.  302)  to  amend  section  nine 
of  the  act  approved  July  17, 1852,  to  define 
the  pay  and  emoluments  of  certain  officers 
of  the  Army 1336,  1378 

on  the  bill  (No.  15)  organizing  a  government 

for  the  Territory  of  Montana 1395, 

1409,  1634,  1651,  1660,  1698 

on  the  bill  (No.  76)  relating  to  appointments 
in  the  naval  service  and  courts-martial, 

1764,  1833 

on  the  bill  (No.  370)  to  appoint  certain  officers 
of  the  Navy 1764,  1833,  2091 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  308)  to  establish  a 
Bureau  of  Military  Justice 1854 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  Army  for  the  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1865 2063, 

2091,  2385,  2386,  2475,  2509 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  40)  making  appro- 
priations for  the  consular  and  diplomatic 
expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  vear 
ending  June  30,  1865 2232,  2333,  2793 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  381)  to  amend  an  act 
making  a  gran  t  of  land  to  Iowa,  in  alternate 
sections,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  cer- 
tain railroads  in  said  State 2384,  2509 

on  the  bill  (No.  395)  to  provide  a  national  cur- 
rency secured  by  a  pledge  of  United  States 
bonds  and  to  provide  for  the  circulation 
and  redemption  thereof 2452,  2476 

on  the  bill  (No.  426)  to  create  an  additional 
supervising  inspector  of  steamboats  and 
two  local  inspectors  of  steamboats  for  the 
collection  districtof  Memphis,  Tennessee, 
and  two  local  inspectors  for  the  collection 

district  of  Oregon 2482,  2636 

on  the  bill  (No.  192)  making  appropriations 
for  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  30th  June,  1865. ..2611,  3018,  3078 


Committees — Continued. 
of  conference — 

on  the  bill  (No.  145)  to  equalize  the  pay  of  sol- 
diers in  the  United  States  Arm  v,  2908,  2995 
on  bill  forreliefofRhodaWolcoit, 2693, 2995 
on  the  bill  (No.  450)  to  provide  for  the  repiiir 
and  preservation  of  certain  public  works 

of  the  United  States 3014,  3078 

on  the  bill  (No.  55)  in  relation  to  the  circuit 
court  in  and  for  the  district  of  Wiscon- 
sin  3016,3078 

on  the  bill  to  prevent  smuggling. ..3077,  3107 
on  the  bill  (No.  54)  to  incorporate  the  Metro- 
politan Railroad  Company  in  tlie  District 

of  Columbia 3115,3139 

on  the  bill  (No.  495)  to  amend  the  charter  of 
the  Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad 

Company 3186,3218 

on  the  bill  (No.  138)  to  regulate  proceedings 
between  landlord  and  tenantin  the  District 

of  Columbia 3218,  3239 

on  the  bill  (No.  494)  to  increase  the  duties  on 

imports 3351 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No  483)  and  the  Senate 
amendments  thereto  granting  lands  to  aid 
in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  tele- 
graph line  from  Lake  Superior  to  Puget 
sound,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  by  the  north- 
ern route 3388 

on  joint  resolution  (No.  11)  in  relation  to  the 
claim  of  Carmack  &  Ramsey. ...3388,  3432 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  438)  to  amend  an  act 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  from  the  Missouri  river  to 
the  Pacific  ocean  and  to  secure  to  the  Gov- 
ernment the  use  of  the  same  for  postal, 

military,  and  other  purposes 3388 

on  the  bill  (Ei.  R.  No.  411)  and  the  Senate 
amendments  thereto  to  encourage  immi- 
gration  3388 

on  the  bill  (No.  154)  to  provide  for  the  bet- 
ter organization  of  the  quartermaster's  de- 
partment  3397,3404 

on  the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  pay- 
ment of  sundry  civil  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  year  ending   30th  June, 

1865 3423 

on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  406)  supplementary 

to  an  act  to  grant  pensions 3427 

on  the  bill  (JNo.  246}  for  the  relief  of  seamen 
and  others,  notofficers,  borne  on  the  books 
of  vessels  wrecked  or  lost  in  the  naval  ser- 
vice  3468,  3479 

on  the  bill  (No.  549)  further  to  regulate  and 
provide  for  the  enrolling  and  calling  out 

the  national  forces 3468,"  3479 

on  the  bill  (No.  511)  to  provide  for  the  more 
speedy  punishment  ofguerrillas,  3463, 3479 
on  the  bill  (No.  339)  to  repeal  a  joint  resolu- 
tion to  grant  additional  rooms  to  the  Agri- 
cultural Department....- 3517 

Commutation — see  Army. 

Compensation:  joint  resolution  to  compensate  the 
crew  of  the  United  States  steamer  Monitor 
for  clothing  and  property  destroyed  in  the 

public  service 19,  844 

bill  to  compensate  non-commissioned  officers, 
musicians,  and  private  soldiers  in  the  mili- 
tary service  of  the  United  States  for  the  loss 
or  destruction  of  clothing  or  equipments 
where  such  loss  or  destruction  is  not  the  re- 
sult of  their  own  fault  or  neglect 148 

bill  to  reimburse  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
twentieth  regiment  of  Indiana  volunteers  for 
loss  of  baggage  and  other  property  at  Hat- 

teras  Inlet 149, 1011 

bill  to  regulate  the,  of  the  depositary  of  public 

moneys  at  Chicago 149,1335 

bill  regulating  the,  of  registers  and  receivers  of 
land  offices  in  the  location  of  lands  by  States 
and  corporations  under  grants  from  Con- 
gress....  ..331, 3427 

bill  (S.  No.  66)  to  increase  the,  of  inspectors 

of  customs  in  certain  ports 372, 

445,  740,  756,  763,  826,  949,  1909,  1967 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  309)  to  regulate  the,  of  the  mar- 
shals of  the  United  States  court  for  the  west- 
ern district  of  Virginia 1036,  1061,  1185 

bill  providing  that  the  port  of  Portland,  Maine, 
shall  be  placed  upon  the  same  basis  as  the 
ports  enumerated  in  the  ninth  section  of  the 
act  approved  May  7,  1822,  further  to  estab- 
lish the,  of  officers  of  customs  and  to  alter 
certain  collection  districts 1220 


Compensation — Conlinued. 

bill  (S.  No.  199)   relating  to  the,  of  pen.-fion 

agents 2578,  3351 

bill  allowing,  to  members  of  the  Senate,  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  to 

the  Deli'gati's  from  the  Territories 2771 

bill  (No.  273)  to  compensate  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  iron-clail  irunboat  Essex  for  the 
destruction  of  the  rebel  ram  Arkansas,  3214, 

3423,  3463 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  79)  to  increase  the,  of 

matrons  in  the  hospitals 3536,3537,3538 

resolution   relating  to  alleged  illegal,  received 

by  certain  members 3424,  3520 

Conduct  and  expenses  of  the  war,  the  joint  com- 
mittee on  the 308 

instructions  to 875,  876,  878,  2290,  2'JIO 

reports  from 2139,  2196 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  37)  for  the  payment  of 

expenses  incurred  by  the 1254, 

1261,  1266,  1736 
Confiscated  estates,  bill   (No.  276)  to  secure  lo 
persons  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of 
the  United  States  homesteads  on,  in  insurrec- 
tionary districts 874,  991, 

999,  1887,  2091,  2108,  2232,  2249,  2264 
Confiscated  property,  bill  to  create  a  school  fund 

out  of  the  proceeds  of. 331 

(See  Rebellion;  JVew  Mexico.) 
Confiscation,  bill  to  repeal  joint  resolution  No. 

63,  approved  July  17,  1862 19 

bill  to  amend  the,  act 19,2773,  2774 

bill  to  amend  the  law8  providing  for  the,  of 

rebel  property 1096 

bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  a  joint  resolution  ex- 
planatory ofan  act  to  suppress  insurrection, 
to  punish  treason  and  rebellion,  to  seize  and 
confispate  the  property  of  rebels. .127,  184, 
190,210,2.34,263,266,281,297,313,351, 
374, 399,  406,  448, 467,  496,  508,  543,  566 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 509 

Mr.  Allison 519 

Mr.  Ancona 509,  519 

Mr.  Ashley 509,  519 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri 507,  509 

Mr.  Bliss 264,  317 

Mr.  Boutweli 266,  315,  507 

Mr.  Ernndegee 519 

Mr.  Brooks 190 

Mr.  Broomall 212,  448 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 518 

Mr.  Chanler 298 

Mr.  Cole,  of  Washington 184 

Mr.  Cox 185, 190,  210,  212,  213,  263, 

264, 282, 298, 501,  502, 507,  509, 517,  519 

Mr.  Cravens 501,  502 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 213,  503 

Mr.  Edgerton 406 

Mr.  Eliot 282 

Mr.  Farnsworth 507 

Mr.  Finck 399 

Mr.  Frank 509 

Mr.  Ganson 502 

Mr.  Garfield , 213 

Mr.  Grider 509 

Mr.  Holman 184,508,  519 

Mr.  Kelley 213 

Mr.  Kernan 185,264,  502,  503 

Mr.  Long 184 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York... .282,  297,  298 

Mr.  Orth 186,  212,  213,  508 

Mr.  Pendleton 184,  264,  315,  507,  509 

Mr.  Perry 501 

Mr.  Pike 519 

Mr.  Pruyn 507,  517,  518 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 507,  509 

Mr.  Rogers 299 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire 516 

Mr.  Schenck 501,  509 

■      Mr.  Sloan 518 

Mr.  Smith 317,  509,  514,  517,  519 

Mr.  Smithers 374 

Mr.  Spalding 313,  315,  509 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 501 

Mr.  Stevens 186,  210,  212,  263,  266, 

281, 282,  316, 317, 352,  469,  509,  543,  566 

Mr.  Sweat 264,  282,  566 

Mr.  Voorhees 282,  507,  509 

Mr.  Wadsworth 467,  469 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois... 185,  264,  507 

Mr.  Wilson 127, 

184,  185,  186,  190,  210,  263,  264,  281, 
282,  501,  502,  504,  507,  508,  509,  519 


XLIV 


INDEX  TO 


Confiscation,  bill  (No.  18)  to  amend  a  joint  reso- 
lution explanatory  ofan  act  to  suppress  insur- 
rection, to  punish  treason  and  rebellion,  to 
seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels — 
Continued. 
remarky  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Woodbridge 496 

Mr.  "Wood,  Fernando 316,  351,  352 

Mr.  Yeaman 499 

yeas  and  nays  on  the..lS4,501,  507,  508,  519 
(See  Rebellion.) 
Congressional  Globe,  bill   (No.  421)  to  pay  in 
part  for  publishing;  the  debates  of  Congress, 

1782,  1814,  1875,  2297,  3536,  3537 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Alley 1784 

Mr.  Clark,  A.  W 1782, 

1783,  1784,  1814,  1875,  2297,  2298 

Mr.  Cox...... ; 2297 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 2297 

Mr.  Parnsworth. 1784 

Mr.  Holman 2298 

Mr.  Johnson, of  Pennsylvania 2297 

Mr.  Mallory ..1783,  1784 

Mr.  Morrill 1783,  1784,  1875,  2298 

Mr.  Myers,  A 2298 

Mr.  Pruyn 1784 

Mr.  Smith, 1784 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2298 

Mr.  Wilson '.'. ...2297 

Mr.  Windom 1783 

reporters  of  the,  resolution  for  extra  compen- 
sation of  the 3537 

Cohscription:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  549)  further  to  reg- 
ulate and   provide  for  enrolling:  anci   calling 

out  the  national  forces 2909, 3112, 3143, 

3148,  3267,3272,3278,  3280,  3209,3310, 
3315,  3316, 3317, 3318, 3353,  3354,  33.55, 
3357, 3427,  3430, 3431,  34.33,  3436,  3462, 
3463,3465,  3468,  3479,  3524,  3535,  3536 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Anconn 3147, 

3354,  3355,  3357,  3462,  3466,  3525 

Mr.  Ashley 3146, 3147,  3448,  .3280 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 3281 

Mr.  Beaman 3117,  3353 

Mr.  Blaine 3145, 

3146,3274,3278,3280,3353 

Mr.  Blair 3317,  3321,  3322,  3353 

Mr.  Boutwcll 3148, 

3271,  3279,  3280,  3281,  3435 

Mr.  Brooks 3112,  3145,  3354 

Mr.  Broomall 3148 

Mr.  Brown, of  Wisconsin,  2909, 3281, 3354 

Mr.  Chanlcr 3146,  3316 

Mr.  Cobb 3463,  3466 

Mr.  Coffroth 3144,  3145,  3355,  3462 

Mr.  Cox 2909, 

3267,  3274,  3278,3279,  3281,  3433,  3436 

Mr.  Cravens 3355 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland,  3465,  3467,3468 
Mr.  Dawes 3273 

3278,  3279,  3431,  3432,3433,  3434,  3435 

Mr.  Dawson 3278 

Mr.  Denison 3436 

Mr.  Driggs 3434 

Mr.  Eldndge 3148,  3271, 

3283,  3316,  3463,  3466,  3525 

Mr.  Eliot 3267,  3275,  3317,3321 

Mr.  Farnsworth 3147,3148,3272, 

3278,  3282,  3283,  3432,  3433,  3435,  3436 

Mr.  Fenton 3148,  3468,  3525 

Mr.  Prank 3525 

Mr.  Ganson 3147,  3317,  3434 

Mr.  Garfield 3148 

3271,  3279,  3281,  3465",'3467i  3524 

Mi-.Hale. 3525 

Mr.  Harding 2909 

3147,  3433,  3434,  3435,  3466*  3525 
Mr.Higby 3434 

Mr.  Holmnn,  2909, 3144,  3145,  3146,  3147, 
3267,  3353,  3354,  3430,  3431,  3462, 3466 

Mr.  Hooper .- ...3468 

Mr.  Hotchkiss 3317,  3318,  3435 

Mr.  Ingersoll ..3148,  3463,  3466 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania 3317 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 3146, 

3317  3322 

Mr.  Kcrnnn 3282,  .3283,  3284,'  3434 

Mr.  Lc  Blond 3432,  3434,  3435,  3462 

Mr.  Mallory 3144,  3145.  3272, 

3273,  3274,  .•«75,  3278.3279,  ,3280,3281, 

3321,  3354,  3355,  3465,  3466,  3467,  3468 

Mr.  MoKinncy 3354 


Conscription:  bill  (H.R.  No.  549)  further  to  regu- 
late and  provide  for  enrolling  and  calling  out 
the  national  forces — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania.. ..3282,  3283 

Mr.  Morrill 3275,  3427,  3466 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 3463 

Mr.  Myers,  A 3147,  3281,  3317 

Mr.  Myers,  L 3148 

Mr.  Nelson 3148 

Mr.  Odell 3146,  3267,  3283,  3463 

Mr.  O'Neill,  of  Ohio 3354 

Mr.  Orth 3466,  3525 

Mr.  Pendleton .3280,  3281 

Mr.  Pike 3354,  3355 

Mr.  Pruyn 3466 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 3143, 

3144,  3145,  3146,  3147,  3148,'3315 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 3466 

Mr.  Robinson 3147 

Mr.  Ross.. 3282 

Mr.  Schenck 2909,  3112,  3143, 

3144,  3145,  3147, 3148, 3267, 3275,  3278, 
3282,  3284, 3285, 3309,  3310,  .3315,  3316, 
3317,  3318,  3319, 3320,  3321,  3353, 3354, 
3355,  3357,3  430,  3431, 3432,  3433, 3434, 
3435,  3465,  3466,3467,  3468,  3525,  3532 

Mr.  Shannon 3322 

Mr.  Sloan 3321 

Mr.  Smithers 3321,  3322,  3354 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  Jersey... 3466 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 3145 

Mr.  Stevens 2909, 

3148,  3267,  3275,  3278,  3280,  3315, 
3316,  3317,3318,  3319,3320,3321,3322, 
3354,  3427,  3431,  3434,  3435,  3436,  3525 

Mr.  Stiles 3145 

Mr.  Strouse 3282 

Mr.  Stuart 3525 

Mr.  Sweat 3525 

Mr.  Thayer 3354,  3434,  3435,  3436 

Mr.  Thomas 3465,  3466 

Mr.  VanValkenburph 3525 

Mr.  Wads  worth. ...3320,  3433,  3434,  3465 

Mr.  Ward 3281 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 3275, 

3278,  3281,  3282,  3284,  3285, 
3317,  3354,  3436,  3466,  3525 

Mr.  Wilson 3278, 

3318,  3320,  3321,  3432,  3466 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 3281,  3283 

yeas  and  nays  on  the. 3145, 

3148,    3278,    3315,    3321,    3322,    3353, 

3354,  3355,  3436,  3466,  3467,  3468,  3525 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  propositions  to 

amend  the 11, 

19,21,  659,  1324,  1325,  1336,  1531 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  53)  amendatory  of 

the 1325,  1326,  1336,  1347,  1680 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  16)  submitting  to  the 
Legislatures  of  the  several  States  a  proposi- 
tion to  amend  the 21,  2612,  2613, 

2722,  2939,  2948,  2977,  3000,  3014,  3357 

Consular  and  diplomatic  expenses,  bill  (H.  R. 

No.  40)  making  appropriations  for  the,  of 

the   Government  for  the  year  ending  30th 

June,  1865 44, 

129,1165,1261,1531,2215,2227,2333, 
2371,  2789,  2939,  2996,  3018,  3141, 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brooks,  129, 130,131,2215,2228,2230 

Mr.  Broomall 2232 

Mr.  Chanler 130 

Mr.  Coffroth 132 

Mr.  Cox. ...129,  130,  132,  133,  2790,  2792 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 129 

Mr.  Gooch 133 

Mr.  Holman 131, 132,  2790 

Mr.  Kasson 2215,  2216,  2217,  2227, 

2228,2232,  2789,  2790,  2791,  2792,  2793 

Mr.  Kelley 129,  130,  132 

Mr.  Kernan 133 

Mr.  Morrill 132,  2215,  2216, 

2217,  2228,  2232,  2790,  2791,  2792,  2793 

Mr.  Patterson. 2228,  2790,  2791,  2792 

Mr.  Pruyn 2215,  2216,  2217,  2232 

Mr.  Spalding 2232,  2791,  2792 

Mr.  Stevens 44,  129,  130,  131, 

132,  133,  1531,  2215,  2216,  2217,  2232 

Mr.  Strouse 132,2792 

Mr.  Ward 2793 

Mr.  Washburne,  oflllinois, 133, 2790, 2792 

Mr.  Wilson 2216, 

2217,  2791,  2792,  2793,  2996 


Contested  election  from — 
Arkansas,  caseof  James  M.Johnson,  claiming 

a  seat... 574,  680, 

684,  3178,  3389,  3390,  3423,  3517,  3527 

report  on  the 3178,  3527 

Dakota,  case  of  J.  B.  S.  Todd,  contesting  the 

seat  of  William  Jayne 4, 

8,  37,  99,   164,   1€8,   173,   184,  234, 
288,  334,  2447,  2861,  2863,  2882,  2892 

report  on  the 184,  2447 

Iovira,cageof Martin,  contesting  the  seat 

of  Josiah  B.  Grinnell 37 

Kentucky ,  case  of  John  H.  McHenry ,  contest- 
ing the  seat  of  GeorgeH.  Yeaman. .21,  37, 
70,  99,2265,2509,2527,  2579,2690,2715 

report  on  the 2265 

Louisiana,  cai^e  of  A.  P.  Field,  claiming  seat, 
5,  6,  7,  33,  332,  411,  543,  595 

report  on  the 332,  595 

Maryland,  case  of  John  W.  Crisfield,  contest- 
ing the  seat  of  J.  A.  J.  Creswell 44 

Massachusetts,  case  of  John  S.  Sleeper,  con- 
testing the  seat  of  Alexander  H.  Rice,  35, 
708,  942,972,991,  1119 

reports  on  the 708,  1119 

Missouri,  case  of  James  H.  Birch,  contesting 

the  seat  of  Austin  A.  King 37, 

2639,  2650,  S690,  2715,  2881 

report  on  the 2639 

case  of  John  P.  Bruce,  contesting  the  seat  of 

Benjamin  Loan. ..15,  18,  37,  1491,  1943, 

2132,  2139,  2155,  2157,  2185,  2194, 

2196,  2207,  2238,  2269,  2359,  3424 

report  on  the 1491,  2155,  2269 

case  of  Samuel  T.  Knox,  contesting  the  seat 

of  Francis  P.  Blair 37,  1058, 

2155,  2476,  2650,  2671,  2854,  2856 

report  on  the 2155,  2856 

case  of  James  Lindsay,  contesting  the  seat 

of  John  G.  Scott 38,  99,  164»  184, 

296,  350,  426,  772,  3104,  3241,  3388 

report  on  the 3104,  3241,  3388 

case  of  Thomas  L.  Price,  contesting  the  seat 
of  Joseph  W.  McClurg... 14,18,  37, 2881 

report  on  the 2881 

NewMexicOjCaseof  J.  M.  Gallegos,  contesting 
the  seat  of  Francisco  Perea,  127,  972,  1324 

report  on  the 1453 

Pennsylvania,  case  of  C.  W.  Carrigan, contest- 
ing the  seat  of  M.  Russell  Thayer. ...12, 
37,  3178,  3243,  3310,  3314 

report  on  thfe 3178 

case  of  John  Kline,  contesting  the  seat  of 

Leonard  Myers , 12,37,134, 

1129,  3179,  3242,  3250,  3310,  3314 

report  on  the 3179 

Virginia,  case  of  Lucius  J.  Chandler,  claiming  a 

seat  as  a  Representative  from  the  second 

congressional  district  of,  1854,  2311,  2424 

case  of  B.  M.  Kitchen,  claiming  to  represent 

the  seventh  congressional  district  of.. .6, 

18,  46,  168,  526,  847,  876,  1673,  2424 

report  on  the 526,  1673,  2424 

caseofL.McKenzie, claiming  seat, 18, 37, 941 
case  of  Joseph  Segar,  claiming  a  seat  as  a  Rep- 
resentative from  the  first  congressional 
district  of.... 6, 12,  332,  1944,  2311,  2424 

report  on  the 332,  2424 

Convention,  bill  (H.R.  No.  341)  to  carry  in  to  effect 
the,  with  Ecuador,  for  the  mutual  adjustment 

of  claims 1163,  1243,  1266,  1273,  1326 

bill  (No.  335)  to  carry  into  effect  a,  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  United 

States  of  Colombia 3311,  3316,  3351 

Convicts,  bill  (S.  No.  172)  concerning  the  dispo- 
sition of,  in  the  courts  of  the  United  States, 
for  subsisting  of  persons  confined  in  jails 
charged  with  violating  the  laws  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  for  diminishing  the  expenses 
in  reference  thereto. ...1698, 1792,  1821,  2207 
Copyrights,  an  additional  act  supplementary  to 
the  act  to  amend  several  acts  respecting,  2771 

Correction  of  the  Journal 148, 

658,  665,  1096,  1466,  1530,  1651 

Correction  of  the  Globe  report 371, 1251 

Correspondence  with  rebels,  charges  of  a. ..1504, 

1733,  1814,  2091 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Eldridge 1733 

Mr.  Garfield. ..1504,  1733,1734,2094,  2095 

Mr.  Holman 1304,  2093 

r.  Robinson. ...t „ 2095 

r.  Voorhecs 1734, 

18'14,  2031,  2093,  2094,  2095 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


I 


XLV 

■■"> 


osts — see  Courts. 
Cotton,  bill  relating  to  the  capture  of,  and  the 
disposition  thereof  by  the  military  forces  of 

the  United  States 495,  826 

Counterfeiting — see  Coin. 

Court,  bill   to  divide  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 

into  three  judicial  districts  and  to  establish 

a  district,  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Erie. ..148 

bill  (S.  No.  100)  authorizing  the  holding  of  a 

special  session  of  the  United  States  district, 

for  the  district  of  Indiana 581,  622 

bill  (S.  No.  55)  in  relation  to  the  circuit,  in  and 

for  the  district  of  Wisconsin 691,  714, 

2772,  2856,  3016,  3078,  3218,  3240,  3278 
bill  changing  the  place  of  holding  the  United 
States  circuit,  from  Dps  Moines  to  Daven- 
port, in  the  State  of  Iowa ....1009 

joint  resolution  (No.  39)  ru-lating  to  the  publi- 
cation of  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme,  of  the 
United  States  for  December  term,  1863,  1734 
(See  Compensation;  Salaries.) 

Court  of  Claims,  papers  referred  to  the 12, 

128,  480,  1346 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  establish  a,  approved 

February  24,  1855,  and  toamend  subsequent 

acts  concerning  said  court 20 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  66)  concerning  the  jurisdiction 

of  the 127,  164, 

165,  261,  282,  909,  920,  924,  2029,  3533 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Ashley 919,  920 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia 918,  919 

Mr.  Boutwell 913,  918 

Mr.  Brandegee 914 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin  ...165,  167,  168 

Mr.  Clay 913 

Mr.  Coffroth 168 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland,  165, 166, 168, 920 

Mr.  Dumont 917,  918 

Mr.  Eckley 918 

Mr.  Farns worth 165 

Mr.  Grider / 912,  916,  918 

Kernan 166 

King 261,  915 

Lovcjoy 167 

Mallbry 165 

Pendleton 165 

Schenck...l65,  166,  167,  912,913,914 

Smith 166 

Stevens 164,  165,  911 

Thomas 168,  282,  910, 

911,  912, 913, 914, 919, 920,  924, 2029 

Upson 165 

Wadsworth 913 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 168 

Mr.  Whaley 918,  919 

Mr.  Wilson 127,  164,  165,  166,  168, 

910,  911, 912, 913,  914,  915,918,  919, 924 

Mr.  Woodbridge 167.  916,  919 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando , 167 

Mr.  Yeaman 164,  165,  167 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 165 

bill  to  restrict  the  jurisdiction  of  the,  to  pro- 
vide for  the  payment  of  certain  demands  for 
quartermaster's  stores  and  subsistence  sup- 
plies furnished  to  the  Army  of  the  United 

,    States 1010,  2774,  3532,  3535,  3536 

bill  to  repeal  an  act  approved  February  24, 1855, 

and  an  act  approved  March  3,  1863 1036 

(See  Jlpipeals.) 
Courts,  bill  to  regulate  the  sessions  of  the  circuit 
and  district,  for  the  northern  district  of  New 

York,. 1121,  2264,  3536 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  65)  to  change  the  place  of  hold- 
ing the  circuit  and  district,  of  the  United 
States  for  the  district  of  West  Tennessee,  127, 

164,332,333,355 
bill  in  relation  to  costs  in  the  circuit  and  dis- 
trict, of  the  United  States.. 331 

bill  (No.  51)  amendatory  of  and  supplemental 
to  an  act  to  provide  circuit,  for  the  district  of 

California  and  Oregon 602,  624,  706,  735 

bill  to  exclude  traitors  and  alien  enemies  from 
the,  of  the  United  States  in  civil  cases  and 

from  the  public  lands 719,  843,  2774 

bill  authorizing  the  United  States,  in  California 

to  appoint  reporters ..! 874 

bill  (No.  306)  to  an^nd  an  act  prescribing  the 
times  and  places  of  holding  the  terms  of  the 
circuit,  for  the  district  of  Iowa,  Minnesota, 

and  Kansas .....1010,  1261 

bill  in  r<?lation  to  the  United  States,  in  the  south- 
ern dlstrictof  New  York 1428^  1577 

Courts-martial — see  Mival  Service. 


Mr. 

Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr, 

Mr. 
Mr. 


Cox, Samuel  S.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio...5;> 
6,  7,  8,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  19,  20,  21,  22, 
23,  33,  34,  35,  38,  39,  40,  44,  45,  46,  70, 
71,  86,  94,  99,  108,  109,  110,  113,  117, 
127,  128,  134,  151,  1^9,  190,  215,  258, 
259,  260,  288,  495,  519,  527,  528,  547, 
552,  566,  573,  574,  623,  625,  706,  743, 
756,  759,  760,  779,  798,  805,  825,  826, 
843, 845, 846, 851, 875, 876, 877,  878,  879, 
888,909,  970,977,  996,  1022,  1038,  1040, 
1044,  1061,  1098,  1129,  1142,  1143,  1166, 
1167,  1195,  1428,  1453,  1473,  1517,  1518, 
1532,  1635,  1652,  1764,  1792, 1814,  1827, 
1848,  1859,  1860,  1969,  1970,  2002,  2030, 
2056,  2057,  2081,  2138,  2166,  2249,  2253, 
2266,  2272,  2289,  2290,  2297,  2361,  2362, 
2391,  2426,  2427,  2435,  2450,  2452,  2453, 
2475,  2.502,  2510,  2575,  2578,  2579,  2607, 
2G12,  2671,  2772,  2774,  2776,  2777,  2787, 
2793,  2794,  2809,  2835,  2880,  2893,  2908, 
2909,  2920,  2938,  2995,  3103',  3179,  3207, 
3208,  3309,  3314,  3315,  3316,  3389,  3390, 
3401,  3402,  3407,  3515,  3481,  3514,  3515, 
3527,  3530,  3531,  3532,  3536,  3537,  3538 

resolutions  by ,12,  21, 

34,  70,  94,  259,  805,  843,  879,  970,  1428, 
1827,  2290,  2391,  2426,  2772,  2880,  3521 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35) 69, 

70,  75,  89,  90,  91 

remarks  on  dfficiency  hill  (No.  14),  72,  73,  74 

remarks  on  the  consular  and   diplomatic  bill, 

129,  130,  132,  133,  2790,  2792 

reiTiarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  Pennsylvania 

war  expenses 170,  173, 

189,  1794,  1795,  1796,  2133,  2137,  2138 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 185, 

190,  210,  212,  213,  263,  264,  282, 
298,  501,  502,  507,  509,  517,  519,,, 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 548,549, 

550,  600,  601,  605,  606,  626,  628,  7G8, 2909, 
3267,  3274,  3278,  3279,  3281,  3433,  3436 

reirnarks  on  freedmen's  afftiirs 566, 

573,  708,  709,  710, 71 1, 712,  713,  894, 909 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 662, 

663,  687,  690,  692,  893 
remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election,  684,  686,687 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 606, 

607,  715,  731,  739,  995,  1101,  1129,  1147 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlisitmrnts  in 

the  southern  States 845,  846 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  general 

officers 996, 

997,  998,  1148,  1149,  1150,  1151,  1652 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1059,  1060 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union. ..1074,  1076 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory  of 

Montana 1169,  1396,  1651,  1652 

remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  Mexican 

affairs 1408 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  333). ..1410, 

1411,  1430,  1431,  1433,  1452 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long..  1506, 

1507,  1508,  1509,  1510,  1512,  1514, 1534, 

1535,  1544,  1545,  1582,  1584,  1589, 1625, 

1626,  1628,  1630,  1632,  1633,  1634,  1635 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1634, 

1787,  1824,  1825,  1826,  1827,  1838, 

1850,  1907,  1941,  1942,  2995,  3020 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  a  government  for 

the  rebellious  Slates 1766, 

1767,2095,2107,2108 
remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on  imports. ,...., 1856,  1858 

reinarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. .1999, 

2000,  2001,  2892 
remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill, 2433, 

2434 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2675, 

2677,  2680,  2681,  2683,  3313,  3403,  3404 

remarks  on  the  registration  of  voters 2607, 

2608,  2609 
remarks  on    the  repeal  of  the  fugitive    slave 

laws 2774, 

2775,2911,2913,2914,2915, 

2916,  2917,  2918,  2919,  2920 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2793,  2794,  2936,  2937 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  2612,  3000 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill  ...2938, 

3398,  3399 
remarks  on  the  alleged  illegal  compensation  of 

certain  members 3521,3522 

Criuidall  &  Houghtaling,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  939 


Crary,  Archibald,  h\\\  for  the  relief  of  the  heirii 

of 3054,  .3470,  3471 

Cravens,  Jimes  A.,  a  Representative  from  Indi- 
ana  22,  46,  99,  149,  313, 

501,  502,  719,  1262, 1291, 1292, 1378, 1380, 
1531,  1682,  1695,  1985,  1998,  2137,  2273, 
2536,  2716,  2741,  2809,  3103,  3355,  3429 

Wsolutiohfi  bv 22,  99,  1531 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 601,  602 

iremarkk  on  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1589,  1601 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2045 

temdrkb  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2810, 

2811,  2812,  2813,  2835,  2836,  2880 
rimairka  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill. ..3247, 

3248,  3249 
retnarlts  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  citizens  of 

Ohio  and  Indiana... 3426,  3427 

Creswell,  John    A.    J.,  a  Representative  from 

Maryland 1061;  1577,  1628,  1698, 

1944,  2063,  2386,  3018,  3060,  3104,  3536 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 535, 

576,  577,  580,  600 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...1756, 

1757,  1820,  1903 
remarks  on  tha  charges  against  the  Treasury 
Department 1967,  1968 


Crosbie 
Crosi 


H.  R.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2272,  3471 


exander,  bill  for  the  relief  of ..-.757, 

3218,  3357,  3423,  3464 
Curi-ency,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  333)  to  provide  a  na- 
tional, secured  by  a  pkdge  of  United  States 
atockb  and  to  provide  for  the  circulation  and 

redemption  thereof. 1099, 

1166,  1254,  1266,  1287,  1338,  1350,  1373, 
1378,  1380,  1389,  1396,  1409,  1429,  1448 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1392,  1393,  1394, 

1397,  1399,  1400,  1413,  1415,  1431,  1433 

Mr.  Allen,  W.J 1379 

Mr.  Alley 1375, 

1378,  1379,  1397,  1.398,  1399,  1400 
Mr.  Beaman..l288,  1343,  1353,  1391,  1392 

Mr.  Bl«ine 1352,  1.353, 

1373,  1375,  1.376,  1378,  1410,  1411,  1452 

Mr.  Blow 1379 

Mr.  Boutwell,  1269,  1339, 1397, 1400,  1401 

Mr.  Brooks 12.55,  1256,  1257,  1266, 

1267, 1268, 1269,  1270, 1287,  1288,  1339, 

1340,  1343,  1344, 1.350, 1351, 1377,  1378, 
1389,  1401,  1402,  1409,  14.30, 1433, 1451 

Mr.  Broomall 1340,  1394,  1397,  1398 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 1255, 

1256,  1339,  1340,  1343,  1398,  1401 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California ....1352, 

1353,  1373,  1374,  1376 

Mr.  Cox 1410, 

1411,  1430,  1431,  1433,  1452 

Mr.  Cravens. 1378,  1380 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 1399, 

1412,  1413,  1414,  1415 
Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 1287,  1340, 

1341,  1352,  1377,  1379,  1390,  1413,  1430 

Mr.  Driggs 1353,  1376 

Mr.  Eldridge 1339,  1340, 

1341,  1342,  1350,  1380,  1381,  1390, 
1392,  1400,  1401,  1402,  1414,  1430 

Mr.  Fenton 1255 

Mr.  Fi^ank 1378 

Mr.  Ganson ...1342,  1343,  1430 

Mr.  Garfield 1350 

Mr.  Gooch 1375 

Mr.'Grinriell 1342, 

1353,  1377,  1393,  1397,  1401 

^Ir.  GriWoId 1288,  1377,  1390,  1392 

Mr.  Hale 1352,  1390,  1391,  1392 

Mr.  Harrington 1451 

Mr.  Higby 1374 

Mr.  Holman,  1255, 1339,  1341,  1342,  1352, 
1353,  1373, 1398,  1400, 1401, 1409, 1410, 
1412,  1429,  1430,  1431,  1451,  1452, 1453 
Mr.  Hooper.. 1099, 1166, 1254,  1255,  1256, 
1267,  1270, 1271, 1272, 1287,  1288, 1338, 
1339,  1341, 1342, 1343, 1344, 1350,  1351, 
1352,  1376, 1377, 1378, 1379, 1380,  1390, 
1391, 1392, 1394, 1396, 1398,  1400,  1401, 
1402,  1409,  1410,  1429,  1430,  1433, 1448 

Mr.  Hotchkiss 1265, 

1344,  1393,  1394,  1414,  1415 

Mr.  Julian 1452 

Mr.  Kalbfli-isch 1340, 

1341,  1342,  1391,  1392,  1401,  1410 

Mr.  Kasson 1271,  1272, 

1273,  1374,  1376,  13S0,  1391,  1392,  1394 


XL  VI 


INDEX  TO 


Currency,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  333)  to  provide  a  na- 
tional, secured  by  a  pledge  of  United  States 
stocks  and  to  provide  for  the  circulation  and 
redemption  thereof — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 1273, 

1353,  1390 

Mr.  Kernan 1271,  1410,  1412,  1432 

Mr.  Law 1390 

Mr.  Mallory 1341,  1390,  1413,  1415 

Mr.  Miller,  of  New  York 1376 

Mr.  Morrill 1379, 

1380,  1381,  1389,  1392,  1401,  1413 

Mr.  Nelson 1410 

Mr.  Pendleton 1254,  1255,  1377 

Mr.  Pike 1273,  1288,  1343,  1344, 

1350,  1351,  1353,  1374,  1375,  1376,  1398 

Mr.  Price 1272,  1352,  1353,  1377, 

1380,  1381,  1390,  1391,  1400,  1409,  1430 

Mr.  Pruyn 1255, 

1256,  1266,  1271,  1272,  1288,  1339,  1412 

Mr.  Randtill,  of  Pennsylvania 1378, 

1396,  1397,  1400 

Mr.  Ross 1288 

Mr.  Scott ^..1452,  1453 

Mr.  Shannon 1381 

Mr.  Spalding. .1257, 1380, 1430,  1448, 1452 

Mr.  Stebbins 1398, 1399 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 1255, 1431 

Mr.  Stevens. .1255,  1256,  1266, 1269, 1272, 
1273, 1287, 1288, 1339, 1340, 1341,  1342, 
1350, 1351, 1352, 1353, 1354,  1373, 1375, 
1376, 1377, 1378, 1379,  1381,  1390, 1391, 
1392, 1393, 1394, 1396,  1397, 1400, 1401, 
1402, 1410,  1430,  1431,  1433,  1452,  1453 

Mr.  Tracy 1392,  1394 

Mr.  Upson..... 1392 

Mr.  Van  Valkcnburgli 1412,  1414 

Mr.  Ward 1401,  1411 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  lllinnis 1255, 

1287,  1415,  14.30,  1431 
Mr.  Washburn,  of  Mas»actiuscU,.s...l343, 

1344,  1393 

Mr.  Wilson 1339, 'l341, 

1343,  1344,  1378,  1379,  1380,  1381, 
1390,  1394,  1402,  1410,  1412,  1451 

Mr.  Winfield 1394 

Mr.  Woodbridgo 1452 

Mr.  Yeaman 1390 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1451,  1452,  1453 

bill  (No.  395)   to  provide  u  niUional,  secured 

by  a  pledge  of  Uniicl  States  bonds  and  to 

provide  for  the  circulation  and  rcdemfiiion 

thereof...  1531, 1680, 1694,1696, 1715,2323, 

2428,  2435,  2447,  2476,  2639,  2671,  2717 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1681,  1682,  2448 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachu.-?etts 1697 

Mr.  Brooks 1(J80, 

1G81,  1682,  1694,  1696,  1697,  2448,  2449 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 1680,  2448 

Mr.  Chanler 2428 

Mr.  Coffroth 1680 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 2449 

Mr.  Cox 2450 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 1682 

Mr.  Eldridge 1681,  1697,  2435,  2450 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2448 

Mr.  Fenton 1681,  1682,  2447,  2448 

Mr.  Ganson 1681,  1682,  2323,  2639 

Mr.  Grinnell 1681 

Mr.  Holman 1680, 

1681,  1682,  1697,  2447,  2448,  2450 

Mr.  Hooper 1531, 1681, 

1682,  1696,  1697,  2428,  2447, 
2448,  2449,  2452,  2639,  2717 

Mr.  Hotchkiss 2451 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 1681 

Mr.  Kernan , ]680, 

1681,  2447,  2448,  2449,  2450 

Mr.  Mallory..' 2450 

Mr.  Noble 2450,  2639 

Mr.  Orth 2450 

Mr.  Pomeroy 2451 

Mr.  Price 1680 

Mr.  Pruyn 1682 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 1680, 

1681,  1682 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire 1697 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  Jersey 2450 

Mr.  Stevens 1682,  2428,  2450 

Mr.  Stiles 1681 

Mr.  Upson 2448 

Mr.  Van  Valkenburgh 2451 


Currency,  bill  (No.  395)  to  provide  a  national, 
secured  by  a  pledge  of  United  States  bonds 
and  to  provide  for  the   circulation  and  re- 
demption thereof — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1680, 

1681,  1682,  1696,  2428,  2435,  2448,  2440 

Mr.  Webster 1682,  2448 

Mr.  Wilson 1681,  1682 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 1680,  2448 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1682, 

1697,  2448,  2449,  2450,  2451 

Curtis,  Charles  J.,  joint  resolution  referring  the 

case  of. 1118,  2271 

D. 

Daily,  Samuel  G.,  a  Delegate  from  Nebraska, 

659,3143 

resolutions  by 659 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation   bill, 

1043,  1044 
Dakota,  the  Territory  of,  bill  making  an  appro- 
priation to  reimburse,  for  expenses  incurred 

during:  the  Indian  wars  of  1862 1226 

bill  making  a  grant  of  lands  to,  and  Idaho,  in 
alternate  sections,  to  aid  in  the  construction 
of  certain  railroads  in  said  Territories  to 
connect  with  the  railroad  system  of  Minne- 
sota  1884 

(See  Public  Lands.) 
Dakota  election:  case  of  J.  B.  S.  Todd,  contest- 
ing tiie  seatof  William  Jayne 4, 

8,  37,  99,  164,  168,  173,  184,  234,  288, 
334,  2447,  2861,  2863,  2882,  2892,  3352 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Broomall 2863 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 2890 

Mr.  Dawes 168,184,234,235,236, 

237, 238, 334, 2447, 2861 ,  2862, 2863,2864, 
2887,  2889,  2890,  2891,  2892,  2893,  2894 

Mr.  Eldridge 2S90 

Mr.  Farnsworth 237, 

2865,  2882,  2883,  2884,  2885 

Mr.  Ganson 235,  237,  238,  2887,  2891 

Mr.  Hale 2861 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 235, 

288,  2863,  2887,  2892,  2893,  2894 

Mr.  Jayne 2887 

Mr.  Morrill 2885 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 2892 

Mr.  Pendleton 2885,  2893 

Mr.  Schenck 2891,  2892,  2893 

Mr.  Scofield 2862,  2863,  2864,  2865, 

2882,  2883,  2884,  2887,  2890,  2891,  2892 

Mr.  Sloan 2891,  2892,  2893 

Mr.  Smith 234, 

235,  237,  238,  2887,  2892,  2894 

Mr.  Smithera 235,  236 

Mr.  Spalding 2892,  2893 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 237 

Mr.  Todd  (contestant) 2.35,  236, 

237,  238,  2864,  2865,  2866, 

2887,2891,2894,3352,3353 

Mr.  Upson....2866, 2883, 2883,  2887,  2890 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 234,  235 

Mr.  Wilson 2387,2890 

yeas  and  nays  onthe 238,2892,2893,2894 

Darling,  Eaekiel,  bill  granting  pension  to. ..3310, 

3471 
Davis,  Henry  Winter,  a   Representative  from 

Maryland 5,  33,  38,  44,  45,  94,  100, 

129,  148,  259,  405,  406,  410,  495,  496, 508, 
625,  668,  687,  757,  805,  825,  877,879,909, 
1142,  1291,  1344,  1531,  1652,  1715,  1814, 
1828,  1943,  2002,  2036,  2170,  2217,  2290, 
2297,2425,2426,  2427,  2741,  2750,  2772, 
2775,  2776,  2777,  2809,  2833,  2863,  2880, 
2910,  2911,  3309,  3389,  3394,  3468,  3514 

i-esolutions  by 5, 

33,  129,  825,  2290,  2427,  2575,  3389 
remarks  on  the   reference  of  the  President's 

message 33,  34 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35) 90 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill. ...129 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims. ...165,  166,  168,  920 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 213,  503 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 412 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill..,  479, 528,  577, 
578,  580,  597,  606,  626,  3465,  3467,  3468 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 574, 

680,  681,  682,  683,  685,  686 
remarks  on  the  naval  appopriation  bill.. ..830, 

831,  834 


Davis,    Henry  Winter,   a  Representative  from 
Maryland — Continued. 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  governments  for 

the  rebellion.'?  States 1243, 

1247,  1766,  1767,  2107,  2108,  3518 
(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1399, 

1412,  1413,  1414,  1415,  1682 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  Mexican 

affairs ...1408,  1409,  2427,  2475 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long. ..1545. 

1549,  1551,  1625 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 1794, 

1795,  1796,  2138 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  2001, 

2002,  2473 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2168,  2188,  2189,  2193 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2504 

remarks  on    the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

laws 2775 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 2814,  2815 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  New  York 

railroad  bill 2833,  2834 

remarks  on  the  bill  repealing:  the  act  for  the 

relief  of  E.  F.  and  S.  A.  Wood 2841 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's 
Bureau — see  Appendix. 

remarks  on  the  special  income  tax 3528, 

3529,  3530 
Davis,  Thomas  T.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 331,  372,  459,  737, 

939,  1168,  1169,  1253,  1287,  1290,  1428, 
1468, 1469,2371,2388,  2452,  2575,  2639, 
2722,2772,2776,2777,  2837,  2880,  3207, 
3277,  3397,  3404,  3421,  3427,  3535,  3536 

resolutions  by 459,  909,  1428 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 282, 

661,  662,  692 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 455, 

579,  604,  768 
remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold. ..737,  1127 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1060 

remarks  on  currency  bill  (No.  333),  1287,  1340, 
1341, 1.362,  1377,  1379,  1390,  1413,  1430 
remarks  on   the  death   of  Hon.  Owen   Love- 
joy ,. 1330 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Union 

Gas-Light  Company 1469,  1470 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill 1473 

remarks  on  reciprocity  treaty,  2454,2455,2456- 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2788,2963 

remarks  on  the  Washington  Gas-Light  Com- 
pany bill 2815,  2817,  2818 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3209,  3215,  3218 

remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill. ...3245 
remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill — see 
Appendix. 
Dawes,  Henry  L.,  a  Representative  fiom  Mas- 
sachusetts  4,5,6,7,  11,  19,21,34, 

39,  69,  108,  ]  68,  238,  297,  332,  397,  4]  4, 
415,  451,  471,  495,  527,  528,  687,  707, 
708,  760,  768,  845,  846,  850,  852,  878, 
941,  942,  959,  970,  972,  973,  993,  1038, 
1040,  1041, 1062, 1081, 1165,  1166,  1192, 
1196,  1206,1217, 1218, 1266, 1653,  1660, 
1673,  1762,  1854,  1859,  1944, 1996,2253, 
2265,  2289, 2290, 2447,  2476,  2579,  2586, 
2607, 2743, 2771, 2772,  2881,  2892,  2914, 
3061-3077,3112,3178,3179,3181,3241, 
32437  3309, 3311,  3314, 3356,  3337,  3388, 
3423,  3463,  3517,  3518,  3520,  3522,  3527 

resolutions  by 5,  11, 

69,  1859,  1943,  2289,  2323,  3311 
remarks  on  the  Virginia  election  (McKenzieand 

Kitchen) 12,  46,  168,  526,  847,  849, 

850,  1673,  1675,  1676,  1677,  1678,  2424 
remarks  on  the  JVlassachusetts  election  (Sleeper 

and  Rice) 35, 

708,  942,  943,  949,  1119,  1120,  1121 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Carmack 

&  Ramsey 86,87 

remarks  on  Dakota  election. ..168, 184, 234,  235, 
236, 237, 238, 334, 2447, 2862, 2863, 2864, 
2887,  2889,  2890,2891,  2892,  2893,  2864 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No  122) 305, 

306,  308,  691,  893 

remarksontheLouisianaelection  (A.  P.  Field), 

332,  411,  414,  543,  545,  546,  547 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 574, 

680,  681,  684,  685,  686,  687 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XLVII 


Dawes,  Henry  L.,  a  Representative  from  Mas- 
sachusetts—  Continued. 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1038, 

1040,  1792,  1793 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1058,1059, 

1060,  2155,  2476,  2650,  2671,  2854, 

2855,  2856,  2857,  2d59,  2860,  2861 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory 

of  Montana 1168 

remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  bill.. ..1219 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Lon!;...1627 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1757,  1827, 
1853,  1876,  1880,  1881,  1882, 
1906,  1910,  1934,  1943,  2810 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 1800,  1801 

remarks  on  the  resolution  to  increase  i  he  duties 

on  imports 1856,  1857,  1858 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  with  regard  to  the  mili- 
tary  position    of   IVIr.   Blair,    of  Missouri, 
1859,  1860,1939,1940,  1942,  1943,1967, 
1969, 1970,  2031,  2908,3242,  3355,  3389 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  land  grants  in 

Louisiana 1884,  1885 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 21G4, 

2165,  2166,  2167,  2168,  2169,2270,  2359 

remarks  on  the  Virginia  election  (case  of  Se- 

gar)..  2311,2319,2320,2322,2323,2424,2425 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 2359 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman) 2538,  2715 

remarks  on  the  registration  of  voters 2607, 

2608,  2609,  2610 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Birch  and 

King) 2639,  2640,  2645,2646,  2650,  2681 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2681,2684 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2855,  2880 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..2938, 
3105,3113,3114,3115 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3273, 

3278,  3279,  3431,  3432, 3433, 3434, 3435 
remarks  on  the  Arkansas  represtiiitation...3389, 

3390,  3394 
Dawson,  John  L.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  218, 

258,  287,  581,  875,  1196,  1251,  1307, 
1336, 1429,  1495,  1909,  1942, 1964,  1972, 
2002,  2036,  2056,2263,2289,2427,  2509, 
2586,  2716,  2750,2775,2920,  3085,  3218, 
3278,  3463,  3468,  3521, 3522,  3525,  3537 

resolutions  by 258,  1251,  2289,  3085 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill...530,535,550 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 715 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 799 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill... 1226 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long...  1512, 

1630 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) .1918, 

1942,  3024,  3025 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1972,  1974 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  account  of 

James  Keenan 2264,  2265 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the   fugitive  slave 

laws 2775 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3266,  3267 
Deaf  and  dumb  and  the  blind — see  District  of 

Cohimbia. 
Dead  soldier,  resolution  and  report  in  relation  to 

a 1119,  1387,  1470 

Dearborn,  county  of,  Indiana,  and  the  county  of 

Hamilton,  Ohio,  bill  for  the  relief  of 20 

Debates,  bill  to  pay  in  part  for  the  published,  of 
Congress,  1782,  1814,  1875,  2297,  3536,  3537 
Decisions— see  Court;  Land  Office. 

Declaration  of  Independence  read 3538 

Defenses  of  the  northeastern  frontier,  select  com- 
mittee on  the I860,  1875 

instructions  to  the 2771 

report  from  the 3116 

Deficiencies,  joint  resolution  to  supply  in  part,  in 
the  appropriation  for  the  public  printing,  and 
to  supply,  in  the  appropriations  for  bounties 

for  volunteers 69,  71,  92,  93,  99 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Blaine '. 73 

Mr.  Brooks ,..69,  71,  72,  73,  75 

Mr.  Cox 72,  73,  74 

Mr.  Garfield 72 

Mr.  Harding 75 

Mr.  Holman, 69 


Deficiencies,  joint  resolution  to  supply  in  part,  in 
the  appropriation  for  the  public  printing  and  ; 
to  supply,  in  the  appropriations  for  bounties 
for  volunteers — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Kasson 73 

Mr.  Kellev 74 

Mr.  Kernan 74 

Mr.  Lovejoy 72,  73 

Mr.  Morrill 75 

Mr.  Schenck 72,  73 

Mr.  Spalding 73 

Mr.  Stevens 69,  71,  72,  74,  75 

Mr.  Strouse 69,  74 

yeas  and  nays  on   the 75 

bill  (No.  35)  to  provide  for,  in  the  appropriation 
for  the  pay  of  officers  and  men  actually 
employed  in  the  Western  department  or 

department  of  Missouri 38,  69, 

75,  88,  90,  92,  238,  263,  313 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Ashley 91 

Mr.  Blow 69, 70,  75,  88,  89,  90,  91 

Mr.  Boyd 89,  90 

Mr.  Cox 69,  70,  75,89,  90,  91 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Majybnd 90 

Mr.  Fen  ton 91 

Mr.  Harding 69,  91 

Mr.  Holman .....70,90,91 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania 91 

Mr.  Kasson 70 

Mr.  King G9,  89,  90 

Mr.  McClurg 38,  88,90,238 

Mr.  Odell 90 

Mr.  Stevens 69 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 91 

(See  J^aval  Hospital.) 
Deficiency — see  Pay. 

Deming,  Henry  C,  a  Representative  from  Con- 
necticut  21, 

150,   333,   448,   743,   759,   1010,    1194, 
1237, 1292,  1532,  1940,  2363,  3079,  3080 

resolutions  by 21,  448 

i-emarks  on  the  conscripiion  bill,  531,  575,  568 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 545 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 854 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroad  bill. ..1010, 
1165,  1166,  1237,  1262,  2253 
Denison,  Charles,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  v.: 21, 

259,  332, 1347, 2032,  2882,  3104, 3394,  3436 

resolutions  by .■ 20 

remarks  on  the  gold  bill 1124 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1821 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States.. 2039 

Department  of  Industry — see  Industry. 

Deposit,  bill  in  relation  to  the  village  of 2639, 

2773,  3357,  3399 
Depositors,  bill  to  facilitate  the  repayment  of,  at 

the  assay  office  in  New  York 3239 

Desertion,  bill  relating  to  proofs  of,  from  the  mili- 
tary service  of  the  United  States,  1827,  1848 
Des    Moines,  joint   resolution   granting   certain 
privileges  to  the  city  of,  in  the  State  of  Iowa, 
1386,  2910,  2920,  3016 

Dickson,  John,  bill  for  the  benefit  of 941, 

971,  1022,  1099 
Dictionary  of  Congress,  resolutions  relating  to 

the  purchase  of. 21,  623,  875,  970,  1532 

Diller,  Isaac  R.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 149, 

757    942   3471 
Dimmick,  Horace  E.,  bill  for  reliefof,  2526,'  3470 
Dismission  of  officers — see  Jlrmy. 
District  of  Columbia,  the  Committee  for  the. ..18 

instructions  to 35,  108,  1119, 

2030.  2207,  2290,  2575,  2777,  3021,  3112 

reports  from 232, 

233,494,  757,  942,  1387,  1396,  1468,  1469, 

■      1470,  1933,  2452,  2639,  2813,  2814,  2818, 

2833,  2880,  3060,  3061,  3062,  3266,  3389 

discharged  from  subjects 624 

District  of  Columbia,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  42)  to  enable 
guardians  and  committees  of  lunatics  ap- 
pointed in  the  several  States  to  act  within 

the 45,730,  971,  991 

bill  to  incorporate  the  Washington  City  Sav- 
ings Bank 148,  757,  805,  942,  991 

bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the  Washington 

and  Georgetown  Railroad  Company 149, 

2639,    2813,   2879,   3061,   3180, 

3186,3218,3311,3401,3407,3423 

bill  to   incorporate  the  Washington  Railway 

Company 196 


District  of  Columbia — Continued. 

bill  (No.  49)  relating  to  the  admission  of  pa- 
tients to  the  hospital   for  the  insane  in  the, 

266,  355,  372 

bill  to  incorporate  the  People's  Gas-Light  Com- 
pany in  the  city  of  Washington 331 

bill  to  authorize  the  construction  of  a  House  of 
Correction,  &c.,  in  the 331,  494 

bill  to  incorporate  the  Baltimore  and  Washing-  f 
ton  Depotand  Potomac  Ferry  Railroad  Com- 
pany  405,  2818,  2833 

bill  to  establish  justices'  courts  in  the 494 

bill  to  incorporate  the,  Railroad  Company,  495 

bill  (No.  255)  granting  certain  privileges  to  the 

Guardian  Society  of  the G68, 

1762,  34(16,  3423 

bill  to  authorize  the  construction  of  a  railroad 
in  the 707 

bill  (S.  No.  81)  to  appoi-tion  the  expenses  of 
the  levy  court  of  the  county  of  Washington 

upon  the  basis  of  population 738, 

805,  942,  991 

bill  (S.  No.  82)  concerning  notaries  public  of 
the 738,805,  1468,  1499 

bill  (No.  26)  to  provide  for  the  public  instruc- 
tion of  youth  in  the  county  of  WaRl\in£:ton, 
757,  805,  1933,  2813,  2814,'3207 

bill  (No.  79)  to  incorporate  the  Providence  hos- 
pital in  the  city  of  Washington 757, 

_  805,  1468,  1499 

bill  (No.  77)  to  amend  an  act  incorporating  the 

W"ashington  Gas-Light  Company 757, 

805,  2815 

bill  for  a  charter  of  a  Masonic  Hall  Associa- 
tion  798,1792 

bill  (S.  No.  86)  to  authorize  the  ap[K)intment 
of  a  warden  of  the  jail  in  the 805,  813 

bill  (No.  126)  to  amend  an  act  to  incorporate 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Washington, 
passed  May  15,1820 1118, 

1469,  1732,  1760,  1762,  2091 
bill  (S.  No.  163)  to  authorize  the  Columbia  In- 
stitution for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  and  the  Blind 
to  confer  degrees 1123,  1266,  1468,  1499 

bill  (No.  168)  providing  for  the  purchase  of  a 
steam  fire  engine,  1123, 1266, 1468, 1470, 1476 

bill  (No.  54)  to  incorporate  the  Metropolitan 

Railroad  Company  in  the... 1185,  1266,  3060, 

3079,  3080,  3115,  3139,  3397,  3401,  3428 

bill  (S.No.  155)  to  incorporate  the  Union  Gas- 

Light  Company  of  the 480, 

1185,  1266,  1469,  1492,  1499 

bill  supplementary  to  an  act  to  amend  an  act  to 
create  a  Metropolitan  police  department  of 
the,  and  to  establish  a  police  therefor. ...1261 

bill  authorizing  the  opening  of  Sixth  street 
west 1325,  2813 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  169)  authorizing  the  construc- 
tion of  a  penitentiary,  jail,  and  house  of  cor- 
rection in  and  for  the 1396, 

1470,  1473,  1476,  1491,  1492 
bill   to  incorporate   the  Home  for  Friendless 

Women  and  Children 1468, 

2639,  2693,  2880,  2938,  3016 
bill  making  an  appropriation  for  a  House  of 

Industry  in  the I6GO1 

bill  (No.  129)  to  amend  an  act  to  authorize  the 
corporation  of  Georgetown,  in  the,  to  lay  and 

collect  a  water  tax 1698,  1821,  2813 

bill   (S.  No.  138)  to   regulate  proceedings   in 

cases  between  landlords  and  tenants  in  the, 

1792,  3061,  3148,  3218, 

3239,  3479,  3524,  3535 

bill  to  authorize  the   bailiff  of  the   orphans' 

court,  in  the  county  of  Washington,  in  the, 

to  serve  process  issued  by  said  court. ..1934, 

2813,  3186 
bill  to  incorporate  a  Newsboys'  Home. ..2452, 

2607,  2613,  2672 
bill  to  amend  the  charter  of  the  ciiy  of  Wash- 
ington  2579,  2586,  2607,  2609,  2636 

joint  resolution  for  the  revision  of  the  Inws  of 

the 2609,3083 

joint  resolution  (No.  89)  as  to  the  sewerageand 
drainage  in  the  city  of  Washington...  2638, 

2833 

bill  to  extend  the  time  for  opening  bonks  of 

subscription  to  the  capital  stock  of  the  Union 

Gas-Light  Company  of  the 2771 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  extend  the  charter  of 
the   Alexandria   and  Washington    railroad, 

2777,  30G0,  3061 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  59)  to  provide  for  tlie 

revi-sion  of  the  laws  of  the 2795,  3062 


XLVIII 


mDEX  TO 


Elections,  bill  to  fix  the  time  for  holding,  foir 
Representatives  in  Congress  and  to  enable 
soldiers  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  to 

vote  for  said  officers 19,  108 

bill  to  prevent  officers  in  the  Army  and  Navy 
and  other  persons  engaged  in  the  military 
and  other  service  of  the  United  States  from 

interfering  in,  in  the  States 1098 

bill  (S.  No.  37)  to  prevent  officers  of  the  Army 
and  Navy,  and  other  persons  engaged  in  the 
military  or  naval  service  of  the  United  Slates 

from  interfering  in,  in  the  States 3423 

Electors,  joint  resolution  on  the  subject  of,  for 

President  of  the  United  States 2909 

Eliot,  Thomas  D.,  a  Representative  from  Massn- 

chusetts 35,  110,  148, 

164,  232,  282,  354,  427,  448,  467,  680, 
740,  759,  760,  772,  799,  844,  888,  892, 
895,  924,  939,  940,  972,  991,  1010,  1098, 
1099,  1219,  1236,  1289,  1290,  1335,  1370, 
1337,  1389,  1531,  1577,  2030,  2031,  2034, 
2132,  2170,  2232,  2249,  2253,  2264,  2265, 
228'J,  2359,  2391,  2428,  2456,  2606,  2743, 
2776,  2d37,  2838,  2880,  2962,  3077,  3105 
resolutions  by,  680,  909,  972,  1010,  1098,  1531 
remarks   on   the   bill   to  establish  a  Bureau  of 

Freedmen's  Affairs 19,  21,  88,  190, 

566,  570,  571,  572,  709,  710,  890, 
893,  894,  895,  909,  939,  3427,  3527 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 452, 

529,  530,  535,  597,  626 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 480 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  preventing  collisions  on 

the  water 1387,  1388,  1389 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill.. 1991, 

1992,  1993,  1994 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  case,  (Bruce 

and  Loan) 2168,2185,  2186,2187,2211 

remarks  on  reciprocity  treaty,  2476,2477,2478 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3267, 

*  3275,3317,3321 

Emancipation,  the  select  committee  on..l9,21,37 

instructions  to 527 

reports  from 88,  3527 

Emancipation,  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of... 19, 

21,  88,  190 
(See  Freedmen's  .Affairs.) 

bill  to  aid  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  carry  into  immediate  execution  the  proc- 
lamution  of,  of  January  1,  1863,  and  pro- 
hibiting^ the  holding  of  certain  persons  as 
slaves  in  all  that  portion  of  the  United  States 

designated  therein 20 

Emigraiitti!,  bill  to  provide  for  the  protection  of 
overlniid,  to  t^\e  States  and  Territories  of  the 

Pacific 149,  426,  888,  908,  920,  1012 

Engineer  corps — see  J^avy. 

Engineers — see  Army;    J^aval  Academy;    J^aval 

Constructors ;  Paymasters. 

English,  James  E.,  a  Representative  from  Con- 

■i  necticut....288,  1466,  2579,  3083,  3351,  3535 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3395 

Enlistment — see  Army. 

Enrolled  Bills,  the  Committee  on. ..18,  970,  2188 

reports  from 44,  93, 

173,  233,  263,  303,  333,  372,  431,  604, 
684,  735,  766,  776,  813,  875,  878,  890, 
920,  931,  972,  991,  1022,  1061,  1099, 
1101,  1121,  1143,  1147,  1254,  1273,  1284, 
1326,  1349,  1354,  1494,  1495,  1499,  1657, 
1678,  1715,  1737,  1791,  1967,  2031,  2057, 
2137,  2252,  2290,  2343,  2364,  2335,  2435, 
2448,  2482,  2508,  2541,  2579,  2613,  2636, 
2722,  2750,  2837,  2832,  2920,  2938,  2947, 
,  2995,  3018,  3060,  3061,  3078,  3083,  3104, 
3108,  3182,  3186,  3214,  3218,  3278,  3280, 
3318,  3351,  3354,  3.390,  3399,  3421,  3423, 
3424,  3428,  3463,  3464,  3472,  3479,  3517, 
3519,  3523,  3531,  3535,  3537,  3538,  3539 
Enrollment  and  license,  bill  to  exempt  certain 
vessels   therein  named  from,  and   from  the 

payment  of  tonnage  duties 1389 

(See  B.  F.  Davidson.) 
Enrollment — see  Army. 
Essex — see  Compensation. 

Evans,  Jane  B.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1694 

Examination  of  officers — see  Army. 
Executive  Departments,  bill  to  provida  that  the 
Secretaries  of,  may  occupy  seats  on  the  floor 

of  the  House  of  Representatives 467, 

526,  553,  1448,  2575 
Exemplifications — see  Land  Office. 
Expenditures    in    the   Interior  Department,   the 
Committee  on 18 


istrict  of  Columbia — Continued. 
bill  to  incorporate  the  National  Insurance  Com- 
pany of  Washington 2818,  3389 

bill  (No.  539)  to  incorporate  the  Foung Men's 
Christian  Association  of  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington  3103,  3112,  3207,  3239,  3352 

bill  (S.  No.  298)  to  incorporate  the  Potomac 

Ferry  Company 3180, 

3207,  3316,  3427,  3463 

bill  (S.  No.  321)  to  authorize  the  corporation 

of  Washington  to  levy  and  collect  the  direct 

tax    imposed    by  act   approved   August   5, 

1861 3180,  3428,  3463 

bill  (No.  115)  for  the  proper  organization  of 
the  levy  court  of  the  county  of  Washington, 

in  the 3180,  3207 

bill   to  establish  Colfax  street  in  the  city  of 

Washington 3207,  3432,  3464 

joint  resolution  amending  the  award  of  the  com- 
missioners under  the  act  of  the  16  th  of  April, 
1862,  for  the  release  of  certain  persons  held  to 
service  or  labor  in  the,  3207, 3239, 3280,3352 
bill  to  incoi'porate  the  Colored  Catholic  Benev- 
olent Society 3207,  3239,  3280,  3352 

bill  (No.  299)  authorizing  the  levy  court  of 
Washington  county,  in  the,  to  levy  and  col- 
lect its  portion  of  the  direct  tax  imposed  by 
the  act  of  Congress  of  August  5,  1861,  3208, 

3428,  3463 
joint  resolution  to  improve  the  grounds  of  the 

United  Stales  Insane  Asylum 3240 

joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  to  reclaim  and  preserve  certain  prop- 
erty of  the  United  States 3266 

bill  (No.  336)  to  amend  the  act  incorporating 
the  Wasliiiigton  Gas-Light  Company,  3397, 

3463,  3534,  3535 
bill  (S.  No.  271)  relating  to   the   law  of  evi- 
dence in  the 3407,  3463,  3479 

bill  to  constitute  a  Board  of  Health  for  the 

cities  of  Washington  and  Georgetown, 3424 

bill  (No.  91)  to  grant  titles  in  favor  of  parties 

actually  in  possession  of  lands  situated   in 

the 3432,3464,3523 

bill  (S.  No.  348)  for  the  supervision,  repairs, 

and  completion  of  the  Washington  aqueduct, 

3523,  3525,  3532,  3533,  3535 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  118)  for  the  relief 

of  sufferers  by  a  late  accident  at  the  United 

States  arsenal  in  Washington 3537 

DiXon,  Nathan  F.,  a  Representative  from  Rhode 

Island,... .1389 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill,  2062, 

2063 
Dobte,  Carlisle,  bill  for  the  relief  of...  2690,  3424 
Doll,  Aaron  T.,  bill  for  the  reliefof,  972,  2272, 2385 
Donaliue,  John    H.,    a    contumacious  witness, 

arrest  of. 1660 

Donation  claims — see  Public  Lands;   Washington. 
Donnelly,  Ignatius,  a  Representative  from  Min- 
nesota..'.  196,  743,  1010,  1174,  1884, 

1943,  2014,  2426,  2690,  2777,  3424,  3464 

resolutions  by 1010 

speech  on  immigration 856 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  railroad  grant,  2035, 

2036 
remarks  on    the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2036 

remarks     on    the    northern    Pacific    1-ailroad 

bill 2293 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2342 

Doorkeeper,  election  of 11 

Doran,  E.  C. — see  Accounts. 
Doughty,  William,  bill  (No.  293)   to  empower 
the  Superannuated  Fund  Society  of  the  Mary- 
land Annual  Conference  to  hold  property  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  take  a  devise 

under  the  will  of  the  late 2911 

Draft — see  Army. 

Driggs,  John  F.,  a  Representative  from  Michi- 
gan  14, 

38,  260, 273, 297,  406, 598,  623, 624,  692, 
875, 888, 935,  939, 1009, 1010, 1448, 1531, 
1652,  1660,  1679,  1736, 1886,  2036,2362, 
2471,2508,  2.509,2722,  2777,  2880,  3021, 
3060,  3061,  3104,  3243,3277,  3392,  3401, 
3424,  3434,  3469,  3515,  3520,  3523,  3533 

resolutions  by 38, 

406,  888,  1009,  1010,  1531,  2777 

remarks  on  the  homestead  bill 1190 

remarks  on  currency  bill  (No.  333),  1353, 1376 
remarks    on    the    Michigan   wagon   road    land 

grant 1885,  1886 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2744,2746 


Driggs,  John  F.,  a  Representative  from  Michi- 
gan— Continued. 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  spetiulations  in 

gold 2793 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2812 

.remarks    on    the    Washington    city    railroad 

bill 2814,2815 

Dumont,  Ebenezer,  a  Representative  from  Indi- 
ana  707,  757,  877,  878,  909,  1217, 

1220,  1236,  1286,  1324,  1468,  1469,  1470 

resolutions  by 877,  909 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold. ...732,  739 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

oftheCourt  of  Claims '.....917,918 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1059,  1060 

remarks  on  the  conduct  of  the  war 1070 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill,  1285, 

1497 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill 1468, 

1470,  1472,  1473 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... .1554 
Duties — see  Arms;  Revenue. 

E. 
Eckley,   Ephraim    R.,    a    Representative    from 

Ohio 20,  117,  918, 

1290,  1634,  1848,  3516,  3535,  3536,  3537 

resolutions  by 1848 

remarks  on  the  rebellion 1300 

Eden,  John  R.,  a  Representative  from  Illinois, 
895,  940,  1514,  1652,  2612,  3472,  3539 

resolutions  by 3472 

.speech  on  the  reconstruction  of  the  Union,  858 
Edgerton,  Joseph  K.,a  Representative  from  In- 
diana  45,  261,  333,  405,  406,  577,  660 

resolutions  by 45,  261,  332 

remarks  on  confiscation 406 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2985 

Eldridge,  Charles  A.,  a  Representative  from  Wis- 
consin  316,  399,  427,  495,  508, 

527,  547 ,  566,  707,  743,  756,  875,  879, 887, 
909,  920,  1167,  1196,  1217,  1223,  1326, 
1407,  1408,  1472,  1476,  1504,  1519,  1530, 
.  1679,  1695,  1703,  1733,  1734,  1762,  1860, 
1884,  1909,  2034,  2108,  2212,  2290,  2333, 
2452,  2609,  2613,  2771,  2775,  2809,  2880, 
2890,2893,2996,  3061,  3079,  3115,  3140, 
3245,  3272,  3314,  3401,  3407,  34-39,  3468, 
3516,  3518,  3532,  3533,  3536,  3537,  3538 
resolutions  by. ..427,  495,  527,  909,  1217,  2290 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 272, 

667,  690,  893 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 451,  452, 

477,  532,  549',  550,  576,  577,  580,  628,  767, 
3148,  3271,  3283,  3316,  3463,  3466,   3525 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 707, 

737,  738,  931 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral officers 997,  1150,  1152 

remarks  on  currency  bill,  1339, 1340, 1341, 1342, 
1350,  1380,  1381,  1390,  1392,  1400,  1401, 
1402,  1414,  1430,  1681,  1697,   2435,   2450 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long. ..1557, 
1577,  1578,  1589,  1591,  1593,  1600, 
1601,  1602,  1606,  1625,  1630,  1634 
remarks  on  the  resolution  temporarily  increas- 
ing duties 1855 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1790, 

1820,  1910,  1935,  1942,  1959,  2997,  3001 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill  ...1998, 

1999,  2001 
remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  2613,  2978 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election. ..2645,  2646 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill .2690,  2719 

remarks  oh   the  repeal  of  the   fugitive   slave 

laws , 2775,2919 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election,  (Knox  and 

Blair) 2858,2859 

remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 2936 

Election,  bill  to  provide  for  the,  of  Representa- 
tives in  Congress  from  the  States  of  Tennes- 
see and  Louisiana 19 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  78)  providing  for 
the,  of  a  member  of  Congress  for  the  State  of 
Illinois  by  the  State  at  large,  2290, 2343,  2426 

Elections,  the  Committee  of. 18 

instructions  to 108 

reports  from 108,  184,  332, 

426,526,595,708,1453,  1491,  1673,  2155, 

2265,  2269,  2424,  2447,  2639,  2881,  2908, 

3104,  3178,  3179,  3241,  3242,  3388,  .3527 

discharged  from  subjects 2215 


THE  OOJSTGRESSIOJSrAL  GLOBE. 


XLTX 


Expenditures  in  thcNavy  Deparimont,  the  Com- 
mittee oil 18 

Expenditures  in  the  Post  Office  Department,  the 

Committee  on 18 

Expenditures  on  the  Public  Buildings,  the  Com- 
mittee on 18,  148 

Expenditures  in  tiie  State  Department,  the  Com- 
mittee on 18 

Expenditures  in  the  Treasury  Department,  the 

Committee  on 18 

Expenditures  in  the  War  Department,  the  Com- 
mittee on 18 

Expenses  in  outfit  of  troops — see  Claims;  Militia. 
Expulsion,   resolution   for   the,   of  Alexander 

Long,  a  Representative  from  Ohio 1505, 

1533,  1577,  1618 
resolution  for  the,  of  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  a 

Representative  from  Maryland 1516, 

1518,  1532,  1577 
F. 
Farnsworth,  John  P.,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois  6,  23,  36,  94,  100, 

109, 128, 165,  196,  269,  261,  333,  354,  355, 
414,  426, 459,  479,  507,  508,  595,  625,  706, 
713,  799, 875,  876,  909,  920,  927,  939,  941, 
970,  971,  972,  998,  999,  1013,  1036,  1038, 
1142,  1165,  1166,  1195.  1225,  1531,  1784, 
1793,  1794,  1831,  1854,  1886,  2001,  2030, 
2057,  2090,  2107,  2108,  2155,  2214,  2385, 
2391,  2448,  2453,  2508,  2509,  2579,  2639, 
2772,  2776,  2811,  2813,  2835,  2836,  2866, 
2880,  2881,  3028,  3139,  3141,  3142,  3143, 
3156,  3242,  3310,  3316,  3357,  3402,  3423, 
3436,  3464,  3471,  3515,  3523,  3525,  3530 

resolutions  by 23, 

36,  411,  426,  1531,  2090,  2650,  3310 
remarks  on  bill  to  continue  bounties. ..109,  110 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 237, 

2865,  2882,  2883,  2884,  2885 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 398, 

433,  479,530,  531,  532,  535,  548,  550,  575, 
578,  579,  580,  598,  603,  604,  605,  626,  687 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 333,428 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156).. .978, 980 
remarks    on   the   Washington    military  road 

grant 998,  1010,  1011 

remarks   on   providing  for  soldiers'  clothing 

lost 1011 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral oflicers 1149,  1150,  1151,  1154 

remarks   on   purcliasing  the  Annals  of  Con- 
gress  1193,  1194,  1195 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1225, 
2001,  2471,  2472,  2475- 
remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Love- 
joy 1327 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1756, 1835, 

1849,  1850,  1854,  1875,  1878, 

1917,  1934,  1936,  1937,  1941 

•■remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  Pennsylvania 

virar  claims,  1793, 1794, 1796, 1802, 2132, 2138 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  eleciion  (Birch  and 

.  King) 2645,  2646,  2650,  2881,  2882 

remarks  on  the   repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

law 2919,2920 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2977, 

2978,  2980 
remarks  on  the  bill   to  provide  for  claims  for 

rebellion  lo.'sses... 3058,  3059,  3060 

remarks  on  conscription  bill, 3147,  3148,3272, 

3278,  3282,  3283,  3432,  3433,  3435,  3436 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Mary  A. 

Baker.. 3422 

Past  day:  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  74)  requesting 
the  President  to  appoint  a  day  for  national 

humiliation  and  prayer 3463,  3479 

Pees,  bill  (S.  No.  296)  in  relation  to  the,  and 
emoluments  of  the  marshal,  attorney,  and 
clerk  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  District  of 

Columbia 2995,3014,3239,  3311 

Fenton,  Reuben  E.,  a  Representative  from  T^few 

^ork 11,  12,  14,  15,  45,  71,  94,  95,  100, 

148,  149, 150,  260,  331, 333,  426,  445,  446, 
4G7,  706,  714,  756,  760,  763, 768, 805,  826, 
846,  879,  888,  940,  949,  1144,  1152,  1167, 
1218,  1219,  1251,  1255,  1232.  1589,  1652, 
1673,  1679,  1829,  1848,  1909,  1942,  1943, 
2002,  2090,  2132,  2195,  2214,  2269,  2271, 
2272,  2453,  2454,  2509,  2510,  2526,  2579, 
2607,  2694,  2716,  2726,  2751,  2771,  2775, 
2776,  2777,  2880,  2910,  3017,  3104,  3148, 
3207,  3239,  3400,  3407,  3430,  3431,  3462, 
3463,  3468,  3514,  3515,  3516,  3536,  3538 

38TII  Cong. — 1st  kSess, 


Ponton,  Reuben  E.,  a  Representative  from  New 
Yoric — Ccmlinned. 
resolutions  by... .100,  150,  445,  888,  1673,  1848 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  35) 91 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  facilitate  th(>  payment  of 

bounties 446,  447,  448 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 931 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 1167, 

1168,2265 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  appropria- 
tion bill 1219, 1220,  1243,  1265,  1266 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long...  1589, 

1625,  1626,  1634 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395). ...1681, 

1682,  2447,  2448 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1821, 

1824,   1835,   1851,   1883,   1903,    1904, 

1905, 1908, 1936, 2810,  2996,  2998,  3021 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill. ..2339 

reiparks  on  the  tariff  bill,  2722,2744, 2749,2750 

remarks  on  the  repeal   of  the   fugitive    slave 

laws 2775,  2936 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 2938, 

2939,  3109 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  claims  for  re- 
bellion losses 3055,  3050,  3057,  3058 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill. 3186,  3214 

remarks  on  western  navy-yard  bill. ..3244,  3245 

Field,  A.  P.,  remarks  in  support  of  his  claim  to 

a  seatfrom  Louisiana,  412,  413,  414,  543,  544 

Field,  C.  J.,  and  C.  P.  Clay,  bill  for  the  relief 

of 2526,  3470 

Financial  statement,  joint  resolution  directing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  furnish  a  semi- 
monthly, of  the  condition  of  the  Government 
during  each  session  of  Congress  and  monthly 

during  the  recess^ 19 

Pinck,    William    E.,    a     Representative     from 

Ohio 21,196,260, 

376,  798,  799,  805,  825,  836,  843,  844,  846, 
1532,  2002,  2253,  2723,  2772,  2911,  3436 

resolutions  by 21,  846 

speech  on  confiscation 399 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill ...,432,  433 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in  the 

southern  States 845 

remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Captain 

Henry  Walke ....u....  1349 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long.  ...1552 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405).. .1939,  1942 
Fire  engine — see  District  of  Columbia^ 
Fisk,  Almond  D.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  tlie  heirs 

of. 1061,  1118,  2272,  3311 

Fitch,  Richard,  bill  (S.  No.  319)  to  authorize  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  issue  a  land  war- 
rant to .....3142,  3428 

Fitzgerald,  Daniel,  and  Jonathan  Ball,  bill  for  the 

relief  of i;.2293,  3014 

Floating  batteries,  joint  resolution  (No.  95)  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  amend 
the  contract  with  John  Ericsson  for  the  con- 
struction of  two  impregnable,  the   Dictator 

and  the  Puritan 3081,  3208,  3217 

Ford,  Joseph,  bill  confirming  the  titleof,to  certain 
lands  in  Rice  county,  Minnesota. ...624,  1678 

Foreign  Affairs,  the  Committee  on .\ 18 

instructions  to.... 261 

reports-from 44,  757,  1166. 

1217,  1408,  1495,  2264,  3207,  3239,  3309 

discharged  from  subjects * 2880 

Forfeited  estates — see  Homesteads. 
Fortifications,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  207)  making  ap- 
propriations for  the  construction,  preserva- 
tion, and  repairs  of  certain,  and  other  works 
of  defense  for  the  yearending  June  30, 1865, 

and  for  other  purposes 494, 

2090,  2995,  3314,  3404,  3468,  3472,  3530 
Fort  Pillow,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  65)  di- 
recting the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the 
war  to  examine  into   the  recent  attack  on, 
1679,  1695,  1715,  1815,  2139,  2169,  2196 
Foundery,  bill  to  establish  a  national,  in  the  coal 


and  iron  region  of  Pennsylvania. 


.480 


Pox,  Esther  P.,  bill  granting  pension  to 940 

France,  J.  and  E.,biil  for  the  relief  of. 1097 

Frank,  Augustus,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 36,  509,  629,  631,  998, 

1291,  1378,  2029,  3017,  3241,  3516,  3525 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1817. 

1818,  1836,  1848,  1850,  1876,  1877 
(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2810 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3109, 

3396,  3399 

D 


Franked  matter,  4jill  in  relation  to 2526,  2579 

Frauds,  bill  for  the  prevention  and   |)uni,shinent 

of,  in  relation  to  names  of  vessels 1283, 

1903,  2030,  2057 
Freedmen,  bill  to  protect,  and  to  punish  any  one 

for  enslaving  them 20 

Preedmen's  Affairs,  bill  (H.R.No.5])  to  estab- 
lish a  Bureau  of 19,  21,  88,  190, 

566,  708,  740,  760,  772,  799,  825,  888,890, 
893,  895,  909,  927,  939,  3397,  3427,  3527 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brooks 190,  3527 

Mr.  Clay..... 570,  571 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 713,  740 

Mr.  Cox 566, 

573,  708,  709,  710, 711 ,  712,  713, 894, 909 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 825 

Mr.  Dawson 799 

Mr.  Eliot 19, 

21,  88,  190,  566,  570,  571.  572,  709,  710, 
890,  893,  894,  895,  909,  939,  3427,  3527 

Mr.  GrinncU 709 

Mr.  Harding 712 

Mr.  Holman 190,  566,  571,  3427 

Mr.  Kalbfieisch 190,  566,  572,  760 

Mr.  Kelley ....772 

Mr.  Kernan, 893 

Mr.  Knapp 571,  888 

Mr.  Mallory 571,  895,909 

Mr.  Pendleton 890 

Mr.  Price ....709,  888 

Mr.  Stevens 571 

Mr.  Wadsworth 893,  894 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  711,  712,  713 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 895 

(See  Mandoned  Lands.) 

Fuel,  bill  to  enable  persons  in  the  civil  service  to 

purchase,  and  subsistence  stores  from  the 

commissary  department  at  cost. ...2639,  3139 

Fugitive  slave  law,  bills  to  repeal  the,  19,  20,  520 

Fugitive  slaves,  bill  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave  act 

of  1850  and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  for  the 

rendition  of. 2774-, 

2910,  2911,  2936,  3080,  3352 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Ancona 2775,  2776,  2936 

Mr.  Arnold 2936 

Mr.  Ashley 2918 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 2914, 

2915,  2916 

Mr.  Blaine 2915, 2916, 2919 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 2915 

Mr.  Cox 2774,2775,  2911,  2913, 

2914,  2915,  2916,2917,  2918,  2919,  2920 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 2775 

Mr.  Dawes 2914 

Mr.  Dawson 2775 

Mr.  Deming 3080 

Mr.  Eldridge 2775,  2919 

Mr.  Farnsworth... 2919,  2920 

Mr.  Fenton 2775,  2936 

Mr.  Ganson 2775 

Mr.  Garfield 2774 

Mr.  Harding 2775 

Mr.  Higby 2916,  2917 

Mr.  Holman 2774,2775 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Connecticut 2913, 

2914   2920 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  New  York .'.2936 

Mr.  King 2911 

Mr.  Littlejohn 2920 

Mr.  Mallory 2774,  2775 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 2774, 

2775,  2910,  2911,  2916,  2919,  2920 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 2919 

Mr.  Pendleton 2775 

Mr.  Scofield '. 2920 

Mr.  Sloan 2917,  2919 

Mr.  Strouse 2775 

Mr.  Wilson 2774,  2775,  2776,  2911 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2774,  2920 

Fuller,  Daniel,  bill  for  the  relief  of 331 

G. 

Galbraith,  Thomas  J.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2033, 

3357,  3431,  3479 

Ganson,  John,  a  Representative  from  New  York, 
21,  188,  282,  434,  502,  976,  997,  1290, 
1291,  1337,  1491,  1532,  1589,  1696, 
1943,  1970,  2090,  2091,  2333,  2481, 
2502,  2527,  2671,  2775,  2776,  2793, 
2836,  3179,  3241,  3309,  .3311,  3357, 
3404,  3407,  3424,  3521,  3529,  3530,  3533 
resolutions  by 188,  410,  3357,  3407,  34^4 


INDEX  TO 


Ganaon,  John,  a  Representative  from  New  York 
— Continued. 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 184, 

235,  937,  238,  2887,  2891 
remarks  on  tlie  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsyl- 
vania war  claims 186,  1794,  1796,  2133 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 218 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 433,  434, 

531,  574,  577,  578, 579,  626,  3147, 3317,  3434 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 545 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 683,  684 

remarks  on  the   Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1059, 

2671,  2855,  2857,  2858,  2859,  2861 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1342, 

1343,  1430,  1681,  1682,  2323,  2639 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1761, 

1788,  1819,  1820,  1821,  1823, 
1824,  1838,  1850,  1876, 1879,,  1883, 
1884,  1903,  1907,  1915, 1916, 1917, 
1935,  1941,  2997,  3001,  3027,  3277 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill ...  1992, 

1996,  2001 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2132,2139, 

2155,  2156,  2157,  2158,  2164,  2166,  2170 
remarks  on   the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mer- 
cantile Insurance  Company 2267,  2269 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2748 

remarks  on   the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

lav/s 2775 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2788,2789 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2995 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3108, 

3114 
remarks  on  the  loan  bill,  3183,  3187,  3216,  3218 

Gardner,  John  L.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 148 

Garfield ,  James  A . ,  a  Representative  from  Oh io,  5, 
127, 197,  213, 261, 414,  471,  731,  878,  1011, 
1012,  1253,  1290,  1291,  1325,  1371,  1453, 
1466,  1829,  1848,  1887,  1909,  1964,  1972, 
1995,  2195,  2323,  2361,  2386.  2433,  2452, 
2509,  2510,  2690,  2694,  2695,  2722,  2771, 
2772,  2774,  2776,  2909,  3105,  3139,  3140, 
3141,  3428,  3462,  3468,  3517,  3522,  3533 

resolutions  by 5,  197,  261, 

878,  1325,  1466,  1909,  1968,  1972,  1990 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 72 

remarks  on  bill  to  continue  bounties.  .109,  110 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 285, 

286,  313,  935 

remarks  on  confiscation 403,  404,  405 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. .398,  477,  478, 
479,  528,  529,  530,  531,  533,  534, 
535,  550,  552,  574,  576,  577,  578, 
603,  604,  606,  626,  627,  628,  687, 
3148, 327] ,  3279,  3281, 3465, 3467,  3524 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 428,  429,  431 

remarks  on  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  Gen- 
eral Thomas * 723 

remarks  on  sale  of  surplus  gold. .733,  734, 1126 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in 

the  southern  States 846 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral officers 1152,  1153,  1154 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill .  .1264, 

1265, 1371,  2254 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1359 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  in  reply  to 

Mr.  Long 1503,  1504,  1505 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Lono-    1507 
1508,  1509,  1514,  1515,  1541,  1543,  1586 
remarks  relating  to  a  correspondence  with  the 

rebels 1504,  1733,  1734,  2094,  2095 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405)....       1850 

,     .               1852,  1854,  2996,"  3055 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  in  relation  to  the  Treas- 
ury Department jggg 

1972,  1990,  1991,  3423,'  3468 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill.  .1995 
,       .          2471,2472,2473 
remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 2133, 

,       ,  2134 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 2265 

,     ,                        2266,2741,2742 
remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2724, 

2725,  2741',  2f42 
remarks  on  repeal  of  fugitive  slave  law. ...2774 
remarks  on   the  bill   to  provide  for  chums  for 

rebellion  lo.sses 305g   3059 

remark.s  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  H    C    Do 

Ahnn ?]41,  3142 


Garrard,  T.  T.,  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief 
of. 3423,  3471 

Gas-Light  Company,  bill  (S.  No.  77)  to  cuncnd 
the  act  incorporating  the  Washington. ..757, 

805,  2815 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Baxter 2817,  2818 

Mr.  Beaman 2318 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York..2815, 2817,  2818 

Mr.  Patterson 2815,  2816,  2817 

Mr.  Starr 2817 

Mr.  Tracy 2815 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois...  .2817,  2818 

Mr.  Wilson 2817 

Gates,  Horace,  bill  for  relief  of,  3470,  3471,  3536 

General  Land  Office — see  Land  Office. 

General   officers,    unemployed,  joint   resolution 

(No.  49)  to  drop  from  the  rolls  of  the  Army, 

574,  996,  1148,  1164,  1652,  2215,  2235 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J. C 1154 

Mr.  Ashley 1154,  1652 

Mr.  Cox 996, 

997,  998,  1148,  1149,  1150,  1151,  1652 

Mr.  Eldridge ...997,  1150,  1152 

Mr.  Farnsworth....ll49,  1150,  1151,  1154 

Mr.  Fenton 1152 

Mr.  Ganson 997 

Mr.  Garfield 1152,  1153, 1154 

Mr.  Herrick 1150 

Mr.  Holman 996,  998 

Mr.  Kernan 997,  998, 1148,  1149, 1151, 

1152, 1153,  1154,  2235,  2236,  2237,  2238 

Mr.  Mallory 2236,  2237 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania... .1150,  1151 

Mr.  Pendleton 1150,  1154,  2238 

Mr.  Schcnck 996,  997,  998,  1148, 1154, 

1164, 1165,  2215,  2235,  2236,  2237,  2238 

Mr.  Smith 1148,  1149,  1152 

Mr.  Voorhees 996,  998 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1165,  2238 

Geological  survey — see  J^ew  Mexico. 

Gerhardt  and  Stevens,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2271 

Gilbert  &  Gerish,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3537 

Glen,  bill  to  indemnify  the  owners  of  the  British 

schooner 233,  602,  604,  658 

Gold,  joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  to  sell  any  surplus,  in  the 

Treasury 706,  707,  715, 

731,  733,  738,  763,  768,  927,  931,  994, 
1063,  1099,  1122,  1129,  1144,  1150,  1152 

bill  to  regulate  contracts  for 730,  2773 

bill  to  prevent  an   accumulation  of  surplus,  in 

the  Treasury  of  the  United  States 874 

bill  (No,  106)  to  prohibit  certain  sales  of,  and 

foreign  exchange 1635, 

1658,  1695,  1814,  2690,  2694,  2726, 
2743,  2788,  2793,  2936,  2937,  2995 
bill  (No.  325)  to  repeal  the  act  of  the  17th  June, 
1864,  prohibiting  the  sale  of,  and  foreign  ex- 
change  3464,  3468,  3479 

Gooch,  Daniel  W.,  a  Representative  from  Mas- 
sachusetts...215,  313,  1375,  2057,  2139,  3244 

resolution  by 2J39 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  133 
remarks  on  Army  appropriation  bill,  1222, 1223 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2069,  2108 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2746,2747 

Goodloe,  Green  Clay, joint  resolution  in  relation 

to 2290,  2333,  2343,  2426 

Goods,  bill  to  repeal  so  much  of  the  aet  approved 
March  3,  1845,  and  of  August  6,  1846,  as 
authorize  the  transportation  of,  imported 
from  foreign  ports  through  the  United  States 
to  the  Canadas  or  from  the  Canadas  through 

the  United  States  to  foreign  countries 526 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  230)  to  extend  the  time  for  the 
withdrawal  of,  from  public  stores  and  bonded 

warehouses 658,  836,  875,  888 

bill  (No.  282)  to  amend  an  act  to  extend  the 
time  for  the  withdrawal  of,  from  public  stores 
and  bonded  warehouses,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses,  approved    29th    of  February,    1864, 

2879,  2920,  2995 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.No.  68)  authorizing  the 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  release  certain, 

from  the  payment  of  duties,  3218,  .3316,  3354 

Government,   bill  to  guaranty  to  certain  States 

whose  governments  have  been   ustirped   or 

overthrown  a  republican  form  of 259,  668, 

1243,  1737,  1764,  1970,  1972,  2002, 
2030,  2063,  2095,  2132,  3518,  3.535 
(See  Military  Governments.) 


Grant,  Major  General  Ulysses  S. — see  Thanks  of 

Congress. 
Grants — see  Public  Lands. 

Gratz,  Benjamin,  bill  for.  the  relief  of,  1494,  2272 
Green,  Warren  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... .1698, 

2694,2741 

Grider,  Henry,a  Representative  from  Kentucky, 

22,  46,  148,  260,  261,  509,  772, 

1407,   1514,   2476,  2671,  2835 

resolutions  by 22,  260,261 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 912,916,  918 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union — see  Appen- 
dix. 
Grinnell,    Josiah    B.,    a    Representative    from 

Iowa 14,  39, 

45,  95,  99,  117,  196,  197,  273  427,  467, 
495,  526,  527,  659,  660,  709,  743,  811, 
849,  878,  879,  909,  935,  970,  971,  981, 
1044,  1096,  1121,1325,1357,1.359,  1409, 
1427,  1532,  1653,  1860,2030,2062,2108, 
2170,  2290,  2426,  2586,  2012,  2640,2813 

resolutions  by 39,  45, 

427,  743,  1096,  2290,  2426 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 268, 

269,  307,  663,  667,  668,  669,  778 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 334, 

335,  337,  340,  992,  993 

remarks  on  the  co'nscription  bill 548, 

550,  576,  629 
remarks  on  printing  the  agricultural  report,  927 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 953,  1076 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 
1021,  1041,  1043,  1044 
remarks  on  right  of  soldiers  to  vote,  1080,  1081 
remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Owen    Love- 
joy 1330 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1342, 

1353,  1377,  1393,  1397,  1401,  1681 

remarks  on  the  penitentiary  bill 1474,  1493 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... 1582, 

1584,  1591,  1599,  1600, 1601, 1602,  1626 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1757, 1758, 

1759,  1761,  1787,  1815,  1818, 

1819,  1820,  1826,  1834,  1835, 

1852,  1853,  1854,  1876,  1877 

remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on  imports. 1856 

remarks  on  the  Iowa  land  grant 1886,  1887 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2166,2208 

remarks  on  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill,  2295 
remarks  on  the  Indian  a[)propriation  bill,  2339, 

2340 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2370 

■    remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

andYeaman) 2.582,2715 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2684,  2718 

Griswold,  John  A.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 908,  1098,  1349,  1943,  2363, 

3084,  3247,  3390,  3423,3464,  3470,  3527 

resolutions  by 908,  1098,  1943,  3465 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 150 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill,  828, 831 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1122 

remarks  on  currency  bill,  1288, 1377, 1390, 1392 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1822, 

1826,  1833,  1838,  1877,  1882,  1936 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..2474 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2717,  2749 

Guardian  Society — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Guerrillas,  bill  to  provide  for  the  more   speedy 
punishment  of...  1848, 2333, 2509, 2578,  2771, 
2815,  3462,  3479,  3519,  3523,  3530,  3531 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  408)  for  the  relief  of  postmas- 
ters who  have  been  robbed  by  the  confed- 
erate forces  or  rebel 1660,  1818,  1995 

Gunboats,  joint  resolution  for  the  relief  of  the 
contractors  for  machinery  of  the  side-wheel, 
known  as  double-enders....2575,  3208,  3428 

H. 

Habeas  corpus,  joint  resolution  explanatory  of 
the  first  section  of  an  act  relating  to 38 

Hale,  James  T.,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania   87, 

128,  218,313,  355,  356,  446,  495,  605,  623, 
757,  940,941,  942,  1061,  1236,  1286,  1287, 
1289,  1290,  1335,  1494,  2269,  2270,  2271, 
2272,  2273,  2385,  2386,  2387,  2388,  2526, 
2527,  2690,  2751,  2787,  2818,  2855,  2856, 
2861,  3053,  3054,  3000,  3079,  3103,  3239, 
331],  3357,  340],  3423,  3424,  3468,  3469, 
3470,  3471,  3515,  3518,  3519,  3523,  3525 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


XI 


Hale,  James  T.,  a  Representative  from  reniisyl- 
vatiia — Cuniinucd. 

resolutions  by 128 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  facilitate  tiie  payment  of 

bounties 447,  448 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1041,  1043 
remarkson  the  agricultural  colleges  bill. ..1285, 

1286,  1496,  1498 
remarks  on  currency  bill,  1352, 1390, 1391, 1392 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1758, 

1791,  2999 
remarks  on  Indian  appropriation  bill, 2342, 2343 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Josiah  O. 

Armes 2388,  2389,  2390,  2391 

remarks  on  the  bill  repealing  the  act  for  the 

rehefof  E.  F.  and  S.  A.  Wood 2G93, 

2838,  2839,  2840,  2841,  2842 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2717 

remarks  on  the  Washington  city  railroad  bill, 

2814,2815 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  claims  for 

rebellion  losses 3055, 

305C,  3057,  3058,  3059,  3060,  3079 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3109, 

3113,3114,3115 
Hall,  Chapin,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  313,  757,  759 
Hall  of  the  House,  old,  joint  resolution  in  rela- 
tion to  the 99,  110 

Hall,  William  A.,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
souri  14,331 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 2135 

Harbor,  bill  to  improve  Chicago 526 

Harbors  on  the  lakes,  bill  in  relation  to  the  repair 

of  the 250.1 

Harding,   Aaron,  a  Representative  from   Ken- 
tucky  20,  22, 

75,  149,  260,  372,  659,  681,  682,  706,  712, 
843, 909, 122G,  1290, 1291, 1660, 1993, 2030, 
2775,  3077,  3516,  3518,  3522,  3525,  3534 

resolutions  by 22,  260,  706,  2029 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35) 69,  91 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill... 601, 

602,  627,  628,  629 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 772 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 852 

remarks  on  the  policy  of  the  Administration, 

1307 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  A.  S.Clark, 

1494,  1495 
remarks  on  the  restoration  of  the  rebellious 

States 2029 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims .2134,  2135,  2137 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election,  2538,  2579 
remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the    fugitive   slave 

law , ...2775 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2909, 

V  3147,  3433,  3434,  3435,  3466,  3525 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  citizens  of 

Indiana  and  Ohio 3426,  3427 

Sarrington,  Henry  W.,  a  Representative  from 

Indiana 45,  127,  261,  332,  427, 

459,  480,  991,  1119,  1261,  1284,  1370, 
1387,  1451,  1466, 1530, 1531 ,  1673, 1682, 
1827,  2646,  2771,  3060,  3309,3311,  3531 

resolutions  by 45,  332,  1119,  3311 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 304,  306 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 601, 

603,  606,  687 

remarks  on  violated  pledges 1302 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1545, 
1589,  1590,  1591,  1600,  1602 
Harris,  Benjamin  G.,  a  Representative  from  Ma- 
ryland  1964,1993 

remarks  on  conscription  bill,  598,  599,  600,603 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1221 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1515, 
1516,  1545,  1601, 1625 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2193,2194,2195- 

resolution  for  the  expulsion  of. 1516, 

1518,  1532,  1577 
resolution  for  the  censure  of. 1518, 

1532,  1577, 1618 
remarks  on  thp,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1518,  1519 

Mr.  Ancona ....1518, 1519 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 1519 

Mr.  Cox 1517,  ]5i8 

Mr.  Eldridge 1519 

Mr.  Holman 1519 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania 1516 


Harris,  Benjamin  G.,  a  Representative  from  Ma- 
ryland, resolution  for  the  censure  of — Con- 
tinued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Mallory 1517,  1518 

Mr.  Myers,  A 1516 

Mr.  Pendleton 1518,  1519 

Mr.  Schcnck 1517,  1518,  1519 

Mr.  Smith 1519 

Mr.  Thayer , 1516,  1519 

Mr.  Tracy... •.,. 1516, 1517 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1516, 

1517,  1518,  1519 

Mr.  Wilson 1518 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1518,  1519 

Harris,  Charles  M.,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois  875,  1236,  1290,  1291,  2995 

resolutions  by 480,  875,  1236 

Hastings,  David  H.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..3394 

Hastings,  John,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3479, 

3523  3524   3525 
Haun,  C.  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of....!.227l!  3407 

Hawes,  M.  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3139 

Huzzard,  Mrs.  Mary  E.,  bill  for  relief  of... 1220, 

1236,  1262 
Helfenstein,  bill  to  change  the  name  of  the  brig, 

196,  1389 
Henry,  William  S.,  bill  for  therelicf  of  the  heirs 

of ....19 

Herrick,   Anson,   a   Representative   from    New 

York 150,  756,940, 

1150,  2434,  2694,  2771,  2995,  2996,  3A36 

resolutions  by 150,  2771 

remarks  on  policy  of  the  Administration,  1295 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2615 

Heywood,  Joseph  L.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3516 
Hichborn,  Charles  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3208, 

3428,  3539 
Higby,  William,  a  Representative  from  Califor- 
nia  331,  354,  355,  527,  623,  668,  719, 

743,  843,  908,  940,  1011,  1196,  1216,  1290, 
1291,  1387,  1396,  1545,  1577,  1964,  2090, 
2166,  2252,  2695,  2787,  2794,  3054,  3060, 
3112,  3115,  3155,  3388,  3389,  3402,  3434 

resolutions  by 527,  139*,  1577 

remarks  on  the  conscription  lull 535,  602 

remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill. ..826,  834 

retnarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1104, 

1144,  1146 

remarks  on  the  homstead  bill 1190 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1374 

remarks  on  the  charges  agaiiist  Mr.  Blair,  of 

Missouri 1396,  1827,  1S28,  1830, 

1831,  1959,  1960,  1964,  1965,  1966,  1967 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1833, 

1834,  1850,  1914,  1915,  1941,  3026 
remarks  on  the  bill  granting  homesteads  on  for- 
feited estates 2252 

remarks  on  the  bill  regulating  the  carriage  of 

passengers... 2836,  2837 

remarks  on   the  repeal  of  tiie  fugitive  slave 

laws 2916,  2917 

remarks  on  abolition  of  slavery 2939,  2943 

Hoffman,  Ida,  bill  for  relief  of...2639, 3427, 3463 
Holden,  F.  A.,  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief  of, 

623,  759,  942,  2273 
Holman,  William  S.,  a  Representative  from  In- 
diana  5,  6,  11,  13,  14,  19,  20, 

2],  22,  23,  35,  38,  39,  40,  44,  45.  46,  47, 
69,  70,  71,  88,  99,  100,  117,  127,  128,  149, 
164,259,260,261,288,  296,  309,313,331, 
332,333,334,  341,  397,  410,  414,  427,  446, 
459,467,480,  494,  496,  508,  519,  526,  527, 
547,622,623,  624,  660,  668,  757,  759,  813, 
825,843,851,  874,  875,  877,  878,  888,  895, 
908,  90'9,  926,  9S8,  940,  941,  942,  959, 
972,  996,  998,  1012,  1013,  1036,  1037, 
1061,  1062,  1076,  1080,  1081,  1096,  1143, 
1164,  1166,  1170,  1174,  1185,  1217,  1218, 
1219,  1220,  1226,  1243,  1261,  1262,  1283, 
1284,  1289,  1290,  1291,  1292,  1309,  1325, 
1335,  1336,  1337,  1346,  1370,  1387,  1396, 
1407,  1408,  1409,  1425,  1428,  1448,  1466, 
1491,  1494,  1504,  1519,  1530,  1532,  1651, 
1658,  1659,  1660,  1673,  1679,  1695,  1734, 
1736,  1755,  1762,  1764,  1848,  1885,  1901, 
1943,  1959,  1964,  1972,  1990,  1991,  2005, 
2030,  2032,  2033,  2035,  2056,  2057,  2108, 
2289,  2298,  2384,  2385,  2386,  2387,  2388, 
2391,2435,2476,  2502,  2509,  2575,  2606, 
2607,  2611,  2612,  2639,  2671,  2694,  2716, 
2722,  2726,  2741,  2743,  2750,  2751,  2771, 
2786,  2787,  2788,  2793,  2810,  2814,  2838, 
2861,  2879,  2880,  2910,  2920,  2939,  3053, 


Holrnnn,  William  S.,  n  Representative  from  In- 
dian;!—  Conllaued. 

3054,3083,3084,  .3085,  3104,  3115,  3139, 
3140,3141,3207,  3218,  3239,  ;j241,  3243, 
3310,  3314,  3357,  3388,  3400,  3407,  3421, 
3423,  3424,  3428,  3430,  3431,  3462,  3464* 

resolutions  by , 22, 

45,  99,   117,   196,  261,  332,  878,  909, 

1217,  1387,  1427,  1695,  2385,  2881,  3310 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35),  70,  90,  91 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Carmack 

t&,  Ramsey 86,  87 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill...  131, 

132,  2790 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  expenses 170,  1794,  1795 

remarlcs  on  tlie  confiscation  bill,  184,  508,  519 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 190, 

566,  571,  3427 
remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  official  cor- 
ruption  196,  197 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 217, 

271,    272,    286,    287,    288,   304,  309,  310, 

311,  312,  536,  660,  662,  687,  690,  693,  708 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ..288, 336, 

337, 338,  339, 356, 372, 976, 978, 992, 993, 994 

remarks  on  the  coiipcripiion  bill 433, 

477,534.  535,  550,  575,  577,  602,  605,  606, 
631,  766,  2909,  3144,  3145,  3146,  3147, 
3267,  3353,  3354,  3430,  3431,  3462,  3466 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 715, 

768,931,  932,  995 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...811, 

813,  826,  827,  828,  829,  830,  831,  835, 

2057,  2058,  2059,  2060,  2061,  2062,  2311 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  drof)  unemployed  jreneral 

officers 996,998 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1018,    1019,    1041,   1042,    1043,    2428, 

2431,  2432,  2433,  2434,  3016,  3017,  3018 

remarks  on  the  siiip canal  bill,  1037,  1038,  1040 

remarks  on  the  amnesty  proclamation...  .1063, 

1081 

remarkson  the  homestead  bill. ..1185, 1189, 1190 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1223, 

1224, 1225, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 

1998,    1999,   2000,    2471,   2475,  2908,  2909 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1255, 

1339, 1341, 1342,  1352,  1353,  1373, 

1398, 1400, 1401,  1409,  1410,  1412, 

1429,  1430,  1431,  1451,  1452,  14.53 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill... 1284, 

,,  1285,  1286,  1495, 1496,  1498,  1499 

remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1395, 

1396,  1651,1652,2386 
remarks  on  the  resolution  relating  to  increased 

pay  for  the  soldiers 1427,  1428 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  A.   S. 

Clark.... 1494,  1495 

remarks    on    the    expulsion    of   Mr.    Long, 

1514,  1545,  1557,  1589,  1591, 

1593,  1599,  1601,  1634,  1635 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395). ..1680, 

1681,  1682,  1697,  2447,  2448,  2450 

remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad   bill, 

1698,  2291,  2297 
remarks  relating  to  a  correspondence  with  the 

rebels 1504,2093 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1755,  1756, 
1758,  1759,  1760,  1761, 1787,1817, 1818, 
1819,  1822,  1823,  1827, 1833, 1835, 1837, 
1838,  1839,  1840,  1852, 1853, 1854, 1875, 
1880,  1901,  1904,  1905, 1906, 1908, 1912, 
1916,  1917,  1918,  1934, 1936,1938, 1940, 
1943,  2810,  2996,  2997,  2998,  2999,  3018, 
3019,  3020,  3024,  3025,  3027,  3055,  3277 
remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on  imports 1858,  1859 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  removal  of  certain 

Wisconsin  Indians 2034 

remarks  on  the  Minnesota  railroad  grant,  2035, 

2036 
remarks  on  the  Virginia  election  (Chandlerand 

Segar) 2323,  2324,  2325 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill. ..2339, 

2342 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2612, 

2960,  2961,  2978,  2995,  3000,  3357 
remarks  on  the  Missouii  election   (Birch  and 

King) 2640,  2645,  2646,  2690,  2881 

remarkson  the  tariff  bill 272], 

2745,  2748,  2750,  3314 
remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  laws, 

2774,  2775 


LII 


INDEX  TO 


Holman,  William  S.,  a  Representative  from  In- 
d  iana —  Conlinued. 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2812,2880 

remarks  on  the  bill  repealing  the  actfortlie  re- 
lief of  E.  F.  &  S.  A.  Wood 2840 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 2937, 

2938,  2939,  3015,  3105,  3106,  3112, 
3114,  3394,  3396,  3397,  3400,  3402 
remarks  onPacificrailroad  bill  (No.  438), 3021, 
3022,  3023.  3024,  3156,  3244 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  claims  for  re- 
bellion losses 3056,  3057,  3060 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3183,  3184, 

3186,  3187,  3212,  3214,  3217,  3218,  3351 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  citizens  of 

Ohio  and  Indiana 3424,  3425,  3426 

Homestead — see  Public  Lands. 
Homesteads,  bill  (No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons 
in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  United 
States,  on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in 

insurrectionary  districts 874,  991, 

999,  1887,  2091,  2108,  2232,  2249,  2264 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allison 2113 

Mr.  Cox 2253 

Mr.  Higby 2252 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Ohio 2110 

Mr.  Julian 1887,  2108, 

2233,  2235,  2249,  2250,  2251,  2252,  2253 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 2250 

Mr.  King 2233 

Mr.  Mallory 3233,  2250, 2251 

Mr.  Miller,  of  New  York 2108 

Mr.  Pendleton 2233,  2252,  2253 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire 2264 

Mr.  Sloan 2234 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 2233,  2249,  2251 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2253 

Hooker,  Major  General  Joseph — see  Thanks. 
Hooper,  Samuel,  a  Representative  from  Massa- 
chusetts  21,  45, 

706,  1097,  1098,  1338,  1349,  1389,  1409, 
1426, 1531, 1626, 1679,  1696,  1814,  2217, 
2435,  2787,  2920,  3182,  3464,  3468,  3532 

resolutions  by 21,  1166,  1426,  2217,  2575 

remarks  on  tne  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 234, 

288,  309,  310 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 706, 

715,731,732,735,736,738, 
995,  1099,  1104,  1105,  1106 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill 813 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1099, 

1166,   1254,    1255,   1256,    1267,    1270, 

1271,    1272,    1287,    1288,    1338,    1339, 

1341,    1342,    1343,    1344,    1350,   1351, 

1352, 1376,  1377, 1378, 1379, 1380, 1390, 

1391,  1392, 1394, 1396, 1398, 1400, 1401, 

1402, 1409, 1410, 1429, 1430,  1433,  1448 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395). ..1531, 

1681,    1682,     1696,     1697,    2428, 

2447,  2448,  2449,  2452,  2639,  2717 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). .1788,  1789, 

1819,  1820,  1824,  1852,  1876,  1878,  1879, 

1880,  1882,  1883,  1901,  1937,  1938,  1943 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2690, 

2726,  2743,  2788,  2793,  2936,  2937 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2744,  2749 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3116,  3182, 

3183,  3184,  3186,  3187,3208,  3209,  3211, 

3212,  3214,  3216,  3217,  3218,  3351,  3352 

Hooper  &  Williams  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief 

of..... 2271,  2273 

Horses,  bill  to  ascertain  who  have  lost,  and  other 
property  in  the  States  of  Indiana  and  Ohio  by 
the  rebel  raid  under  the  command  of  General 
John  H.  Morgan  and  the  Union  forces  in 

pursuit  of  said  rebels  in  July,  1863 149 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  provide  for  payment 
for,  and  other  property  destroyed  in  the  mili- 
tary service  of  the  United  States 3142, 

3214,  3218 

Hcspital  dues,  bill  (No.  367)  to  provide  for  the 

collection    of,   from    vessels   of  the   United 

States  sold  or  transferred  in  foreign  ports  or 

waters 1335,  1903,  1995 

Hospital  for  the  Insane,  joint  resolution  (S.  No. 

70)  to  authorize  the  acquisition   of  certain 

land  for  the  use  of  the  Government,  3208, 3428 

bill  (No.  554)  to  provide  for  the  improvement 

of  the  grounds  of  the  Government,  by  an 

exchange  of  land 3272,  3278,  3280,  3352 

(See  District  of  Columbia;  Marine  Hospital;  J^a- 
val  Hospital.) 


Hotchkiss,  Giles  W.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 543, 

1142,    2271,    2273,    2451,    2639,    2717, 
2892,  3058,  3104,  3317,  3318,  3535,  3536 

resolutions  by 3080 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 531,  578 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1255, 

1344,  1393,  1394,  1414,  1415 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405).. ..1757, 

1815,  1835,  1840,  1880,  1882,  1903,  2998 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2749 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3185,  3186 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3317, 

3318,  3435 
House  of  Correction — see  District  of  Columbia. 
House  of  Industry — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Howard,  Major  General  Oliver  0. — see  Thanks. 
Hubbard,   Asahel    W.,  a   Representative   from 

Iowa 44,  149,  173, 

232,  237,288,  297,  331,  707,  740, 743,  825, 
846,  874,  992,  993, 1096, 1324, 1532, 1625, 
1634,  1698,  1762,  1847,  1887,  2033,  2426, 
2586,  2695,  2936,  3148,  3427,  3429,  3515 

resolutions  by 44,232,  743,  1847,  2426 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election.... 235, 

288,  2863,  2887,  2892,  2893,  2894 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 530,  531 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  protection  of  over- 
land emigrants 908,  909 

remarks  on  the  conduct  of  the  war 956 

remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill. .1491, 
«  1493,  1494 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...1759, 
1760,  1786,  1815,  1816,  1819, 
1820,  1854,  1903,  1904,  3025 
remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2339, 
2340,  2341,  2342,  2359 
Hubbard,  John  H.,  a  Representative  from  Con- 
necticut  430,  1289, 

1290, 1291,  1292,  1533,  2472,  2575,  2771 

resolutions  by 2771 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1040 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1123 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1732,  1877 
rematks  on  the  resolution  for  the  distribution 

of  documents 2470 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2718,  2719 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  laws, 

2913,  2914,  2920 
Hubbcll,  William  Wheeler,  joint  resolution  rela- 
tive to  the  claim  for  letters  patent  of.. .1261, 

1338,  1347,  2639 
Hulburd,  Calvin  T.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 39, 

190, 297,  566,  756,  1290,  2995,  3400 

resolutions  by 756,  3400 

remarks   on    the  proclamation    of    emancipa- 
tion  1067 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1103, 

1129 

Hunton,  Logan,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2273 

Hutchins.Wells  A., a  Representative  from  Ohio, 

70,  658,  689 

resolutions  by 70 

Hyde,  Mary  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  widow 
of. 2271,3423 

I. 

Idaho,  theTerritory  of,  bill  to  establish  a  branch 

mint  of  the  United  States  in 658 

bill  providing  for  the  construction  of  a  wagon 
road    from    the  Missouri  river  to   Virginia 

City,  in 846 

bill    for    the    construction    of  certain    wagon 

roads  in 1058,  1730,  2606,  2607,  3533 

bill  for  the  construction  of  a  wagon  road  from 

the  Missouri  river  to  Bannock  City  in,  1096 

bill    for    the    construction   of  a   wagon   road, 

with  branches  from  Minnesota,  Iowa,  and 

Utah 1174 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  provide  a  temporary 

government  for  the 2502, 

2741,  2809,  2939,  2947,  3141 

Illinois,  bill  (S.  No.  57)  declaring  the  assent  of 

Congress  to  an    act  of  the  Legislature   of, 

therein  named , 20,  210,  215,  234 

Immigration,  the  select  committee  on 35,  37 

instructions  to 128 

reports  from 190,  1673,  1764 

Immigration,  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of... .196 

bill  to  encourage 920,  1118,  1673, 

1764,  1790, 3316,  3317,  3388,  3530,  3536 
Income  tax — see  Revenue.  I 


Indiana  and  Ohio,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  citi- 
zens of. 940,  1036,  3424 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Cravens 3426,  3427 

Mr.  Harding 3426,  3427 

Mr.  Holman.. 3424,  3425,  3426 

Mr.  Wadsworth 3424,  3425,  3426 

Mr.  Wilson 3425,  3427 

Indian  Affairs,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 427,  467,  658,  1847 

reports  from,  35, 426, 757, 995, 996,  1370,  1409, 
2031,  2032,  2033,  2271,  3310,  3389,  3516 

adverse  reports  from 2033 

discharged  from  subjects 1061 

Indian  affairs,  bill  for  the  better  organization  of, 

in  California 1225,  1266,  1370 

Indian  agents — see  JVeto  Mexico. 
Indian  captives — see  JVew;  Mexico. 
Indian  department,  bill  (H.  R.  No. 240)  making 
appropriations  for  the  current  and   contin- 
gent expenses  of  the,  and  for  fulfilling  treaty 
stipulations    with   various  Indian  tribes    for 

the  year  ending  June  30,  1865 660, 

2338,  2359,2910,  2947,  3079,  3104,  3186 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brandegee 3079 

Mr.  Brooks 2338,  2339,  3079 

Mr.  Donnelly 2342 

Mr.  Fenton... 2339 

Mr.  Grinnell 2339,  2340 

Mr.  Hale 2342,  2343 

Mr.  Holman 2339,  2342 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 2339, 

2340,  2341,  2342,  2359= 

Mr.  Kinney.....  2340,  2341 

Mr.  McBride 2.339 

Mr.  Mclndoe :..2341,  2342 

Mr.  Schenck 2342,  2343 

Mr.  Shannon 2341 

Mr.  Stevens 2338,  2339, 

2340,  2341,  2342,  2343,  2359,  2947,  3079 

Mr.  Upson 2359 

Mr.  Wadsworth 2343 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2341 

Mr.  Wallace,  of  Idaho 2339, 

2340,  2343,  2359 

Mr.  Wilson 2342 

Mr.  Windom 2339, 

2340,  2341,  2342,  2343,  2359 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2359 

Indian  depredations — see  JVeio  Mexico;  Utah^ 
Indian  disturbances — see  J^ew  Mexico. 
Indian  refugees,  bill  (S.  No.  198)  to  aid   the,  to 
return  to  their  homes  in  the  Indian  territory, 

1470,  1792,  2031 

Indian  regiments,  joint  resolution  for  the  relief  of 

the  officers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth,  appointed 

and  commissioned  by  the  War  Department, 

and  mustered  out  of  service  without  pay, 

149,  3143,  3357,  3399 

Indian  reservations — see  Utah. 

Indians,  joint  resolution  directing  the  Secretary  of 

the  Interior  to  pay  to  the  Chippewa,  Ottawa, 

and  Pottawatomie,  in  the  State  of  Michigan 

$192,850 331,  757,  759,  942,  1099 

bill  for  the  benefit  and  better  management  of 

the 411,2033 

bill  for  the  benefit  of  the  half-breeds  and  mixed- 
bloods  of  the  Winnebago  tribe  of 411, 

757,  942,  3471 
bill  extending  the  superintendency  of  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Dakota  to  the  Winnebago  and  the 
Sisseton  and    the   Wahpaton   bands  of  the 

Sioux  or  Dakota 874 

bill  making  appropriations  for  the  payment  of 
the  awards  made  by  the  commissioners  ap- 
pointed under  and  by  virtue  of  an  act  for  the 
relief  of  persons  for  damages  sustained  by 
reason  oi  the  depredations  and  injuries   by 

certain  bands  of  Sioux 1409,  2031,  2482 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  425)  for  the  relief  of  the  Wea, 
Peoria,  Kaskaskia, and  Piankcshaw  Indians, 

1814,  2031 

bill  providing  for  the  removal  of  certain  stray 

bands  of,  from  the  State  of  Wisconsin,  2032, 

2034,  2035 
bill  to  authorize  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  negotiate  with  certain,  of  Middle 
Oregon   for   the   relinquishment   of  certain. 

rights  secured  to  them  by  treaty 2032, 

2034,  2035,  3180,  3421,  3423 
bill  (S.  No.  225)  for  the  relief  of  certain  friend- 
ly, of  the  Sioux  nation  in  Minnesota,  2695, 

3516 


THE  COI^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Llll 


Indians — Continued. . 
joint  resolution  securing  payment  to  the  Dela- 
ware and  Pottawatomie,  for  lands  sold  to  the 
Leavenworth,  Pawnee,  and  Western   Rail- 
road Company,  now  known  as  the  Union 

Pacific  Railroad  Company 3104 

Indian  superintendency,  bill  to  abolish  the  north- 
ern  1532,  2033, 3533 

Indian  tribes,  bill  (No.  120)  to  amend  an  act  to 
regulate  trade  and  intercourse  with  the,  and 

to  preserve  peace  on  the  frontiers 895, 

1044,  1060,  1121,  1165 
(See  J^eiD  Mexico;  Treaty.) 
Indictment,  bill  in  relation  to  the  computation  of 
time  within  which  an,  may  be  found  against 
persons  charged  with  crime  against  the  Uni- 
ted States 874,  2773 

Industry,  bill  to  create  and  organize  a  Depart- 
ment of  the  Government  to  be  called  the  De- 

parment  of 526 

Ingersoll,  E.  C,  a  Representative  from  Illino-is, 
2911,  2989,  3019,  3104,  3148, 
3180,  3402, 3471, 3472, 3521,  3539 

credentials  of,  presented 2384 

resolutions  by 2911,  3104,  3471 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3148, 

3463,  3466 
Insane — see  Hospital. 
Inspectors  of  customs — see  Compensation. 
Inspectors  of  steamboats,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  426) 
to  create  an  additional  supervising  inspector 
of  steamboats  and  two  local,  for  the  collection 
district  of  Memphis,  Tennessee,  and  two 
local,  for  the  collection   district  of  Oregon, 
1827,  2482,  2638,  2671,  2716,  2717,2856 
Insurance  Company — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Insurrection — see  Rebellion. 
Interest — see  Gold. 
Interior  Department,  calls  for  information  from 

the 189 

communications  from  the 14,  331,  411, 

528,  631,  1122,  1253,  1429,  1715,  1901, 
1933,  2185,  2291,  2788,  2808,  3423,  3535 
Internal  revenue — see  Revenue. 
Invalid  and  other  pensions — see  Appropriations. 

Invalid  Pensions,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 44, 

190,  426,  480,  494,  495,  1220,  1532 

reports  from 87,  313,  658, 

940,  1036,  1217,  1261,  1448,  1531, 

1651,  1698,  2264,  2271,  2272,  2388, 

..  3309,  3310,  3421,  3422,  3423,  3539 

adverse  reports  from .....2264,  3423, 

discharged  from  subjects 1575, 

1698,  2207,  2787,  3310,  3536 
Investigating  committees,  bill  to  pay  the  expenses 

of 2269 

Iowa  and  Florida,  bill  explanatory  of  an  act  sup- 
plemental to  the  act  for  the  admission  of  the 

States  of,  into  the  Union.., 1848 

Iowa  volunteer  infantry — see  Jlrmy. 
Iron-clads:  joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  to  amend  the  contract 
with  John  Ericsson  for  the  construction  of 
two  impregnable  floating  batteries,  the  Dic- 
tator and  the  Puritan 3081,  3208,  3217 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 3082 

Mr.  English 3083 

Mr.  Kelley 3082 

Mr.  Le  Blond 3083 

Mr.  Mallory.... 3081 

Mr.  Moorhead 3082 

Mr.  Nelson 3082 

Mr.  Pike 3082 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Massachusetts ....3081, 

3082,  3083 

Mr.  Stevens... 3082 

Mr.  Thayer 3081,  3082 

Mr.  Wadsworth '. 3082,3083 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 308l, 

3082,  3083 
yeas  and  nays  on  the 3083 

J. 

facks,  T.  M.,   a   Representative   from    Arkan- 
sas  2253 

Jails — see  District  of  Columbia;  Convicts. 
Jameson,  William  H.,  bill  for  relief  of,  3479, 3524 
Jayne,  William,  a  Delegate  from  Nevada.. ..1226, 

2722 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 2887 

Jcnckes,   Thomas   A.,   a   PiCjircscntative    from 
Rhode  Island 660, 1098, 1792,  2771,  2813 


Jenckcs,   Thomas   A.,   a   Representative    from 
Rhode  Island — Continued. 

resolutions  by 1098 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 1793, 

2636,    2724,    2725,    2726,    2742, 
2810,  2811,  2812,  2813,  2835,  2880 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mer- 
cantile Insurance  Company,  2267,2268, 2269 
John  Martin — see  Register. 
Johnson,  C.  F.,  bill  for  relief  of,  1494,2272,3471 
Johnson,  Philip,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania  8,  91, 

92,  1347,  1407,  1468,  1516,  1577,  1854, 
2002,2030,2194,  2238,  2289,  2290,  2323, 
2391,  2427,  2578,  3085,  3314,  3315,  3469 

resolutions  by 92,  2030,  2290,  3469 

remarks  on  New  Jersey  railroads  bill.. ..1468, 

2259 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Union 

Gas-Light  Company 1470 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill 1471 

remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1475, 

1493 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  A.  S. 

Clark 1495 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill,  1498, 

1499 

remarks  onexpiilsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1512, 1601 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1850,  1851, 

1852, 1854, 1875, 1876, 1877, 1878, 1880, 1881, 

1903, 1907, 1908, 1916, 1941, 1942,  1959,  2999 

remarks  on  the  charges  against  the  Treasury 

Department 1968,1969 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published 

debates 2297 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  the  distribution 

of  documents 2470 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3317 

Johnson,  William,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 

577 
remarks  on  the  bill  granting  homesteads  on 

forfeited  estates 2110 

Jones,  Deborah,  bill  for  the  relief  of......" 2271 

Jones,  John  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3464 

Judicial  distrist,  bill  erecting  West  Virginia  into 

a  separate 218 

bill  making  Luzerne  county,  in  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  a  part  of  the  eastern,  of  said 

State 259 

birr  to  detach  the  counties  of  Calhoun  and 
Branch  from  the  western,  and  to  annex  the 
same  to  the  eastern,  for  the  State  of  Michi- 
gan  2776,  2995,  3141 

Judicial  districts,  bill  (No.  256)  to  change  and 
define  the  boundaries  of  the  eastern  and  west- 
ern, of  Virginia,  and  to  alter  the  names  of 

said 1939,  2056,  2333,  2772 

(See  Court.) 

Judiciary,  the  Committee  on  the 18 

instructions  to 22,  44,  332,  410,  426,  448, 

659,  757,  909,  1097,  1261,  1325,  1396, 
1695,  1827,  2290,  2426,  2575,  2771,  3103 

reports  from 69,  109,  164, 

168,  184,  706,  730, 757, 1061, 1261, 1389, 
1495, 1821,2029,  2207,  2264,  2333,  2772, 
2773,  2774,  2776,  2787,  2880,  3112,  3239 

discharged  from  subjects 190, 

233,  624,  1061,  1253,  1577,  2773,  2774 
Julian,  George  W.,  a  Representative  from  Indi- 
ana  20,  46,  233, 

313,480,526,  600,  668,  874,  875,  878,  909, 
940,  991,  998,  999,  1011,  1036,  1336,  1396, 
1452,  1577,  1830,  1884,  1885,  2056,  2090, 
2108,  2117,  2214,  2249,  2253,  2533,  2716, 
3178,  3351,  3423,  3428,  3469,  3515,  3533 

resolutions  by .22,  660,  875 

remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  homestead 

law 1062,  1185,  1190 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill. ..1285 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... 1510 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  land  grants  in 

Louisiana 1884, 1885 

remarks  on   the  bill  granting  homesteads  on 

forfeited  estates 1887,  2108, 

2233,  2235,  2249,  2250,  2251,  2252,  2253 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 2360, 

2361,  2362,  2363,  2364 
Justices'  courts — see  District  of  Columbia. 

K. 

Kalbfleisch,  Martin,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 6,  595,  825,  836,  978,  991, 

1290,  1291,  1794,  1795, 1909, 1939,2250, 
2433,  2520,  27;>2,  2749,  2893,  3430,  3431 


Kalbfleisch,  Martin,  a  Representative  from  New 
York —  Continued. 
remarks  on  freedmcn'saff'airs,190,566,  572,  760 

remark.^  on  ilie  currency  bill 1340, 

1341,  1342,  1391,  1.392,  1401,  1410,  1081 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  176],  1815, 

1818, 1822, 1824, 1904, 1905, 1907, 1912, 1915 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  increase  temporarily  the 

duties  on  imports 1850 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery. ..2945, 2995 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill...  .3394, 

3396,  3397 

Kasson,  John  A.,  a  Representative  from  Iowa, 

21,    39,   87,  233,   495,   623,   0.59,   707, 

826,991,1261,  1386,  1387,  1426,  15.32, 

'1545,  1814,  2215,  2265,  2273,  2386,  3239 

resolutions  by ;.39,  410,  659,  991,  1532 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  35) 70 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.   14) 73 

remarks  on  Post  Ofiice  appropriation  bill. ..Ill 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  expenses 169,  172 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 272,283, 

284,  286,  288,  663,  664,  665,  666, 
690,  691,  693,  708,  778,  920,  933 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 337, 

355,  350,  357,  976 
remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  479,  552,  598 

,  remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 707, 

737,  738,  995 
remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill,  811,  826 
remarks  on   the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1019,1021,2432 
remarks  on   the  bill  extending  the  franking 

privilege 1118,  1119 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1271,  1272, 

1273,  1374,  1376,  1380,  1391,  1392,  1394 
remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1492 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 1656,  1657,  1658 

remarks  on  the  protection  of  the  mineral  lands, 

1696,  1860 
remarks  on  the  resolution  temporarily  increas- 
ing the  duties  on  imports 1855,  1859 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1732, 

1733,  1755,  1757,  1758,  1700,  1761, 
1786,  1787,  1788,  1789,  1790,  1791, 
1815,  1816,  1818, 1820, 1821,  1822,  1823, 
1824,  1833,  1835, 1837, 1838, 1839, 1849, 
1850,  1852,  1853, 1854,1878, 1882,  1883, 
1902, 1903,  1904, 1907, 1908,  1911,  1912, 
1913,  1914,  1915,  1916,  1934,  19.38,  2998 

remarks  on  the  coinage  bill 1763 

remarks  on  the  Iowa  land  grant 1887 

remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  2215, 

2216,  2217,  2227,  2228,  2232, 

2789,  2790,  2791,  2792,  2793 

remarks  on  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill,  2292 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2743, 

2744,  2747,  2749,  2750 
Keenan,  James,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  represent- 
atives of 1495 

(See  Account.) 
Kelley,  William  D.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  6, 

108,  150,  171,  190,  213,  258,  763,  772» 
1097,  1290,  1429, 1695,1734,2170,2290, 
2367,2771,  2882,  3082,  3084,  3436,  3537 

resolutions  by 258,  1097,  2290 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election  (case  of  A. 

P.  Field) 6,  412 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 74 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

129  130  132 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  269, 270, 307 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 475, 

548,  549,  598,  599, 600 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 683,  684 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 772 

remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill. ..828,  830 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1145 

remarkson  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1221, 

1222,  1224,  1993, 1996,  1998,  2473 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  W.  W. 

Hubbell 1338,  1348 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill 1472 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long...  1511, 

1512,  1513,  1601 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1980,  2078 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriaiion   bill, 

2433,  2434 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2684,  2747,  2748 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2983 


LIV 


INDEX  TO 


Kellogg,    Francis    W.,   a    Reprosentntive    frnm 

Michigan 21,  117,149,  189,  219, 

427,  434,  530,  805,  974,  998,  1289, 1387, 
1426,  1515,  1652,21-27,2481,  2579,2586, 
2741,  2776,  2818,  3077,3142,  3143,  3357 

resolutions  by 219,  427,  1426 

remarks  on  tlie  currency  bill. ..1273, 1353, 1390 
remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  17G] , 

1762 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1819, 1935 
remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty — see  Appen- 
dix, 
remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on  imports 1856 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill..... 2744 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill, ...2939, 

3106,  3109 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2954 

remarks  on  conscription  bill,  3146,  3317,  3322 
Kellogg,  Mary,  bill  for  relief  of,  3139,3397,  3399 
Kellogg,  Orlando,  a  R^'presentative  from  New 

York 46, 

164,  218, 313,  467,  480, 496, 622, 9385, 2936 

resolutions  by .....218,  313,  467,  496 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 531, 

574,  575,  577,  578,  622 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1825, 1826 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2618 

Kendall,  B.  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  estate 

of. 1694,  2033,  3397 

Kennedy,  Joseph  C.G.,bill  for  the  relief  of,  940, 

2272,3471 

Kentucky  election,  case  of  John  H.  McHenry, 

contesting  the  seat  of  George  H.  Yeaman,21, 

37,  70, 99, 2265, 2509, 2527, 2579, 2690, 2715 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 2538 

Mr.  Anderson 2585 

Mr.  Cravens 2536 

Mr.  Dawes ....;. 2538,  2715 

Mr.  Dawson 2716 

Mr.  Grinnel! 2582,  2715 

Mr.  Harding 2538,  2579 

Mr.  Mallory 2537,  2539,  2585 

Mr.  McHenry  (contestant) 2528, 

2530,  2535,  2536,  2582 

Mr.  Myers,  A 2535 

Mr.  Price , 2579,  2585 

Mr.  Smith 2535,  2538,  2539,  2.540,  2541 

Mr.  Smithers 2509,  2527,  2538,  2585 

Mr.  Voorhees 2534,  2535,  2536,  25,37 

Mr.  Wadsworth 2534, 

2535,  25.39,  2540,  2690 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2538, 

2715,  2716 

Mr.  Webster 2585 

Mr.  Wilson 2715 

Mr.  Teaman 25.30,  2535,  2536,  2538, 

2539,  2541,  2579,  2580,  2582,  2584,  2585 

^ycas  and  nays  on  the 2585,  2716 

Kernan,    Francis,  a  Representative  from   New 

York 878,893,  940,1009,  1195,  1218, 

1251,  1407, 1547, 1673, 1796, 1857,  1885, 
1886, 1887, 1967,  2056,  2213,  2264,  2289, 
2363,  2427,  2428,  2470,  2694,  2695,  3060, 
3430,  3431,  3468,  3530,  3535,  3536,  3537 

resolutions  by 1009,  1251,  1673 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 74 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  133 
remarks  on   the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  of 

Claims 166 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 185, 

264,  502,  503 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill   (No.  156),  355,  356 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill...      .         398 

399,    531,    .532,   548,   549,"578! 

603,  604,  3282,  3283,  3284,  3434 

'    remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 411,  412 

remarks  on  the  saleof  surplus  gold 1099 

1144,  1146,  1147,  1152 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral officers 997,  998,  1148,  1149,  1151, 

1152,  115-3,  1154,  2235,  2236,  2237,  2238 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1220, 

1221,  1223,  1224,  1225 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1271, 

1410,  1412,  1452 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395). ..1680, 

1681,2447,2448,2449,2450 

"remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405)... .1755, 

1756,    1760,    1761,    1821,    18,35,    1836, 

1840,  1848, 1849, 1879,  1880,  1881,  1883, 

1905,  1917, 1934,  1935,  1936, 1937, 1938, 

1941,  2997,  2998/2,999,  3018,  3024,  3277 


Kernan,   Francis,  a  Representative  from  New 
York — Continued. 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2067,  2068,  2069 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  2434 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  News- 
boys' Home 2452,  2453 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2718 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3183, 

3184,  3186,  3187,  3209,  3216 

Kilgorc,  James  E.,  executor,  claim  of. 2271 

King,  Austin  A.,  aRepresentative  from  Missouri, 
261, 399,  426,  594,  659,  785,  798,  805,  893, 
9,09,  1407,  2057,  2139,  2207,  2773,   2774 

resolutions  by 399,  426,  659 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  35),  69,  89,  90 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 168, 

2132,  2133,  2134 
remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  601,  602,  687 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 805 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 915 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  63)  relating  to  claims 

against  the  Government 925,  926 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1906,  1908 
remarks   on    the   claims   of   the   Kansas    In- 
dians  2031,2032 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..2060, 

2061,  2052 
remarks  on  granting  homesteads  on  forfeited 

estates 2233 

femarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Birch  and 

King) 2640,  2645,  2646,  2650 

remarks  on  the  repeal  of  the   fugitive    slave 

laws 2911 

Kinney,  John  F.,  a  Delegate  from  Utah 40, 

196,332,526,659,971,996, 
1166,1168,2291,2426,3104 

resolutions  by 40,  659,  2291,  2426,  3104 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 372, 

373,  374 
remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1041,1042,1061 

remarks  on  Utah  affairs 1170 

remarks  on  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2340, 2341 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3110 

Knapp,  Anthony,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois  149,  571,  825,  1289,  1291, 

1292, 1589,  1964,  2138,  2265,  2894,  3357 

remarkson  freedmen's  affairs 571,  888 

(See  Appendix.) 
Knox,  Samuel  T.,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
souri  2996 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election 1058 

L. 

Lady  Walton,  bill  to  change  the  name  of  the 

steamer 874 

La  Manche,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  owners  of 

the  French  ship 1118,  1216,  1220 

Land  district — see  Washington. 
Lander,  J.  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..3143,  3470 
Landlord  and  tenants — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Land  Office,  bill  relating  to  appeals  from  the  de- 
cisions of  the  General 1660 

bill  (S.  No.  278)  prescribing  the  terms  on  which 
exemplifications  shall  be  furnished    by  the 

General 3018,  3427,  3515 

Latham,  O.  B.  &  0.  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,2271 
Law,  John,  a  Representative  from  Indiana,  45,  94, 
196,  805,  895,  949,  970,  1010,  1036,  1061, 
1099,  1251,  1406,  2323,  2333,  2787,  331] 
resolutions  by,  196,940, 1010,  2333,  2787,  3311 
remarks  relating  to  the  revolutionary  pension- 
ers  939 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1390 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...1761, 

1789,  1833 

remarkson  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3111 

remarks  on  western  navy-yard  bill,  3249,3250 

speech  on  the  state  of  the  Union 3474 

Lawrence,  joint  resolution  for  the  appointment  of 
three  commissioners  to  ascertain  the  amount 
of  losses  sustained  by  the  burning  and  sack- 
ing of  the  city  of,  and  the  towns  of  Olathe, 
Shawnee,  Aubey,  and  Humboldt,  in  the  State 
of  Kansas,  by  guerrillas  under  Quantrell  and 

others 149 

Lazear,  Jesse,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania...127,  259,1972,  2359,2586,  2910,3534 

resolutions  by 259,  2586 

Leave  of  absence  granted 164, 

238,  622  825,  909,  941,  981,  1129,  1142, 
1219,    1226,    1^36,    1251,    1262,    1266, 


Leave  of  absence  granted — Continued. 

1293,  1.324,  1335, 1346, 1370,  1371, 1453, 

1577,  1651,  1698,  1715,  1734,  1755,  1761, 

1814,  1827,  2030,  2132,  2196,  2298,  2427, 

2541,  2613,  2717,  2750,  3014,  3060,  3243, 

3244,  3400,  3406,  3436,  3464,  3469,  3533 

Le  Blond,  Francis    C,  a    Representative    from 

Ohio,  196,  259,  2030,  2578,  2646,  2771,  3060, 

3083,  3140,  3406,  3462,  3516,  3537,  3538 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylvania 

war  claims 2138 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2747,  2748,  3313 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  lelief  of  Williann 

Sawyer  and  others 3240 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3432, 

3434,  3435,  3462 

Leddy,  Hugh,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..J 494,  2272 

Legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  expenses,  bill 

(No.  192)  making  appropriations  for  the,  of 

the  Government  for  the    year  ending  30th 

June,  1865 410,  1013, 

1017,  1041,  1061,  1760,  1761,  2391,  2448, 
2611,  3016,  3018,  3078,  3107,  3141,  3214 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1021,  1042,  3017 

Mr.  Beaman 2431 

Mr.  Blaine 2433,  3017 

Mr.  Brooks 1017,  1018,  1042,  1043 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin,  1019, 1020,2431 

Mr.  Clay 1020,  1021 

Mr.  Cox 1022,  2433,  2434 

Mr.  Daily 1043,  1044 

Mr.  Dawes 1041 

Mr.  Fenton ; 3017 

Mr.  Frank 3017 

Mr.  Garfield 2433 

Mr.  Grinnell 1021,  1041,  1043,  1044 

Mr.  Hale , 1041,  1043 

Mr.  Herrick 2434 

Mr.  Holman 1018, 

1019,1041,  1042,  1043,2428,  2431, 
2432,  2433,  2434,  3016,  3017,  3018 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 2433 

Mr.  Kasson 1019,  1021,  2432 

Mr.  Kelley 2433,  3434 

Mr.  Kernan 2434 

Mr.  Kinney 1041, 1042, 1061 

Mr.  Morrill 1018, 

1019,  1021,  1022,  1041,  1761 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 2431 

Mr.  Nelson 2433 

Mr.  Orth .1041 

Mr.  Pendleton 2428, 

2434,  2435,  2611,3016,  3017,  3018,  3141 

Mr.  Price 1043 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 1043 

Mr.  Spalding 1042 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 2431 

Mr.  Stevens 1017,  1018,  1019,  1020, 

1021,1041,1042,1043,  1044,  1061,2391, 
2428,  2431,  2432,  2434,  3016,  3017,  3018 

Mr.  Sweat 1041 

Mr.  Thayer... 1019,  1020 

Mr.  Upson 3018 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois.-. 24.33 

Mr.  Webster 1043 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1061,  2434,  3018 

Leppien, Elizabeth  E.,  bill  for  the  reliefof...3423 
Levy  court — see  District  of  Columbia. 

Library,  the  Joint  Committee  on  the 18 

Lieutenant  General — see  Jlrmxj. 
Limitation  of  action — see  Action. 
Limitations — see  Indictment. 

Lindsay,  James,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3143 

Littleiohn,  De  Witt  C,  a  Ropresentalive  from 

New  York 22.38,  2809,  2920,  3463 

communication  from .- 594 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2505 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3311,  3312 

Loan,   Benjamin,  a    Representative  from    Mis- 
souri  38, 

189,  190,  297,  .303,  806,  970,  971,  1009, 
1261,  2069,  2936,  3180,  3400,  3424,  3469 

resolutions  by 189,  1009 

remarks  personal  and  exulunutory .594, 

595,2360 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2158, 

216C,  2187,  2197,  2210,  2211,  2213,  2360 
Loan — see  Revenue. 

Long,  Alexander,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 
184,  331,  426,  878,  1359,  2132,  2426 

resolutions  by..^ , 878 

remarks  on  sale  of  surplus  gold. ..731,  733,  740 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


lV 


Long,  Alexander,  a  R.epresentative  from  Ohio — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  state  of  the  Union,  1499, 1504, 1505 

resolution  for  the  censure  of 1593 

remarks  on  resolution  for  his  expulsion,  1517, 

1630,  1632,  1633 

resolution.for  the  expulsion  of. 1505, 

1533,  1577,  1618 
remarks  on  the,  by- 
Mr.  Alien,  J.  C 1513,  1625,  1G30 

,  Mr.  Allen,  W.  J 1551,  1581,  1634 

Mr.  Allison 1507 

Mr.  Ancona 1591,  1630,  1634 

Mr.  Ashley 1535 

Mr.  Beaman 1593 

Mr.  Bliss 1517    1533 

Mr'.  Boutweiy,"l535',"i585, 1591,1599!  1600 

Mr.  Broomall 1517,  1593,  1625 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 1531, 

1532,  1589,  1593 

Mr.  Chanler 1630 

Mr.  Colfax 1505,  1507,  1509, 

1510,  1515,  1516,  1517,  1518,  1544, 
1545,  1552,  1578,  1584,  1588,  1589, 
1601,  1606,  1624,  1625,  1626,  1627, 
1628,  1630,  1632,  1633,  1634,  1635 

Mr.  Cox 1506, 

1507,1508,1509,  1510,  1512, 1514,  1534, 
1535,1544,1545,  1.582,  1584,  1589,  1625, 
1626,  1628,  1630,  1632,  1633,  1634,  1635 

Mr.  Cravens 1589,  1601 

Mr.  Creswel! 1622 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 1545, 

1549,  1551,  1625 

Mr.  Dawes 1627 

Mr.  Dawson 1512,  1630 

Mr.  Dumont 1554 

Mr.  Ecklev 1634 

Mr.  Eden.'. 1514 

Mr.  Eldridge 1557, 

1577,  1578,  1589,  1591,  1593,  1600, 
1601,  1602,  1606,  1625,  1630,  1634 

.  Mr.  Fenton.. 1589,  1625,  1626,  1634 

Mr.  Finck 1552 

Mr.  Ganson 1.589 

Mr.  Garfield '. 1507, 

1508,  1509,  1514,  1515,  1541,  1543,  1586 

Mr.  Grider 1514 

Mr.  GrinnoU .....1582, 

1584,  1591,  1599,  1600,  1601,  1602,  1616 

Mr.  Harrington 1545, 

1589,  1590,  1591,  1600,  1602 

Mr.  Harris,  of  Maryland 1515, 

1516,  1545,  1601,  1625 

Mr.  Higby •. 1545 

Mr.  Holman 1514,  1545,  1557, 

1589,  1591,  1593,  1599,  160,1,  1634,  1635 

Mr.  Hooper 1626 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 1625,  1634 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania,  1512, 1601 

Mr.  Julian 1510 

Mr.  Kasson 1545 

Mr.  Kelley 1511,  1512,  1513,  1601 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 1515 

Mr.  Kernan .^ 1547 

Mr.  Knapp 1589 

Mr.  Long.... 1517,  1630,  16.32,  1633 

Mr.  Mallory 1515,  1G26,  1627 

Mr.  McKinney 1630 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania. ..1512,  1513 

Mr.  Morrill.... , 1545 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 1541 

Mr.  Myers,  A 1587 

Mr.  Nelson 1545 

Mr.  Noble .....1589 

Mr.  Norton 1601,1625 

Mr.  Orth 1543,  1544, 1545,  1590 

Mr.  Patterson 1536 

Mr.  Pendleton 1545, 

1584,  1586,  1624,  1625,  1626 

Mr.  Price ....1545 

Mr.  Robinson 1543 

,  Mr.  Rogers 1606, 1618,  1627,  1628 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  Missouri,  1602,1606,1628 

Mr.  Ross..... 1625 

Mr.  Schenck... 1537, 1543, 1545, 1552, 1633 

Mr.  Smith 1,580, 

1581,  1532,  1584,  1589,  1593,  1601,  1632 

Mr.  Spalding 1536,  1537,  1544,  1580 

Mr.  Stevens 1534,  1634 

Mr.  Thayer... 1507 

Mr.  Upson 1545 

Mr.  Voorhecs -. 1540, 

1541,  1542,  1543,  1544,  1582,  1634 


Long,  Alexander,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 
resolution  for  the  expulsion  of — Conlinued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1.507, 

1510,  1517,  1533,  1544,  1552,  1586 

Mr.  Whaley 1545,  1554 

Mr.  White,  C.  A 1545 

Mr.  Wilson 1534 

Mr.  Windom 1625 

Mr.  Winfield 1596 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 1517, 

1535,  L537,  1538,  1627 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1626,  1634,  1635 

Longycar,  John  W.,  a  Representative  from  Mich- 
igan  39,  173,  189,  319,  331, 

427,  970,  972,  1061,  1062,  1453,  2362 

resolutions  by 39,  189 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2011 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  a  Representative  from  Illinois, 
4,  6,8,9,  10,  11,  13,  14,  15,20,21, 
22,23,  35,  38,39,  45,  46,  47,  70,  71, 
87,  88,  94,  150,  232,  233,  261,  273, 
877, 878, 927, 941, 942, 993, 995,  1061 

resolutions  by 6,  23,  35,  233,  282 

remarks  on  the  reference  of  the   President's 

message 34 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 72,  73 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims ". 167 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  expenses 171 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 217, 

218,  268,  270,  271,  272,  282,  284, 
285,  286,  287,  662,  892,  893,  939 

death  of,  announced 1326 

Lowrey,  Jacob  S.,  and  George  A.  Gray,  bill  for 

the  relief  of. 331,  623,  758,  2273 

Lunatics — see  District  of  Columbia. 

Lyon,  Emily  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1531, 

2273,  2386 

M. 

Magnet,  bill  changing  the  name  of  steamer,  3423 

Mail,  bill  to  establish  a  daily,  from  FortBridger, 

in  Utah   Territory,  to  Dalles  City,  in  the 

State   of  Oregon 149 

Mail  Company,  Overland,  jointresolution  (H.R. 
No.  93)  to  authorize  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral to  extend  the  contract  with  the 2935, 

2936,  3016,  3021,  3077,  30S0,  3404,  3423 

Mail  facilities — see  Jfeiv  Mexico.  . 

Mails,  bill   (H.  R.  No.  143)  to  amend  the  law 

prescribing  the  articles  to  be  admitted  into 

the,  of  the  United  States...233,299,  303,  313 

bill  to  secure  the  speedy  transportation  of  the, 

332,  624,  1658 
bill  providing  for  carrying  the,  from  the   Uni- 
ted States  to  foreign  ports 233, 

941,  970,  1189,  1191,  1243,  1254,  1287 

bill  (S.  No.  194)  to   authorize  the  Postmaster 

General  to  contract  with   the  Overland  Mail 

Company  for  carrying  the 1395 

Mail  steamship  service,  bill  authorizing  the  es- 
tablishment of  ocean,   between  the  United 

States  and  Brazil 939, 

1653,  1657,  2476,  2508,  2578 
Mallory,   Robert,  a  Representative  from  Ken- 
tucky  7, 

8, 11, 13,20,  23,  33,39,  46,  527,  571,  625, 
626, 732, 772,  846, 852, 879, 895, 927, 972, 
991,  1036,  1098,  1099,  1143,  1166,  1167, 
1218,  1222,  1349,  1394,  1429,  1475,1515, 
1517,  1518,  1698,2426,2450,2542,2578, 
2579,  2611,  2612,  2613,  2722,  2726,  2743, 
2771,  2882,  2892,  2894,  3054,  3103, 3104, 
3139,  3178,  3179,  3241,  3242,  3310,  3390 

resolutions  by 20,23,972,  991,  1698,  3241 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 165 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 287, 

665,693,920 
remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election,  339, 340, 341 
remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. ..530,  534,535, 
580,  599,  601,  603,  627,  628,  629,  772, 
836,  3144,  3145,  3272,  3273,  3274, 
3275,  3278,  3279,  3280,  3281,  3321, 
3354,  3355,  3465,  3466,   3467,   3468 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 546,547 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 682 

remarks  on  freedmeii's  affairs... .571,  895,  909 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 976, 

977,978,979 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  bridges  over  the 

Ohio 1037 


Mallory,  Robert,  a  Representative  from  Ohio — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  purchasing  the  Annals  of  Conjjross, 

1098,  1193 
remarks  on  the  Massachusetts  election. ..1119, 

1120,  1121 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1341, 

1390, 1413,  1415 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  bridges  over  the 

Ohio 1425,  1426,  1734,  1735,1736 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long. ..1515, 

1626,  162T 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  servii'.e  to 

Brazil 16.53,  1G5G 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published 

debates 1783,  1784 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1820, 

1823,  1824,  1834,  1835,  1837 
remarks  on  the  charges  against  Mr.  Biair,  1831 
remarks  on  granting  homesteads  on  forfeited 

estates 2233,  2250,  2251 

remarks  on  the  discharge  of  utsemployed  gen- 
erals  2236,2237 

remarks  on  the  bill  forthe  relief  of  the  Mercan- 
tile Mutual  Insurance  Company. ..2268,  2269 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 2360, 

2361,  2362,  2363,  2364 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  News- 
boys' Home 2452 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2612, 

2613,  2981,  2982 
remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman)..... 2.539,2585,  2937 

remarks  on  the  registration  of  voters 2608 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  and  East  Tennessee 

railroad  bill 2610 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Birch  and 

King) 2881 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2677, 

2681,  2718,  2719,  2721,  2722,  2750 
remarks   on    the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 

laws 2774,2775 

remarks  on   the  bill  to  provide  for  claims  for 

rebellion  losses 3058,  3059,  3080 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  3081 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3107, 
3111,  3114,  3115,  3396,  3397,  3400, 3402 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3183,  3184,  3185 

remarks  on  western  navy-yard  bill,  3248,  3249 

Manufactures,  the  Committee  on 18 

reports  from  the 1495 

Marcy,  Daniel,  a  Representative  from  New  Hamp- 
shire  134,  480,  1236,  1824,  3525 

resolutions  by 480 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 217 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2950 

Marine  hospital,  bill  to  authorize  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  to  sell  the,  at  Chicago,  and 

to  select  a  new  site  therefor 2526, 

2723,  2939,  2947,  3141 
Marine  hospitals — see  J^avy-Yard. 
Marshal — ^^see  Fees. 
Marshals — see  Compensation. 
Marvin,  James  M.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 3394 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 3026 

Masonic  Hall — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Massachusetts  and  Maine — see  Jlccounts. 
Massachusetts  contested  election,  case  of  John 
S.  Sleeper,  contesting  the  seat  of  Alexander 

FI.  Rice 35,  708,942,  972,  991,  1119 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Dawes 35, 

708,  942,  943,  949,  1119,  1120,  1121 

Mr.  Mallory 1119, 1120,  1121 

Mr.  Morrill 1120 

Mr.  Pike Ii2() 

Mr.  Schenck 1120 

Mr.  Sleeper,  (contestant) 945 

Mr.  Smithcrs 1121 

Mr.  Spalding • 112] 

Mr.  Stevens 1119,  1120,  1121 

Matchett,  W.  B.,  bill  forthe  relief  of... 940,  3141 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  110)  to  declare  the 
construction  of  a  joint  resolution  for  the  re- 
lief of 3239,3272,3280,3352 

Matrons — see  Compensation. 
McBride,  John  R.,  a  Representative    from  Ore- 
gon  40,  44,  149,  426,  624,  659, 

1096,  1118,  1226,  1236,  1448,  18.55,  2032, 

2034,  2056,  2132,  2333,  2339,  2353,  2.388, 

2510,  2995,  3061,  3080,  3406,  3436,  3535 

resolutions  by 40,  44,  410,  659, 1448, 3535 


LVI 


INDEX  TO 


McBridc,  John  R.,  a  Representative  from  Ore- 
gon—  Coniinued. 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 715 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3110 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  branch  mint 

in  Oregon 3525,3527 

McCloskey,  John  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... .259 
McClurg,  Joseph   W.,   a   Representative    from 

Missouri 38,  45,  426,  806,  909,  1251 

resolutions  by 45,  426 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill 38,  88,  90,  238 

remarks  on  Missouri  politics 1013, 

1016,  1017,  1066 

remarks  on  the  char2:es  against  Mr.  Blair,  1016, 

1017,  1251,  1252,  1253,  1832 

McConnell,  John  C,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. 2271, 

2273,  2387,  3535,  3537 
McCulloch,  J.  H.,  joint  resolution   to  refer  the 

case  of,  to  the  Court  of  Claims 1494 

McDowell,  James  F.,  a  Representative  from  In- 
diana  190,  332,  1190 

resolutions  by 332 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 783 

McHenry,  John   H.,  a  contesting  Representa- 
tive from  Kentucky,  remarks  off  the  Ken- 
tucky election.. 2528,  2530,  2535,  2536,  2582 
Mclndoe,    Walter   D.,    a    Representative    from 

Wisconsin 258,  427,  707,  1532,  1577, 

1695,  2032,  2034,  2108,  2188,  2291,  3077 

resolutions  by 427 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2341, 

2342 
McKlnney,    John    P.,   a   Representative    from 

Ohio 972,  1396, 

1407,  1532,  1630,  2000,  2909,  3103,  3354 
McKonzie,   Lewis,    remarks   on    the    Virginia 

election 847,  849 

McLean,  Nathaniel,  and  others,  bill  for  the  re- 
lief of. .313,  758, 759, 3397,  3427, 3464 

Meade,  Major  General  George  G.— see  Thanks. 
Means,  Elizabeth  P. ,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  874, 2787 
Medical  corps — see  Jinny. 

Members  of  Congress,  bill  (S.  No.  28)  relating 
to,  heads  of  Departments,  and  other  officers 

of  the  Government 714,  2773 

(See  Election.) 
Mercantile  Insurance  Company  of  New  York,  bill 

for  the  relief  of. .....1096 

Mercantile  Mutual  Insurance  Company  of  New 

York,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2266,  2269 

Mexico,  joint  resolution  relative  to  our  relations 

with 1408,  1426,2427,  2475 

Michie,  John  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1142, 

„.^,  2271,2273,3535,3536 

Middleton,  George,  a  Representative  from  New 

Jersey 2264 

Mileage,  the  Committee  on 18 

Military  Academy,  joint  resolution  (No.  58)'in 

relation  to  the  professors  in   the,  at  West 

,  Po'"t 3423,3464 

(bee  Jlppropriations.) 

Military  Affairs,  the  Committee  on 18,  303 

instructions  to 21 

22,  23,  39,  40,  70,  92,"  95,"  HO,'*  llf,"  ISo] 
151,  189,  190,  196,  218,234,259,  260,  261, 
283,  308,  411,  426,  427,  467,  496,  528,  659, 
743,  843,  888,  909,  972,  1010,  1098,  1217, 
1236,  1349,  1387,  1406,  1427,  1673,  1696, 
1792,  1848,  2333,  2476,  3014,  3207,  3524 

reports  from 70  94 

109,  233,  259,  333,  334,  426r574,"740,  759] 
805,  843,  844,  845,  941,  996,  998,  1010, 
1011,  1012,  1336,  1346,  1964,  2056,  2333, 
2391,2578,2586,  277],  2908,  31.38,  3139 
3140,  3141,  3143,  3243,  3430,  3464,  3465 

adverse  reports  from 425 

1286,  3139,  3140"  3142V3143 
discharged  from  subjects,  190,  313,  757,  998 
1011, 1262, 1336, 1531, 3138,  3139,  3140,  3143 
JWihtary  governments,  bill  to  providefor  theestab- 
lishment  of  provisional,  over  the  district  of 
country  declared  by  the  President's  procla- 
mation to  be  in  rebellion  against  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  and  to  authorize 
the  loyal  citizens  thereof  to  organize  State 

governments  republican  in  form 45,  70 

Military  Justice,  bill  to  establish  a  Bureau  of,  40 
70,  94,  1012,  1818,  1854,  3533 
Military  posts — see  Idaho. 

Military  road,  joint  resolution  authorizing  the 
President  to  construct  a,  from  RoUa,  Mis- 
souri, to  Springfield,. Missouri 2638 

(Sec  Mw  Mexico;    Utah;    Washingloni    Colo- 
rado; Public  Lands.) 


Military  service — see^rmy;  Bounty  Lands;  J^aval 
Service. 

Militia,  the  Committee  on  the 18 

Militia,  bill  to  provide  for  paying  the  expenses 
of  enrolling  and  drafting  the,  in  the  State  of 

Indiana  in  the  year  1862 149 

bill    to  reimburse    the   State  of  Pennsylvania 
for  expenses  in  calling  out  the,  of  said  State 

during  the  recent  invasion 151,  168, 

188,  189,  1793,  2132,  2137,  2155 
bill  reimbursing  the  State  of  Kansas  for  ex- 
penses actually  incurred  in  calling  out,  sub- 
sisting, and  paying  the,  of  the  State  ofKansas 
to  repel  invasion  during  the  present  rebellion, 

659 

bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  the  second 

regiment  of  the  third  brigade  Ohio  volunteer, 

during  the  time  they  were  mustered  into  the 

service  of  the  United  States 940, 

2272,  2385,  2741,  2750,  2856 
bill  for  the  enrollment,  organization,  and  ser- 
vice of  certain  persons  of  African  descent  in 

the,  of  the  several  States 2289 

(See  Bounty.) 

Miller,  Morris  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3142, 

3214,  3218 
Miller,  Samuel  P.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 21,  480, 

785,  940,  941,  1098,  1253,  2716,  3112 

resolutions  by 21,  1098,  3112 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 532 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1376 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1833,  1839 
remarks  on  the   bill  granting  homesteads  on 

forfeited  estates 2108 

Miller,  William  H.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  14,  19,  71,  258,  259,  261,  527, 

687,  805,  844,  942,  981,  995,  1097,  1150, 
1151,  1195, 1651,  1767, 1943,  2155,  2263, 
2361,  2363,  2388,  2910,  2911,  3309,  3537 

resolutions  by 71,  259,  1097 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122)... 272, 287, 692 

remarks  on  conscription  bill 398, 

533,601,  602,  3282,  3283 
remarks  on  Army  appropriation  bill,  1224, 1225 
remarks  on  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1512, 1513 
reniarks  on   the  bill  to  provide    for  Pennsyl- 
vania war  claims 1801,  1802,  2155 

remarks  on  the  charges  against  the  Treasury 

Department 1968,  1969 

Mills,  Rachel,  bill  granting  pension  to,  2717,3421 
Minerals — see  Public  Lands. 
Mint,  bill  (No.  185)  to  establish  a  branch  of  the, 
of  the  United  States  at  Dalles  City  in   the 

State  of  Oregon 1999,  2132,  3525,  3533 

bill  (No.  176)  authorizing  the  erection  of  build- 
ings for  the  branch,  at  San  Francisco,  2207, 

2322,  2338,  3470 
(See  J^evada;  Idaho.) 
Missouri,  bill  to  refund  certain  amounts  due  the 

State  of. '..659 

bill  for  the  relief  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  fourth 

congressional  district  of. 659 

bill  to  indemnify  the  State  of,  for  expenses  in- 
curred in  defense  of  the  United  States. ..1336 
Missouri  election — 

case  of  John  P.  Bruce,  contesting  the  seat  of 
Benjamin  Loan,  from  the  seventh  congres- 
sional district , 15,  18, 

37,  1491,  1943,2132,  2139,  2155,  2157, 
2185,  2194,  2196,  2207,  2238,  2269,  2359 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Ashley 2166,2212,2213 

Mr.  Baxter 2188,  2238,  2270 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia 2270 

Mr.  Brown, ofWisconsin, 2189, 2196,2207 

Mr.  Bruce,  (contestant) 2165, 

2166,  2186,  2187,  2188,  2189, 
2197,  2207,  2208,  2212,   2213 

Mr.  Cox 2166 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 2168, 

2188,  2189,  2193 

Mr.  Dawes 2164,  2165, 

2166,  2167,  2168,  2169,  2270,  2359 

Mr.  Eldridge 2212 

Mr.  Eliot 2168,  2185,  2186,  2187,  2211 

Mr.  Fenton 2195 

Mr.  Ganson 2132,2139,2155, 

2156,  2157,  2158,  2164,  2166,  2270 

Mr.  Garfield 2195 

Mr.  Grinnell 2166,  2208 

Mr.  Hale 2270 

Mr.  Harris,  ofMaryland,  2193,  2194, 2195 
Mr.  Higby 216G 


Missouri  election,  case  of  John  P.  Bruce,  con- 
testing the  seat  of  Benjamin  Loan,  from  the 
seventh  congressional  district — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania 2194 

Mr.  Kernan 2213 

Mr.  Loan 2158, 

2166,  2187,  2197,  2210,  2211.  2213,  2360 

Mr.  Myers,  A 2270 

Mr.  Myers,  L 2193,  2196 

Mr.  Noble 2195 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania,  2189,  2194 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  Missouri 2166 

Mr.  Schenck 2195,  2196 

Mr.  Sloan.... 2194 

Mr.  Smith 2195,  2197 

Mr.  Smithers 2163, 

2164,  2165,  2166,  2167,  2168,  2169,  2270 

Mr.  Spalding 2270 

Mr.  Stevens 2166,  2269,  2270 

Mr.  Upson 2159, 

2187,  2195,  2214,  2269,  2270 

Mr.  Voorhees 2167,  2168,  2270 

Mr.  Whaley 2169 

Mr.  Wilson 2169 

Mr.  Woodbridge 2270 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2214 

case  of  Samuel  T.  Knox,  contesting  the  seat 
of  Francis  P.  Blair 37, 

1058,  2155,  2476,  2650,  2671,  2854,  2836 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C... 2861 

Mr.  Bennet 1060 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri.. ..1058,  1059,  1060 

Mr.  Broomall 2855 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 2855, 

2856,  2857,  2858,  2860,  2861 

Mr.  Cox.... 1059,  1060 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 1060 

Mr.  Dawes 1058, 

1059,  1060,  2155,  2476,  2650,  2671, 
2854,  2855,  2856,  2857,  2859,  2860,  2861 

Mr.  Dumont 1059,  1060 

Mr.  Eldridge 2858,  2859 

Mr.  Ganson 1059, 

2671,  2855,  2857,  2858,  2859,  2861 

Mr.  Hale 2855 

Mr.  Holman 2861 

Mr.  Knox,  (contestant) 1058 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 1059 

Mr.  Stevens 1058,  1059,  1060 

Mr.  Upson 1058, 1059,  2855,  28.58 

Mr.  Wilson 1059 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2855,2861 

case  of  James  H.  Birch,  contesting  the  seat  of 
Austin  A.  King 37, 

2639,  2650,  2690,  2715,  2881 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Dawes 2639, 

2640,  2645,  2646,  2650,  2831 
Mr.  Birch,  (contestant). ..2639,  2640,  2645 

Mr.  Blaine 2645 

Mr.  Eldridge r 2645,  2646 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2645, 

2646,  2650,  2881,  2882 

Mr.  Grinnell 2640 

Mr.  Harrington 2646 

Mr.  Holman,  2640,  2645,  2646,  2690,  2881 

Mr.  King 2640,  2645,  2646,  2650 

Mr.  Le  Blond 2646 

Mr.  Mallory 2881 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 2650 

Mr.  Price 2645,  2646 

Mr.  Sweat 2646 

Mr.  Upson 2645,  2646,  2650,  2882 

Mr.  Wadsworth 2881 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2645,  2646 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 2645 

yeas  and  nays  on  the,  2650,  2716,  2881,  2882 
Missouri  home  guards,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  35)  to 
provide  for  the  deficiency  in  the  appropria- 
tion for  the  pay  of  officers  and  men  actually 
employed    in    the    Western   department   or 

department  of  Missouri 38, 

69,  75,  88,  90,  92,  238,  263,  313 
Mohawk — see  Register. 

Moneys,  joint  resolution   (H.  R.  No.  106)  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
dispose  of  certain,  therein  mentioned. ..3538 
Monitor — see  Compensation. 
Montana,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  15)  to  provide  a  tem- 
porary government  for  the  Territory  of... 20, 
411,431,1168,1378,1380,  1389,1395,  1409, 
1634,1651,  ^860, 1667,2371,2385,2448,2527 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LVII 


Montana,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  15)  to  provide  a  tem- 
porary government  for  the  Territory  of— 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  W.J 1652 

Mr.  Ashley 1168,  11G9,  1652 

Mr.  Beaman 1168, 

1169,  1380,  1395,  1396,  1651,  1652 

Mr.  Bennet 1169 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia 2386 

Mr.  Broomall 1395 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 1395 

Mr.  Cox 1169,  1396,  1651,  1652 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 1168,  1169 

Mr.  Dawes 1168 

Mr.  Eden 1652 

Mr.  Garfield 2386* 

Mr.  HoIman..l395. 1396, 1651, 1652,2386 

Mr.  Kinney 1168 

Mr.  Mallory 1698 

Mr.  Morrill 1652 

Mr.  Pendleton 1389,  1395,  1698 

Mr.  Pruyn 1169 

Mr.  Spalding 11G8,  1395 

Mr.  Stevens 1163,  2386 

Mr.  Upson 1652 

Mr.  Wallace,  of  Idaho 1697,  1698 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 11G9 

Mr.  Webster 1169,  1652,  2385,  2386 

Mr.  Wilson 1168,  1169 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1396, 

1651,  1652,  1698,  2386 
(See  Public  Lands.) 
Montgomery  county,  Kentucky,  bill  for  the  ben- 
efit of. 757 

Monument,  bill  making  an  appropriation  for  the 

erection   of  a,  to   the  United  States  soldiers 

buried  in  the  cemetery  at  Keokuk,  Iowa,  127 

Moorhead,   James   K.,  a  Representative   from 

Pennsylvania 11,  21,  92,  94, 

196,  258,  259,  397,  874,  909,  938,  1261, 
1290,  1338,  1349,  1350,  1426,  1495,  1771, 
2185,  2238,  2260,  2289,  2751,  2880,  3015, 
3082,  3148,  3310,  3406,  3471,  3481,  3525 

resolutions  by 92,  94,  258,  909,  2185 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill.... 535 

remarks  on  the  conduct  of  the  war 1293 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the   relief  of  W.  W. 

Hubbell 1338,  1347,  1.348,  1349 

remarks  on   the  bill  relating  to  bridges  over 

the  Ohio 1735,  1736 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1823, 

1824,  1825, 1833,  1912 
remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on  imports 1856,  1857 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1974 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2370 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2717,  3312 

remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill... .3246 
Morrill,  Justin  S.,  a  Representative  from  Ver- 
mont  9,  19,  23,  35,  38,39, 

45,  46,  71,  75,  87,  99,  110,  117,  127,  173, 
359,  376, 377,  445,  480,  527,  623,  625, 846, 
875,  877,  888,  920,  942,  970,  981,  1038, 
1098,  1119,  1143,  1147,  1291,  1380,  1426, 
1532, 1545,  1652,  1814,  1827,  1828,  1830, 
1832,  1886,  1887,  1970,  1998,  2091,  2107, 
2138,  2139,  2197,  2207,  2289,  2363,  2371, 
2452,  2453,  2578,  2612,  2671,  2716,  2722, 
2743,  2751,  2787,  2809,  2856,  2863,  2885, 
3001,  3015,  3214,  3275,  3311,  3351,  3327, 
3429,  3466,  3468,  3514,  3516,  3523,  3524, 
3525,  3527,  3533,  3534,  3536,  3537,  3539 

resolutions  by 45,  110 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 
132,  2215,  2216,  2217,  2228, 
2232,  2790,  2791,  2792,  2793 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 173,  2138 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 271, 

272,  283,  284,  285,  304,305,309, 

536,  663,  664,  920,  933,  934,  935 

remarks  on  printing  the   agricultural  report, 

926,  927 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 973, 

976,  981,  992,  993 
remarks    on    the  Washington   military  road 

grant 1010 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 

1018, 1019,  1021,  1022,  1041,  1761 

remarks  on  the  Massachusetts  election. ...1120 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill. ..1284, 

1286,  1496,  1498,  H99 


Morrill,  Justin  S.,  a  Representative  from  Ver- 
mont—  Continued. 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  1329 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1379, 

1380,  1381,  1389,  1392,  1401,  1413 
remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1493 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1633, 

1634,  1658,  1697,  1715,  1733,  1755, 
1756,  1757,  1758,  1759,  1760,  1761, 
1784,  1785,  1786,  1787,  1788,  1790, 
1791,  1814,  1815,  1816,  1818,  1819, 
1820,  182],  1822,  1823,  1824,  1825, 
1826,  1827,  1832,  1833,  1834,  1835,  1836, 
1837,  1838,  1848,  1849,  1850,  1851,  1852, 
1853,  1854,  1875,  1876,  1877,  1878,  1879, 
1882,  1883,  1901,  1902,  1903,  1904,  1905, 
1906,  1907,  1908,  1909,  1912,  1913,  1914, 
1915,  1916,  1917,  1918,  1934,  1935,  1936, 
1937,  1938,  1939,  1940,  1941,  1942,  1943, 
2810,  2885,  2995,  2996,  2998,  2999,  3000, 
3018,  3019,  3020,  3021,  3024,  3025,  3026, 
3027,  3055,  3056,  3275,  3277,  3278,  3280 
remarks  on  the  resolution  temporarily  increas- 
ing the  duties  on  imports 1702, 

1703,  1847,  1848,  1855,  1857,  1858,  1859 
remarks  on  the  resolution  setting  apart  the  old 

Hall  for  statuary 1736 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published  de- 
bates  1783, 1784,  1875,  2298 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1998, 

2386,  2470,  2471,  2472,  2474,  2908 

remarks   on    the   claims   of  Kansas    Indians, 

2031,  2032 
remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 

2293,  2295 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 377 

2364,  2369,  2452,  2455, -2477, 
2480,  2482,  2483,  2505,  2506 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2526, 

2672,  2680,  2681,  2639,  2690,  2691, 
2692,  2717,  2718,  2719,2720,2721,2722, 
2743,  2744,  2745,  2746,2747,2748,2750, 
3079,  3312,  3313,  3314,  3402,  3403,  3404 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold..... 2788,2793 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...2939, 

3107,     3108,    3113,    3114, 

3395,  3396,  3399,  3400,  3402 

remarks  on  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No. 438). ..3024 

remarks  on  the  special  income  tax 3527, 

3528,  3529,  3530,  3531,  3532 
Morris,    Daniel,   a    Representative    from    New 

York 148,  196, 

714,  879,  975,  1541,  2776,  2910,  3355,3357 

resolution  by 879 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ..282,  297,  298 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 531, 

532,  533,  579 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1059 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1124 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1264, 

1265,  2260 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2613 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2743 

remarks  on   the  repeal  of    the  fugitive  slave 

laws 2774, 

2775,  2910,  2911,  2916,  2919,  2920 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 2998 

Morris,  Harriet  and  Emily,   bill  for   the   relief 

of 658,  759,  813,  1036,  2272,  2385 

Morris,  James  R.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 
47,  164,  313,  940,  970,  1098,  1261, 
1387,  1396,  1407,  1409,  1470,  1660, 
1762,  1791,  1792,  1821,  1885,  2139, 
2207,  2575,  2609,  2610,  2650,  2751, 
2813,  2814,  2815, 2892,  2919, 3060, 3077, 
3207,  3316,  3401,  3427,  3463,  3480,3523 

resolutions  by ...1098,  140%  2207,  2575 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 535,  550 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Union 

Gas-Light  Company 1470 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill,  1470, 1471 

remarks  on  the  penitentiary  bill 1473, 

1474,  1475,  1476,  1491,  1493 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  benefit  of  the  Guard- 
ian Society... 1762, 1763 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1820 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  2431 
Morrison,  Ambrose,  bill  for  relief  of,  2271,  2273 
Morrison,  William  R.,a  Representative  from  Il- 
linois  426,730, 

875,  1324,  1531,  2001,  2029,  2995,  3310 
resolutions  by 426,  875,  1531,  3310 


Mott,  Gordon  N.,aDel(;gnte  from  Nevada. ...148 

Mowry,  George,  bill  for  the  relief  of 218, 

2271,  3469,  3470 
Muir,  W.  K. — see  B.  F.  Davidson. 

Munson,  Francis,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2809, 

3470,  3471 
Murphy,  Richard  G.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3464, 

3535 
Murray,  George  W.,bill  for  the  relief  of.. ..1448 
Myers,Amoa,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania  95, 

128, 189, 259, 459, 1099, 1121, 1190, 1195, 
1325,  1516,  2270, 2289,  2298, 2363, 2385, 
2425,  2535,  3014,  3217,  3315,  3524,3535 

resolutions  by 128,  189,  3014,  3524,3537 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 432, 

471,  473,  550,  551,  3147,  3281,  3317 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill  —  358 
remarks  oit  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long.  ...1587 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1788, 

1820,  1823,  1835,  1839,  1840,  1841 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2745 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3023,  3024 
Myers,  Leonard,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania  332,2030, 

2214,  2264,  2815,  3001,  3085,  3148,3402 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  expenses 172,2137 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1819, 1907 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2193,2196 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  salaries  for 
postmasters 3429,3430 

N. 

Names  of  vessels — see  Frauds. 

Nash,  Sylvester  and  Betsey,  bill  for  the  relief  of 
the  heirs  of 94,  1037 

National  armory,  the  select  committee  on  a  west- 
ern  459 

National  humiliation  and  prayer — see  Fast  Day. 

Naval  administration,  bill  to  establish  a  board 
of 1531 

Naval  Affairs,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 23,  71,  94,  111,  127,  129, 

190,  219,  332,  879,  972,  1010,  1531,  2185 

reports  from 44,  92,  190, 

844,  1262,  1336,  1337,  1338,  1349,  1428, 

2260,  2880,  3080,  3081,  3083,  3084,  3085 

discharged  from  subjects 757,  844,  3083 

Naval  apprentices,  bill  to  require  the  employment 
of,  in  the  commercial  marine  of  the  United 
States 148 

Naval  constructors,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  353)  to  pro- 
vide for  the  education  of,  and  engineers,  at 

the  Naval  Academy ."1220,1262 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  534)  to  authorize  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  provide  for  the  education  of, 
and  steam  engineers. ..3080,  3532,  3535,  3536 

Naval  depot,  bill  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  appoint  a  board  of  competent 
officers  to  survey  the  harbor  of  Portland, 
Maine,  and  its  surroundings,  in  reference  to 
its  fitness  for  a 21 

Naval  hospital,  bill  (No.  308)  repealing  so  much 
of  an  act  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appro- 
priations for  the  service  of  the  fiscal  year 
•ending  the  30th  of  June,  1864,  and  for  other 
purposes,  approved  March  14,  1864,  as  ap- 
propriates S25,000  for  erecting  a,atKittery, 

•  Maine 3208,  3428,  3463 

Naval  pension  fund,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  69) 

•  regulating  the  investment  of  the 3208, 

3428,  3463 
Naval  service,  bill  (S.  No.  76)  relative  to  appoint- 
ments in  the,  and  courts-martial 1044, 

1337,  1764,  1833,  2249 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  28)  relative  to  the  trans- 
fer  of  men    from    the    military   service   to 

the 743,  759,  776 

bill  (No.  236)  to  provide  for  granting  an  hon- 
orable discharge  to  coal-heavers  and  firemen 

in  the 1939,2694 

bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  first  section  of  the  joint 
resolution  relative  to  the  transfer  of  persons 

in  the  military  service  to  the 2612,  2639 

bill  (No.  324)  prescribing  the  punishment  for 
enticing  and  aiding  seamen  to  desert  the,  of 

the  United  States 3208,3428,3463 

bill  (No.  151)  making  appropriations  for  the, 

for  the  year  ending  June  30, 1865. ..266, 357, 

377, 715,  763,  766,  779, 805,  810,  811, 826, 

827,1634,1673,2057,2091,2310,2364,2426 


LVIII 


INDEX  TO 


Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 


Mr. 
Mr. 


Naval  service,  bill  (No.  151)  making  appropria- 
tions for  the,  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1865 — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Alien,  J.  C 357,  359 

Mr.  Ancona 810 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri 833,  834 

Mr.  Brandegce 826,  827,  828 

.  Mr.  Brooks 358,  811,831,  835,  2057 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 834 

Mr.  Cox 7*79 

Mr.  Creswell 2063 

■Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland. 830,  831,  834 

Mr.  Dixon 2062,  2063 

Mr.  Grinnell 811,  2062 

Mr.  Griswold 828,  831 

Mr.  Higby 826,  834 

Mr.  Holman 811, 

813,  826,  827,  828,  829,  830,  831,  835, 
2057,  2058,  2059,  2060,  2061,  2062,  2311 

Mr.  Hooper ' 813 

Mr.  Kasson 811,  826 

Mr.  Kelley 828,  830 

Mr.  King 2060,2061,2062 

Mr.  Morrill 359 

Mr.  Myers,  A 358 

Mr.  Odel! 830 

Mr.  O'Neill,  of  Pennsylvania 827,  828 

Mr.  Orth 359 

Pike 811,  812,  813,  829,  830,  835 

Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 828 

Rice,  of  Massachusetts 810, 

811,    812,   813,   827,    829,   831,    835, 
2058,2059,2060,2061,2062,2310,2311 

Shannon 826 

Spalding 827 

Mr.  Stevens 266, 

357, 779,810,811, 812, 813, 826, 
831,  834,  835,  836,  1673,  2057, 
2058,  2060,  2062,  2063,  2311 

Mr.  Sfrouse 359,828 

Mr.  Washburne,  oflllinois...811,812,813 

Mr.  Wilson, 2061 

(Sec  Seamen.) 
Navarre,  Peter,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .1531,  2272 
Navigation — see  Commerce. 

Navy,  bill  (No.  303)  to  amend  an  act  to  establish 
and  equalize  the  grade  of  line   officers   of 

.the 28],  999,  1336,  1634,1698,1737,  1815 

bill   (No.   369)  to  appoint  certain   officers  of 

the... 3337,  1634,  1764,  1833,  2290,  2338 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  351)  to  establish   additional 

grades  in  the  engineer  corps  of  the 1337 

bill  to  authorize  assimilated  rank  to  be  given 

to  the  warrant  oiRcersof  the 2289, 

3080,  3208,  3464 

bill  (S.  No.  276)  to  amend  an  act  to  establish 

and    equalize    the   grade  of  line    officers  of 

the 2695,3080,3423 

bill  (S.  No.  253)  to  amend  the  act  of  the  21st  of 
December,  1861,  to  further  promote  the  effi- 
ciency of  the 2695,  3080 

bill  to  further  regulate  the  appointment  of  ad- 
mirals, to  increase  the  number  of  line  offi- 
cers in  the,  and  for  the  appointment  of  cer- 
tain volunteer  officers  to  the  regular 3083 

bill  (S.  No.  292)  to  provide  for  the  efficiency 

„     of  the 3214^  3428 

Navy  Department,  calls   for   information   from 

the 38  111   445 

494,  875,  877,  1660,  2030,  2290,  2771,' 2pii 

communications  from  the 148,  184,  706, 

991,  1118,  1429,  1635,  2207,  3138,  3423 

joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the 

Navy  to  expend  a  portion  of  the  contingent 

fund  for  enlarging  the,  building 3311 

Navy-yard,  bill  authorizing  a  survey  at  New 
London,  Connecticut,  and  the  establishment 
of  a,  for  iron-clad  vessels  thereat 3083, 

3084,3085 

resolution  authorizmg  and  empowering  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  commis- 
sion consisting  of  one  naval  officer,  one  of- 
ficer of  the  engineer  corps,  and  one  civilian, 
to  select  the  most  approved  site  for  a,  or 
naval  station  on  the  Mississippi  river. ..3085 

joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  to  appoint  a  commission  to  select  a 
site  for  a,  or  naval  station  on  the  western 
waters 3085   3351 

bill  to  provide  for  the  construction  of  a',  and 
naval  station  on  the  Delaware  river.. .i... 128 

bill  to  authorize  and  establish  a,  and  depot  on 
the  western  waters 331 


Mr. 
Mr. 
Mr. 


Navy-yard — Continued. 

bill   (No.   190)   to  establish  a,  and   depot  at 

Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois 668, 

3208,  3244,  3249,  3317 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr. .Allen,  W.  J 3244,  3245,  3246 

Mr.  Ashley.  3245 

Mr.  Blow 3247,  3248 

Mr.  Broomall 3250 

Mr.  Cravens 3247,  3248,  3249 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 3245 

Mr.  Eldridge 3245 

Mr.  Fenton 3244,  3245 

Mr.  Griswold 3247 

Mr.  Law .3249,  3250 

Mr.  Mallory 3248,  3249 

Mr.Moorhead 3246 

Mr.  Pike 3246,  3247,  3248 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  Missouri 3248,  3249 

Spalding 3244,  3246 

Stevens 3247,  3250 

Washburne,  of  Illinois 3244, 

3245,  3246,  3247,  3248,  3249,  3250 

Mr.  Wilson 3244,  3245,  3246,  3247 

Navy-yards,  joint  resolution  concerning  the  em- 
ployes at  the  United  States 3112 

Nebraska,  the  Territory  of,  bill  to  enable  the 
people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State 
government  and  for  the  admission  of  such 

State  into  the  Union 19, 

87,  1167,  1634,  1657 

Nelson,  Charles  L.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1337, 

1429,  2271 

Nelson,  Horner  A.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York,  11,  100,  288,  331,  874,  999, 1290, 1545, 

2389,  2453,  2695,  3082,  3115,  3148,  3310 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1410 

remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1475 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1824, 

1826,  1827,  1836,  3019,  3020 
remarks  ori  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Margaret  L. 

Stevens 2387 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  2433 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 3312,  3313 

Nesbitt,  George  F.,  bill  for  relief  of.. .3427,  3463 

Nevada,  the  Territory  of,  bill  (No.  96)  to  enable 

the    people    of,  to  form  a  constitution  and 

State  government  and  for  the  admission  of 

such  State  into  the  Union 811, 

1044, 1166,  1195 
joint  resolution  to  enable  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  obtain  the  title  to  certain  prop- 
erty in  Carson  City  in,  for  the  purpose  of  a 

branch  mint  located  in  said  place 874 

bill  to  establish  an  assay  office  at  Carson  City, 
and   an   assay  office   at  Portland,   Oregon, 

1119,3533 
bill  to  amend  the  ninth  section  of  an  act  to  or- 
ganize  1673 

bill  (S.  No.  267)  to  amend  an  act  to  enable  the 
people  of,  to  form  a  constitution  and  State 
government  and  for  the  admission  of  such 

State  into  the  Union, 2139,  2358,  2385 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  45)  to  enable  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  obtain  a  title  to 
certain  property  in  Carson  City,  for  the 
purposes  of  a  branch  mint  located  in   said 

place 2787 

bill  for  the  relief  of  the  preemptors  and  locators 

with  half-breed  scrip  in 3535 

New  Mexico,  the  Territory  of,  bill  to  provide  for 
the  construction  of  a  wagon  road  from  Albu- 
querque, New  Mexica,  to  Fort  Whipple, 
Arizona,  and  thence  to  steamboat  navigation 

on  the  Colorado  river,  in 149 

bill  to  pro  virde  for  the  construction  of  a  military 

road  from  Santa  Fe  to  Taos 149 

bill  to  provide  for  a  geological  survey  of,  and 

Arizona 149 

bill  for  the  payment  of  certain  volunteer  com- 
panies in  the  service  of  the  United  States 
in  the  war  with  Mexico  and  in  the  suppres- 
sion of  Indian  disturbances  in 150,3139 

bill  to  provide  for  the  running  of  the  boundary 
line  between,  and  Arizona  and  the  Territory 

of  Colorado 150 

bill  to  provide  for  the  speedy  Completion  of  Uie 

capitoi  of. 190 

bill  to  provide  additional  mail  facilities  between 

Kansas  City  and  Santa  Fe 149 

bill  to   provide  for  the  appointment  of  Indian 

agents  in 149,  996 

bill  for  the  examination  of  claims  for  Indian 
depredations  in 149,  995 


New  Mexico,  the  Territory  of — Continued. 
bill  to  provide  for  the  improvement  of  the  road 
through  the  Raton  mountains,  between  Fort 
Lyon,    in    Colorado    Territory,  and    Fort 

Union,  in 149 

bill  to  provide  for  the  settlement  of  losses  sus- 
tained by  the  loyal  peoJDle  of,  during  the  in- 
vasion of  General  Sibley,  of  Texas,  out  of 
the  confiscated  property  of  disloyal  citizens 

of 149 

bill  to  authorize  the  making  of  treaties  with  the 
Navajo,  Apache,  and  Utah  Indian  tribes  in, 
defining  their  limits,  and  extinguishing  their 

title  to  lands  outside  of  said  limits 149, 

996,  2272,  2388 
■    bill  to  amend  an  act  to  confirm  certain  private 

land  claims  in 1425,  1791,  2837 

bill  for  the  settlement,  subsistence,  and  sup- 
port of  the  Navajo  Indian  captives  on  a  res- 
ervation in 2194,  2232,  3389 

bill  for  the  relief  of  the  towns  and  villages  in, 

and  Arizona 2207 

Newsboys'  Home — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Noble,    Warren    P.,    a    Representative    from 

Ohio 4, 148, 196,  405,  406, 

480,  495,  1307,  1589,  1703,  2272,  2273, 
2323,  2361,  2450,  3140,  3141,  3179,  3240, 
3311,  3394,  3421,  3469,  3516,  3517,  3531 

resolutions  by ,. 196,495 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 217, 

272,  311,  707,  708 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill,  3184,  3185,  3186,  3187 

Noell,  John  W.,  a  Representative  from  Missouri, 

death  of.  announced..... 415 

Nokes,  J.  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of...  .2029,  2273 
Northrup,  Sally  C,  bill  for  the  relief  of.....  3469 
Norton,   Jesse  0.,  a  Representative  from    Illi- 
nois  38,  148,  508,  933,  991, 

999,  1038,  1040,  1107,  1324,  1532,  1601, 
2185,  2264,  2361,  2892,  3001,  3104,  3310 

resolutions  by 38,  939,  3310 

remarks   on    the   Washington    military    road 

grant , 1010 

remarks  on  the  bill  extending  the  franking  priv- 
ilege  1119 

remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy, 

1328 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... 1601, 

■  •  :  '_  1625 

remarks"  on  the  bill  providing  a  government  for 

the  rebellious  States .■.■..'..... 1743,  1704 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1757, 

1835,  1840,  1903 
Notaries  Public — see  District  of  Columbia. 

0. 

Oath,  bill  to  require  certain  persons  to  take  the, 

of  allegiance 148 

Ocean  mail  steamship  service,  bill  (H.R.  No.  288) 
authorizing  the  establishment  of,  between  the 

United  States  and  Brazil '.....939, 

1653,  1657,  2476,  2508,  2578 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Alley 1653,  1656,1657, 1658,  2476 

Mr.  Dawes ,.1653 

Mr.  Grinnell 1653 

Mr.  Holman 1658 

Mr.  Kasson 1656,  1657,  1658 

Mr.  Mallory 1653,  1656 

Mr.  Pruyn 1655 

Mr.  Stevens 1653,  1656,  1057,  1658 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1053,  1658 

Mr.  Wilson 1657 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando.. ..1653,  1657,  1658 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1658 

Odell,  Moses  F.,   a  Representative  from   New 

York 90, 

238,  387,  580,  740,  779,  843,  1225,  1346, 
1347,  1491,  17,55,  1848,  2751,  2788,  2837, 
3143,  3242,  3315,  3464,  3521,  3537,  3538 

resolutions  by 1491,  3242 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill  —  830 
remarks  on  the  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy, 

"1329 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405)..; 1757, 

1849,  1902,  1918,  1934,  1943,  3277,  3278 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States ,.' 1767,2108 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Penu.sy  Ivania 

war  claims 2133,  2134,  2137 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mer- 
cantile Mutual  Insurance  Company...  .2269 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2093,  2747 

remarks  on  conscription  bill.. ..3146,  3267,3283 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LIX 


Offenses,  bill  (No.  52)  to  provide  for  the  sum- 
mary trial  of  minor,  against  (lie  laws  of  the 

United  Stales 1167,  1266,2772 

Official  reports — see  Jinny. 

O'Neill,  Charles,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  148, 

238,  1061,  1099,  1129,  1325,  1396,  1533, 
1694,  1941,  2014,  2137,2289,  2838,  3112 

resolutions  by 3112 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..827, 

828 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  a  navy-yard  for 

iron-clads 3083,3085 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill... 3312,  3313 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  salaries  for  post- 
masters..  3429,  3430 

O'Neill,  John,  a  Representative  from  Ohio. ..14, 
71,  760,  939,  981,  1289,  1290,  1407,  3354 
Oregon — see  Washingtoji. 

Orth,   Godlove  S.,   a   Representative   from    In- 
diana  23,  128,  148,  149,  258,  261, 

332,  354,  526,  622,  625,  972,  1041,  1099, 
1121,  1217,  1218,  2273,  2362,  2363,  2450, 
2787,  2910,  3207,  3239,  3472,  3521,  3531 

resolutions  by 261,  332,  2787 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 186, 

212,  213,  508 
,    remarks  on  the  case  of  C.  M.  Wetherill....263 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill 359 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill,  1285 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long. ..1543, 

1544,  1545,  1590 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1820 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3466,  3525 

Overland  Mail  Company — see  Mail. 

P. 

Pacific  railroad,  the  committee  on  the 37 

instructions  to 189,  480 

reports  from 658, 

1793,  1959,  1990,  2063,  2427,  2671,  2842 
Pacific  Railroad,  bill  (No.5)granting  public  lands 
to  the  People's,  Company  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  and  telegraph   line  to 
the  Pacific  coast  by  the  northern  route... 19, 
658,  1533,  1698,  2291 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brown, of  Wisconsin, 2291, 2292,2293 

Mr.  Donnelly 2293 

Mr.  Grinnell 2295 

Mr.  Holman 1698,  2291,  2297 

Mr.  Kasson 2292 

Mr.  Morrill 2293,  2295 

Mr.  Sloan.... 1699,  2291,  2292,  2293 

Mr.  Spalding 2292,  2297 

Mr.  Stevens 1698,  1699, 

1702.  2291,  2292,  2293,  2295,  2296,  2297 

Mr.  Sweat 1699,  2292,  2293 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2291,  2292 

Mr.  Wilson. ..1698j  1699,2291,  2292,2296 

yeas  and  nays  on. the 2291,  2297 

:  bill  (H.  R.  No.  438)  to  amend  an  act  to  aid  in 

i-  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph 

line  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific 

ocean,  and  to  secure  to  the  Government 

the  use  of  the  same  for  postal,  military,  and 

other  purposes 1142,  2671, 

2842,  3021,  3060,  3062,  3079,  3115, 
3148,  3180,  3242,  3244,  3266.  3317, 
3357,  3388,  3479,  3480,  3523,  3530 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allison 3244 

Mr.  Ancona 3060 

Mr.  Brooks 3080,3244,  3266 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 3080, 

3155,  3180,  3181,  3267,  3388 

Mr.  Dawes 3181 

Mr.  Dawson 3266,  3267 

Mr.  Farnsworth 3156 

Mr.  Higby 3155 

Mr.  Holman 3021, 

3022,  3023,  3024,  3156,  3244 

Mr.  Hooper 3182 

Mr.  Kernan... 3060 

Mr.  Loan 3180 

^  Mr.  McBride-. 3080 

Mr.  Morrill 3024 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 3480 

Mr.  Myers,  A 3023,  3024 

Mr.  O'Neill,  ofPt-nnsylvatiia 3080 

Mr.  Price 3079,  3080,  3152,  3153,  3181 

Mr.  Pruyn 3021, 

3022,  3149,  3150,  3181,  3182,  3267 
Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania. ..3023, 3156 


Pacific  railroad,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  438)  to  amend  an 
act  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the 
Pacific  ocean,  and  to  secure  to  the  Govern- 
ment the  use  of  the  same  for  postal,  military, 
and  other  purposes — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Massachusetts 3079,3080 

Mr.  Shannon 3022,3182 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 3021, 

3023,  3024,  3060,  3080,  3115,  3149,  .3267 

Mr.  Stevens...3021, 3022, 3060,  3062, 3079, 

3080,3149,3154,3155,3156,3180,3181, 

3182,  3242,  3244,  3357,  3479,  3480,  3481 

Mr.  Sweat 3181,3182 

Mr.  Van  Valkenburgh 3153 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois .3021, 

3022,  3080,  3115,  3148, 3149, 3150, 3153, 
3155,  3156,  3182,  3244,  3357,  3480,3481 

Mr.  Wilder 3480 

Mr.  Wilson 3080, 

3149,  3153,  3156,  3180,  3244,  3481 

■    yeas  and  nays  on  the 3156,  3244 

Palmer,  William  R.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.....  3424 

Parsons,  Solomon,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1494, 

2272,  2386 
Passengers,  bill  further  to  regulate  the  carriage 

of,  in  steamboats  and  other  vessels 2771, 

2836,  3535,  3536 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  provide  for  the  better 

security  of  the  lives  of,  on  board  of  vessels 

propelled  in  whole  or  in  part  by  steam, 3014 

Patents,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to....... 313 

reports  from 2272,  3207,  3311 

Patents,  bill  (No.  162)  amending  an  act  to  amend 
an  act  to  promote  the  progress  of  the  useful 

arts,  approved  March  3, 1863 2157, 

2695,  3207 
(See  Public  Lands.) 
Patterson ,  James  W.,  a  Representative  from  New 

Hampshire 45,624,  687,  707,  1536, 

1660,  1933,  19.34,  2452,2453,2813,2879, 

3014,  3061,  3062,  3207,  3240,  3463,  3535 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate  the  Union 

Gas-Light  Company 1469 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill,  1471, 1472 
remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1474, 

1491,  1492,  1493 

I'emarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1822 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1998 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomiatic  bill, 

2228,  2790,  2791,  2792 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  schools  in  the 

District 2813,2814 

remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill...2815,  2816,2817 

Pay,  bill  to  facilitatethe  payment  of  bounties  and 

arrears  of,  due  for  the  services  of  wounded 

and  deceased  soldiers 94,  447 

bill  to  increase  the,  of  the  Army 148 

bill  to  increase  the,  of  non-commissioned  offi- 
cers, musicians,  and  private  soldiers  in  the 

military  service  of  tlie  United  States 149 

bill  to  fix  the,  and  allowance  of  oflicers,  musi- 
cians, and  private  soldiers  of  African  de- 
scent in  the  military  service  of  the  United 

States .149 

bill  to  fix    the,  of  colored    officers,    soldiers, 

chaplains,  and  musicians 19,  273 

bill  increasing  the,  of  cadets  at  West  Point,  288 
joint  resolution  to  provide  for  the,  of  the  offi- 
cers and  crew  of  the  United  States  steam 
transport  Union,  wrecked  November3, 1861, 

off  the  coast  of  North  Carolina 480,  757 

bill  to  amend  the  sixteenth  section  of  the  act  to 
define  the,  and  emoluments  of  certain  offi- 
cers  526,2773 

bill  to  allow  non-commissioned  officers  and  sol- 
diers, for  extra  duty 874 

bill  for  the  classification  of  clerks  to  paymas- 
ters in  the  Navy  and  graduating  their. ..991, 
1337,  1939,  2435,  2448,  2527 
bill  (No.  301)  to  amend  an  act  for  enrolling  and 
calling  out  the  national  forces  so  as  to  in- 
crease the  rank,  and  emoluments  of  the  Pro- 
vost Marshal  General. ..998, 1715, 1737, 1815 
bill  (No.  302)  to  amend  section  nine  of  an  act 
approved  July  17,  1862,  to  define  the,  and 
emoluments  of  certain  officers  of  the  Army, 
998,     1098,     1099,     1185,     1196, 
1266,  1336,  1378,  1453,  1494,  1534 
bill  (S.  No.  145)  to  equalize  the,  of  soldiers  in  the 
United  States  Army,  1043, 1098,  1964,  2030, 
2056,  2333,  2509,  2908,  2995,  3078,  3104 


Pay —  Continued. 

bill  providing,  to  field  officers  of  regiments  for 
the   time  actually  employed  in   organizing 

their  respective  regiments 1.324,  3142 

bill   regulating  the,  of  certain    offictTK   in   the 

Army  of  the  United  States 1694,  3142 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  72)  relative  to,  of 
staff  officers  of  the  Lieutenant  General ,  2035, 

2338,  2343,  2426 
joint  resolution  amendatory  of  an  act  to  pro- 
vide for  a  deficiency  in  the  appropriation  for 
the,  of  officers  and  men  actually  employed 
in  the  Western  department  or  (iepartmenl  of 

Missouri 2607,  2773,  3214,  3218 

bill  to  regulate  the,  of  paymasters  and  military 

storekeepers  of  ordnance 3139 

bill  to  regulate  rank,  and  emoluments  of  veteri- 
nary surgeons  of  cavalry  regiments 3142 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  119)  explanatory 
of  joint  resolution  in  relation  to,  of  stuff  offi- 
cers of  the  Lieutenant  General .3514, 

3535,  3536 
(See   .appropriations;   Bounties;   Indian  Regi- 
ments; Salary;   Compensation;  Mililia.) 
Paymaster  General,  bill  regulating  the  appoint- 
ment of ..-. 1532 

Paymasters,  bill  (No.  108)  relating  to  acting  as- 
sistant, in  the  Navy  and  regulating  the  ap- 
pointment of  cadets  in  the  Naval  Academy, 
829,  1044,  1336,  1354 
bill  authorizing  the  appointment  of  fleet,  and 

fleet  engineers 1220 

Payment — see  Pay. 

Pendleton,  George  II.,  a  Representative  from 
Ohio. ..4,  6,  8,  14,  22,  71,  128, 1.50,  165,  190, 
259,  260,  261,  288,  297,  316,  319,  333,  372, 
467,  508,  526,  659,  719,  743,  879,  895, 1044, 
1097,  1099,  1143,  1166,  1167,  1196,  1236, 
1284,  1289,  1290,  1291,  1325,  1326,  1387, 
1426,  1448,  1453,  1495,  1679,  1094,  1695, 
1697,  1698,  1793,  1796,  1854,  1970,  2197, 
2215,  2233,  2289,  2298,  2426,  2575,  2612, 
2613,  2716,  2726,  2771,  2809,  2813,  3112, 
3400,  3430,  3468,  3515,  3532,  3533,  3538 

resolutions  by 260, 

743,  879,  1097,  1325,  1694,  2575,  3538 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill ,...184, 

264,  315,  507,  509 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 283, 

303,  3in,  892,  893 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 336, 

337,371,825 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 398, 

399,  626,  631,  768,  3280,  3281 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 731, 

732,  735,  736,  737,  933,  994,  995 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 890 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral officers 1150,1154,  i2238 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1262, 
1263,  1396,  1468,  2253,  2254,  2256,  2:263 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  1254,  1255,  1377 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  1328 
remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1389, 

1395 
remarks  on  the  censure  and  expulsion  of  My. 

Harris 1518,1519 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Lons:,  1545, 
.     1584,  1585,  1586,  1624,  1625,  1626 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1715, 

1756,    1761,    1784,    1787,    1839,    1850, 

1852,  1880,  1881,  1882,  1883, 1884, 1905, 

1908,  1909,  1910,  1911, 1912,  1913,  3055 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  bridges  over  the 

Ohio 1735,  1736 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the   rebellious 

States 2105 

remarks  on  granting  homesteads  on   forfeited 

estates 2252,  2253 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mer- 
cantile Insurance  Company,  2266,  2267,  2268 
remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation    bill, 
2428, 2434,  2435,  2611,  3016,  3017, 3018, 3141 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2612, 

2613,  2992,  2993,  2995 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2690,  2694,  2726,  2788,  2789,  2793 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2749 

remarks  on  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  laws, 2775 
remarks  on  the  bill  repealing  the   act  for    the 

relief  of  E.  F.  &  S.  A.  Wood 2840 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 2885,  2893 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation   bill. ..2937, 

3015,  3113,  3.115 


LX 


INDEX  TO 


Penitentiary — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Pennsylvnnift  war  claims,  l)ill  (No.   117)   to  re- 
imburse the  Stale  of  Pennsylvania  for  ex- 
penses in  calling  out  the  militia  of  said  Slate 

during  the  recent  invasion 151, 

168,  188,  189,  1793,  2132,  2137,  2155 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

JMr.  Ancona 2138 

Mr.  Ashley 1793 

Mr.  Blaine 169,  1796,  1797, 1800 

Mr.  Blow 2134 

Mr.  Brooks 1G9 

Mr.  Brown,  of  West  Virginia 1794 

Mr.  Cox 170, 173, 

189,  1794,  1795,  1796,  2133,  2137,  2138 

Mr.  Cravens 2137 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 1794, 

1795,  1796,2138 

Mr.  Dawes 1800, 1801 

Mr.  Farnaworth 1793, 

1794,1796,1802,2132,2138 

Mr.  Ganson 188,  1794,  1796,  2133 

Mr.  Garfield 2133,  2134 

Mr.  Hall 2135 

Mr.  Harding 2134,  2135,  2137 

Mr.  Hoimnn 170,  1794,  1795 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 1794,  1795 

Mr.  Kasson 169,  172 

Mr.  Kelley 171 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 1794 

Mr.  Kernan .....1796 

Mr.  King 168,  2132,  2133,  2134 

Mr.  Knapp 2138 

Mr.  Le  Blond 2138 

Mr.  Lovejoy 171 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania 1801, 

1802,  2155 

Mr.  Morrill 173,  2138 

Mr.  Myers,  L 172,2137 

Mr.  Odell 2133,  2134,  2137 

Mr.  Pendleton 1796 

Mr.  Price 2133 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 1795, 

2135,  2137 

Mr.  Rogers 168 

Mr.  Schenck 2134,2135,  2138 

Mr.  Smith 2133,  2134 

Mr.  Spalding. ..172,  2133,  2134,2137,2138 

Mr  Stevens 151, 

168,  170, 171, 172,  189,  1793, 1794, 1795, 
1796,  2132,  2133,  2135,  2136,  2137, 2138 

Mr.  Stiles 1794,  1796 

Mr.  Thayer 170,  171,  173,  1796 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 169, 

173,  189,  1793,  1796,  1802 

Mr.  Webster 1800 

Mr.  Whaley 2137 

Mr.  Wilder..... 1794 

Mr.  Wilson 169, 170, 171*  1793,  1795 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando ,,168, 

170   173   1793   1794 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1793'  2137^  2138 

Pension,  bill  to  secure  to  the  officers  and  men 
actually  employed  in  the  department  of  the 
Ohio,  or  the  department  of  Kentucky,  their 

pay,  bounty,  and 99 

Pension  laws,  bill  amendatory  of  the 1694 

Pensions,  bill  concerningapplications  for 331 

joint  resolution  relating  to 659 

bill  granting,  to  the  surviving  soldiers  of  the 

war  of  1812.. .825, 843, 1036, 1237,2575,3533 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  312)  to   increase   the,  of  the 

revolutionary  pensioners  now  on  the  rolls  of 

the  Pension  Office 939, 

1036,  1325,  1338,  1349 

bill  supplementary  to  an  act  to  grant 1036, 

1261,  1651,  3427,  3523,  3534,  3535,  3536 
?erca,  Francisco,  a  Delegate  from  New  Mex- 
ico  149, 

150, 1036, 1425, 1532,  2133,  2207,  3389 

?erham,  Sidney,  a  Representative  from  Maine, 

1036,  1037,  1220,  1448,  1694, 

1790,  2049,  2264,  3423,  3534 

resolutions  by 1220 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2063 

);»erry,Lucretia  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1990 

iPerry,  Nehemiah,  a  Representative  from  New 

Jersey 459,  501,  629,  2185,  2214,  3014 

resolution  by 1....2185 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1253 
remarks  on   the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2071 

Peterson,  Francos,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3421 


Pike,    Frederick    A.,    a     Representative    from 

Maine 5,  12,  111,  150, 

519, 597, 714, 1266, 1290, 1291, 1337, 1338, 
1426,  1764,  2029,  2091,  2108,  2155,  2249, 
2273,  2364,  2612,  3084,  3115,  3354,  3355 

resolutions  by 5,  111,150,1426,2029 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  283, 284,  691 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriaiion  bill. ...811, 
812,813,829,830,835 
remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156),  992,  993 
remarks  on  the  Massachusetts  election... .1120 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill,  1273,  1288, 1343, 
1344,  1350,  1351, 1353, 1374, 1375, 1376, 1398 
remarks  on  the  death   of  Hon.   Owen  Love- 
joy 1328 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1759,  1760, 
1851,  1852,  1854,  1875,  1876, 
1906,  1918,  1937,  3024,  3025 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2364, 

2367,  2371,  2456,  2479,  2480 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  .,:.. 3082 

remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill .  ...3246, 

3247,  3248 
Pike,  Joseph,  bill  granting  pension  to,  3310,  3471 

Pilots  and  pilotage,  bill  to  regulate 148 

Pitcher,  Charles  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 920, 

1118,  1142,  1389,  3479,  3527 
Police — ^see  District  of  Columbia. 
Pomeroy,  Theodore  M.,  a  Representative  from 

New  York 13,  495,  496, 

1855,  1859,  1943,  2252,  2451,  2636,  3351 

resolutions  by ; 13 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3183, 

3187,3210,3211,3212,3218 

Porter,  Admiral — see  Thanks. 

Portland,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  349)  providing  that  the 

port  of,  Maine,  shall  be  placed  on  the  same 

basis  as  the  ports  enumerated  in  the  ninth 

section  of  the  act  of  May  7,  1822 2787 

Port  of  delivery,  bill  (No.  69)  to  establish  Park- 

ersburg  as  a 1009 

Ports  of  delivery,  bill  (S.  No.  242)  for  establish- 
ing Portland,   in  the  State  of  Oregon,  and 

Leavenworth,  in  Kansas 2333,  3421 

Port  of  entry,  bill  to  reestablish  the  principal,  for 

the  district  of  Champlain  at  Plattsburg,  J64, 

566,  622,  2607,  2612 

Postage,  bill  to  exempt  from  payment  of,  letters 

and  documents  of  soldiers'  aid  societies,  127 

Postage  currency — see  Counterfeit  Coin. 

Postal  laws,  bill  to  amend  the 2323,  3104 

Postal  money  order  system,  bill  to  establish  a, 
95,  387,  1659,  2238,  2290,  2338 

Postmaster  to  the  House,  election  of. 11 

Postmasters,  bill  (No.  408)  for  the  relief  of,  who 
have  been   robbed  by  confederate  forces  or 

rebel  guerrillas 1660,  1818,  1995 

(See  Salaries.) 
Post  Office  and  Post  Roads,  the  Committee  on,  18, 

instructions  to 40,  44,  45,  232,  480, 

658,  659, 1396,  1448,  1532,  2426,  3104 

reports  from 233,  387,  624,  939,  941,  1653, 

1658,  1659, 1660,  2323,  2935,  3054,  3424 

discharged  from  subjects 164,941,  1286 

Post  Office  Department,  communications   from 

the 148,  410,  622,  1041 

bill  to  revise  and  codify  laws  relating  to  the,  21 
bill  to  amend  an  act  to  amend  the  laws  relative 

to  the , 331 

bill  (No.  158)  in   addition  to  an  actio  amend 

the  laws  relating  to  the 1037,  1118,  1143 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  575)  to  correct  a  clerical  error 
in   the   law  of  June   30,   1864,  relating  to 

the 3523,  3531,  3536 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  50)  making  appropriations  for 
the  service  of,  during  the  fiscal  year  ending 

the  30th  of  June,  1865 86, 

111,1063,1118,  1143,  1147 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Brandegee 112,  113 

Mr.  Brooks Ill,  113 

Mr.  Cox 113 

Mr.  Kasson Ill 

Mr.  Pruyn 112, 113 

Mr.  Stevens,  86,  111,  112,  113,  1143,  1144 
Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  111,  112,  113 
Post  roads,  bill  to  amend  an  act  to  establish  cer- 
tain   20 

bill  to  declare  certain  roads  military  roads  and, 

and  to  regulate  commerce 1010, 

1165,  1237, 1253,  1262, 1370,  1371, 
1396, 146C,  1734,  1761,  2253,  2260 
(See  Appendix.) 


Post  roads — Continued. 

bill  supplementary  to  an  act  approved  July  14, 
1862,  to  establish  certain.., .1037,  1425,  1734 

bill  to  establish  certain •,„.... 3054, 

3077,  3218,  3316,  3390 
Potomac  Ferry  Company- — see  District  of  Colum- 
bia. 
Pott,  Charles  M.,  bill  granting  pension  to,  19,2388 
Powder  magazine,  bill  donating  to  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  certain  lands  in  the  county  of 
Philadelphiafor  the  erection  thereon  of  a,  148 
Practice,  bill  to  prescribe  the,  in  courts  of  justice 

in  certain  cases 2526 

Pratt,  Alexander  F.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3515 

Preble,  George  Henry,  bill  for  relief  of,  658,  714 
President  of  the  United  States,  calls' for  informa- 
tion from  the. ..12,  21,  35,  71,  117,  128,  258, 
259,260, 261, 411, 467,527,  825, 909, 1217, 
1531,  1695,  2185,  2289,  2427,  2578,  2787 

communications  from  the 14,  33,  45, 

68,  99,  128,  129,  313,  355,  427,  658,  684, 
687,  706, 708, 776, 778, 888, 890, 944, 993, 
1099, 1107, 1122, 1287,  1326,  1338, 1389, 
1495,  1815,  1877, 1884, 1939, 1995,  2030, 
2031,  2338,  2426,  2475,  2527,2672,  2812, 
2813,  2856,  3105,  3141,  3352,  3530,  3536 
Presque  Isle — see  Collection  District. 
Price,  Hiram,  a  Representative  from  Iowa, 
44,  471,  691,  709,  887,  888,  1096,  1142, 
1225,  1289,  1386,  1531,  1545,  1697, 
1793,  1942,  1959,  2139,  2155,  2265, 
2426,2454,2483,2510,  2575,  2776,  2809, 
2815,2995,3053,3061,  3079,  3103,  3208 

resolutions  by 44,  887,  1096,  1386,  3103 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 355 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 529,  577 

remarks  on  freedmen's   affairs 709,  888 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill. ..1043 
remarks  on  the  saleof  surplus  gold,  1128,  1146 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill ,1272,  1352, 

1353,  1377,  1380,  1381,  1390, 

1391,  1400,  1409,  1430,    1680 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405)... .1814, 

1815,  1819,  1834,  1835,  1853,  1913, 

1916,  1917,  1935,  1936,  2998,  3055 

remarks  on  the  Iowa  land  grant 1886 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1995 
remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

andYeaman) 2579,2585 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election...  2645,  2646 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2722,  2745 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3079,  3080,  3152,  3153,  3181 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3107, 

3108,  3110,  3111,  3115 

Printing,  the  Committee  on - 18 

instructions  to .' 410,  426,  1097,  1406 

reports  from.... 38, 

88,  168,  189,  313,  406,  459,  495,  623, 
757,  759,  926, 1121,  1122, 1220,  1338,  1387, 
1494,  1659,  1679,  1755,  1782,  1784,  1814, 
2197,  2238,  2249,  2323,  2470,  2717,  2741, 
2777,  2795,  2842,  3112,  3351,  3515,  3527 


discharged  from  subjects.. 


....2132 


Private  Land  Claims,  the  Committeeon... 18,  313 

reports  from 624, 

1061, 1495,  1791,  2723,  2810,  3240,  3309 

Private  land  claims — see  J^ew  Mexico. 

Prize  money,  bill  to  regulate  prize  proceedings 

and  the  distribution  of,  2185,  3080, 3389,  3421 

Process — see  District  of  Columbia. 

Property,    joint   resolution    (H.    R.    No.     Ill) 

authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to 

reclaim  and  preserve  certain,  of  the  United 

States 3317,  .3354 

Pruyn,  John  V.  L.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 3.33, 

429,  1010,  1143,  1165, 1168,  1169,  1262, 
1289,  1290,  1291, 1292, 1406, 1494, 1499, 
1532,  1658, 1659,1784, 1814,  2188,2271, 
2361, 2363,  2364,  2426,  2427,  2428,  2476, 
2527,  2675,  2723,  2751, 3084, 3104,  3423, 
3431,  3463,  3464,  3466,  3472,  3516,  3530 

resolutions  by 333, 1010,  2426,  2427 

remarks  on  the  Post  Office  appr6priatioii  bill, 

112,  113 
remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ..507,  517,518 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1144 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1165, 
2260,2261,2263,2264 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 12.55,  1256, 

1266,  1271,  1272,  1288,  1339,  1412, 1682 

remarks  on  the  Ijill  to  incorporate  the  Union 

Gus-Light  Company .....1469,  1470 


THE  COISTGRESSIOISrAL  GLOBE. 


LXI 


Pruyn,  John  V.  L.,  fv  Representative  from  New 
York — Conlinued. 
remarks  on  District  penitentiary  bill,  1474, 1476 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 1655 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1816, 

1837,  2997,  3000,  3027,  3055 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic   bill, 

2215,2216,2217,2232 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2370, 

2481,  2482,  2483 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2726 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery. ..2723,  2939 
remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 3021, 

2022,  3149,  3150,  3181,  3182,  3267 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill.. ..3108, 

3109,  3395 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3187, 

3213,  3216,  3217,  3351 
Public  Buildings  and  Grounds,  the  Committee 

on 18,  1262 

instructions  to 110,  1217,  2029 

reports  from. ...595,  668,  757,  1736,  1762,  2426 
Public  Buildings,   bill   relating  to   the  office  of 

Commissioner  of. 972 

bill  to  revive  so  much  of  the  act  making  appro- 
priations for  certain  civil  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  30th  June, 
1858,  as  appropriates  the  sum  of  $50,000  for 
the  construction  of  a  custom-house.  United 
States  court  rooms,  and  post  office,  at  Cairo, 

Illinois 731 

bill  making  appropriations  for,  in  the  Terri- 
tories of  Colorado,  Nevada,  Dakota,  Idaho, 

Arizona,  and  Montana 1170, 

1680,  1734,  2297,  2607 

bill  relating  to  office  of  Commissioner  of,  2232 

Public  documents,  bill  (No.  265)  to  expedite  and 

regulate  the  printing  of. 2359, 

2482,  3112,  3182 
Public  Expenditures,  the  Committee  on. ..18,  313 

instructions  to 658,  756,  3400,  3535 

reports  from 297,  1060,  2995 

Public  Lands,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 44, 

190,  406,  426,  427,  659,  660,  2291 

reports  from 233,  480,  623,  668, 

940,  991,  999,  1036,  1061,  1387,  1453,  1884, 
1885, 1886, 1887, 2333, 2579, 2787, 3178, 3207, 
3316, 3351, 3388, 3389, 3421, 3423, 3469,  3515 
discharged  from  subjects,  843,  940,  1884,  2777 
Public  lands,  bill  granting,  to  the  People's  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Company  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line  to 
the  Pacific  coast  by  the  northern  route. ..19, 
658,  1533,  1698,  2291 
joint  resolution  extending  a  grant  of,  from  the 
city  of  Grand  Rapids  to  the  southern  line  of 

the  State  of  Michigan 21 

bill  to  amend  an  act  donating,  to  the  several 
States  and  Territories  which  may  provide 
colleges  for  the  benefit  of  agriculture  and  the 

mechanic  arts 40 

joint  resolution  asking  an  appropriation  of,  by 
Congress  to  endow  female  colleges  in  the 

,  -  several  States 149 

bill  to  amend  an  act  approved  July  17,  1854, 
to  amend  an  act  approved  September,  1850, 
creating  the  office  of  surveyor  general  of,  for 

Oregon 150,  623,  1099 

bill  concerning  certain  school  lands  in  township 
forty-five  north,  range  seven  east,  in  the  State 

■   of  Missouri 261,  1061,  2910,  2920,  3016 

bill  granting,  to  the  State  of  Michigan  for  the 
construction  of  n  wagon  road  for  postal  and 
military  purposes  in  thatState,117,273,297, 
623,  624,  1885,  2880,  3021,  3060,  3141 
bill  making  a  grant  of,  to  the  State  of  Iowa  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  the  McGregor, 
Western  and  Cedar  Falls,  and  Minnesota 

railroads  in  said  State 281 

bill  for  a  grant  of,  to  the  State  of  Iowa  in  alter- 
natc  sections  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a 

railroad  in  said  State 297, 

1495,  2056,  2252,  2269 
bill  concerning  certain,  in  the  State  of  Califor- 
nia  331,  623,  1886,  3060,  3078,  3141 

bill  (S.  No.  12)  extending  the  time  within  which 
the  States  and  Territories  may  accept  the 
grant  of,  made  by  the  act  donating,  to  the 
several  States  and  Territories  which  may 
provide  colleges  for  the  benefit  of  agriculture 

and  the  mechanic  arts 190,  399,  713, 

878,  1097,  1262,  1284,  1495,  1499,  2773 


Public  land.s — Continued. 

bill  (S.  No.  60)  amendatory  of  the  homestead 

law 232,  399,  668,  714,  1062,  1185,  1218 

bill  donating,  to  Michigan  for  the  endowment 

of  female  colleges  in  said  State. 427. 

bill  to  exclude  traitors  and  alien  enemies  from 
the  courts  of  the  United  States  in  civil  cases 

and  from  the 719,  843,  2774 

bill  relating  to  the  Las  Ormegas  and  La  Nana 

grants 480,  1884,  2333,  3397 

bill  to  confirm  certain  entries  of,  in  the  State  of 

Missouri.. ..526,  940,  3057,  3060,  3061,  3141 

bill  granting,  to  aid  in  constructing  the  Lake 

Superior  railroad  and  providing  for  the  use 

of  the   same  by  the  United  States  free    of 

charge .-543,1036 

bill  (No.  24)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Oregon 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  military  road, 

689,  714 

bill  (No.  23)  granting,  to  the  State  of  Oregon 

to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  military  road 

from  Eugene  City  to  the  eastern  boundary 

of  said  State 689,  714,  3469 

bill  to  amend  an  act  making  a  grant  of,  to  the 

State  of  Iowa  in  alternate  sections  to  aid  in 

the  construction  of  certain  railroads  in  said 

State,  706,  1453, 1886,  2384,  2475,  2613,2672 

bill  granting,  to   the  State  of  "Wisconsin   to 

build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Superior. ..707, 

1886,  3060,  3077,  3108 

bill  making  a  grant  of,  to  the  Lake  Superior 

and  Mississippi  Railroad  Company,  in  the 

State  of  Minnesota 743, 

1036,  1058,  1118,  1119,  1887,  2035 

bill  extending  the  time  for  the  completion  of 

certain  railroads  in  the  State  of  Iowa.. ..785 

bill  to  authorize  the  State  of  Indiana  to  apply 

certain,  granted  by  Congress  to  the  education 

of  orphan  children  of  soldiers  who  die  during 

the  war 877,  1884,  1901 

bill  granting,  to  construct  a  wagon  road  in  Cal- 
ifornia  874 

bill  (No.  140)  to  provide  for  the  development 
of  the  mineral  resources  of  the  United  States, 

and  of  the 232,  909 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  438)  to  amend  an  act  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph 
line  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific 
ocean  and  to  secure  to  the  Government  the 
use  of  the  same  for  postal,  military,  and  other 
purposes...  1142, 2671, 2842, 3021, 3060, 3062, 
3079,  3115,  3148, 3180,  3242, 3244,  3266, 
3317,  3357,  3388,  3479,  3480,  3523,  3530 
bill  in  relation  to  mines  and  minerals  on  the,  1184 
bill  granting,  to  Wisconsin  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  railroads  in  said  State 1577, 

1695,  1715,  1886,  2663 

joint  resolution  (No.  38)  explanatory  of  the 

tenth  section  of  an  act  to  reduce  the  expenses 

of  the  survey  of  the,  of  the  United   States, 

1349,  2694,  3421 
bill  for  the  relief  of  the  settlers  upon  certain,  in 

California 1387,1999,2031,2810 

bill  granting  to  the  West  Virginia  Central  Rail- 
road Company  two  million  acres  of  the,  on 

certain  conditions 1408 

bill  granting  to  the  State  of  Wisconsin  a  dona- 
tion of,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  ship 
canal  at  the  head  of  Sturgeon  bay,  in  the 
county  of  Door,  in  said  State,  and  Backwater, 
on  the  shore  of  Lake  Michigan,  so  as  to  con- 
nect  the    waters  of  Green  bay  with   Lake 

Michigan  in  said  State 1792,2787 

bill  (S.  No.  208)  making  a  grant  of,  to  the  State 
of  Iowa  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  rail- 
road from  McGregor  to  some  point  on  the 
Missouri  river,  and  certain  collateral  roads, 
to  connect  with  the  railroads  in  the  State  of 

Minnesota 1791 

bill  concerning  certain  locations  of,  in  the  State 

of  Missouri... 1942, 

2777,  2810,  3240,  3397,  3423 
joint  resolution  amendatory  of  the  joint  resolu- 
tion approved  July  12,  1862,  granting  to  the 
State  of  Minnesota  the  right  to  change  the 
line  of  certain  branch  railroads  in  said  State, 

1943 

bill  (S.  No.  216)  to  grant  the  right  of  preemption 

to  certain  settlers  on  the  Rancho  Bolsa  de 

Tomales 2033,  2090,  2787 

bill  (S.No.  233)  making  an  additional  grant  of, 
to  the  State  of  Kansas  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  railroad  and  telegraph  lines 1760, 

2056, 3421,  8423,  3432 


Public  lands — Continued. 

bill  to  amend  the  act  granting  the  right  of  way 
to  the  State  of  Missouri  and  a  portion  of  the, 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  certain  railroads 
in  said  State 2090 

bill  extending  the  time  for  the  completion  of  the 
Marquette  and  Ontonagon  railroad  of  the  Slate 
of  Michigan.... 1466, 2289,  2579,  2722,  3105 

bill  (No.  250)  making  a  grant  of  alternate  sec- 
tions of,  to  the  State  of  Michigan  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  certain  railroads  in  said 
State 2338,  2607,  2695,  2716 

bill  making  an  additional  grant  of,  to  the  State 
of  Minnesota  to  aid  in  the  construction  of 
railroads  from  Stillwater,  by  way  of  St.  Paul 
and  St.  Anthony,  to  a  point  between  Big 
Stone  lake  and  the  mouth  of  Sioux  Wood 
river,  with  a  branch  to  St.  Cloud,  and  to  the 
navigable  waters  of  Red  River  of  the  North, 
as  the  Legislature  may  determine 2426 

bill  granting,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a 
branch  Union  Pacific  railroad  and  telegraph 
line  through  the  mineral  lands  of  the  Terri- 
tories of  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  and  Ari- 
zona  2426,2448 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  483)  granting,  to  aid  in  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line  from 
Lake  Superior  to  Puget  sound,  on  the  Pacific 

coast,  by  the  northern  route 2427, 

2448,  2510,  2611,  3316,  3318, 
3357,  3388,  3479,  3517,  3530 

bill  for  the  disposal  of  coal  lands  and  town 
property  on  the 2185 

bill  (No.271)toamendan  actmakingdonations 
to  settlers  on  the,  in  Oregon,  approved  Sep- 
tember 27,  1850,  and  the  acts  amendatory 
thereto 2510,3207 

bill  making  an  additional  grant  of,  to  the  State 
of  Minnesota,  in  alternate  sections,  to  aid  in, 
the  construction  of  railroads  in  the  said 
State 2690 

joint  resolution  (S.No.  17)  relative  to  a  certain 
grant  of,  for  railroad  purposes  made  to  the 
Territory  of  Minnesota  in  the  year  1857, 2694 

bill  (S.  No.  164)  to  extend  the  time  within 
which  the  States  may  select  their  swamp 
lands 2695 

bill  (S.  No.  203)  authorizing  a  grant  to  the 
State  of  California  of  the  Yosemite  valley, 
and  of  the,  embracing  the  Mariposa  Big  Tree 
Grove 2695,  3388    y 

bill  making  a  grant  of,  in  alternate  sections  to 
the  Territories  of  Dakota  and  Montana  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  in  said 
Territories 2722 

joint  resolution  (No.  42)  to  extend  the  time  for 
the  reversion  to  the  United  States  of,  granted 
by  Congress  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a 
railroad  from  Pere  Marquette  to  Flint,  and 
for  the  completion  of  said  road 2777 

bill  (S.  No.  109)  to  expedite  the  settlement  of 

titles  to,  in  the  State  of  California 2794, 

3178,  3351,  3428 

bill  (S.  No.  306)  to  grant  to  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia  certain,  for   State  prison    purposes, 

2939,  3112,  3182 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  247)  making  a  grant  of,  to  the 
State  of  Wisconsin  to  build  a  military  road  to 
Lake  Superior 2995 

joint  resolution  reserving  mineral  lands  from 
the  operation  of  all  acts  passed  at  the  present 
session  granting,  or  extending  the  time  of 
former  grants 3104 

bill  (No.  301)  for  the  sale  of  a  lot  of,  in  Iowa 

in  the  Fort  Crawford  reservation 3208, 

3428,  3463 

bill  (No.  315)  in  relation  to  the  sale  of  reserva- 
tions of  the 3311,  3430,  3479 

bill  to  authorize  the  issuing  of  patents  for  cer- 
tain, in  the  town  of  Stockbridge,  State  of 
Wisconsin 3316 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  559)  to  quiet  the  titles  to,  within 
the  Rancho  Laguna  de  Santos  Calle,  in  the 
State  of  California 3388 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  grant  the  right  of  pre- 
emption to  certain  purchasers  on  the  Soscol 
ranche  in  the  State  of  California 3389 

bill  (No.  73)  to  amend  an  act  to  enable  the 
trustees  of  Blue  Mont  College  to  enter  a  cer- 
tain quarter  section  of. 3427,  3469 

bill  (S.  No.  193)  to  extend  the  eighth  section 
of  an  act  to  appropriate  the  proceeds  of  sales 
of  the,  and  to  grant  preemption  rights,  24G4 
(See  Dakota;  Washington  Tenitory.) 


LXII 


INDEX  TO 


Public  priniing,  joint  resolution  (FI.  R.  No.  14) 
to  supply  in  pait  deficiencies  in  the  appro- 
priations for  the,  ynd  to  supply  deficiencies 
in  the  appropriations  for  bounties  to  volun- 
teers   .69,  71,  92,  93,  99 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  18)  in  relation  to  the, 

266,  354,  406,  431 

bill  relative  to  the 2298,  2323,  2639 

Public  works,  bill  making  appropriations  for  the 
repair,  preservation,  and  completion  of  cer- 
tain, heretofore  commenced  under  the  au- 
thority of  law 1036 

bill  for  the  repair  and  preservation  of  certain, 

of  the  United  States 2238, 

2501,  2578,  2939,  2996,  3014, 
3078,  3272,  3278,  3280,  3352 
Public  stores — see  Goods. 

a. 

duarantine,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  563)  in  addition  to 
the  act  respecting,  and  health  laws,  approved 
February  25,  1799,  and  for  the  better  execu- 
tion of  the  third  section  thereof.. .3406,  3538 

duartermaster's  department — see  ^rmy. 

R. 

Radford,  William,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 6,  11,  707,  1143,  1292, 

1673,  2001,  2002,  2427,  2454,  3472,  3532 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1905, 

1908,  1942 

Railroad,    bill  (H.   R.  No.  5)  granting   public 

lands  to  the  People's  Pacific,  Company,  to 

aid  in  the  construction  of  a,  and   telegraph 

line  to  the   Pacific   coast    by  the    northern 

route 19,  658,  1533,  1698,  2291 

bill  to  amend  an  act  to  aid  in  the  construction 
of  a,  and  telegraph  line  from  the   Missouri 

river  to  the  Pacific  ocean 331 

bill  to  amend  section  fourteen  of  the  act  to  aid 
in  the  construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line 
from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean, 

410,2607 

bill  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a,  connecting 

the  Pacific  railroad  in   California  with  the 

Columbia  river  in  Oregon 410 

bill  to  provide  for  the  construction  of  aline  of, 
communication  between  the  cities  of  Wash- 
ington and  New  York,  and  to  constitute  the 
same  a  public  highway  and  a  military  road 
and  a  postal  route  of  the  United  States. .659, 
V  2833,  3423,  3431 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  438)   to  amend  an  act  to  aid 
in  the  construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line 
from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacificocean, 
1142,    2671,    2842,    3021,    3060,    3062, 
3079,  3115,  3148,  3180,  3242,  3244,  3266, 
3317,  3357,  3388,  3479,  3480,  3523,  3530 
bill  to  complete  the  southwest  branch  of  the 

Pacific 1164 

bill  extending  the  time  for  the  completion  of 
the  Marrjuette  and  Ontonagon,  of  the  State 

of  Michigan 1466,  2289,  2579,  2722,  3105 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  190)  to  amend  section  fourteen 
of  an  act  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a,  and 
telegraph  line  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the 
Pacific  ocean,  and  to  secure  to  the  Govern- 
ment the  use  of  the  same  for  postal,  military, 

and  other  purposes 1793 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  191)  to  authorize  and  aid  in 
the  construction  of  a,  connecting  the  Pacific, 
in  California  with  the  Columbia  river  in  Ore- 

,.gon 2063 

bill  grantmg  public  lands  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  a  branch  Union  Pacific,  and  telegraph 
line  tlirough  the  mineral  lands  of  the  Terri- 
tories of  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  and  Ari- 
zona  2426,  2448 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  483)  granting  land  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  a,  and  telegraph  line  from 
Lake  Superior  to  Puget  sound  on  the  Pacific 

coast  by  the  northern  route..... 2427 

2448,2510,2611,3316,3318, 

3357,  3388,  3479,  3517,  3530 

joint  resolution  authorizing  the  President  to 

construct  a  military,  from  the  valley  of  the 

Ohio  river  to  East  Tennessee 2476,2610 

joint  resolution  (No.  64)  explanatory  of  an  act 
extending  the  time  for  the  completion  of  the 
Marquette  and  Ontonagon,  of  the  State  of 

,.    Michigan 2939,2996 

■  (See  District  of  Columbia;  Public  Lands.) 
Railroad  to  New  York,  the  select  committee  on 
the 36,  100,  108,  127 


Railroad  to  New   York,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  307) 

to  declare  certain  roads  military  roads  and 

post  roads,  and  to  regulate  commerce,  ]010, 

1165,  1237,  1253,  1262,  1370,  1371, 

1396,  1466,  1734,  1761,  2253,,  2260 

(See  Appetidix.) 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Alley 1166,  1371 

Mr.  Arnold 1762 

Mr.  Ashley 11C5,  1166 

Mr.  Beaman 1466,  1468 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia.. ..17C1,  1762 

Mr.  Brandegee 2266 

Mr.  Broomall 1262, 

1263,  1265,  1467,  1761,  2263,  2264 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 2258,  2262 

Mr.  Davis, ofNew  York 1253 

Mr.  Dawes 1165,  1166,  1762 

Mr.  Dawson 2263 

Mr.  Deming 1010, 

1165,  1166,  1237,1262,2253 

Mr.  Eldridge 1762 

Mr.  Farnsworih 1165, 1166 

Mr.  Garfield 1264,  1265,  1371,  2254 

Mr.  Holman 1762 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 1762 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania, 1468,  2259 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 1761,  1762 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania 22G3 

Mr.  Moorhead 2260 

Mr.  Morris,  ofNew York,  1264, 1265, 2260 

Mr.  Pendleton .....1262, 

1263, 1396,  1468,  2253,  2254, 2256, 2263 

Mr.  Perry 1253 

Mr.  Pruyn.... 1165, 2260,  2261,  2263,  2264 
Mr.  Rogers...  .1165, 1166, 1237, 1238, 1468 

Mr.  Schenck 1237, 

1238,  2260,  2261,  2262,  2263,  2264 

Mr.  Spalding 2264 

Mr.  Starr 1237 

Mr.  Steele,of  New  Jersey 1761,  1762 

Mr.  Stevens 1262,  1370,  1371 

Mr.  Stiles 2260,  2264 

Mr.  Sweat 1396,  2264 

Mr.  Thayer 1165 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1262, 

1468,  1762 

Mr.  Wilson 1734,  1762,  2253,  2264 

Mr.  Woodbridge 1396, 

1466,  1467,  1468,  1762,  2256,  2263 

Mr.  Yeaman 1762,  2254,2256 

yeasand  nays  on  the 2264 

{See  Dakota;  Utah;  District  of  Columbia;  Public 
Lands.) 
Railroad  Company,  bill  to  amend  the  act  char- 
tering the  Union  Pacific 1990 

Railway,  bill  to  provide  for  the  construction  of  a 
national  military  and  postal,  from  the  city  of 
Washington  to  the  city  ofNew  York. ...148 
Randall,  Samuel  J.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  11, 

12,  ]28,  134,  150,  270,  332,  431,  480, 
508, 740,  743, 844, 1119, 1129, 1174, 1224, 
1236,  1406, 1679, 1695,  1795,  1814,  2578, 
3060, 3083,  .3085,  3143,  3314,  3316,  3398, 
3402,  3404,  3406,  3523,  3527,  3532,  3538 

resolutions  by 128,  1119,  1236,  1406,  3538 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill 828 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill ; 1378, 

1396,  1397,  1400 
remarks  on  steam  fire  engine  bill.. ..1471,  1472 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395). ..1680, 

1681,  1682 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 1795, 

2135,  2137 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1825, 

1832, 1833, 1840, 1849,  1901,  1916,  1941, 

1942,  3020,  3021,  3024,  3025,  3026,  3027 

remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on  imports 1857 

remarks  oti  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2189,2194 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..2474 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  New  York 

railroad  bill 2835 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3143, 

3144,  3145,  3146,  3147,  3148,  3315 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2991 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill,  3023,3156 
remarks  on  the  Pennsylvania  election  (Kline 

and  Myers) 3242 

Randall,    William    H.,   a   Representative  from 

Kentucky 15,260,399,  1396,  1673 

rtsolutiona  by 260,  1396,  1673 


Rations,  joint  resolution  (No.  28)  providing  for 
payment  to  soldiers  in  the  field  of  the  value 

of  short 1286 

Read,  Commander  Abner,  joint  resolution  (No. 
42)  authorizing  payment  of  prize  money  due 
to.  United  States  Navy,  to  his  widow,  Con- 
stance Read 844,  878,  888 

Rebellion,  joint  resolution  concerning  tlie  resto- 
ration of  the  civil  authority  of  certain  States 
and  of  the  United  States  within  regions  once 

under  the  control  of  the  existing 20, 

109,  190 
bill  repealing  part  of  the  joint  resolution  ex- 
planatory of  the  act  to  suppress  insurrec- 
tion, to  punish  treason  and,  to  seize  and 
confiscate  the  property  of  rebels. ..110,  2773 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  18)  to  amend  a 
joint  resolution  explanatory  of  an  act  to 
suppress  insurrection,  punish  treason  and, 
to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  reb- 
els  127,  J84, 

190, 210,  234,  263,  266,  281,  297,  313,  .351, 

374,  399,  406,  448,  467,  496,  508,  543,  566 

bill  to  abolish  certain   laws  in   the  conquered 

territories  of  the  confederate  Slates  and  to 

prescribe  the  terms  of  their  admission  into 

the  Union 151,  1266 

bill  to  guaranty  certain   States  a  republican 

form  of  government 259,  668, 

.  1243, 1679, 1737, 1764,  1970,  1972,  2002, 
2029,  2036,  2063,  2095,  2132,  3518,  3535 
(See  Appendix.) 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  212)  to  provide  for  ascertain- 
ing and  adjusting  claims  against  the  Govern- 
ment for  injury  or  destruction  of  property 
by  the  Army  of  the  United  States  or  by  mil- 
itary authority  during  the  present,  148,495, 
3055,  3056,  3057,  3060,  3077,  3078,  3080. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 3059 

Mr.  Ancona 3060 

Mr.  Beaman 3059 

Mr.  Blaine 3060 

Mr.  Boutwell 3059 

Mr.  Creswell 3060 

Mr.  Farn^worth 3058,  3059,  3060 

Mr.  Fenton 3055,  3056,  3057,  3058 

Mr.  Garfield 3058,3059 

Mr.  Hale 3055, 

3056,  3057,  3058,  3059,  3060,  3079 

Mr.  Harrington 3060 

Mr.  Holman 3056, 3057, 3060' 

Mr.  Hotchkiss ..3058 

Mr.  Le  Blond 3060 

Mr.  Mallory 3058,  3059,3080 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 3060 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  Missouri 3080 

Mr.  Sloan 3080 

Mr.  Smith 3057 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 3056 

Mr.  Thayer 3058 

Mr.  Thomas 3057 

Mr.  Wadsworth 3059,  3060 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois..... 3055, 

3056,  3058,  3060,  3077 

Mr.  White,  J.  W 3080 

Mr.  Wilson 3056,3057,3058,3059 

Mr.  Windom 3057 

yeas  and  nays  on  the...3055, 3058, 3059, 3060 
(See  Military  Governments.) 

Rebellious  States,  the  select  committee  on ,33, 

37    45   313 

reports  from 259,  668,  2833 

Rebellious  States:  joint  resolution  (No.  108)  in 
relation  to  representation  froni  States  which 
have  been  declared  by  proclamation  in  rebel- 
lion  3178,3389 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Ashley 3390 

Mr.  Blair : 3389,  3390 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 3389, 

3390,  3.392 

Mr.  Cox 3389,  3390 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 3389,  3394 

Mr.  Dawes 3389,  3390,  3394 

Mr.  Driggs 3392 

Mr.  Griswold 3390 

Mr.  Mallory 3390 

Mr.  Schenck 3389 

Mr.  Stevens 3394 

Mr.  Wadsworth 3390 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3394 

Rebels,  alleged  correspondence  with 1504, 

1733,  1814,  2091 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LXIII 


Reciprocity  treaty:  joint  resolution  authorizing 
the  President  to  give  the  lequisite  notice  for 
•  terminating  thetreaty  made  with  Great  Bntai  a. 
on  behalf  of  the  British  provinces  in  North 
America  and  to  appoint  commissioners  to  ne- 
gotiate a  new  treaty  with  the  British  Govern- 
ment based  upon  the  true  principles  of  reci- 
procity  9, 19, 1371, 1387, 2298, 2333, 

2364,  2452,  2453,  2476,  2482,  2502,  2508 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 2503 

Mr.  Ancona 2509 

Mr.  Arnold 2369, 

2370, 2371,  2455,  2481,  2482,  2483,  2508 

Mr.  Baxter 2502,  2503 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 2483,  2509 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York,  2454, 2455,  2456 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 2504 

Mr.  Eliot ....2476,  2477,  2478 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2508,  2509 

Mr.  Fenton 2509 

Mr.  Ganson 2481 

Mr.  Grinnell 2370 

Mr.  Kelley 2367 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 2481 

Mr.  Littlejohn 2505 

Mr.  Moorhead. 2370 

Mr.  Morrill 2364,  2369,  2452, 

2455,  2477,  2480,  2482,  2483,  2505,  2506 
Mr.  Pike, 2364,2367,2371,2456,2479,2480 

Mr.  Pruyn 2370,  2481,  2482,  2483 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 2503 

•Mr.  Sloan 2508 

Mr.  Spalding 2481,  2482,  2504 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 2504 

Mr.  Stevens 2478,  2479,  2480,  2509 

Mr.  Sweat 2503,  2504 

Mr.  Thayer 2369 

Mr.  Ward .'.......: 1387,  2298, 

2333,  2452,  2482,  2483,2502,  2506,  2509 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2481, 

2382,  2483,  2504,  2506,  2508,  2509 

Mr.  Wilson 2482 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2598,  2509 

Reconstruction:  bill  to  guaranty  to  certain  States 
whose  governments  have  been  usurped  or 
overthrown,  a  republican   form   of  govern- 
ment, 259,  668,  1243,  1737,  1764,  1970, 1972, 
2002,  2036,  2063,  2095, 2132,  3518,  3535 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1247,  1737 

Mr.  Ancona 2107 

Mr.  Ashley 1743, 

1764,  1766,  2068,  2069,  2105 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Michigan 1981 

Mr.  Bcaman 1243,  1767 

Mr.  B-jutwcll.. 2067,  2068,  2102,  2105 

Mr.  Brandegee.... 2132 

Mr.  Broomall 1767 

Mr.  Cox 1766,  1767,  2095,  2107,  2108 

Mr.  Cravens 2045 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 1243, 

1247,  1766,  1767,  2107,  2108,  3518 

Mr.  Dawson 1972, 1974 

Mr.  Denison 2039 

Mr.  Donnelly 2036 

Mr.  Eldridge 2108 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2107,  2108 

Mr.  Gooch 2069,  2108 

Mr.  Holmnn 2005,2108 

Mr.  Kelloy 1980,2078 

Mr.  Kernan 2067,  2068,  2069 

Mr.  Loan 2069 

Mr.  Longyear 2011 

Mr.  Mclndoe 2108 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania 1767 

Mr.  Moorhead 1974 

Mr.  Morrill 2107 

Mr.  Norton 1743,  1764 

Mr.  Odell 1767,  2108 

Mr.  Pendleton 2105 

Mr.  Perham 2063 

Mr.  Perry 2071 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 2107 

Mr.  Scofield 1771,  1970 

<  Mr.  Smithers 1739 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  York 2108 

Mr.  Stevens ........2041,  2J07,  2108 

Mr.  Strouse 1980,2043 

Mr.  Thayer 2002,2005 

Mr.  Williams 1974, 1980 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando ,...2074 

Mr.  Yeaman 2006 

ycaa  and  nny.s  on  the 2107,  2108,  3518 


Red  river,  inquiry  as  to  the  causes  of  the  disas- 
ters on  the 2249 

Regents  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution 93 

Register,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  31)  authorizing 
the  issue  of  a,  to  the  steamer  Mohawk,  1037, 

,1118,  1261,  1284 
bill  (S.  No.  249)  to  authorize  the  issuing  a,  to 

the  steam  vessel  John  Martin 1791 

Registers,  bill  in  addition  to  acts  in  relation  to 

the,  of  vessels 2289,  2787 

Registers  of  land  offices — see  Compensation. 

Reporters — see  Courts;  Congressional  Globe. 

Reports — see  Army. 

Representation  in  Congress — sec  Election. 

Reservation — see  Public  Lands. 

Revisal  and  Unfinished  Business,  the  Committee 

on 18 

Revolutionary  Claims,  the  Committee  on 18 

reports  from 1236,  2809,  3053,  3054 

discharged  from  subjects 2575 

Revolutionary  pensioners,  number  of 939 

Revolutionary  Pensions,  the  Committee  on.. ..18 

reports  from 940, 1036,  2575,  2809 

discharged  from  subjects 1942 

Revenue,  joint  resolution  to  provide  for  the  print- 
ing of  the  report  made  by  the  Superintend- 
ent of  Internal 94,  165,  173 

bill  to  repeal  the  duties  now  imposed  by  law  on 
the  importation  of  coal  and  paper  envel- 
opes   100 

bill  (No.  122)  to  increase  the  internal,  168,  215, 
234,  266,  282,  303,  309,  310,  319, 
508,  536,  573,  595,  660,  687,  689, 
691,  707,  738,  772,  776,  827,  892, 
920,  933,  939,  941,  972,  991,  994 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 216,  305,  307, 

668,  688,  689,  690,  892,  893,  935,  939 

Mr.  Alley 284 

Mr.  Ancona 313,693 

Mr.  Anderson 893 

Mr.  Arnold 286,  287 

Mr.  Ashley 893 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 285 

Mr.  Baxter 692,  693,  707,  893 

Mr.  Beaman 893 

Mr.  Blaine 285,  288,  309 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Wegt  Virginia 692 

Mr.  Bliss 286,  313 

Mr.  Boutwell 309,  311,  708 

Mr.  Boyd 693,  939 

Mr.  Brooks 216,303,  304,  306,  308 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 218, 

271,287,310,311 

Mr.  Clay 272,  287 

Mr.  Chanler 2C9,  270 

Mr.  CofFroth 271,287 

Mr.  Cox 662,  663,  687,  690,  692,  893 

Mr.  Cravens 313 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 282, 

661,  662,  692,  939 

Mr.  Dawes 305,  306,  308,  691,  893 

Mr.  Dawson 287 

Mr.  Driggs 692,  935,  939 

Mr.  Eldridge 272,  667,  690,  893 

Mr.  Eliot 892 

Mr.  English 288 

Mr.  Farnswoflh 939 

Mr.  Ganson 218 

Mr.  Garfield 285,  286,  313,  935 

Mr.  Grinnell 268, 

269,  307,  663,  667,  688,  689,  778,  935 

Mr.  Harrington 304,  306 

Mr.  Holman 217,  271, 

272,  286,  287,  288,  304,  309,  310,  311, 
312,536,  660,  662,  687,  690,  693,  708 

Mr.  Hooper 234,  288,  309,  310 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 707 

Mr.  Hutchins ....; 689 

Mr.  Kasson 272,  283, 

284,  286,  288,.  663,  664,  665,  666, 
690,  691,  693,  708,  778,  920,  933 

Mr.  Kelley 269,  270,  307 

Mr.  King 893 

Mr.  Lovejoy 217, 

218,  268,  270,  271,  272,  282,  284, 

285,  286,  287,  662,  892,  893,  939 

Mr.  Mallory. 287,  665,  693,  920,  933 

Mr.  Marcy 217 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania,  272,  287,  692 
Mr.  Morrill 271, 

272,  283,  284,  285,  304,  305,  309, 

536,  603,  664,  920,  933„  934,  935 

Mr.  Noble 217,272,  311,  707,  708 


Revenue,  bill  (No.  122)  to  increase  the  internal — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Odell 779 

Mr.  Pendleton 283,  303,  310,  892,  893 

Mr.  Pike 283,284,  691 

Mr.  Price 691 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 270 

Mr.  Schenck 311,  893,  933,  934 

Mr.  Smith 664,  692 

Mr.  Spalding 660,  920,  934,  939 

Mr.  Stevens 215,  216,  217, 

218, 268, 270, 271, 272, 282, 283, 285, 287, 
288, 303,  308, 309, 310, 31 1, 312, 313, 573, 
574, 595, 660,  666, 687, 690,  691, 692, 693, 
708, 776, 777,  778, 779, 892, 920,  933,  935 

Mr.  Stiles 287,  660,  893,  9.35 

Mr.  Sweat 602 

Mr.  Voorhees 304, 

305,  306,  308,  665,  666,  667,  690,  691 

Mr.  Wadsworth 310 

Mr.  Ward 308,  309,  776,  778 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  217,  272, 283, 
285,  286,  306,  310,  311,  312,  313, 
536,  660,  662,  663,  665,  690,  692, 
693,  708,  776,  777,  779,  892,  893 

Mr.  Washburn,  of  Massachusetts 311 

Mr.  Williams 690,  691,  692 

Mr.  Wilson. ..304,  307,  690,  691,  692,  935 

Mr.  Woodbridge 779,935 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 217,  268, 

270, 271, 272, 282, 284, 288, 309, 310, 311, 
313,  660,  661,  665, 666,  690,  091,  692,  777 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 311, 

313,  692,  707,  708,  779,  893,  935 

bill  to  amend   an  act  to  provide  internal,  to 

support  the  Government,  and  pay  interest  on 

the  public  debt 410 

bill  to  amend  an  act  further  to  provide  for  the 

collection  of  duties  on  imports 410 

joint  resolution  to  amend  section  seventy-five 
of  an  act  to  provide  internal,  to  support  the 
Government,  and  to  pay  intereston  the  public 

debt 825 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  265)  supplementary  to  an  act 

to  provide  ways  and  means  for  the  support 

of  the  Government.. ..825,  876,  895,  920,  944 

bill  to  continue  the  suspension  of  apart  of  the 

act  to  provide  increased,  from  imports,  to  pay 

interest  on  the  public  debt 874 

bill  requiring  the  proof  of  the  payment  of  duty 
on  foreign  salt  before  the  payment  of  allow- 
ances provided  by  acts  of  July  29,  1813,  and 

March  3,  1819 1236,  3018,  3141 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.   67)   to  increase 
temporarily  the  duties  on  imports. ...1695, 
1697,  1702,  1847,  1855,  1967,  1995 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1697,  1855,  1856 

Mr.  Cox 1856,  18.58 

Mr.  Dawes 1856,  1857,  1858 

Mr.  Eldridge 1855 

Mr.  Grinnell 1856 

Mr.  Holman 1858,  1859 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 1856 

Mr.  Kasson 1855,1859 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 1856 

Mr.  Kernan 1857 

Mr.  Moorhead 1856,  1857 

Mr.  Morrill 1702, 

1703,  1847, 1848, 1855, 1857, 1858, 1859 

Mr.  Pendleton 1697 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 1857 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Massachusetts 1857,  1858 

Mr.  Stevens 1695, 

1697, 1702, 1703,  1855, 1857, 1859 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 1695, 

1855, 1858, 1859 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  405)   to  pl-ovide   internal,  to 

support  the  Government,  to  pay   interest 

on  the  public  debt 1532, 

1633, 1634, 1658, 1659, 1697,  1715, 1755, 
1784, 1814, 1815,  1818, 1821,  1827, 1832, 
1833, 1848, 1875, 1901, 1903,  1909, 1934, 
1940, 1942, 1959,  2030,  2810,  2885,  2995, 
2996, 3000,  3018,  3021,  3024,  3055,  3056, 
3078,  3267,  3272,  3275,  3280,  3423,  3424 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1786, 1790,  l8l5, 1819, 

1820,1824,1826,1833,1850,  1851,  1852, 
1854,1875,  1908,1916,  1917,1918,  1940 

Mr.  Alley 1905 

Mr.  Allison 1878,3020 

Mr.  Ames 1833,  1839 


LXIV 


INDEX  TO 


Revenue,  bill  (PI.  R.  No.  405)  to  provide  internal, 
to  support  the.  Government,  to  pay  interest 
on  the  public  debt — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Ancona 1836, 

1840,  1943,  2030,  3020 

Mr.  Arnold. .•.•.■.•;.■;;.•,•;.■; 1905,  1936 

Mr.  Ashley ;..' 1943 

Mr.  Bald  win,  of  Massachusetts,  1733, 2999 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Michigan 1903,  1908 

Mr.  Bcaman 1755, 

1819, 1823, 1902, 1908,2999, 3001 

Mr.  Bennet 1915 

Mr.  Blaine 1839,  1853,1907 

Mr.  Boutwell,  1755, 1756, 1758, 1759, 1760, 
1784,  1785,1788,1789,1791,  1815,1816, 
1817,  1818, 1819, 1821, 1835,  1836, 1839, 
1850,  1852, 1877, 1879, 1880,  1883, 1884, 
1901,  1902,1908,1909,1910,  1911,1912, 

1916,  1941,2997,3000,3001,  3004,  3423 
Mr.  Brooks 1729,  1732, 

1733,  1755,  1756,  1758,  1787, 1788,  1937 

Mr.  Broomall 1786, 

1880,  1881,  1934,  2998 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 2997, 

3000,  3001,  3018 

Mr.  Chanler 1835 

Mr.  Clark,  A.  W 1849 

Mr.  Clay 1850 

Mr.  Cobb 1833,  3424 

Mr.  Coffroth 1758 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 1820, 

1833,  1851,  1909,  1916,  2996,  3025 

Mr.  Cox 1634, 

1787,  1824,  1825,  1826,  1827,  1838, 
1850,  1907,  1941,  1942,  2995,  3020 

Mr.  Creswell 1756,  1757, 1820,  1903 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 3277 

Mr.  Dawes 1757, 1827, 

1853,  1876,  1880,  1881, 1882, 
1906,  1910,  1934,  1943,  2810 

Mr.  Dawson 1418,  1942,  3024,  3025 

Mr.  Doming 1940 

Mr.  Dcnison 1821 

Mr.  Driggs 3277 

Mr.  Eldridge 1790, 

1820,  1910,  1935,  1942, 1959,  2997,  3001 

Mr.  Farnsworth 1756, 

1835,  1849,  1850,  1854,  1875,  1878, 
1917,  1934,  1936,  1937,  1941,  3028 

Mr.  Fenton 1821, 

1824,  1835,  1851,  1883,  1903,  1904, 
1905,  1908,  1936,  2810,  2996,  2998,  3021 

Mr.  Finck 1939,  1942 

Mr.  Frank 1817, 

1818,  1836,  1848,  1850,  1876,  1877 

Mr.  Ganson 1761,  1788,  1819, 

1820,  1821, 1823,  1824, 1838, 1850,  1876, 

1879,  1883, 1884, 1903, 1907, 1915, 1916, 

1917,  1935,  1941,  2997,3001,  3027,  3277 
Mr.  Garfield 1850, 

1852,  1854,  2996,  3055 

Mr.  Grinnell 1757,  1758,  1759, 

1761,  1787,  1815, 1818, 1819, 1820, 1826, 
1834,  1835,  1852,  1853,  1854,  1876, 1877 

Mr.  Griswold 1822, 

1826,  1833,  1838,  1877,  1882,  1936 

Mr.  Hale 1758,  1791,  2999 

Mr.  Higby 1833, 

1834,  1850,  1914,  1915,  1941,  3026 

Mr.  Holman 1755,  1756, 

1758,  1759, 1760,1761, 1787, 1817,  1818, 
1819, 1822, 1823, 1827, 1833,  1835,  1837, 
1838,  1839, 1840, 1852, 1853,  1854, 1875, 

1880,  1901,  1904,  1905, 1906, 1908, 1912, 
1916,  1917, 1918, 1934, 1936,  1938, 1940, 
1943,2810,2996,  2997,  2998,2999,  3018, 
3019,  3020,  3024,  3025,  3027,  3055,3277 

Mr.  Hooper 1788,  1789, 

1819,  1820, 1824, 1852, 1876, 1878, 1879, 
1880,  1882,  1883,  1901, 1937,  1938,  1943 

Mr.  Hotclikiss I757 

1815,  1835,  1840,  1880, 1882, 1903,  2998 
Mr.  Hubbard.of  Connecticut. ..1732, 1877 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 1759 

1760,  1786,  1815,  1816,  1819, 
1820,  1854,  1903,  1904,  3025 

Mr.  IngersoU 3019 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania 1850, 

1851,  1852,  1854,  1875,  1876, 
1877, 1878, 1880,  1881, 1903,  1907, 
1908,  1916,  1941,  1942,  1959,2999 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 1761,  1815,  1818, 

1822,  1824,  1904,  1905,  1907,  1912, 1915 


Revenue,  bill  (H.  R. No. 405)  to  provide  internal, 
to  support  the  Government,  to  pay  interest 
on  the  public  debt — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Kasson 1732, 

1733,  4755,  1757,  1758,  1760,  1761, 
1786,  1787,  1788,  1789.  1790,  1791, 
1815,  1816, 1818, 1820,  1821, 1822,  1823, 
1824,  1833, 1835, 1837, 1838,  1839, 1849, 
1850,  1852, 1853, 1854,  1878, 1882, 1883, 
1902,  1903, 1904,  1907, 1908, 1911, 1912, 
1913,  i914,  1915,  1916,  1934,  1938,2998 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 1819,  1935 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  New  York 1825,1826 

Mr.  Kernan.. 1755, 

1756,  1760,  1761,  1821,  1835,  1836, 
1840,  1848,  1849,1879,1880,1881,  1883, 
1905,  1917, 1934,  1935,  1936, 1937, 1938, 

1941,  2997,  2998,  2999,  3018,  .3024,  3277 

Mr.  King 1906,  1908 

Mr.  Law 1761,  1789,  1833 

Mr.  Mallory 1820, 

1823,  1824,  1834,  1835,  1837 

Mr.  Marcy 1824 

Mr.  Marvin 3026 

Mr.  Miller,  of  New  York... 1833,  1839 

Mr.  Moorhead,  1823,1824,1825,1833,1912 

Mr.  Morrill 1633,  1634,  1658,  1697, 

1715,  1733,  1755, 1756, 1757, 1758, 1759, 
1760,  1761, 1784, 1785, 1786, 1787, 1788, 
1790,  1791, 1814, 1815, 1816, 1818,  1819, 

1820,  1821, 1822, 1823, 1824, 1825,  1826, 
1827,  1832,  1833, 1834,1835, 1836,  1837, 
1838,  1848,  1849, 1850, 1851, 1852, 18.53, 
1854,  1875,  1876, 1877, 1878,  1879, 1882, 
1883,  190],  1902, 1903, 1904, 1905, 1906, 

1907,  1908,  1909, 1912, 1913, 1914, 1915, 
1916,  1917, 1918, 1934, 1935,1936,  1937, 
1938,  1939,  1940, 1941, 1942, 1943,2810. 
2885,  2995,  2996, 2998,  2999,  3000,  3018, 
3019,  3020,  .3021, 3024,  3025,  3026,  3027, 
3028,  3055,  3056,  3275,  3277,  3278,  3280 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 2998 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio 1820 

Mr.  Myers,  A 1788, 

1820,  1823,  1835,  1839,  1840,  1941 

Mr.  Myers,  L 1819,  1907 

Mr.  Nelson 1824, 

1826,  1827,  1836,  3019,  3020 

Mr.  Norton 1757,  1835,  1840,  1903 

Mr.  Odell 1757, 

1849,  1902,  1918,  1934,  1943,3277,  3278 

Mr.  O'Neill,  of  Pennsylvania 1941 

Mr.  Orth 1820 

Mr.  Patterson 1822 

Mr.  Pendleton 1715, 

1756,  1761,  1784,  1787,  1839,  1850, 
1852,  1880,1881, 1882,  1883,  1884, 1905, 

1908,  1909,  1910,  1911,  1912,  1913,  3055 

Mr.  Perham 1790 

Mr.  Pike 1759,1760,1851,  1852,  1854, 

1875,  1876,  1906,  1918, 1937,  3024,  3025 

Mr.  Price 1814, 

1815,  1819,  1834,  1835,  1853,  1913, 
1916,  1917,  1935,  1936,  2998,  3055 

Mr.  Pruyn 1816, 

1837,  2997,  3000,  3027,  3055. 

Mr.  Radford 1905,  1908,  1942 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 1825, 

1832,  1833, 1840, 1849, 1901, 1916,  1941, 

1942,  3020,  3021,  3024,  3025,  3026,  3027 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Maine 1757 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Massachusetts 1823, 

1904,  1934 

Mr.  Ross 1835,  1902, 1903,  1941,  1942 

Mr.  Schenck 1850 

Mr.  Scofield 1757,  1789, 

1822, 1823,  1825, 1826, 1834, 1835, 1840, 

1849,  1879,  1905,  1907,  1941, 1943,  2999 
Mr.  Shannon 1826, 1834, 

1835,  1914,  1915,  1916,  2996,  3024,3026 

Mr.  Sloan 1755,  1824 

Mr.  Smith 1758,  1759,  1760,  2030 

Mr.  Smithers 1852 

Mr.  Spalding.,.. 1877, 1937,  1938,  2030 

Mr.  Stebbins 1718 

Mr.  Steele,  of  Ndw  York ....1850 

Mr.  Stevens .......1756,  17.58,  1760, 

1785,  1815, 1816, 1817, 1818, 1819, 1820, 

1821,  1822,  1823, 1825,  1826, 1833,  1836, 
1837,  1839, 1840, 1850, 1876, 1879,  1880, 
1882,  1883,  1905, 1907, 1908, 1909, 1913, 
191-5,  1916,  1917, 1918,  1941,  1943,2997, 
2998,  3000,  .3001,  3020,  3094,  3026,  3055 


Revenue,  bill  (H.R.No.  405)  to  provide  internal, 
to  support  the  Government,  to  pay  interest 
on  the  public  debt — Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Thayer 1817,  1818, 

1820,  1835,  1838,  1882,  1883,  1902, 1903 

Mr.  Upson. ..1787,  1820, 1821, 1822, 1826, 

1840, 1852, 1853, 1879, 1883, 1902,  1910, 

1911,  1939,  1941,  1943,2998,  2999,  3000 

Mr.  Van  Valkenburgh .3021 

Mr.  Wallace 1915 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 1658, 

1785,  1786,  1939, 1940, 1942, 1943, 2810, 
2996,  3019,  3020,  3024,  3025,  3026,  3027 

Mr.  Webster 1820 

Mr.  Whaley 1941 

Mr.  Wilson .1755, 1758, 1759, 

1761,  1780, 1787, 1819, 1821, 1837, 1838, 
1876, 1878, 1881,  1906, 1918, 1938,  2996, 
2998,  2999,  3019,  3020,  3024,  3025,  3055 

Mr.  Windom 1733,  1758,  1759,  1941 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 1722, 

1786,  1787,  1790,  1816,  1835,  1836, 
1837,  1849,  1850,  1939,  1943,  2996,3019 

Mr.  Woodbridge....l791,  1826, 1827,3027 

Mr.  Yeaman 1908,  1938 

yeas  arid  nays  on  the 1760,  1941, 

1942,  1943,  2030,  2998,  3018,  3020,  3021 

joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury  to  release  certain  goods  from  the 

payment  of  duties ; 1884 

jomt  resolution  amendatory  of  the  joint  resolu- 
tion to  increase  temporarily  the  duties  on  im- 
ports, approved  April  29,  1864 2427 

bill  toincrease  the  duties  on  imports 2526, 

2672,  2690,  2717,  2743,  2750,  2815, 
3079,  3311,  3351,  3388,  3395,  3402 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 2717,  2718 

Mr.  Alley 2748 

Mr.  Arnold 2749 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 2718 

Mr.  Beaman 2718 

Mr.  Blaine 2683 

Mr.  Brooks 2718,  2719,  2743, 

2745,  2747,  3079,  3312,  3313,  3403,  3404 

Mr.  Brown,  of  V/isconsin 2748, 

2749,  2750 

Mr.  Coffroth 2722 

Mr.  Cole,  of  California 2717 

Mr.  Cox 2675, 

2677,  2680,  2681,  2683,  3313,  3403,  3404 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 2722 

Mr.  Dawes 2681,  2684 

Mr.  Dawson 2750 

Mr.  Driggs 2744,  2746 

Mr.  Eldridge 2690,  2719,  3404 

Mr.  Fenton 2722,2744,  2749,2750 

Mr.  Ganson 2748 

Mr.  Garfield , 2722 

Mr.  Gooch 2746,2747 

Mr.  Grinnell 2684,  2718 

Mr.  Griswold 2717,  2749 

Mr.  Hale 2717 

Mr.  Holman. ..2721,  2745,2748,  2750,  3314 

Mr.  Hooper 2744,  2749 

Mr.  Hotchkiss 2749 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Connecticut. ..2718,  2719 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 2722,  2749 

Mr.  Knsson...2743,  2744,  2747,  2749,  2750 

Mr.  Kelley 2684,  2747,2748 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 2744 

Mr.  Kernan 2718, 

Mr.  Le  Blond 2747,  2748,  3313 

Mr.  Littlejohn 3311,  3312 

Mr.  Mallory 2677, 

2681,  2718,  2719,  2721,  2722,  2750 

Mr.  Moorhead 2717,  3312 

Mr.  Morrill 2526, 

2672,  2680,  2681,  2689,  2G90,  2691, 
2092,  2717,  2718,  2719,  2720, 2721, 2722, 
2743,  2744,  2745,  2746.2747,2748,2750, 
3079,  3312,  3313,  3314,  3402,  3403,  3404 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 2743 

■      Mr.  Myers,  A 2745 

Mr.  Nelson 3312,  3313 

Mr.  Odell 2693,  2747 

Mr.  O'Neill,  of  Pennsylvania. ..3312,  331^ 

Mr.  Pendleton ..; 2743 

Mr.  Price 2722,  2745 

Mr.  Pruyn 267^ 

Mr.  Stevens 2692, 

2693,  2718,  2722,  2745,  2747,  2748, 
2749,  2750,  3311,  3312,  3314,  3404 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LXV 


Revenue,  bill  to  increase  the  duties  on  imports — 
Continued. 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

JVIr.  Thayer. ..2689,  2722, 2743,  2744,  2745 

Mr.  Ward 2687, 

2689,  2720,  2721,  2745,  3313 
Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois  ....2749,  3312 

Mr.  Wilson 2720,  2721,  2748,  3311 

Mr.  Winfield 2718,  3313 

Mr.'  Woodbridge 2746 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 2690, 

2691,  2692,  2693,  2718 

yeas  and  nays  on  the, 2750,  2751,  3312,3313 

bill  (No.  515)  to  provide  ways  and  means  for 

the  support  of  the  Government. ..2787,  2947, 

3116,  3182,  3186,  3208,  3214, 

3217,  3218,  3311,  3351,  3399 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 3185 

Mr.  Arnold 3215,  3216 

Mr.  Ashley 3208,  3209,  3218 

Mr.  Brooks 3187, 

3208,  3209,  3212,  3351,  3352 

Mr.  Broomall 3185 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 3186 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York,  3209, 3215,  3218 

Mr.  Fenton 3186,  3214 

Mr.  Ganson 3183,  3187,  3216,  3218 

Mr.  Holman 3183,  3184, 

3186,"3]87,  3212,  3214,  3217,  3218,  3351 

Mr.  Hotchkiss 3185,  3186 

Mr.  Hooper ..3116,  3182, 

3183,3184,3186,  3187,  3208,  3209,  3211, 
3212,  3214,  3216,  3217,  3218,  3351,  3352 

Mr.  Kernan 3183, 

3184,  3186,  3187,  3209,  3216 

Mr.  Mallory 3183,  3184,  3185 

Mr.  Morrill , ; 3214 

Mr.  Myers,  A 3217 

Mr.  Noble .....3184,  3185,  3186,  3187 

Mr.  Pomeroy 3183, 

3187,  3210,  3211,  3212,  3218 

Mr.  Price ..3208 

Mr.  Pruyn  ...3187,  3213,  3216,  3217,  3351 

Mr.  Spalding 3212,  3213 

Mr.  Stevens 2947,  3186, 

3187,  3212,  3213,  3214,  3215,  3216,  3217 

Mr.  Sweat .....3183 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 3116, 

3186,  3218,  3351 

Mr.  Wilson 3213,  3214,  3217 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 3218,  3351 

joint  resolution  to  continue  in  force  the  joint 
resolution  to  increase  temporarily  the  duties 

on  imports 3317,  3318,  3352. 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  120)  imposing  a 

special  income  duty 3523, 

3524,  3525,  3527,  3530,  3531,  3535 
joint  resolution  (No.  78)  providing  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  commission  upon  the  subject 

of  raising,  by  taxation 3536,  3537 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  123)    to  correct 
errors  in  the  internal,  bill. ..3537,  3538,  3539 
Rice,  Alexander  H.,a  Representative  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, 38, 44, 190, 196,446, 757,759,844, 
845,  972,  999,  1220,  1236,  1262,  1336, 
1337,  1428,  1429, 1472, 1473, 1531, 1532, 
1660,  1697,  1698,  1755,2090,2185,2289, 
2311,  2435,2694,2695,2777,2910,2911, 
3079,  3080,  3083, 3085,  3112, 3311, 3389, 
3423,  3428,  3431,  3464,  3531,  3532,  3535 

resolutions  by ...440,  1660,  2311,  2911 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 336, 

337,  355,  356,  372 
remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  533,  534,  535 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...810, 
811,  812,  813, 827, 829, 831, 835,  2058, 
2059,  2060,  2061,  2062,   2310,  2311 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  classification  of  pay- 
masters' clerks 1337 

remarks  on  revenue  bill.. 1823,  1904,  1934 

remarks  on  the  resolution  increasing  the  duties 

on, imports 1857, 1858 

remarks  on  the  bill  repealing  the  act  for  the 

relief  of  E.  F.  and  S.  A.  Wood 2839 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  3081,  3082,  3083 

Rice,  John  H.,  a  Representative  from  Maine, 
110,  150,  331,  371,  507,  509,  528, 595,  625, 
668,  714,  757,  759,  874,  940,  942,  1044, 
1098,  1118,  1142,  1170,  1174,  1651,  1673, 
1634,  1734,  1736,  1737,  I860,  2057,  2107, 
2155,  2185,  2289,  2298,  2503,  2607,  2771, 
2772,  3115,  3316,  3406,  3430,  3466,  3536 

38th  Cong. — 1st  Sess. 


Rice,  John  H.,  a  Representative  from  Maine — 
Continued.  , 

resolutions  by 110,  150,  1098,2771,3316 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill.... 551,  577 

remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1043 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1757 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  benefit  of  the  Guard- 
ian Society 1762, 1763 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...3105, 

3106,  3108,  3109,  3110,  3395,  3396 

Richner,  William  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3141, 

3311, 3354 

Richter,  William  P.,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 164 

Ringgold, Commodore  Cadwalader — see  Thanks. 
Rivers  and  harbors — see  Public  Works. 
River,  bill  to  provide  for  the  improvement  of  the 
navigation  of  the  Potomac,  opposite  the  city 

of  Washington 331,  757 

Rivers,  bill  to  enlarge  the  canals  and  improve  the 
navigation  of  the  Fox  and  Wisconsin,  from 
the  IVIississippi  river  to  Lake  Michigan,  for 

military  and  naval  purposes 1097 

Rives,  John  C,  death  of,  announced 1531 

Roach,  Benjamin,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2271 

Roads  and  Canals,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 39,  44,  743,  908 

reports  from ..38,  658, 1037, 1425, 1734, 1736 

discharged  from  subjects 190 

Roberts,  Louis,  bill  for  relief  of,  1884, 2033, 2273 
Robinson,  James  C,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois  150,459,875,  1533,  1543,  1577, 

1618,  1703,  2002,  2095,  2362,  3147,  3310 

resolutions  by 875,  3310 

Robinson,  Sarah,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2271, 

3479,  3516,  3523,  3530 
Rodgers,  Captain  John — see  Thanks. 
Rogers,  A.  C,  a  Representative  from  Arkan- 
sas  2289 

credentials  of,  presented 2289 

(See  w9?/i:ansos.) 
Rogers,  Andrew  J.,  a  Representative  from  New 

Jersey 14, 

'  127, 148, 168, 527,  628, 924, 1152, 1606 

resolutions  by 127 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 299 

remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1165, 

1166,  1237,  1238, 1468 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1606, 

1618,  1627,  1628 
Rollins,  Edward  H.,  a  Representative  from  New 

Hampshire 1],  23,  350,351,  1407, 

1408,  1697,  2264,  3311,  3315,  3463,  3469 

resolutions  by 3311 

Rollins,  James  S.,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
souri  38, 

594, 1533, 1660,  2030, 2166,  3080, 3436 

resolutions  by 38 

remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  John  W.  Noell,  416 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 516 

remarks  on  conscription  bill,  601,  603,  605,  687 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 979, 

980,  981 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long...  1602, 

1606,  1628 
remarks  on  the  objects  of  the  war. ..2575,  2578 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2992 

[The  copy  of  this  speech  was  retained  by 
Mr.  R.] 
remarks  on  western  navy-yard- bill,  3248,3249 
Ross,   Lewis   W.,  a   Representative  from    Illi- 
nois  426,  660,  851,  874,  875,940, 

1288, 1289, 1625, 1969,  2057,  2272,  2333, 
2473, 3104, 3179, 3282, 3310,  3428,  3516, 
3523,  3524, 3530,  3531,  3532,  3534,  3538 

resolutions  by 426,660,  874,  3104 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 428,  429,  431 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  433,  548,  550 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1835, 

1902,1903,1941,1942 
remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  2956,  2980 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Mary  A. 

Baker 3422 

Rules,  select  committee  on  the 8,  18,  33,  594 

instructions  to  the 877, 

1097,  1098,  1531,  2787,  2909,  3103 

reports  from  the 1142,  2809 

amendments  to  the,  proposed .%,  261, 

297, 877, 1097, 1098, 1531, 2787, 2809, 2909 

suspension  of  the  16th  and  17th  joint 3535 

Russell,  Lieutenant  John  H. — see  Thanks. 
Russell,  W.  W'.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  admin- 
istrators of. 1142, 2880, 3471 

Russian  fleet,  invitation  to  visit 13,  14 

E 


S. 
Sackett's  Harbor,  joint   resolution  authorizing 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  sell  at  public 
auction   lot  No.  13,  in   the  village  of.  New 

York 1337,  1634,  1657 

Salaries,  bill  to  fix  the,  of  the  justices  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  and  certain  of  the  judges  of  the 
district  courts  of  the  United  States,  874, 2773 
bill  to  equalize  the,  of  the  judges  of  the  several 

Territories  of  the  United  States 1170 

bill  fixing  the,  of  the  Assistant  Secretaries  of 
the  several  Departments,  and  of  the  First  and 
•  Second  Assistant  Postmasters  General. ..1324 
bill  to  increase  the,  of  the  judges  and  arbitra- 
tor of  the  mixed  court  under  the  treaty  with 
Great  Britain  for  the  suJDpression  of  the  slave 

trade 3207,3208 

bill  (S.  No.  332)   to   establish,  for  postmas- 
ters...  3311,  3428,  3431,  3463 

Salary,  bill  to  equalize  the,  of  certain  officers 

therein  named 39 

bill  (S.  No.  247)  in  relation  to  the,  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  agent  for  the  Indians  near  Green 

bay 2695 

Savings  bank — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Sawyer,  William,  and  others,  bill  for  the  relief 

of. 196,  2723,  3240,  3432,  3464 

Schenck,  Robert  C,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 
37,  40,  70,  71,  91,  92,  94,  190,  196,  233, 
234,  259,  260,  281,  311,  313,  397,  426,451, 
494,  496,  501,  508,  509,  519,  528,  546, 547, 
566,  574,  626,  631,  757,  766,  843,  844, 851, 
877,  878,  879,  972,  996,  998,  1012,  1097, 
1098,  1217,  1218,  1237,  12.38,  1262,  1286, 
1287,  1336,  1348,  1349,  1466,  1531,  1532, 
18.50,  1860,  1944,  1964,  1967,  1969,  2056, 
2139,  2195,  2196,  2265,  2342,  2343,  2363, 
2391,2425,2476,  2509,  2510,  2578,  2612, 
2695,  3015,  3016,  3138,  3139,  3142,  3243, 
3309,  3310,  3355,  3357,  3389,  3400,  3402, 
3404,  3423,  3435,  3436,  3464,  3468,  3532 

■    resolutions  by 234, 

494,  878,  1097,  1217,  1518,  1942,  3400 
remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14),  72,  73 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 165, 

166,  167,  912,  913,  914 
remarks  on  conscription  bill. ..94, 319, 334,  355, 
376,  397,  398,  399,  431,  451,  452,  471,  477, 
529,  530,  531,  532,  533,  534,  535,  547,  551, 
552,  574,  575,  576,  577,  578,  579,  597, 600, 
601,  602,  603,  605,  606,  622,  626,  627,628, 
629,  631,  687,  733,  766,  767,  768,  772,  836 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 428,  429 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  facilitate  the  payment  of 

bounties 447,  448 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election,  684,  686,  687 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  893,933,934 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral ofiicers 996,  997,  998,  1148,  1154, 

1164,  1165,  2215,  2235,  2236,  2237,  2238 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish   a  Bureau  of 

Military  Justice 1012 

remarks  on  the  Massachusetts  election....  1120 

remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1237, 

1238,  2260,  2261,  2262,  22637  2264 

remarks  on  the  resolution  for  an  increase  of 

pay  for  the  soldiers 1427,  1428 

remarks  on  the  censure  of  Mr.  Harris...  1517, 

1518,  1519 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... 1537, 

1543,  1545,  1552,  1633 

remarks  on  the  President's  letter  with  regard 

to  Mr.  Blair's  military  position  ...1937,  1942 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  1999, 

2000,2001,2002,2473 

remarks  on  the  bill  equalizing  the  soldiers' 

pay 2056,2057 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  claims 2134,  2135,  2138 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  and  East  Tennessee 

railroad  bill ,2610,2611 

remarks  on  Dakota  election. ..2891,  2892,  2893 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  the 

soldiers 2908,  3078 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 2909,  3112, 

3143,  3144,  3145,  3147,  3148,  3267,  3275. 
3278,  3282,  3284,  3285,  3309,  3310,  3315, 
3316,  3317,  3318,  3319,  3320,  3321,  3353, 
3354,  3355,  3357,  3430,  3431,  3432,  3433, 
3434,  3435,  3465,  3466,  3467,  3468,  3525 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ..3107, 
3108,3111,3113,3114,3115 


LXVI 


INDEX  TO 


Schenck,  Robert  C,  a  Representative  from  Ohio 
— Continued. 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  better  organization 

of  the  quartermaster's  department 3355, 

3356,  3357 
remarks   on   the  bill  relating  to  enlistments, 

3400,  3401 
Schenck,  Robert  C,  and  Francis  P.  Blair,  inquiry 

respecting  the  military  position  of. 1854, 

1859,  1939,  1942,  1943,  1967, 
2031,  2908,  3242,  3355,  3389 
School  fund — see  ConfiscaUd  Property. 
Scofield,    Glenni  W.,   a    Representative    from 

Pennsylvania 39,  128,  148, 

356,  909, 970, 1097, 1290, 1336,  1407,  1970, 
1972,  2170,  2835,  2863,  2920,  3179,  3517 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 433, 

530,  531,  575,  578,  579,  600 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 808 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1757,  1789, 

1822, 1823,1825, 1826,  1834,  1835,  1840, 

1849, 1879, 1905, 1907,  1941,  1943,  2999 

remarks  on  tl>e  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1771,  1970 

remarks  on  the  bill  repealing  the  act  for  the 

.    relief  of  E.  F.  and  S.  A.  Wood 2841 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 2862, 

2863,  2864,  2865,  2882,  2883, 

2884,  28S7,  2890,  2891,  2892 

remarks  on  the  Pennsylvania  election  (Kline 

and  Myers) 3242,  3243 

Scott,  John  G.,  a  Representative  from  Missouri, 

313,  1452,  1453,  3357 
Scott,  Rebecca,  bill  granting  a  pension  to... 1944, 

2273,  2387 

Seamen,  bill  repealing  certain  provisions  of  law 

concerning,  on  board  of  public  and  private 

vessels 2837,  3239,  3280,  .3352 

bill  (S.  No.  246)  for  the  relief  of,  and  others, 
not  officers,  borne  on  the  books  of  vessels 
wrecked  or  lost  in  the  naval  service.. ..3208, 
3428,  3468,  3479,  3535 
(See  •A/'oca/  Service.) 
Segar,  Joseph,  (claiming  a  seat  as  a  Representa- 
tive from   Virginia,)   remarks  on  the   Vir- 
ginia election 2311 

Scrgeant-at-Arms,  election  of. 11 

Sewerage — see  District  of  Columbia. 
Shannon,ThomasB.,  a  Representative  from  Cal- 
ifornia  527,  799,  826,  1659, 

1695,  1696,  1860,  1970,  1995,  1999,  2170, 
2207,  2265,  2341,  2613,  3322,  3422,  3470 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 685 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  Indian  affairs  in 

California 1370 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1381 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1826,  1834, 

1835, 1914,  1915,  1916,  2996,  3024,  3026 

remarks  on  the  bill  regulating  the  carriage  of 

passengers 2836 

remarks  on  the  overland  mail  bill. ..2935,  2936 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  2947,  2948 

remarks    on    the    Pacific    railroad    bill    (No. 

439') 3022  3182 

Shepherd,  John  H.,  and  Walter  K.Caldwe'll,  bill 

for  the  relief  of. 689,  714,  941,  991 

Sherman,  Major  General  W.  T. — see  Thanks. 
Ship  canal,  bill  to  facilitate  the  construction  of 

a,  around  the  falls  of  Niagara 190, 

467,  658,  2809 

bill  to  construct  a,  for  the  passage  of  armed 

naval  vessels  from  the  Mississippi  river  to 

Lake  Michigan 88, 

149,  480,  1037,  1216,  1734,  1792,  3533 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1040 

Mr.  Arnold 1037 

1038,  1039,  1040,  1734,  1792 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 1038,  1040 

Mr.  Cox 1792 

Mr.  Dawes^ 1038,  1040,  1792,  1793 

Mr.  Farns worth 1038 

Mr.  Holman 1037,  1038,  1040 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Connecticut 1040 

Mr.  Morrill 1038 

Mr.  Norton 1038,  1040 

Mr.  Spalding 1038 

Mr.  Stevens ,1038,  1U39,  1040,  1734 

Mr.  Stuart 1792 

Mr.  Wads  worth 1038 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois...  .1216, 1792 
ShirclifT,  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  1531,2272,2386 
Shirley,  Ch.nrles  B.,  resolution  for  the  compen- 
sation of. 1673,  1679,  1698 


Shreiner,  George  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... .3464 

Shuler,  John  H.,  bill  {"or  the  relief  of. 2482 

Skaggs,  Martha  Jane,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. 1217, 

2272,  2386,  3203,  3427,  3464 

Slavery,  abolition   of,  by  an  amendment  of  the 

Constitution 1325,  1326, 

1336,  1347,  1680,  2612,  2613,  2722, 
2939,  2948,  2977,  3000,  3014,  3357 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Arnold 2988,  2992 

Mr.  Ashley 3000,3357 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Wisconsin 3000 

Mr.  Coffroth 2952 

Mr.  Cox 2612,  3000 

Mr.  Edgerton 2985 

Mr.  Eldridge 2613,  2978 

Mr.  Farnsworth 2977,  2978,  2980 

Mr.  Finck 2723 

Mr.  Ganson 2995 

Mr.  Herrick 2615 

Mr.  Higby 2939,  2943 

Mr.  Holman 2612, 

2960,  2961,  2978,  2995,  3000,  3357 

Mr.  IngersoU 2989 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 2945,  2995 

Mr.  Kelley 2983 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan 2954 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  New  York 2618 

Mr.  Mallory 2612,  2613,  2981,  2982 

Mr.  Marcy 2950 

Mr.  Morris,  of  New  York 2613 

Mr.  Pendleton 2612, 

2613,  2992,  2993,  2995 

Mr.  Perry 3014 

Mr.  Price 2995 

Mr.  Pruyn 2723,  2939 

Mr.  Randall,  of  Pennsylvania 2991 

Mr.  Ross 2956,2980 

Mr.  Schenck 2612 

Mr.  Shannon 2947,  2948 

Mr.  Stevens 1325, 

1326,  1336,  1680,  1682,  2939,  2982 

Mr.  Stiles 2995 

Mr.  Strouse 2992 

Mr.  Thayer 2980,  2981,  2993 

Mr.  Wadsworth 2982,  2993 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2961,  2978 

Mr.  Washburn,  of  Massachusetts. ..3014 

Mr.  Wheeler 2948 

Mr.  Wilson. ..2612,  2613,2722,2723,2995 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 2939,  2980,3000 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 1325, 

1680,  2612,  2995,  3014 
bill  to  secure  permanent  peace,  by  removing  the 

cause  of  the  war 1096 

Slaves — see  Freedmen;  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
Slave  trade,  bill  to  repeal  portions  of  the  act  ap- 
proved March  2,  1807,  relative  to  the  coast- 
wise   46 

Sleeper,  John  S., contesting  Representative  from 
Massachusetts,  remarks  on  the  Massachu- 
setts election 945 

Sloan,  Ithamar  C,  a  Representative  from  Wis- 
consin  39, 

94,  406,  467;  843,  909,  1533,  1887,  2036, 
2117,  2194,  2238,  2266,  2267,  2389,  2426, 
2453,  2508,  2579,  2716,  2723,  2776,  2777, 
2787,  2891,  2892,  2893,  3077,  3080,  3111, 
3207,  3316,  3321,  3389,  3469.  3516,  3524 

resolutions  by 39,  467,  2426 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 518 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill. ..530,  532, 535 
remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 
1699,  2291,  2292,  2293 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...1755, 1824 
remarks  on  granting  homesteads  on  forfeited 

estates 2234 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  New  York 

railroad  bill 2834,  2835 

remarks  on   the  repeal  of  the   fugitive  slave 

law 2917,2919 

Small-pox  in  the  District  of  Columbia 232 

Smithers,  Nathaniel  B.,  a  Representative  from 

Delaware 354,  372,  373, 

374,  1097,  1453,  2265,  2578,  2579,  2586 
remarks  on  the  Dakota  election, 235,  236,  1097 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 374 

remarks  on  Louisiana  election. ...411,  412,  413 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 528, 

529,  531,  580,  598,  3321,  3322,  3354 

remarks  on  tlie  Massachusetts  election. ...1121 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill. ..1499 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  a  government  for 

the  rebellious  States 1739 


Smithers,  Nathaniel  B.,  a  Representative  from 
Delaware — Continued. 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1852 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2163, 

2164,  2165,  2166,  2167,  2168,  2169,  2170 
remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman) 2509,2527,  2538,  2585 

Smith,  Francis  N.,  bill  to  extend  patent  of.. .874 
Smith,  Green  Clay,  a  Representative  from  Ken- 
tucky  46,  99,  261.  297,  410, 

414,  415,  426,  448,  547,  850,  851,941,  970, 
995,  1098,  1099,  1196,  1519,  1532,  1784, 
2195,2197,  2215,2290,  2298,  2391,  2476, 
2510,  2717,  2743,  2771,  3057,  3423,  3424 

resolutions  by 46,  261,  1098,  3423 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 166 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 234, 

235,  237,  238,  2887,  2892,  2894 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 317, 

509,  514,  517,  519 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election 338, 

339,  340,  341 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 412, 

544,  595,  596,  597 
remarks  on  the  Virginia  election  (McKenzie 

and  Kitchen) 526, 

850,  876,  1673,  1675,  1677,  1678 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 578, 

579,  600,  601,  604,  605,  836 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 664,  692 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156). ..977,  978 
remarks  on  the  bill   to  drop  unemployed  gen- 
eral oflicers 1148,  1149,  1152 

remarks   on   purchasing  the  Annals  of  Con- 
gress  1098,  1191,  1192,  1193,  1194,  1195 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1580, 

1581,  1582,  1584,  1589,  1593,  1601,  1632 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405)  ...1758, 

1759,  1760,  2030 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 2133, 

2134 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman)...  2535,  2538,  2539,  2540,  2541 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  and  East  Tennessee 

railroad  bill 2610 

remarks  on  pay  of  Arkansas  claimants. ..3517, 

3518 
remarks  on  an  alleged  overdrawing  of  pay, 

3520,  3521 

Smuggling,  bill  to  prevent 2232, 

2391,  2428,  2837,  3018,  3077,  3107,  3272 

bill  (H.  R.  No.  573)  making  an  appropriation 

to  carry  into  effect  an  act  to  prevent. ..3515, 

3536 

Speaker,  election  of. 6 

addresses  of. .7,  3539 

Speculations  in  gold:  bill  (No.  106)  to  prohibit 

certain  sales  of  gold  and  foreign  exchange, 

1635,    1658,    1695,    1814,   2690,   2694, 

2726,  2743,  2788,  2793,  2936,  2937, 2995 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 2788 

Mr.  Allen,  W.  J 2936 

Mr.  Ancona 2936 

Mr.  Brooks 2936 

Mr.  Cox 2793,  2794,  2936,  2937 

Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York 2768,2963 

Mr.  Driggs 2793 

Mr.  EWridge 2936 

Mr.  Ganson 2788,  2789 

Mr.  Hooper 2690, 

2726,  2743,  2788,  2793,  2936,  2937 

Mr.  Morrill 2788,  2793 

Mr.  Pendleton 2690, 

2694,  2726,  2788,  2789,  2793 

Mr.  Spalding 2936 

Mr.  Steele,  of  New  Jersey 2995 

Mr.  Stevens 2694 

Mr,  Thayer 2788 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2793,2794 

Mr.  Wilson 2793 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando ;....2936 

Mr.  Woodbridge 2789 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2793, 

2794,  2936,  2937 
Spalding,  Rufus  P.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 
12,  14,  19,  23,  40,  46,70,75,87,92,  127, 
148, 190, 197,219,296, 406, 426,428,434, 
467,  479, 496, 526, 660, 772,825, 843, 875, 
879,  920,  925,  949,  970,  992,  1036, 1038, 
1042,  1098,  1121, 1218, 1237, 1252, 1253, 
1290,  1291,  1292,1338, 1349, 1396, 1429, 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LXVII 


Spalding,  Rufus  P.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio 
— Continued. 

1448,  1466,  1491, 1492, 1959, 1970, 2031, 
2090,  2232,  2264,  2271,  2273,2290,2333, 
2385,  2427,  2472,  2526, 2575, 2607,2611, 
2612,  2639,  2741 ,  2809, 2810, 2892, 2893, 
2909,  2936,  3429,  3430,  3515,  3516,  3519 
resolutions  by. ...70,  879,970,  1218,  1396,  2290 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 73 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylvania 

war  expenses...  .172,  2133,  2134,  2137,  2138 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ..313,  315,  509 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  facilitate  the  payment  of 

bounties 448 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  549,  601,  604 
remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...827 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122),  920, 934, 939 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory  of 

Montana 1168,1395 

,      remarks  on   purchasing   the  Annals    of  Con- 
gress....  1192,  1193,  1194 

remarks  on  Military  Academy  bill... .1219, 1220 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1257, 

1380, 1430,  1448, 1452 
remarks  on  agricultural  colleges  bill,  1496, 1497 
remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1536, 

1537,  1544, 1580 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1877, 

1937,  1938,2030 
remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

2232,2791,2792 
remarks  on  the  paying  of  a  contestant,  John 

P.  Bruce 2270 

remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 

2292,2297 
remarks  on  Army  appropriation  bill,  2472, 2892 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2481, 

2482, 2504 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill 2636, 

2723,  2725,  2742 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 2742 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3212,3213 

remarks  on  western  navy-yard  bill,  3244,  3246 
Stable,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  225)  making  an  appro- 
priation   for   rebuilding   the,    at  the   Presi- 
dent's  595,  604,  658 

Staff  officers — see  Pay. 

Stafford,  Margaret  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  895, 

1118,2272 

Standen,  Henry,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1036 

Starlight,  bill  to  change  the  name  of  the  schooner, 

743,  1389 
Starr,  John  F.,a  Representative  from  New  Jer- 
sey  .....1237 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1237 

"  remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill 2817 

State    Department,   calls   for   information  from 

the 909,1428 

communications  from  the 68, 

99,164,680,994,1041,2475 

Statuary,  joint  resolution   setting  apart  the  old 

Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  as  a 

hall  of. 1736 

Statutes,  bill  to  provide  for  the  revision  and  con- 
solidation of  the,  of  United  States... 127, 168 
Steamboats — see  Inspectors. 
Stebbins,  Henry  G.,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 273,  772,  909, 1216 

resolutions  by 909 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 734, 

768,  927,  931,  995 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1398,  1399 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1718 
Steele,  John    B.,  a   Representative   from   New 

York 6, 190,  237,  427, 

494,  496,  501,  631,  851,  941,  1292,  1325, 
1469,  1530,  1943,  1999,  2108,  2214,  2431, 
2504,  2526,  2579,  2638,  2690,  2833,  2995, 
3056,  3060,  3061,  3077,  3103,  3112,  3145, 
3186,  3207,  3266,  3399,  3401,  3427,  3428, 
3430,3463,3464,  3521,  3523,  3525,   3534 

resolutions  by 494,  3112 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 681 

remarks  on   printing  the  agricultural   report, 

926,  927 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1255,  1431 

remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1475, 

1491,  1493,  1494 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1850 

rcmarkson  the  registration  of  voters, 2608,  2609 
remarks   on    the   Pacific    railroad    bill    (No. 

438)......... 3021, 

3023,3024,  3060,  3080,  3113,  3149,  3267 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3107 


Steele,  William  G.,  a  Representative  from  New 
Jersey 44,  128,  687,  1289, 

1290,  1943,  2137,  2450,  2812,  2947,  2995, 
3357,  3423,  3466,  3472,  3517,  3519,  3531 

remarks  on  New  Jersey  railroad  bill,  1761, 1762 
Stevens,  General  Isaac  I.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the 

widow  of.. 426,  758,  2273,  2387,  3470 

Stevens,  I.  I.,  bill  for  the  relief  of  heirs  of.. .2527 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  4,  5, 

6,  7,  8,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  19,  21,  22,  33, 
35,  36,  46,  69,  71,  87,  91,  92,  94,  95,  99, 
100,  108,  109,  110,  128,  150,  151,  168,188, 
189,  190,  215,  218,  233,  258,  259, 260,  272, 
273,  309,  332,  333,  354,  355,  376,  397, 426, 
427,  446,  494,  495,  496,  519,  527,  528,543, 
566,  571,  595,  623,  658,  660,  708,  713,714, 
715,  740,  760,  763,  785,  805,  825,  826,836, 
843,  844,  875,  876,  877,  878,  879,888,909, 
939,  942,  949,  950,  970,  972,  991,  996, 
1012,  1013,  1017,  1036,  1037,  1044,  1058, 
1061,  1062,  1099,  1107,  1119,  1121,  1122, 
1129,  1143,  1152,  1168,  1170,  1196,  1217, 
1220,  1226,  1236,  1247,  1251,  1253,  1261, 
1266,  1284,  1285,  1286,  1287,  1289,  1290, 

1291,  1292,  1335,  1336,  1354,  1370,  1371, 
1396,  1407,  1409,  1426,  1428,  1429,  1448, 
1469,  1531,  1533,  1577,  1635,  1658,  1660, 
1679,  1694,  1695,  1696,  1698,  1702,  1736, 
1764,  1793,  1830,  1854,  1855,  1943,  1959, 
1964,  1970,  1972,  1990,  2090,  2091,  2108, 
2132,  2139,  2166,  2185,  2269,  2338,  2362, 
2427,  2428,  2448,  2452,  2453,  2454,  2502, 
2509,  2510,  2671,  2693,  2694,  2695,  2716, 
2726,  2842,  2879,  2880,  2935,  2936,  2939, 
3015,  3016,  3021,  3061,  3062,  3077,  3082, 
3112,  3140,  3148,  3241,  3242,  3243,  3247, 
3250,  3311,  3388,  3394,  3402,  3404,  3424, 
3469,3470,3471,  3480,  3481,  3514,  3515, 
3516,3517,3518,  3520,  3523,  3531,  3532, 
3533,  3534,  3535,  3536,  3537,  3538,  3539 

resolutions  by 5,  6,  99,  186,  876, 

877,  939,  949,  1325,  1531,  1855,  3021,  3077 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election  (A.  P.  Field), 

5,  6,  7,  8,  33,  412,  413,  543,  596,  597 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  44, 

129,    130,    131,    132,    133, 

1531,  2215,  2216,  2217,  2232 

remarks  on  the  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 69, 

71,  72,  74,  75,  92 
remarks  on  the  Post  Office  appropriation  bill, 
86,  111,  112,  113,  1143,  1144 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylva- 
nia war  expenses 151, 

168,  170, 171, 172, 189, 1793, 1794, 1795, 

1796,  2132,  2133,  2135,  2136,  2137,  2138 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 164,  165,  911 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 186,210, 

212,  263,  266,  281,  282,  316, 

317,  .352,  469,  509,  543,  566 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) ,  215,216, 217, 

218,  268,  270,  271,  272,  282,283,  285,  287, 

288,  303,  308,  309,  310,  311,  312,  313,  573, 

574,  595,  660,  666,  687,  690,691,692,  693, 

708,  776,  777,  778,  779,  892,  920,  933,  935 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...266, 

3,57,    779,    810,    811,  812,  813, 

826,    831,   834,  835,   836,   1673, 

2057,  2058, 2060, 2062, 2063, 2311 

remarks  gn  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) ,288, 

334,  335,  336,  337,  338,  339, 
341,  355,  356,  371,  372,  825 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 398,  431, 

433,  451, 477,  478,  528,  530, 551, 552,  574, 
575,  576, 578,  579, 597,  599,  601, 603,  604, 
605, 623, 626,  629,  631,  766,  768, 836,  972, 
973,  975,  976, 978,  979,  991,  992, 993,  994, 
2909,  3148,  3267,  3275,  .3278,  3280,  3315, 
3316,  3317,  3318,  3319,  3320,3321,3322, 
3354,  3427,  3431,  3434,  3435,  3436,  3525 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 429 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election,  682, 686,  687 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 731, 

740,  763,  995,  1104,  1105,  1107, 
1122, 1129, 1144, 1145, 1146,  1147 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 876,  877 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  63)  relating  to  claims 

against  the  Government 926 

remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation  bill, 
1017,  1018,  1019,  1020,  1021,  1041, 
1042,  1043,  1044,  1061,  2391,  2428, 
2431,  2432,  2434,  3016,  3017,  3018 


Stevens,  Thaddeus,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania— Continued. 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1038, 

1039,  1040,  1734 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) 1058,  1059,  1060 

remarks  on  the  Massachusetts  election. ..1119, 

1120,  1121 
remarks  on  the  organization  of  Montana,  1168,    < 

2386 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  appropria- 
tion bill ..1219,  1266 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill, 
1220,  1221,  1222,  1223,  1224,  1225, 
1226,  1854,  1991,  1995,  1996,  1998, 
2000,  2001,  2002,  2091,  2471,  2472, 
2473,  2474,  2475,  2892,  2908,  2909 
remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1262, 

1370,  1371 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1255, 

1256,    1266,    1269,    1272,    1273,    1287, 
1288,   1339,   1340,    1341,    1342,    1350, 
1351,   1352,    1353,    1354,    1373,    1375, 
1376,  1377, 1378, 1379, 1381, 1390, 1391, 
1392,  1393,  1394, 1396, 1397, 1400, 1401, 
1402,  1410,  1430,  1431,  1433, 1452,  1453 
remarks  on   the  resolution  for  amending  the 
Constitution  and  abolishing  slavery. ...1325, 
1326,  1336,  1680,  1682,  2939,  2982 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy ,  1327 
remarkson  the  bill  forthe  relief  of  W.  W.  Hub- 
bell 1348 

remarks  on  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long,  1534,  1634 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 1653, 1656,  1657,  1658 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill  (No.  395),  1682, 

2448,  2450 
remarks  on  the  resolution  temporarily  increas- 
ing duties 1695, 

1697,  1702,  1703,  1855,  1857, 1859,2427 

remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 

1698,    1699,    1702,    2291,    2292, 

2293,  2295,  2296,  2297, 2611,  2612 

remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405).. ..1756, 

1758,    1760,   1785,    1815,    1816,    1817, 

1818,   1819,    1820,    1821,    1822,    1823, 

1825,   1826,    1833,    1836,    1837,    1839, 

1840,   1850,    1876,    1879,    1880,    1882, 

1883,    1905,    1907,    1908,    1909,    1913, 

1915,  1916,  1917, 1918, 1941, 1943,2997, 

2998,  3000,  3001,  3020,  3024,  3026,  3055 

remarks  on  the  coinage  bill 1763 

remarks  on  the  inquiry  relating  to  the  military 
position  of  F.  P.  Blair  and  R.  C.  Schenck, 

1854, 1855,  3242 
remarks  in   relation   to    charges   against   the 

Treasury  Department 1967,  1968 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2041,  2107,  2108 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2269,  2270 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mercan- 
tile Insurance  Company 2267, 2268, 2269 

remarks  on  the  paying  of  the  contestant,  John 

P.  Bruce .....2269,  2270 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2338,t 
2339, 2340, 2341,  2342, 2343,  2359, 2947, 3079 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Josiah  0. 

Armes 2390,2391 

remarks  on  paying  the  contestants  from  Vir- 
ginia  2425 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2478, 

2479,  2430,  2509 
remarks  on  repealing  the  act  for  the  relief  of  E. 

F.  and  Samuel  A.  Wood 2527, 

2693,  2838,  2839,  2840,  2841,  2842 
remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill 

(No.  483) 2611,  2612 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2692, 

2693,  2718,  2722,  2745,  2747,  2748, 

2749,  2750,  3311,  3312,  3314,  3404 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...2937, 

2938,   2939,  3014,    3015,    3105,    3106, 

3107,  3108,  3109,    3110,    3111,    3112, 

3113,   3114,  3115,    3314,    3394,    3395, 

•    3396,  3.397,  3399,  3400,  3402,  3469, 3470 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 2947,  3186, 

3187,3212,3213,3214,3215,3216,3217 

remarkson  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3021,  3022,    3060,    3062,    3079, 

3080,  3149,    3154,    3155,    3156, 

3180, 3181, 3182,  3242, 3244, 3357 

remarkson  overland  mail  bill,  3404,3405,3406 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 3515 


LXVIII 


INDEX  TO 


Stevenson,  Robert,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 21 

Stiles,  John  D.,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania   4,  5, 

11, 34,  70, 88,  259,  287,  405,  431,  479,  508, 
543,595,623,  660,  680,  843,  851,  863,  876, 
924,949,970,  1098.1121,1190,  1191,  1206, 
1396,  1681,  1702,  1734,  1794,  1796,  1943, 
1969,  2030,  2057,  2108,  2238,  2260,  2264, 
2298,  2510,  2609,  2612,  2650,  2995,  3054, 
3077,  3145,  3178,  3243,  3250,  3315,   3524 

resolutions  by 11,  3178 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 334, 

398,  473,  475,  552,  623,  680,  687 

.  remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 893,  935 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill. ..1221, 

1222,  1224 
remarks  on  civil  appropriation  bill,  3112,  3115 
remarks  on  the  Pennsylvania  election  (Kline 

and  Myers) 3243 

speech  on  the  state  of  the  Union .3472 

Stout,  Charles  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2238 

Strouse,  Myer,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania  12,  70,  128,  259,  459,  480,  843, 

1407, 1651,  2726,  2775,  2793,  2909,  3282 

resolutionsby 128,  259,  843 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  14) 69,  74 

remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

132,  2792 
remarks  on  naval  appropriation  bill. ..359,  828 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 452, 

478,547,577 
remarks  on  printing  the  agricultural  report,  927 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 1346 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  a  postal  money 

order  system , 1659 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1980,2043 

remarks   on  the  repeal  of  the   fugitive   slave 

laws 2775 

remarks  on  Washington  City  railroad  bill,  2814 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2992 

Stuart,  D.  McV.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2526, 

3469,  3470 

Stuart,  John  T.,  a  Representative  from  Jliinois, 

426,  759,  950,  1293,  1325,  1453,  1533,  3525 

resolutions  by 426 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 994 

remarks  on  the  ship  canal  bill 1792 

Submarine  inventions,  bill  (No.  343)  making  an 

appropriation  for  testing.. 3535 

Superannuated  Fund  Society — see  Doughty,  Wil- 
liam. 
Surveying,  bill  to  authorize  a  departure  from  the 
established  mode  of,  in  certain  cases. ..1577, 

3515 
Surveyor  general,  bill    in   relation  to   the   field 
notes,  maps,  records,  and  other  papers  per- 
taining to  land  titles  in  the  office  of  the  late, 

of  Illinois  and  Missouri 785 

(See  Public  Lands.) 
Surveyor  general's  districts,  bill  (No.  117)    to 
provide  for  the  consolidation  of  certain,  1044 

Sutliff  &  Case,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 46, 

313,  758,  759 

Swamp  lands— see  Public  Lands. 

Sweat,  Lorenzo  D.  M.,  a  Representative  from 

Maine,  21,  110,111,566,680,875,888,1041, 

1220,  1236,  1291,  1396,  2214,  2253,  2264, 

2289,  2427,  2646,  2750,  3140,  2525,  3537 

resolutions  by HI 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill,  264,  282,  566 
(See  Appendix.) 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 662 

remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 

1699,  2292,  2293 
remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty. ..2503,  2504 

remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill ;.2811 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438), 

3181,  3182 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3183 

remarks  on  the   New  Jersey  railroads    bill 

see  Appendix. 
Sweeting,  Anthony,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
117)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
to  settle  and  pay  the  claim  of,  late  pilot  of  the 

United  States  steamer  Juniata 3464, 

3523,  3530 
T. 
Tariff — see  Revenue. 

Tax,  bill  to  reduce  the,  on  coal  oil,  to  rspeal  so 
much  of  the  present  law  as  permits  exporta- 
tion of  oil  free  of  duty,  and  to  classify  conl- 

oil  distillers 95 

(See  District  of  Columbia.) 


Taxes,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  31)  making 
appropriation  for  the  payment  of,  on  certain 

lands  owned  by  the  United  States 595, 

740,  757,  766,  776 
bill  to  provide  for  the  collection  of  direct,  in 

insurrectionary  States 2771 

bill  (S.  No.  171)  to  further  amend  an  act  for 
the  collection  of  direct,  in  the  insurrectionary 

districts  within  the  United  States 3430, 

3463,  3536 
(See  Revenue.) 
Telegraphic  communication,  bill  (S.  No.  302)  to 
encourage  and  facilitate,  between  the  eastern 

and  western  continents 3316,  3421,  3433 

bill  (S.  No.  290)  for  increased  facilities  of,  be- 
tween the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States  and  the 

Territory  ofldaho 3428,  3462,  3463 

Telegraph  line — see  Public  Lands.' 

Territories,  the  Committee  on 18 

instructions  to 40,  495 

reports  from 87, 

411,  1097,  1168,  1169,  1170,  2741,  2809 
Territory,  bill  (No.  15)  to  provide  a  temporary 
government  for  the,  of  Montana,  20,  411, 431, 
1168,  1378,  1.380,  1389,  1395,  1409,  1634, 
1651,  1660,  1697,  2371,  2385,  2448,  2527 
Testimonial,  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  51)  author- 
izing the  acceptance  of  a  certain,  from  the 

Government  of  Great  Britain 2695 

Thanks  of  Congress,  joint  resolutionof,  to  Major 
General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  and  the  officers 
and  soldiers  under  his  command  during  the 
rebellion,  and  providing  that  the  President 
of  the  United  Stales  shall  cause  a  medal 
to  be  struck  to  be  presented  to  Major  Gen- 
.eral  Grant  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  of  America. ...9, 12,  38,  44,  68 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  12)  tendering  the, 
to  Captain  John  Rodgers,  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  for  eminent  skill  and  zeal  in 

discharge  of  his  duties 33,  44,  90,  93 

joint  resolution  (No.  13)  extending  the,  to  Ad- 
miral Porter 46,  844,  1634,  1657 

jointresolution  tendering  the,  to  Captain  Henry 
Waike,  of  the  Navy,  for  his  bravery  and 
gallantry  and  for  his  efficient  services  ren- 
dered the  country  in  connection  with  the 
opening  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 

river 260,  1349 

joint  resolution  (S.  No.  5)  of,  to  Major  Gen- 
eral Ambrose  E.  Burnside  and  the  officers 
and  men  who  fought  under  his  command ,  266, 

354,  372 
jointresolution  (S.  No.  2)  expressive  of  the, 
to  Major  General  Joseph  Hooker,  Major 
General  George  G.  Meade,  Major  General 
Oliver  0.  Howard,  and  the  oflicers  and  sol- 
diers of  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  266,354, 372 
joint  resolution  (S.  No.  14)  presenting  the,  to 
Cornelius  Vanderbilt  for  a  gift  of  the  steamer 

Vanderbilt 266,  354,  372 

joint  resolution  (No.  2)  expressive  of  the,  to 
Major  General  Nathaniel  P.  Banks  and  the 
officers  and  soldiers  under  his  command  at 

Port  Hudson 354,  372 

joint  resolution  (No.  19)  of,  to  Commodore 
Cadwnlader  Ringgold  and  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  United  States  ship  Sabine.. 448, 

714,  844,  993 

joint  resolution  (No.  11)  of,  .to  Major  General 

George  H.  Thomas  and  the  officers  and  men 

who  fought  under  his  command  at  the  battle 

of  Chickamauga 448,  713,  1011 

joint  resolution  tendering  the,  to  Major  Gen- 
eral W.  T.Sherman 527,  658,  684,776 

joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  35)  of,  to  the  vol- 
unteer soldiers  who  have  reenlisted  in  the 

Army 706,888,  890,  944 

joint  resolution  tendering  the,  to  Lieutenant 
John  H.  Russell  and  the  men  of  the  steamer 

Colorado 1096,1349 

joint  resolution  (No.  60)  tendering  the,  'o  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Joseph  Bailey,  of  the  fo;irth 

regiment  of  Wisconsin  volunteers 2776 

Thayer,  M.  Russell,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania   259,  624,  625,  888, 

981,  1097,  1165,  1167,  1219,  1396,  1468, 
1495,  1507,1516, 1519,  1532,  1985,2030, 
2081,  2291,  2369,  2510,  2609,  2612,  2723, 
2777,  2794,  2795,  2810,  2813,  2815,  2892, 
3058,  3085,  3240,  3241,  3354,  3427,  3429 

resolutions  by 259 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  Pennsylvania 
war  expenses 170,  171,  173,  1796 


Thayer,  M.  Russell,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania— Continued . 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 548, 

551,  576,  577,  578 
remarks  on  the  legislative  appropriation   bill, 

1019,  1020 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill 1470, 

1471,  1473 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405),  1817,  1818, 

1820,  1835,  1838, 1882,  1883,  1902,  1903 

remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2002,2005 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mer- 
cantile Insurance  Company,  2266,  2267,  2269 
remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  2472, 

2473,  2474 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2689, 

2722,  2743,  2744,  2745 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2980, 

2981,  2993 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  3081,3082 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3354, 

3434,  3435,  3436 
Thomas,  Francis,  a  Representative  from  Mary- 
land  117, 

494,  495,  1061,  1096,  1143,  2575,  3021 

resolutions  by 494,  2575,3021 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 168,  282, 910, 911 , 

912,  913,  914,  919,  920,  924,  2029,  2774 
remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  63)  relating  to  claims 

against  the  Government 925,  926 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  claims  for  re- 
bellion losses ...3057,  3532 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 3465,  3466 

Thomas,  Major  General  George  H. — see  Thanks. 
Thompson,Egbert  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  3054, 

3470 

Thurston,  Logan,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 2207 

Titles — see  Public  Lands. 

Todd,  J.    B.  S.,  the  contesting  Delegate   from 

Dakota 2894,3356 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election «. 235, 

236,  237,  238,  2864,  2865,  2866, 
2887,   2891,   2894,   3352,  3353 
Tonnage,  bill  (No.  119)  to  regulate  the  admeas- 
urement of  the,  of  ships  and  vessels  of  the 

United  States 164, 

232,  1388,  1903,  2030, 2136 
Tonnage  duties — see  Enrollment  and  License. 

Townsend,  Eliza  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 1036 

Tracy,  Henry  W.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania.  760, 

1469,  1516,  1517,  3207,  3389 

resolution  by 3207 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1392,  1394 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  incorporate   the  Union 

Gas-Light  Company..... 1469,  1470 

remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1475, 

1476,  1491,  1493 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2788 

remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill 2815 

Trade,  bill  (S.  No.  272)  to  facilitate,  on  the  Red 

River  of  the  North 2777,3427,  3463 

(See  Indian  Tribes.) 
Traitors — see  Courts. 

Treason,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  6)  to  repeal  joint  reso- 
lution No.  63 2773 

(See  Rebellion.) 
Treasury  Department,  calls  for  information  from 

the 45   99 

yi27,"i'28,  150,''i88,'528,'5'6^ 

communications  from  the 13, 

15,  18,  68,  94,  259,  426,  446,  543,  719, 
1096,  1346,  1448,  1761,  2185,2217,  2332 
bill  authorizing  the  appointment  of  an  Assist- 
ant Register  of  the 658 

bill  defining  the  powers  and  duties  of  account- 
ing officers  of  the 659 

inquiry  in  relation  to  certain  charges  against 

the 334, 

1967,  1972,  1990, 1996, 3423, 34C8 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 1968 

Mr.  Beaman 1969 

Mr.  Brooks 334, 

335,  1967,  1968, 1969, 1991,  3423,  3468 

Mr.  Broomall 1968,  1969,  1991 

Mr.  Cox 1969 

Mr.  Creswell 1967,  1968 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 3408 

Mr.  Eldridge 3468 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LXIX 


Treasury  Dcpartm-ent,  inquiry  in  relation  to  cer- 
tain charges  against  the — Continued. 
'■   remarks  on  the,  by — 

•  Mr.  Garfield 1968, 

'  1972,  1990,  ]991,  3423,  3468 

/',  Mr.  Holman 1991 

'■'  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania,  1968,  1969 

Mr.  Kernan 1967,  3468 

Mr.  Miller,  of  Pennsylvania... .1968,  1969 

Mr.  Ross 1969 

Mr.  Schenck 1967,  1969 

Mr.  Sloan 1968 

Mr.  Stevens 335, 1967,  1968 

Mr.  Stiles 1969 

Mr.  Upson 1967,  1969 

Mr.  Wadsworth 3468 

Mr.  Wilson 335 

Treasury  notes — see  Counterfeit  Coin. 
Treaties,  bill  making  an  appropriation  for  the 
purpose  of  negotiating,  vsrith  the  Indian  tribes 

of  southern  and  eastern  Oregon 149, 

996,  3533 
bill  to  authorize  the  making  of,  writh  the  Nav- 
ajo, Apache,  and  Utah  Indian  tribes  of  New 
Mexico,  defining  their  limits,  and  extinguish- 
ing their  titles  to  lands  outside  of  said  lim- 
its..  149,996 

bill  to  provide  for  the  execution  of,  between  the 
United  Stales  and  foreign  nations  respecting 
consular  jurisdiction  over  the  crews  of  ves- 
sels of  such  foreign  nations   in  the  waters 

and  ports  of  the  United  States 2526, 

2606,  2837 
Treaty,  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  56)  author- 
izing the  President  to  give  the  requisite  no- 
tice for  terminating  the,  made  with  Great 
Britain  on  behalf  of  ihe  British  provinces  in 
North  America  and  to  appoint  commission- 
ers to  negotiate  a  new,  with  the  British  Gov- 
ernment based  upon  the  true  principles  of 

reciprocity 9, 19,  1371, 

1387,  2298,  2333,  2364,  2452, 
2453,  2476,  2482,  2502,  2508 
bill  (No.  25)  to  authorize  the  President  to  ne- 
gotiate a,  with  the  Klamath,  Modoc,   and 
other  Indian  tribes  in  southeastern  Oregon, 
1118,  1226,  1236,  1254 
bill  (No.  187)  to  carry  into  effect  the,  between 
the  United  States  and  her  Britannic  Majesty 
for  the  final  settlement  of  the  claims  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  and  Puget  Sound  Agricultural 

Companies 1634,  2056,  3207,  3239 

joint  resolution  in  relation  to  the,  of  1817,  2909, 

3084 
(See  Convention;  Indian?.) 
Turner,  J.  D.,  and  W.  G.  Raymond, bill  for  the 

relief  of. 2271,  2273 

Turnpike  Company,  bill  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Louisville  and  Bardstown 3139,  3470 

U. 

Unemployed  general  officers — see  Jirvgy. 
Union,  joint  resolution  to  provide  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  United 
States  steam  transport,  wrecked  November 
23,  1861,  oflf  the  coast  of  North  Carolina, 

480,  757 
speeches  on  the  state  of  the,  by — 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 1737 

Mr.  Allen,  W.  J 382 

Mr.  Arnold 113,  386,  387,  1196 

Mr.  Ashley 1354 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Massachusetts 949 

Mr.  Baldwin,  of  Michigan..... ]981 

Mr.  Beaman 1243 

Mr.  Bliss 1076 

Mr.  Boutweii ...2105 

Mr.  Boyd 952 

Mr.  Broomnll 1767 

Mr.  Cox 1074,  1076,  2095 

Mr.  Cravens 2045 

Mr.  Dawson ....1972 

Mr.  Deming u.854 

Mr.  Dcnison... 2039 

Mr.  Donnelly..... ;... 856,2036 

Mr.  Dumonc 1070 

Mr.  Eckley ; 1300 

Mr.  Eden 858 

Mr.  Edgerton 406 

Mr.  Finck ; 399 

Mr.  Garfield  403,  1303,  1304,  1305 

Mr.  Grinncll 953,  1076,  1080,  1081 

Mr.  Gooch 2069 

Mr.  Harding 852,  1307,  2029 


Union,  the  state  of  the — Continued. 
speeches  on,  by — 

Mr.  Harrington 1302 

Mr.  Herrick 1295 

Mr.  Holman 1063,  1081 

Mr.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa 956 

Mr.  Hulburd 1067 

Mr.  Kelley 2078 

Mr.  Kernan 2067 

Mr.  Ktiiney 1170 

Mr.  Law 3474 

Mr.  Long 1499,  1504,  1505 

Mr.  Longycar 2011 

Mr.  McClurg 1013,  1016,  1017,  1066 

Mr.  Moorhead 1293 

Mr.  Morrill 377 

Mr.  Norton 1764 

Mr.  Pendleton 2105 

Mr.  Perham 2063 

Mr.  Perry 2071 

Mr.  Scofield 1970 

Mr.  Smilhers 1739 

Mr.  Stevens 2041 

Mr.  Stiles 3472 

Mr.  Strouse 2043 

Mr.  Thayer 2002 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 3534 

Mr.  Wilder 1204 

Mr.  Williams 1974 

Mr.  Wilson 1199 

Mr.  Wood,  Fernando 2074 

Mr.  Yeaman 190,  2006 

Upson,  Charles,  a  Representative  from  Michi- 
gan  165, 

196, 332, 371, 1194, 1290, 1392, 1491, 1545, 
1652,  1814,  1884,  1967,  1969,  1991,  2030, 
2264,  2273,  2359,  2387,  2448,  2472,  2482, 
2607,  2695,  2716,  2717,  2722,  2776,  2777, 
2882,  2939,  3018,  3061,  3104,  3241,  3534 

resolutions  by 196 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill,  535,  598,  629 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 595,  596 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Knox  and 

Blair) ..1058,  1059,  2855,  2858 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1787, 

1820,  1821,  1822,  1826,  1840,  1852, 

1853,  1879,  1883,  1902,  1910,  1911, 

1939,  1941,  1943,  2998,  2999,  3000 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2159, 

2187,  2195,  2214,  2269,  2270 
remarks  on  the   Missouri  election  (Birch  an'd 

King) 2645,  2646,  2650,  2882 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 2866, 

2883,  2885,  2887,  2890 

Utah,  the  Territory  of,  bill  to  enable  the  people 

of,  to  form  ft  State  constitution  and  State 

government,  and  for  the  admission  of  such 

State  into  the  Union 332 

bill  for  increased  mail  service  in  the 332 

bill  to  enlarge  and  increase  the  mail  service  in, 

on  established  routes 332 

bill  to  vacate  the  present  Indian  reservations  in, 
and  to  settle  the  Indians  in  the  Uinta  val- 
ley.  ....526,  996,  1428,  1792,  2032,  2057 

bill  to  provide  for  the  appointment  of  commis- 
sioners to  ascertain  the  losses  sustained  by 
the  people  of,  by  Indian  depredations,  526, 

996 
bill  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  lands  in, 
suitable  for  agricultural   and  mineral  pur- 
poses   526,  996,  2035 

bill  appropriating  $5,000  to  rebuild  the  bridge 
over  the  Provo  river,  on  the  military  road 
from  Great  Salt  Lake  City  to  the  southern 

line  of. 659 

bill  appropriating  $5,000  to  repair  the,  peni- 
tentiary  659 

bill  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  from  Salt  Lake  to  the  head  of 
navigation  on  the   Columbia  river,  Oregon, 

1096 
(StQ  Mail.) 

V. 

Vanderbilt,  Cornelius — see   Thanks. 

Van  Valkenburgh,  Robert  B.,  a  Representative 

from  New  York 127,148,624, 

659,  970,  2451,  3021,  3315, 
3519,  3525,  3530, 3531, 3532 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1412,  1414 

remarks  on  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438),  3153 
Vessold— see  Frauds. 
Vessels  wrecked — see  Seamen. 


Virginia  contested  elections:  case  of  Joseph  Se- 
gar,  claiming  a  seat  from  the  first  congres- 
sional district,  and  Lucius  J. Chandler,  claim- 
ing a   seat  from   the    second    congressional 

district 6,  12,  332,  1944,  2311,  2424 

remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Alley 2323 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia 2321, 

2323,  2425 

Mr.  Chandler  (claimant) 2317, 

2319,  2320,  2321 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 2425 

Mr.  Dawes 2311, 

2319,  2320,  2322,  2323,  2424,  2425 

Mr.  Holman .2323,  2424,  2425 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Pennsylvania 2323 

Mr.  Myers,  A 2425 

Mr.  Noble 2323 

Mr.  Schenck 2425 

Mr.  Segar  (claimant) 2311 

Mr.  Stevens 2425 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois S323 

Mr.  Wilson 2425 

yeas  and  nays  on  the 2323,  2425 

case  of  B.M.  Kitchen,  claiming  a  seat  as  a  Rep- 
resentative from  the  seventh  congressional 

district 6,  12, 

18, 46, 168, 526, 847, 876, 1673, 2424 
remarks  on  the,  by 

Mr.  Allen,  J.  C 6, 

Mr.  Ashley 847 

Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia 6 

Mr.  Brown,  of  West  Virginia... 168,  1677 

Mr.  Dawes 12,  46,  168,  526,847,  849, 

850,  1673,  1675,  1676,  1677,  1678,  2424 

Mr.  Farns worth 6 

Mr.  GrinnelU  « 849 

Mr.  Kalbfleisch 6 

Mr.  Lovejoy 6 

Mr.  McKenzie  (claimant) 847,  849 

Mr.  Smith 526, 

850, 876, 1673, 1675, 1677, 1678 

Mr.  Stevens... 6 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 6 

Mr.  Whaley 1675 

Voorhees,  Daniel  W.,a  Representative  from  In- 
diana  11,  21,  22,  508,  740,  953, 

996,  998,  1195,  1292,  1533,  1736,  1959, 
1960,  2032,  2169,  2170,  2290,  2361,  2470 

resolutions  by 22,  2290 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ..282,  507,  509 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 304, 

305,  306,  308,  665,  666,  667,  690,  691 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long. ..1540, 

1541,  1542,  1543,  1544,  1582,  1634 

remarks  relating  to  an  alleged  correspondence 

with  the  rebels....; 1734, 

1814,  2091,  2093,  2094,  2095 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2167,  2168,  2170 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHnnry 

and  Yeaman) 2534,  2535,  2536,  2537 

remarks  on  state  of  the  Union — see  Appendix. 
Volunteers,  joint  resolution  (No.  69)  for  the  pay- 
ment of,  called  out  for  not  less  than  one  hun- 
dred days 1909,2063,  2137 

(See  .^rmy;  Bounties.) 
Volunteer  soldiers — see  Thanks. 

W. 

Wadsworth,  Solomon,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  1886, 

3427 

bill  to  amend  an  act  for  the  relief  of 2578 

Wadsworth,  William  n.,a  Representative  from 

Kentucky 6,  22,  38, 

310,  451,  508,  757,  809,  843,  1038, 1195, 
1262,  1290, 1291,  1292,2291,2343,2361, 
2453,  2671,  2690,  2795,  2810, 2881,  2893, 
3059,  3060,  3077, 3179,  3320, 3355,  3390, 
3404,  3407,  3422,  3423,  3468,  3522,  3532 

resolutions  by 22 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election,  339,340, 341 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 467,  469 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 534, 

550, 552, 579, 628, 629, 836, 3320, 3433, 3434 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  enlistments  in 

the  southern  States 845,846 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  freedmen's  af- 
fairs   .........893,  894 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 913 

remarks  on  the  Army  appropriation  bill,  2474 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman). ...2534, 2535,  2539,  2540,  2690 


t 


XX 


INDEX  TO 


Wada worth,  William  H.,  a  Representative  from 
Kentucky — Continued. 
remarks  on  theaboliiion  of  slavery,  2982, 2993 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  3082,3083 

remarks  on  the  civil  bill 3397 

j.r  remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  citizens  of 

^        Indiana  and  Ohio 3424,3425,3426 

Wagon  roads — see  JVeio  Mexico;   Idaho;  Public 

Lands. 
Wait,  Israel  C,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of. 266,  355,  1286,  1326 

Walke,  Captain  Henry — see  Thanks. 
Walker,  William  C,  and  others,  bill  for  the  re- 
lief of 46,313,  758,  759 

Wnllabout  bay,  bill  (H.  R.  No.  561)  to  authorize 
the  United  States  to  acquire  land  in,  belong- 
ing to  the  city  of  Brooklyn,  and  to  author- 
ize the  exchange  of  other  lands  therefor,  3530 
Wallace,  William  H.,  a  Delegate  from   Idaho, 
843,  991,  1058,  1283,  2185,  2502 

resolutions  by 843,  1283.,  2185 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory 

of  Montana 1697,  1698 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1915 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2339, 

2340,  2343,  2359 
remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill... .3109, 

3110,  3115 

Ward,  Elijah,  a  Representative  from  New  York, 

19,  70,  319,  836,  1096,  1371,  1387, 

1428,  2454,  2483,  2722,  2836,  3281 

resolutions  by 21 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 308, 

309,  776,  778 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1401,  1411 

p>'remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty... 1387, 2298, 
-V  2333,  2452,  2482,  2483,  2502,  2506,  2509 

^Y^'remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2687, 

2689,  2720,  2721,  2745,  3313 
remarks  on  the  bankrupt  bill. ..2723, 2724, 2725 
remarks  on  consular  and  diplomatic  bill,  2793 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  E.  Brown, 

sr 3431 

War  Department,  calls  for  information  from  the, 
21,  23,  35,  45,  117,  188,  259,  260,  399, 
426,  495,  527,  843,  846,  875,  878,  924, 
999,  1009,  1097,  1098,  1119,  1185,  1217, 
1236,  1466,  2185,  2290,  2426,  2575,  3311 

communications  from  the 94,  99,  164, 

184,  210,  350, 397, 772,  890, 936, 938, 1196, 
1325,  1373,  1531,  1959,  2139,  2264,  2343, 
2428,2476,2541,  2743,  2773,  2777,  2813, 
2814,  2815,  2892,  2995,  3054,  3353,  3472 
War,  Second  Assistant  Secretary  of,  bill  (S.  No. 
50)  to  authorize  the  President  to  appoint  a, 

210,  215,  233,  263 
Ward,  Nahum,  bill  to  refer  tlie  claim  of,  to  the 

Court  of  Claims 2690,  3432,  3462,  3472 

Warren,  John,  &  Son,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2426, 

3470 
Washburne,Elihu  B.,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois  4,  6, 7,  8,  9, 10,  12,  13, 14, 

15,  19,  20,  21,  22,  23, 34,  35,  38,  39,  40, 
44,  46,  47,  70,  71,  86,  87,  88,  91,  92,  94, 
99,  100, 108, 110, 117, 128, 133, 148, 149, 
150, 164, 168, 169, 173, 188, 189, 190, 215, 
218, 219 ,  233, 234, 235, 259, 260, 261, 297, 
310, 313, 316, 332,333, 351, 354, 355, 371, 
372,  494, 495, 496, 508, 528, 547, 566, 573, 
595, 622, 623,  624, 625, 660, 668, 680,  706, 
707, 714, 740, 756, 757, 758, 759, 760, 785, 
798,805,825,826,843,846,850,877,888, 
1036,  1097, 1098, 1099,  1118, 1119,  1121, 
1142,  1143,  1167, 1168, 1169, 1170, 1185, 
1216,  1217,  1218, 1219, 1236, 1243, 1247, 
1253, 1261, 1262,  1283, 1284,  1286, 1287, 
1289,  1290, 1291, 1292, 1326, 1335,  1336, 
1337,  1347,  1349, 1370, 1408, 1426, 1427, 
1428,  1429, 1448,  1494, 1495, 1499, 1502, 
1530,  1532, 1533, 1651,  1673, 1679, 1695; 
1762,  1791, 1792, 1814, 1827, 1828,  1831, 
1887, 1909, 1943, 1944, 1970, 1972,  1990, 
1998,  1999,  2035,  2036,  2214,  2265, 2266, 
2269,  2271, 2272, 2273,  2289,  2290,  2291, 
2298,  2323,  2341,  2384,  2385,  2391, 2426, 
2427,  2433, 2435, 2482,  2483,  2501,  2502, 
2509, 2526,  2527, 2575,  2578,  2579,  2586, 
2611,  2612,  2638.  2650, 2694,  2695,  2716, 
2723,  2749,  2771,  2772,  2776, 2777,  2787, 
2788,  2793,  2794,  2809,  2810,  2813,  2814, 
2833,  2834,  2836,  2838, 2842,  2996,  3014, 
3016,  3021,  3053, 3054,  3061,  3077,  3079, 
3083,  3084,  3085,  3104, 3115, 3139, 3140, 


Washburne,ElihuB.,aRepresentative  from  Illi- 
nois— Continued. 

3143,  3178,  3180, 3186, 3208,  3240,  3241, 
3271,-3272,3310,  3311,  3312,  3316,  3357, 
3389,  3399, 3400,  3401,  3402,  3404,  3406, 
3407,  3421, 3422, 3423,  3424,  3430,  3436, 
3462, 3463,  3464,  3468, 3469,  3472, 3480, 
3481,  3514, 3515,  3516, 3517, 3518,  3519, 
3520,  3522,  3523, 3524,  3525, 3527,  3529, 
3530,  3531,  3532,  3533,  35^4,  3535,  3539 

resolutions  by 8,10,  22,  35,  44, 

117, 164, 233, 1099, 1185, 1327, 1518, 3534 
remarks  on  the  Post  Office  appropriation  bill, 

111,  112,  113 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 169, 

173,  189,  1793, 1796,  1802 
remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ..185,  264,507 
remarksonrevenuebill  (No.  122), 217,272, 283, 
285,  286,  306,  310,  311,  312,  313, 
536,  660,  662,  663,  665,  690,  692, 
693,  708,  776,  777,  779,  892,  893 
remarks  on  conscription  bill,  398, 532,  605, 606, 
628,    629,    631,    772,    3275, 
3278,  3281,  3282,  3284,  3285, 
3317,  3354,  3436,  3466,  3525 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  revive  the  grade  of  Lieu- 
tenant General 429,  430,  431,  850,  851 

remarks  on  Louisiana  election.. ..545,  596,  597 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 681 

remarks  on  sale  of  surplus  gold. ..707,  731, 740 

remarks  on  freedmen's  affairs 711,  712,  713 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ...811, 

812,  813 
remarks  on  purchasing  the  Annals  of  Congress, 
1191,  1192,  1193,  1194,  1195 
remarks  on  the  Military  Academy  appropria- 
tion bill 1219,  1266 

remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1262, 

1468 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1255, 

1287,  1415,  1430,  1431 
remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill,  1284, 

1285,  1286 
remarks  on  death  of  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  1326 

remarks  on  the  steam  fire  engine  bill 1471, 

1472,  1473 
remarks  on  the  District  penitentiary  bill,  1476, 

1491,  1492,  1493 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long. ..1507, 

1510,  1517,  1533,  1544,  1552,  1586 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Harris,  1516, 

1517,  1518,  1519 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 1653,1658 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1658, 

1785,  1786, 1939, 1940,  1942, 1943,  2810, 
2996,  3019,  3020,  3024,  3025,  3026,  3027 

remarks  on  currency  bill  (No.  395) 1680, 

1681,  1682,  1696,  2428,  2435,  2448,2449 
remarks  on  the  protection  of  the  mineral  lands, 

1695,  1696, 1860 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  encourage  immigration, 

1764,  1793 
remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill, 

2291,  2292 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published 

debates 2298 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Margaret 

L.  Stevens , ^. 2387,  2388 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Josiah  O. 

Armes 2388,  2389,  2390,  2391 

remarks  on  the  reciprocity  treaty 2481, 

2482,  2483,  2504,  2506,  2508,  2509 
remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman) 2538,  2715,  2716 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election. ..2645,  2646 
remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 

2790,  2792 

remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill 2817,  2818 

remarks  on  the  bill  regulating  the  carriage  of 

passengers 2836,  2837 

remarks  on  the  bill  repealing  tlie  act  forthe  re- 
lief of  E.  F.  and S.  A.  Wood, 2833, 2840, 2841 
remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  2961,2978 

remarks  on  thecivil  appropriation  bill 3015, 

3105,     3106,    3107,    3108,     3109, 

3110,3111,  3113,  3114,  3115,3395 

remarks    on  the    Pacific    railroad    bill    (No. 

438) 3022,3080,3115,  3148,  3149, 

,  3150,  3153,  3155,  3156,  3182,  3244,3357 
remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  claims  for  re- 
bellion losses. ...3055,  3056,  3058,3060,3077 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  amend  the  Ericsson  con- 
tract  ...„.3081,  8082,  3083 

,  .      ■  ^.  .- . ,   -.. . 


Washburne,  Elihu  B.,  a  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois— Continued. 
remarks  on  the  loan  bill,  3116, 3186,  3218, 3351 
remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill.. ..3244, 
3245,  3246,  3247,  3248,  3249,  3250 
remarks  on  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 

railroad  bill 3401,  3402 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union.. 3472 

remarks  on  a  resolution  of  thanks  to  the  sol- 
diers  3534 

Washburn,  William  B.,  a  Representative  from 

Massachusetts 148, 

311,  467,  1577,  2264,  2694,  2743, 
2751,  2787,  3014,  3422,  3423,  3464 
remarks  on  the  currency  bill. .1343,  1393,  1394 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  compensa- 
tion of  pension  agents 3314 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Mary  A. 

Baker 3422 

Washington,  the  Territory  of,  bill  to  endow  a 
military  professorship  in  the  university  of, 

40,  1099 

bill  (No.  115)  granting  lands  to,  to  aid  in  the 

construction  of  a  military  road  from  Fort 

Walla-WallatoPugetsound...l50,998, 1010 

bill  fixing  the  port  of  entry  for  Puget  sound 

collection  district 150 

bill  to  amend  an  act  approved  July  17,  1854, 
to  amend  the  act  approved  September  27, 
1850,  to  create  the  office  of  surveyor  general 

of  the  public  lands  in  Oregon, &c 150, 

623,  1099 
bill  to  create  an  additional  land  district  in,  1096 
bill  concerning  the  courts  and  judicial  districts 

of. 1532 

bill  amendatory  of  the  organic  act  of 1532 

bill  (No.  181)  in  reference  to  donation  claims 

in  Oregon  and 1695,  1855,  1885 

bill  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  certai  n  claims 
to  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  Indian  res- 
ervations in,  arising  under  the  preemption 
laws  and  donation  act  in  consequence  of  pre- 
emptions and  settlements  made  prior  to  the 

establishment  of  such  reservations 2426 

bill  (S.  No.  285)  to  regulate  the  veto  power  in 

the 2526,  2777,  2794,  2810,  3532 

Water  tax — see  District  of  Columbia. 

Ways  and  Means,  the  Committee  of. 18 

instructions  to. ..44,  99,  196,  259,297,659,887, 
888,  1009,  1217,  1426,  1466,  1491,  1943 

reports  from  33,  44,  69,  86,  151, 

215,266,288,  410,  446,  494,  595,  658,  660, 
731,  740,  763,  825,  826,  876,  949,  1099, 
1119,  1143,  1216,  1219,  1531,  1577,  1736, 
2057,2266,2269,2391,  2427,  2526,  2527, 
2716,  2787,  2879,  2880,  3014,  3077,  3079, 
3112,  3116,  3311,  3470,  3514,  3523,  3527 

discharged  from  subjects 2880 

Weaver,  Jacob,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 480 

Weber,  Jacob,  bill  for  relief  of  ....757,  942,  3421 

Webster,   Edwin    H.,   a    Representative    from 

Maryland. ...165,  219,  970,  1142,  1287,  1289, 

1291, 1682, 1800,  2475,  2585,  2612,  2833, 

2911,  2995,  3429,  3431,  3532,  3535,  3536 

resolution  by 3535 

remarks  on  conscription  bill,  598,  599,  603,604 
remarks  on  legislative  appropriation  bill,  1043 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territory  of 

Montana 1169,  1652,  2385,  2386 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill 1682,  2448 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1820 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Josiah  0. 

ArmeB 2389,  2390,  2391 

remarks  on  the  Washington  and  New  York 

railroad  bill 2833,2834,2835 

Wehrheim,  Valentine,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  2272 
Welch,  Harris,  bill  graniing  a  pension  to. ..2264 
Wetherill,  Charles  M.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  1217, 

2272,  2386,  3432,  3464 
Wetherill,  Dr.  C.  M.,  chemist  of  the  Agricul- 
tural Department,  select  committee  on  the 

case  of. 261,  263,  281 

report  from  the 1217 

Whaley,  Kellian  V.,  a  Representative  from  West 

Virginia 87, 

319,  430,  528,  625,  626,  658,  813, 
1036, 1142,  1217, 1261, 1466, 1531, 1651, 
1941,2030,2207,2271,2272,2542,2894, 
3310,  3421,  3427,  3523,  3537,  3538,  3539 

resolutions  by 528,  1466 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 604,  605 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 918,  919 

remarks  on  expulsiouof  Mr,  Long,  1545,  1554 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


LXXI 


=^ 
Woodbridge,  Frederick  E.,  a  Representative  from 
Vermont — Continued. 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405).'.. 1791, 

1826,  1827,  3027 
remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2270 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2746 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 

gold 2789 

Wood,  E.  F.&  Samuel  A.,  hill  for  the  relief  of, 
895,  1044,  1236,  1286,  1287,  1326 

bill  repealing  the  act  for  the  relief  of 2527, 

2693,  2838 
remarks  on  the,  by — 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland 2841 

Mr.  Hale 2693, 

2838,  2839,  2840,  2841,  2842 

Mr.  Holman .-. 2840 

Mr.  Pendleton 2840 

Mr.  Rice,  of  Massachusetts 2839 

Mr.  Scofield 2841 

Mr.  Stevens 2527, 

2693,  2838,  2839,  2840,  2841,  2842 

Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois 2838, 

2840,  2841 
Wood,  Fernando,  a  Representative  from  New 

York 21,  150,  273,  316,  372,  566, 

730,  731,  1848,  1855,  1859,  1942.  1943, 

1991,  2185,  2578,  2639,  2645,  2879,  3309 

resolutions  by. ...21,  150,  567,  1695,  1855,2185 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 94 

398,550,600,3281,3283 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 167 

remarks  on  the  bill  to  provide  for  Pennsylvania 

war  expenses 168,  170,  173,  1793,  1794 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122). ...217,  268, 

270, 271, 272, 282,  284,  288, 309, 310,  311, 

313,  660,  661,  665,  666,  690,  691.  692,  777 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill. ...316,  351,352 

remarks  personal  and  explanatory 373 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 731, 

734,  735,  736 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... 1517, 

1535,  1537,  1538,  1627 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 1653,  1657,  1658 

remarks  on  currency  bill  (No.  395),  1680,  2448 
remarks  on  the  protection  of  the  mineral  lands, 

1695,1696,1860 
remarks  on  the  bill  temporarily  increasing  the 

duties  on  imports 1095,  1855,  1858,  1859 

remai-ks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1722, 

1786,    1787,    1790,    1816,    1835,    1836, 

1837,  1849,  1850,  1939,  1943,  2996,  3019 

remarks  on   the  government  of  the  rebelliou.q 

States 2074 

remarks  on  granting  homesteads  on  forfeited 

estates ..2233,  2249,  2251 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2690, 

2691,  2692,  2693,  2718 
remarks  on  the  bill  prohibiting  speculations  in 

gold 2936 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2939, 

2980,  3000 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill 3015 

Woodward,  Elizabeth,  and  George  Chorpenning, 

bill  for  the  relief  of. ..259,  3310,  3471 

Wormer,  Daniel,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 624, 

759,  1492,  1495,  1534 
Wroe,  S.  C.  and  E.,  and  others,  bill  for  the  re- 
lief of. ....2272,2273 

Y. 

Yates,  Horace,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3309, 

3470,3471,3531,3536 
Yeaman, George  H.,  a  Representative  from  Ken- 
tucky  5,  20, 

70,  117,  261,  459,  622,  1217,  1286,  1349, 
1390,  1396,  1618,  1762,  2232,  2291,  2579 

resolutions  by 70,  1217,  1349 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 164,  165,  167 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 190 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 398,  456 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 499 

remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1762, 

2254  2256 
remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ..1908, 1938 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 2006 

remarks  on  the  Kentucky  election  (McHenry 

and  Yeaman) 2530,  2535,  25.36,  2538, 

2539,  2541,  2579,  2580,  2582,  2584,  2585 


Whaley,  Kellian  V.,  a  Representative  from  West 
Virginia — Conlinued. 
remarks   on    the    Virginia   contested   election 

(Kitchen's  case) 1675 

remarks  on  Pennsylvania  war  claims 2137 

remarks  on  the  Missouri  election  (Bruce  and 

Loan) 2169 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Mary  A. 

Baker 3422 

Wheeler,  Ezra,  a  Representative  from  Wiscon- 
sin  1792,2818, 

2833,  2948,  3060,  30Ol,  3079,  3139,  3401 
remarks  on  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution 
— see  Appendix. 

Wheeler,  Peter,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 3054 

Whipple,  Ellen  M.,  bill  granting  pension  to,  2695, 

3422 
Whitall,  John  A.,  bill  for  the  relief  of,  150,3424 
White,  Chilton  A.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 

719,  1545 

remarks  on  the  state  of  the  Union 763 

White,  Joseph  W.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio, 

687,  2238,  2253,  2508,  2771,  3080 

Whiting,  B.  C,  bill  relating  to  the  account  of,  874 

Whitney,  Sarah,  and  Mary  Huggerford,  bill  for 

the  relief  of. 940,  2272,  3471 

Wilder,  A.  Carter,  a  Re|)resentativc  from  Kan- 
sas  15,149,659,874, 

909,  1010,  1096,  1253,  1291,  1794,  1814, 
2031,  2056,  3104,  3143,  3421,  3436,  3480 

resolutions  by 059,  909, 1096 

remarks    on    the    position    of    the   rebellious 

States 1204 

remarks  on  the  claims  of  Kansas  Indians,  2031, 

2032 
Wilkes,  Charles,  joint  resolution  to  refer  the  case 

of,  to  the  Court  of  Claims... 1494 

Williams,  Edward,  bill  for  the  relief  of. 1531, 

2273,  2387 

Williams,  Jesse,  bill  for  the  relief  of 1495 

Williams,  John,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .3423, 3479 
Williams,  Thomas,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania  ,1062, 1097, 2750 

resolutions  by 1097 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 475 

remarks  on  the  Louisiana  election 597 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 690, 

691,  692 
remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold,  1146,  1147 
remarks  on  the  government  of  the  rebellious 

States 1974,  1980 

Wilson,  James  P.,  a  Representative  from  lown, 
21,  23,  39,  44,  127,  128,  164,  168,  190, 
233,  310,  397,  399,  495,  508,  526,  623, 
624,  625,  660,  706,  713,  714,  730,  757, 
785,  874,  888,  926,  935,  971,  1010,  1030, 
1044,  1059,  1060,  1061,  1080,  1096,  1099, 
1124,  1142,  1107,  1168,  11G9,  1191,  1195, 
1196,  1217,  1218.  1236,  1261,  1266,  1286, 
1289,  1290,  1335,  1338,  1387,  1409,  1429, 
1473,  1474,  1494,  1495,  1518,  1531,  1532, 
1533,  1534,  1577,  1618,  1635,  165J,  1679, 
1695,  1715,  1734,  1762,  1792,  1821,  1827, 
1848,  2030,  2056,  2138,  2139,  2155,  21G9, 
2207,2215,2264,  2265,  2271,  2273,  2291, 
2297,  2333,  2342,  2384,  2385,  2388,  2426, 
2427,  2453,  2454,  2456,  2470,  2475,  2476, 
2482,  2526,  2527,  2606,  2607,  2609,  2611, 
2612,  2650,  2695,  2715,  2741,  2771,  2772, 
2773,  2774,  2787,  2788,  2793,  2811,  2S13, 
2880,  2910,  3014,  3015,  3016,  3061,  3079, 
3084,  3103,  3104,  3140,  3J42,  3143,  3148, 
3179,  3186,  3218,  32;i9,  3240,  3241,  3310, 
3314,  3315,  3404,  3422,  34J4,  3427,  3430, 
3431,  3515,  3516,  3524,  3525,  3531,  3534 
resolutionsby,39,44,659,926, 1096,1217, 1618, 
1651, 1695,  2030,  2426,  2787,  3103,  3314 
remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Court  of  Claims,  127, 164, 1G5, 16G,  168, 
910,  911,  912,  913,  914,  915,  918,  919,  924 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill .127, 

184,185,  186,  190,  210,  263,  264,  281, 

■      282,  501,  502,  504,  507,  508,  509,  519 

remarks  on  the  bill  toprnvide  for  Pennsylvania 

war  expenses 169,  170,  171,  1793,  1795 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  122) 304, 

307,  690,  691,  692 

remarks  on  deficiency  bill  (No.  156).. 335 

remarks  on  the  conscription  bill 433, 

578,  3278,  3318,  3320,  3321,  3432,  3466 

remarks  on  the  Arkansas  election 684 

remarks  on  the  bill  (No.  G3)  relating  to  claims 

against  the  Government 925 

remarks  on  the  al)o!ilion  of  slavery 1199 


Wilson,  James F.,  a  Representative  from  lowa^- 

Conlinued. 

remarks  on  the  currency  bill... .4.... 1339,  1341, 

1343, 1344, 1378, 1379,  1380,  1381,  1390, 

1394, 1402, 1410, 1412,  1451,  1681,  1682 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  W.  W. 

Hubbell 1348 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  mail  service  to 

Brazil 1657 

remarks  on  the  northern  Pacific  railroad  bill. 

1698,  1699,  2291,  2292,  2296 

remarks  on  theNew  Jersey  railroads  bill,  1734, 

1762,  2253,  2264 
remarks  on  the  revenue  bill  (No.  405). ...1755, 
1758,  1759,  1761,  1786,  1787, 
1819, 1821,  1837,  1838,  1876,  1878, 
1881,  1906, 1918,  1938,  2996,  2998, 
2999,3019,3020,3024,  3025,  3055 

remarks  on  the  Iowa  land  grant 1886,  1887 

remarks  on  the  naval  appropriation  bill. ..2061 
remarks  on  the  consular  and  diplomatic  bill, 
2216,  2217,  2791,  2792,  2793,  2996 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  Mercan- 
tile Insurance  Company 2267,  2268 

remarks  on  paying  the  contestants  from  Vir- 
ginia..  2425 

remarks  on  the  abolition  of  slavery 2612, 

2613,  2722,  2723  2995 
remarks  on  the  tariffbill,2720',  2721,'  2748^  3311 
remarks  en  the  repeal  of  the    fugitive    slave 

laws 2774,2775,  2776,  2911 

remarks  on  the  gas-light  bill 2817 

remarks  on  the  Dakota  election 2887,  2890 

remarks  on  the  civil  appropriation  bill. ...2938, 

2939,  3109,  3111,  3113,  3114,  3115 

remarks  on  the  bill  providing  for  claims  for 

rebellion  losses 3056,  3057,  3058,  3059 

remarks  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  483), 
3080,  3149,  3153,  3156,  3180,  3244 

remarks  on  the  loan  bill 3213,  3214,  3217 

remarks  on  the  western  navy-yard  bill,  3244, 

3245,  3246,  3247 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  citizens  of 

Ohio  and  Indiana 3425,  3427 

Wilson,  Phoebe,  bill  for   the  relief  of  the  heirs 

of 2289 

Windom,  William,  a  Representative  from  Min- 
nesota  11,  100,  196,  232,  313,  331,  399, 

426,  527,  659,  757,  924,  995,  996,  1099, 
1122,  1409,  1495,  1532,  1625,  1660,  1764, 
1792,  1884,  1943,  2031,  2032,  2033,  2035, 
2232,  2271,  2273,  2391,  2690,  3057,  3079, 
3104,  3316,  3389,  3424,  3429,  3430,  3431, 
3463,  3472,  3516,  3519,  3520,  3535,  3538 

resolutions  by 527,  659,  2470,  3310 

remarks  on  purchasing  the  Annals  of  Congress, 

1191,1192,  1193,  1194 

remarks  on  the  agricultural  colleges  bill. ..1285, 

1498,  1499 

remarks  on  revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1733, 

1758,  1759,  1941 
remarks  on   the  bill  to  pay  for  the  published 

debates 1783 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  B.  F.  Ken- 
dall  2033 

remarks  on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  2339, 

2340,  2341,  2342,  2343,  2359 

remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  Margaret 

L.  Stevens 2.387,  2388 

Winfield,  Charles  H.,a  Representative  from  New 

York 1291,  1394, 1791,  1885,  1942 

remarks  on  the  conscription   bill 551,  578 

remarks  on  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Long... 1596 

remarks  on  the  tariff  bill 2718,  3313 

Winger,  Christian,  bill  to  grant  a  pension  to,  20 
Wisconsin,  joint  resolution  (No.  8)  for  the  relief 

of. 2995,  2996,  3424 

Wiswall,  Noah,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs 

of 233,  708,  735,  776 

Witness,  arrest  of  a 1660 

Wolcott,  Rhoda,  bill  for  the  relief  of ......940, 

2639,  2693,  2995,  3018,  3060,  3141 
Woodbridge,  Eliza  Cass,  bill  for  the  relief  of, 

3421,  3523,  3530 

Woodbridge,    Frederick    E.,    a    Representative 

from  Vermont,  69, 109, 110, 190,471, 779, 935, 

1452,  1533,  2508,2773,  2774,  3083,  3530 

resolutions  by 110 

remarks  on  the  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the  Court  of  Claims 167,  916,  919 

remarks  on  the  confiscation  bill 496 

remarks  on  the  sale  of  surplus  gold 1125 

remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  railroads  bill,  396, 
1466,  1467,  1468,  1762,  2256,  2263 


LXXIT 


INDEX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Yeas  and  nays  on — 

abolition  of  slavery  by  constitutional  amend- 
ment  1325,  1680,  1612 

adjournment. ..261, 316,  507, 508, 509,  629,  875, 
1062,  1518,  1519, 1702, 1703,  2214,  2391, 
2646,  2775,  2892,  2893,  2999,  3001,  3532 

adjournment  over 23,  219,  297,  508,  509, 

519,  1196,  2155,  2384,  2385,  2526,  2863 

amendment  of  tiie  rules 1145 

amnesty  proclamation 45 

Annals  of  Congress,  purchasing  the,'1098, 1195 

arbitrary  arrests,  resolutions  concerning 45 

Arkansas  election 3394 

Arkansas  representation 3179 

Armes,  Josiah  O.,  bill  for  the  relief  of... ..2391 

Army  appropriation  bill 1226, 

1999,  2000,  2001,  2002,  2475,  2909 
asylum,  resolution  relating  to  the  right  of,  2772 

bankrupt  act 70 

bankrupt  bill 2636,  2812,  2835,  2880 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  resolution  with  regard  to  the 

military  position  of. 1967 

bounties,  bill  to  continue 110 

Brenton,  N.  S.,  bill  for  the  relief  of 3517 

bridges  over  the  Ohio,  bill  relating  to 1426 

Brindle,  William,  bill  for  the  relief  of 2527 

calls  of  the  House 100,  108,310, 

924,  970,  1196,  1288,  1342,  1390,  1400, 
1918,  2273,  2726,  2775,  3061, 3077, 3103 

canal  enlargement '. * 44 

Chaplain,  election  of. 15 

civil  appropriation  bill 2938,  3115,  3402 

claims  for  rebellion  losses,  bill  providing  for, 
3056,  3058,  3059,  3060 
clergymen,  exemption  of,  from  military  ser- 
vice  259 

Clerk  of  the  House,  election  of. 11 

Cobb,  J.  &  0.  P.  &  Co.,  bill  for  relief  of,  3054 

Colorado,  admission  of. 1167 

compensation,  alleged  illegal,   of  a  member, 

3521,3522 

conduct  of  the  virar 258,  261 

confiscation  bill 184,  501,  507,  508,  519 

conscription  bill.«...399,  427,  628,629,631,768, 

3145,  3148, 3278,  3315,  3321,  3322,  3353, 

3354,  3355,  3436,  3466,  3467,  3468,  3525 

Court  of  Claims,  bill  relating  to  the  jurisdiction 

of  the 165 

currency  bill 1451,  1452,  1453 

currency  bill  (No.  395) 1682, 

1697,  2448,  2449,  2450,  2451 

Dakota  election 238,  2892,  2893,  2894 

decisions  of  the  Chair 1625,  1680 

deficiency  bill  (No.  14) ." 75 

deficiency  bill  (No.  156) 372 

Dictionary  of  Congress 623,  875,  876,  970 

Doorkeeper,  election  of 11 

Electors  for  President,  joint  resolution  on  the 
subject  of 2910 


Yeas  and  nays  on — •Continued. 

enlistments  in  the  southern  States 846 

enlistment  of  colored  persons 427 

exchange  of  prisoners,  resolution  relating  to  ,14, 

71,  259 
finances     and     taxation,    resolution     relating 

to 1695 

floating  batteries,  bill  to  amend  the  contract  for, 

two  .3083 

fortification  bill 3468 

freedmen's  affairs,  bill  relating  to 895 

fugitive    slave    laws,   bill    for    the    repeal    of 

the 22,  2774,2920 

general    officers,   unemployed,    bill   to    drop, 

1165,  2238 

gold,  bill  to  prohibit  speculations  in 2793, 

2794,  2936,  2737 
gold,  bill  to  provide  for  the  sale  ofsurplus,  932, 

995,  1147 
guerrillas,  bill  to  provide  for  the  punishment 

of.. 2771, 2772, 2815 

Harris,  Benjamin  G., censure  of.. ...1519 

Harris,  Benjamin  G.,  expulsion  of 1518 

homestead  law,  bill  amending  the 1190 

homesteads    on  forfeited   estates,  bill    grant- 
ing  2253 

Hubbell,  W.  W.,  bill  for  the  relief  of...  .1349 

income  tax  bill 3531,  3532 

Indian  appropriation  bill 2359 

Indians,  bill  for  the  relief  of  Kan^s 2032 

Insurance  Company,  bill  for  the  relief  of  the 

Mercantile  Mutual 2269 

Kentucky  and  East  Tennessee  railroad  bill, 2611 

Kentucky  election,  pay  ofcontestants 2585, 

2716 
legislative  appropriation  bill. ..1061,  2434,3018 
Lieutenant  General,  bill  to  revive  the  grade 

of. 431,  851 

loan  bill 3218,  3351 

Long,  Alexander,  resolution  for  the  expulsion 

of. 1626,  1634, 1635 

Louisiana  election..... 8 

mail  service  to  Brazil,  bill  providing 1658 

McClellan's  report, printingextra  copies  of,759, 

760 
message  of  the  President,  reference  of  the... .34 

Metropolitan  railroad  bill ..3061,  3079 

Mexican  affairs,  resolution  relating  to 1408 

mineral  lands,  resolution  with  regard  to,  1860 
Missouri  election  case  (Bruce and  Loan),  2214 

Missouri  election  (Birch  and  King) 2650, 

2716,  2881,  2882 
Missouri  election  case  (Knox  and  Blair)  ...2855, 

2861 

Montana  Territory,  organization  of. 1396, 

1651,  1652,  1698,  2386 
navy-yard  for  iron-clads,  bill  in  regard  to  a,  3085 

Nebraska,  admission  of. 1167 

New  Jersey  railroads  bill 2264 


Yeas  and  nays  on — Continued. 

objects  of  the  war,  resolutions  relating  to  thc,22, 

38, 45, 258, 1532,  2030,  2289, 2578 

Pacific  railroad  bill,  northern,  2291,  2297,2612 

Pacific  railroad  bill  (No.  438) 3156,3244 

pay  ofcontestants  (Carrigarii  and  Kline),  3310, 

3315  • 
pay  ofcontestants  (Lindsay  and  Sleeper),  3241 

pay  of  soldiers,  increased 333,  2057 

pay  of  volunteers,  bill  to  equalize  the,  23,  2057 

peace  propositions,  resolutions  relating  to. ..21, 

•  127,878 

Pennsylvania  war  claims,  bill  to  provide  for, 

1793,2138,2138 

Postmaster  of  the  House,  election  of. 11 

railroad  bill, Washington  and  Georgetown, 2815 

railroad  to  New  York 36,  108 

rebellious  States,  bill  providing  a  government 

for  the 2607,  2108,  2132 

reciprocity  treaty 2508,2509 

registration  of  voters  in  the  District 260D 

restoration  of  the  rebellious  States,  resolution 

of  Mr.  Harding 2030 

revenue  bill  (No.  122) 311, 

313,  692,  707,  708,  779,  893,  935 

revenue  bill  (No.  405) 1760,  1941,  1942, 

1943,  1964,  2030,  2998,  3018,  3020,  3021 

rights  of  the  States 260 

salaries  for  postmasters,  billestablishirig.  .3429, 

3430 

Sergeant-at-Arms,  election  of. 11 

slavery,  abolition  of. 659,  660 

slavery,  resolution  for  amending  the  Constitu- 
tion and  abolishing 1325, 

1680,  2612,  2995,  3014 
soldiers,  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of,  23,  332, 2057 

Speaker,  election  of. 6 

State  rights,  resolution  relating  to 20.30 

Stevens,  Margaret  L.,  bill  for  the  relief  of.. .2388 

suppression  of  the  rebellion 879 

suspension  of  the  rules 834,  876,  1288, 

1697,  1702,  1703,  2427,  2579,  2776,  3537 

tariff  bill 2750,  2751,  3312,  3313 

Treasury  permits,  resolution  relating  to,  3104, 

3310 

Vallandigham,  C.  L.,  arrest  of. 879 

veto  power  in  Washington  Territory 2810 

Virginia  contestants,  paying  the 2425 

Virginia  election 6 

Virginia  election  (Chandler  and  Segar)....2323 
War  claims  of  Pennsylvania,  bill  to  provide 

for ..1793,  2137,  2138 

warden  to  the  District  jail,  bill  for  tjje  appoint- 
ment of  a 805 

war,  objects  of  the 22,  38,  45 

war,  prosecution  of  the 46,47,  879 

Young,  Brigham — see  Accounts. 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association-i^see   Dis- 
trict of  Columbia. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGEESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  lUVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 


WEDNESDAY,  JUNE  15,  1864. 


New  Series No.  184. 


I  have  given  to  this  subject,  there  is  no  other  re- 
port of  a  committee  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives in  regard  to  it. 

Then  tills  is  a  proposition  to  compel  Wisconsin, 
if  it  sliall  co)ne  out  of  her  funds,  to  buy  this  stock ; 
and  the  amendment  is  so  curiously  drawn  that  1 
am  at  a  loss  to  know  whether  it  comes  out  of  her 
five  per  cent,  or  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States.  At  first  I  thought  it  was  an  appropriation 
out  of  the  five  per  cent,  fund  due  to  Wisconsin, 
but  I  am  inclined  to  think,  on  a  more  careful  ex- 
amination of  the  subject,  that  it  will  be  derived 
from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  It  is  a 
proposition,  then,  to  take  money  out  of  the  Treas- 
ury of  the  United  States  to  pay  for  this  stock 
which  we  never  agreed  to  buy  unless  Wisconsin 
chose  to  make  the  purchase  for  her  own  advant- 
age, which  she  never  has  agreed  to  do  in  a  period 
of  twenty  years. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  of  course  wish  to  under- 
stand what  the  question  before  the  Senate  is  be- 
fore I  vote.  My  present  impression  is  that  the 
case  before  us  is  this:  an  appropriation  was  made 
for  the  benefit  of  the  canal  company,  and  the  con- 
troversy now  is  whether  the  canal  company  has 
or  has  not  a  right  as  against  the  United  States 
upon  an  alleged  failure  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  to  comply  with  their  part  of  the  contract 
as  between  themselves  and  the  canal  company. 
The  State  of  Wisconsin  claims  the  whole  amount 
of  the  fund  in  the  hands  of  the  United  States,  or 
rather  that  five  per  cent,  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
sales  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be  paid  to  the 
State,  and  the  canal  company  insists  that  a  por- 
tion of  those  proceeds  are  due  to  it. 

Mr.  HOWE.  No,  the  Senator  will  allow  me 
to  say;  neither  the  canal  company  nor  anybody 
else,  so  far  as  I  know,  denies  that  the  State  of 
Wisconsin  is  entitled  to  just  what  she  claims, 
that  is, five  per  cent,  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales 
of  the  public  lands;  but  of  the  grant  fhat  was  made 
to  the  Territory  for  the  purpose  of  constructing 
that  canal,  a  portion  of  the  land  was  sold  and  a 
part  of  the  money  was  paid  over  to  the  company 
and  expended,  and  a  part  was  not,  but  still  re- 
mains in  the  treasury  of  Wisconsin,  and  the  ques- 
tion is  whether  that  portion  belongs  to  the  United 
States  or  belongs  to  the  canal  company.  That  is 
the  dispute.  The  United  States  has  charged  the 
whole  grant  to  the  State,  that  which  she  has  got 
and  that  which  has  been  paid  over  to  the  com- 
pany. Everybody  concedes  now  that  that  charge 
is  wrong,  and  so  far  as  the  unexpended  balance  in 
our  hands  is  concerned,  the  State  concedes  that 
she  does  not  own  it,  that  it  belongs  to  somebody 
else,  she  is  a  mere  stakeholder,  and  the  question 
now  under  debate  is  whether  it  belongs  to  the 
United  States  or  belongs  to  the  canal  company. 
The  canal  company  say  it  belongs  to  them  be- 
cause the  act  which  made  the  grant  declared  that 
if  the  State  of  Wisconsin  which  was  to  be  formed 
afterwards  out  of  the  Territory  should  make  no 
other  adequate  provision  for  purchasing  out  the 
residue  of  the  stock  of  the  said  canal,  the  dividend 
of  the  State  stock  thereby  acquired,  and  all  other 
proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  lands  thereby  granted, 
should  constitute  a  fund  to  be  applied  to  the  ex- 
tinguishment of  the  claims  of  all  other  stockhold- 
ers until  the  entire  stock  vested  in  the  canal  should 
have  been  acquired  by  the  State.  After  which, 
and  after  said  State  should  have  been  reimbursed 
for  all  expenses  incurred  out  of  her  own  proper 
funds  in  the  construction  and  repairs  of  said 
canal,  no  other  tolls  or  charge  whatever  for  the 
use  or  navigation  of  the  said  canal  should  be  lev- 
ied, except  to  such  amount  as  might  be  required 
to  keep  the  said  canal  and  the  works  appurtenant 
thereto  in  good  repair,  and  provide  for  the  collec- 
tion of  the  tolls  and  the  superintendence  of  said 
canal. 

Because  of  that  language,  and  because  of  the 
decision  -had  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
some  years  ago,  the  canal  company  say  that  this 
fund  belongs  to  them;  it  was  granted  to  their  use, 
and  they  ought  to  have  it;  and  it  ought  not  to  go 
into  the  treasury  until  all  the  individual  money 
which  they  ex|)ended  has  been  refunded.    The 

184 


Territory  of  Wisconsin,  it  will  be  borne  in  mind, 
some  years  after  this  work  was  uncj^ertaken, 
thinking  that  the  fund  was  not  likely  to  ])rove 
adequate,  and  that  the  company  with  all  its  pri- 
vate means  and  with  the  trust  fund  was  not  likely 
to  be  able  to  complete  the  canal,  thought  it  dis- 
creet not  to  pay  over  any  more  money,  and  asked 
Congress  to  take  back  the  grant.  On  that  occa- 
sion the  question  of  the  right  of  the  company  to 
the  grant  was  considered,  and  a  committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  made  a  report  from 
which  the  Senator  from  Indiana  has  quoted  re- 
peatedly. I  will  just  call  the  attention  of  the 
Senator  from  Maryland  to  this  clause  of  it: 

"'I'he  coinpnny  have  refused  tlieir  assent  to  tliis  propo- 
sition"— 

That  is,  the  proposition  that  the  Government 
shoul'd  take  back  the  grant. 

"  Tlie  company  have  refused  their  assent  to  Ihis  propo- 
sition of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  and  the  inquiry  pre- 
sents itself  whether,  witiioui  that  a.ssenl,  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment can  rightfully  exercise  the  supposed  power  of 
repealing  tlie  act  of  cession.  From  the  recitals  made  above 
from  the  charter,  and  from  tlie  act  of  June  18,  it  is  mani- 
fest that  the  company  have  an  interest  in  the  proceeds  of 
tlie  lands.  Tliey  constitute  an  estate  in  trust,  the  use  of 
which  is  to  be  enjoyed  by  the  company  under  its  charter. 
The  Territory,  as  a  party,  can  assert  no  beneficial  or  pe- 
cuniary interest  in  the  fund  :  its  character  is  entirely  fidu- 
ciary, and  its  rightful  action  can  only  be  in  subordination 
to  the  objects  authorized  by  the  charter.  This  grant  was 
made  for  the  sole  purpose  of  aiding  the  company  in  open- 
ing the  canal.  To  this  aid,  to  this  pecuniary  benefit,  they 
have  an  undoubted  right." 

Holding  that  without  the  assent  of  the  com- 
pany the  grant  could  not  be  passed  back.  Then, 
thinking  it  still  imprudent  to  pay  over  the  money 
to  the  company,  the  Territory  used  the  money 
for  its  own  use,  but  passing  the  act  which  the 
Senator  from  Indiana  has  quoted,  pledging  the 
faith  of  the  Territory  to  make  the  fund  good. 
The  fund  is  good  to-day,  and  the  State  simply 
wails  for  you  to  determine  whether  you  own  it 
or  whether  the  canal  company  owns  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  collect,  then,  from  the  ex- 
planation made  by  the  honoi-able  member  from 
Wisconsin  that  there  is  a  dispute  between  the 
three  parties,  the  canal  company,  the  State  of 
Wisconsin,  and  the  United  States;  and  the  object 
of  this  joint  resolution  is  to  settle  that  dispute,  the 
whole  of  it.  The  United  States  have  in  their 
hands  five  per  cent,  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales 
of  the  public  lands  in  Wisconsin,  due  to  that  State. 
The  honorable  member  says  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin has  in  its  hands  part  of  the  proceeds  of 
the  lands  that  were  included  in  the  grant  to  the 
canal  company,  the  part  not  expended,  and  the 
canal  coimpany  are  unable  to  get  those  proceeds 
from  the  State  of  Wisconsin  because  the  United 
States  are  unwilling  to  pay  the  five  percent,  which 
the  United  States  hold  and  which  if  nothing  else 
had  occurred  would  clearly  belong  to  the  State  of 
Wisconsin.  The  condition,  therefore,  in  wliich 
the  State  is,  is  that  she  cannot  get  her  five  per 
cent.,  and  the  condition  in  which  the  canal  com- 
pany is,  is  that  it  cannot  get  the  proceeds  in  the 
hands  of  the  State  which  the  canal  company 
claims;and  the  effect  of  these  two  difficulties  is  that 
the  dispute  is  kept  alive  and  must  continue  to  be 
kept  alive  until  it  is  settled  by  some  judicial  de- 
cision. There  can  be  no  judicial  decision,  first, 
because  the  State  cannot  be  sued,  and  secondly 
because  the  United  States  cannot  be  sued;  and 
the  only  way,  therefore,  in  which  it  can  be  settled 
is  by  an  arbitration  voluntarily  entered  into  or 
compulsorily  ordered;  and  if  I  understand  tlie 
object  of  the  joint  resolution  reported  from  the 
committee  on  this  subject,  it  is  to  leave  by  law  the 
settlement  of  this  question  to  the  law  officers  of 
the  Government,  and  that  settles  the  whole  dis- 
pute. If  Wisconsin  receives  from  the  Treasury, 
even  if  the  Government  were  willing  to  pay  it, 
the  five  per  cent,  which  the  Government  holds 
and  which  belongs  to  the  State  of  Wisconsin, 
then  the  canal  company  will  say  that  the  United 
States  ought  to  pay  them  the  amount  of  the  pro- 
ceeds which  are  in  the  hands  of  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin and  which  the  State  refuses  to  pay;  so  that 
really  it  would  seem  to  me  that  the  only  practical 
way,  the  only  way  in  which  the  dispute  can  be 


settled  at  all  is  the  way  proposed  by  the  commit- 
tee or  some  analogous  way.  Tlic  laws  as  they 
now  stand  furnish  no  remedy  for  the  case,  and 
the  question  for  the  Senate  to  decide  is  whether 
the  case  is  not  entitled  to  a  remedy,  (and  nobody 
can  doubt  about  that,)  and  if  it  is,  whether  this  is 
not  a  fair  remedy.  Thinking  that  it  is,  I  shall 
vote  for  the  joint  resolution. 

Mr.  DOOLlTTLE.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  that  1  shall  vote  against  his  amend- 
ment and  vote  for  the  report  of  the  committee, 
because  the  very  question  of  the  validity  of  the 
claim  of  this  company  as  against  Wisconsin  will 
come  up  and  be  heard  and  determined  before  the 
Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office.  Wc 
do  not  by  voting  for  tliis  reference  admit  in  behalf 
of  Wisconsin  any  valid  claim  on  the  part  of  this 
company  against  the  State  of  Wisconsin;  but  for 
the  sake  of  peace,  and  to  have  an  end  of  the  con- 
troversy, which  has  lasted  nearly  twenty  years, we 
are  willing  to  vote  for  this  joint  resolution  which 
contains  a  reference  to  a  tribunal  that  will  put  an 
end  to  the  controversy. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  The  Senator  is  entirely  mis- 
taken. It  does  not  leave  the  question  open  to  be 
decided  by  the  Commissioner,  only  so  far  as  as- 
certaining the  amount  is  concerned.  It  settles  the 
whole  question  of  the  right  of  the  company. 
Here  is  the  language  that  1  propose  to  strike  out: 

The  said  Secretary  shall  also  settle  and  allow  to  the  Mil- 
waukee and  Rock  River  Canal  (Company  such  sums  of 
money  as  have  been  properly  expended  by  said  company 
in  the  survey  and  location  of  said  canal,  &c. 

There  it  is;  it  is  a  decision  of  the  whole  ques- 
tion here  by  Congress.  The  only  question  open 
for  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office 
i's  to  ascertain  how  much  they  have  thus  expended, 
and  not  to  ascertain  whether  we  are  liable  for  the 
amount. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  desiie  simply  to  say  in 
reference  to  this  matter,  which  I  once  looked  into 
somewhat,  that  I  do  not  think  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  ought  to  be  mixed  up  with 
the  settlement  of  the  claims  which  a  company  in 
Wisconsin  has  against  the  State  of  Wisconsin. 
I  shall  therefore  vote  for  this  amendment. 

Mr.  DOOLlTTLE.  In  answer  to  my  honor- 
able friend  from  Illinois,  allow  me  to  say  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  Stales  has  mixed 
itself  up  with  our  Wisconsin  affairs  by  refusing  to 
pay  us  our  five  per  cent.,  and  refusing  to  pay  that 
five  per  cent,  until  we  settled  with  this  company. 
We  cannot  get  the  five  per  cent,  without  it. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  The  Senatorisinerrorthere 
again;  the  State  of  Wisconsin  has  been  credited 
every  dollar  of  the  five  per  cent,  fund  on  the  books 
of  the  Treasury,  and  the  whole  amount  has  been 
paid  over  to  Wisconsin,  and  more  than  the  whole 
amount,  and  she  is  now  indebted  on  the  books 
of  the  Treasury  to  the  United  States  the  sum  of 
over  sixly-three  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  DOOLlTTLE.  Wisconsin  is  charged 
with  this  land  at  $2  50  an  acre. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  And  this  joint  resolution,  in 
the  first  part  of  it,  proposes  to  remit  just  one  half 
of  that,  and  that,  I  think,  would  be  just;  but  tliis 
canal  company  says  the  Government  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  shall  not  remit  $156,000  with  which 
she  has  improperly  charged  Wisconsin,  unless 
we  take  an  additional  sum  from  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States  and  pay  them  all  they  have  put 
into  a  canal  over  in  Wisconsin.  That  is  the  stale 
of  the  controversy. 

Mr.  DOOLlTTLE.  The  accoutit,  as  charged 
on  the  booksof  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States 
against  Wisconsin,  charges  Wisconsin  with  this 
land  at  |2  50  an  acre,  which  is  charging  Wiscon- 
sin by  the  wholesale  for  lands  tv/icc  as  much  as 
the  United  States  sell  them  for  at  retail  in  all  the 
new  States  and  Territories.  That  is  the  way  in 
which  the  account  stands  there.  At  once  it  is 
seen  that,  so  far  as  Wisconsin  is  concerned,  it  cer- 
tainly cannot  be  right  to  charge  her  twice  as  much 
at  wholesale  as  the  Government  charges  individ- 
uals at  retail  for  the  public  lands. 

Mr.  HOWE.  1  must  protes.t  aga^inst  the  re- 
mark of  the  Senator  from  Iowa,  when  he  under- 


2930 


THE  CONGKESSIOKAL  GLOBE. 


T'lT  'T 


ri^JllJlQ  14, 


takes  to  say  that  the  State  of  Wisconsin  has  re-  , 
ceived  every  dollar  of  the  five  |ier  cent,  fundi  1 
cannot  conceive  by  wliat  reason  or  upon  what 
data  he  can  justify  that  statennent.  In  point  of 
fact,  strictly  speaking,  we  have  not  received  a 
dollar  of  it;  but  we  have  received,  and  have  now, 
as  the  resolution  adnnits,  out  of  another  fund, 
which  does  not  belong  to  us,  a  part  of  the  five 
per  cent.  fund.  We  propose  to  offset  it  against 
the  five  per  cent.  fund.  That  is  all.  It  is  true  we 
have  been  credited  with  the  whole  five  per  cent, 
fund,  but  you  have  charged  us  with  iliis  v^^hole 
grant  at  twice  as  much  as  the  Senator  concedes  it 
ought  to  be  charged  at,  and  a  grant  which  was 
not  made  for  our  use  to  the  amount  of  one  dollar. 
We  could  not  receive  one  dollar  of  benefit,  as  I 
have  stated  over  and  over  again, and  shown  you, 
and  as  your  own  committee  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives said.  We  could  not  receive  a  dollar's 
beneficial  interest  out  of  it  in  any  way;  and  yet 
you  have  charged  us  double  what  you  ought  to 
have  charged  for  it  if  we  had  luid  the  whole  in- 
ferest.  We  want  to  get  ridof  thatcliargo.  That 
■^  what  we  are  struggling  for. 

Mr.  HARLAN."  The  Senator  from  Wiscon- 
sin is  nolcorrect  in  saying  ihat  Wi.sconsin  never 
received  a  cent.  It  received  every  dollar  due  up 
to  1851  in  money. 

Mr.  HOWE.     Not  of  this  claim. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  Yts,  of  the  five  per  cent, 
fund,  and  since  then  it  has  received  it  in  credit  on 
the  books  of  the  Trea.sury.  It  is  true  the  Gov- 
ernment did  charge  her  $2  50  an  acre  for  the  land 
granted  to  construct  this  work,  and  the  first  part 
of  this  joint  resolution  proposes  to  remit  just  one 
half  of'  that  charge,  amounting  to  $156,000;  but 
the  Senators  refuse  to  take  this  unless  we  put  our 
hands  into  the  'I'reasury  and  lake  out  an  addi- 
tional sum  equal  to  all  that  the  canal  company 
hau  expended. 

Mr.  HOWE.  I  protest  again.  The  Senator 
gays  that  "  the  Senators  refuse  to  take  this."  He 
knows  that  the  resolution  which  I  introduced  my- 
self did  not  open  up  this  controversy.  I  proposed 
simply  a  settlement  between  the  State  and  the 
United  States,  and  I  have  said  since  this  debate 
came  before  the  Senate  that  I  regarded  the  State 
of  Wisconsin  as  a  simple  stakeholder.  So  far  as 
the  State  is  concerned  I  care  nothing  whether  you 
vote  that  money  into  the  Treasury  or  into  the 
hands  of  the  company.  He  is  not  justified,  there- 
fore, in  saying  that  "the  Senators  refuse"  to 
make  this  settlement  unless  this  other  thing  is 
done.     We  refuse  no  such  thing. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  think  1  was  justified  in 
making  the  remark,  from  having  heard  the  an- 
nouncement of  the  mode  in  which  the  Senator 
said  he  intended  to  vote.  The  bill,  as  introduced 
by  him,  I  think  is  about  right  without  any  amend- 
ment wliatever,  and  it  would  remit  to  the  Senate 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty-six  thousand  dollars 
unjustly  charged,  and  I  am  perfectly  willing  to 
vole  for  the  proposition  as  he  introduced  it;  but 
then  the' amendment  carries  as  much  more  as  I 
have  indicated.  It  carries  from  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States  to  the  canal  company  an  amount 
of  money  which  the  Senator  himself  never  in- 
tended should  be  taken;  and  hence  I  think  I  have 
a  right  to  claim  his  vote  in  favor  of  the  amend- 
ment I  have  proposed,  for  that  will  leave  the  joint 
resolution  substantially  as  he  introduced  it. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Iowa  to 
the  amendment  made  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  10,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Butkulew,  Ft^saeuden,  Foot, 
Harlan,  Moigaii,  'J'eii  Eyck,  Tiuinbull,  Willtiiisoii,  and 
Wilson— 10. 

NAYS — Me3.sr3,  Cnrlile,  Clark,  Coniieas,  Doolittle,  Har- 
ris, Hendricks, Howe,  Johiison,  Luup  of  Indiana,  Lane  of 
Kaiisas.  MeDoui;all,  Morrill,  Nosniilh,  Ponieroy,  fowell, 
Ramsey,  Kicliardson,  Uiddlc,  Saulsbury,  Spraguo,  Sumner, 
and  VVilley— 22. 

AB.SENT — Messrs.  Anthony,  Chandler,  Collanicr,  Cow- 
an, Davis,  Dixon,  FoiitPr,  Grlnios,  Hale,  Harding,  Hender- 
son, Hicks,  Howard,  Sherman,  Van  VVliikle,  Wade,  and 
Wright— 17. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  re- 
jected. 

The  amendment  made  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole  was  concurred  in. 

Tlie  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed 
for  a  third  rending,  and  was  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 


BPECyi-AXIVB  TRANSACTIONS  IN  GOLB^. 

(5n  motion  of  Mr.  FESSENDEN,  the  Senate 
proceeded  to  consider  the  amendment  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  the  bill  (S.  No.  106)  to  pro- 
hibit certain  sales  of  gold  and  foreign  exchange. 
The  amendment  was  to  strike  out  the  first  sec- 
tion of  the  bill  after  the 'enacting  clause,  and  in 
lieu  of  it  to  insert  the  following: 

That  it  shall  be  unlawful  to  make  any  contract  for  the 
purchase  or  sale  and  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion  to 
be  delivered  on  any  day  subsequent  to  the  day  of  making 
such  contract,  or  for  the  payment  of  any  sum,  either  fixed 
or  contingent,  in  default  of  the  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or 
bullion,  or  to  make  such  contract  upon  any  other  terms  than 
the  aetual  delivery  of  such  gold  coin  or  bullion,  and  the  pay- 
ment in  full  of  the  agreed  price  thereof,  on  llie  day  on  which 
such  coiitract  is  made,  in  United  States  notes  or  national 
currency,  and  not  otherwise  ;  or  to  make  any  contract  for 
the  purchase  or  sale  and  delivery  of  any  foreign  exchange 
to  be  delivered  at  any  time  bejond  ten  days  subsequent  to 
the  making  of  such  contract,  or  for  the  payment  of  any  sum, 
either  fixed  or  contingent,  in  default  of  the  delivery  of  any 
loreigii  exchange,  or  upon  any  other  terms  than  the  actual 
delivery  of  such  foreign  exchange  within  ten  days  from  the 
making  of  suoh  contract,  and  the  immediate  payment  in 
full  of  the  agreed  price  thereof  on  the  day  of  delivery  in 
United  States  notes  or  national  currency;  or  to  make  any 
contract  whatever  for  the  sale  and  delivery  of  any  gold  coin 
or  bullion  of  which  the  person  making  such  contract  shall 
not.  at  the  time  of  making  the  same,  be  in  actual  posses- 
sion. And  it  shall  be  unlawful  to  make  any  loan  of  money 
or  currency  not  being  in  coin  to  be  repaid  in  coin  or  bul- 
lion, or  to  make  any  loan  of  coin  or  bullion  to  be  repaid  in 
money  or  currency  other  than  coin. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  That  is  a  very  lengthy 
amendment,  and  I  think  it  ought  to  be  printed  so 
that  we  can  see  exactly  what  it  is  before  voting 
on  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  only  makes  two 
changes  from  the  section  as  it  stood  before,  and 
they  are  in  mitigation  of  it.  Instead  of  requiring 
immediate  payment  in  the  case  of  a  sale  of  gold, 
it  allows  the  contract  to  be  completed  within  the 
day.  Then  in  regard  to  the  purchasff^f  foreign 
exchange,  it  allows  the  transaction  to  be  com- 
pleted within  ten  days  instead  of  its  being  done 
at  once.  The  amendment  is  an  improvement  on 
the  bill,  and  an  improvement  in  the  direction  in 
which  the  Senator's  mind  would  operate.  I  think, 
theiefore,  there  can  be  no  objection  to  adopting 
the  amendment  at  once. 

Mr.  JOHN'SON.  Does  the  amendment  change 
the  Senate  bill  except  in  the  first  section? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  only  changes  the  first 
section. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  have  not  been  of  opin- 
ion that  it  was  competent  for  Congress  to  legis- 
late in  respect  to  contracts  in  the  States.  It  is 
an  important  question,  and  I  think  the  Senator 
from  Maine  might  let  it  stand  over  till  to-morrow 
and  let  the  amendment  be  printed. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  If  the  Senator  insists 
upon  that,  I  shall  not  make  objection;  but  inas- 
much as  the  Senate  passed  the  bill  on  full  con- 
sideration, and  thisamendment  is  a  changein  the 
direction  of  the  Senator's  own  argument  and 
would  rather  operate  in  the  way  he  desires,  1 
should  suppose  he  would  make  no  objection.  It 
is  rather  important  if  it  is  to  pass  that  it  should 
be  passed  as  soon  as  possible.  I  will  not  object, 
however,  to  the  printing  of  the  amendment. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  cannot  tell  now  whether 
I  may  not  want  to  propose  an  amendment  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  hope  not.  We  dis- 
cussed the  matter  quite  fully;  it  has  been  gone 
over  and  over  and  through  and  through  in  all  di- 
rections-, and  further  discussion  would  only  have 
a  tendency  to  illustrate  .what  we  all  understand, 
the  Senator's  acuteness  and  power  on  such  ques- 
tions. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  am  much  obliged  to 
the  Senator;  but  I  think  the  bill  ought  to  be  printed 
with  the  amendment.  I  do  not  want  to  discuss 
it,  but  I  may  possibly  wish  to  propose  an  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     I  will  not  object  to  priiit- 
ing  the  amendment  if  the  Senator  insists  upon  it, 
and  I  make  that  motion. 
Several  SeVxtors.     Pass  it  now. 
Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Senatorsabout  me  think 
it  is  best  to  dispose  of  the  question  at  once. 

The  PRESIDENT  }jro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  concurring  in  the  amendment  made  by  the 
House  of  Reoresentativcs. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  amendment  1  under- 
stand docs  not  alter  the  bill  except  in  the  par- 
ticular stated  by  the  Senator  from  Maine,  wi^jc^^ 


would  make  it  moreacceptabletothose  who  were 
opposed  to  the  original  bill.  The  objection,  how- 
ever, that  I  had  to  the  first  section  of  the  original 
bill  is  not  removed  by  the  amendment,  because 
that  objection  was  as  to  the  authority  of  Congress 
to  legislate  on  the  subject  at  all.  As  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  therefore,  the  amendment  will  not  re- 
ceive my  assent;  but  as  a  majority  of  the  Senate 
think  otherwise,  there  is  no  reason  why  it  should 
not  be  acted  upon  at  once. 
The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

GOODS  IN  WAREHOUSK.  .1 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     There  is  upon  the  table' 
another  bill  which   has  been   returned  from  the 
House  of  Representatives  with  amendments,  and  ; 
I  desire  to  have  them  disposed  of.     It  is  the  bill '' 
in  reference  to  goods  in  warehouse.  J 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  amend-'' 
ments  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the'' 
bill  (S.  No.  282)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An  act ' 
to  extend  the  time  for  the  withdrawal  of  goods  ' 
from  public  stores  and  bonded  warehouses,  and 
forother  purposes, "approved  February  29, 1864. 

Tiie  amendments  were, after  the  word  "  ware- 
houses,"in  line  two,  to  strike  outns  follows:  "  On 
the  1st  day  of  May,  A.  D.,  1364;"  in  line  four  to 
strike  out  the  words  "at  that  time  were"  and  to 
insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  are;"  in  line  five  to  strike 
out  the  words  "  had  then"  and  insert  in  lieu  there- 
of "  shall  have;"  so  that,  if.  amended,  the  bill 
will  read:  r  iMKO^;,ij  s, 

That  all  goods,  wares,  and  tn'ercliandisc  in  public  storea 
or  bonded  warehouses,  on  which  the  duties  are  unpaid, 
and  which  shall  liave  been  in  bond  for  more  than  one  year 
and  less  than  three  years,  may  be  entered  for  consumption 
and  the  bonds  canceled  at  any  lime  before  the  1st  day  of 
September  next,  on  payment  of  duties  and  charges  accord- 
ing to  the  laws  in  force  at  the  time  the  goods  shall  be  with-  ' 
drawn. 

The  amendments  were  concurred  in. 
TRADING  WITH  INSURRECTIONARY  DISTRICTS. ^; 

Mr.  MORRILL.     I  move 

Mr.  SUMNER.  1  hope  the  Senator  from^ Maine 
will  not  interfere  now.  It  was  understood  that 
the  bill  for  the  Bureau  of  Freedmen  should  come 
up  next. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  beg  to  say  that  I  have  hnd 
an  understanding  with  myself  for  the  last  three 
days  to  press  the  bill  which  I  propose  to  lake  up 
at  the  first  moment  I  could  get  the  floor.  j 

Mr.  SUMNER.  1  have  had  an  understanding 
with  myself  for  three  months  in  regard  to  this 
other  bill. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  want  only  to  finish  a  bill 
which  has  been  three  times  before  the  Senate,  un4. 
will  not  occupy  twenty  minutes.  /,  _;.,<j 

Mr. SUMNER.  I  desire  to  finish  a  bill;  whether 
it  will  occupy  twenty  minutes  or  not,  1  do  not 
know.     I  hope  not  twenty  minutes. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  move  to  take  up  Senate 
bill  No.  232,  in  addition  to  the  several  acts  con- 
cerning commercial  intercourse  between  loyal  and 
insurrectionary  States.  It  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant bills  that  can  be  presented  to  the  Senate, 
and  it  has  been  considered  several  times. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  hope  that  the  Senate  will 
not  now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  that  bill. 
The  Senator  says  it  will  not  occupy  twenty  min- 
utes. Gi-antthat.  I  have  given  way  to-day  from 
time  to  time;  indeed  I  began  at  one  o'clock  by 
giving  way.  Motion  after  motion  has  been  made, 
and  each  time  I  have  tried  to  bring  forward  a 
bill  which  has  been  pending  now  not  weeks  but 
months,  and  which  has  been  under  consideration 
already  for  hours,  much  more  than  the  bill  of  tlie 
Senator.  It  precedes  the  bill  of  the  Senator  in 
every  sense,  by  its  place  on  the  Calendar,  by  its 
place  in  the  consideration  of  this  body,  and  1  sub- 
mit, also,  by  its  importance.  It  hope  that  my 
friend  will  allow  me  to  proceed  with  that  bill  and 
bring  it  to  a  conclusion  to-day. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  should  like  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maine  to  let  the  bill  alluded  to  by  him 
lie  over  for  a  day  or  two  days  unless  he  is  espe- 
cially urgent  about  it.  My  colleague  who,  he 
will  remember,  was  engaged  in  the  discussion  of 
it  when  it  was  up  before,  and  who  is  very  deeply 
interested  in  the  bill  itself,  is  unwell  to-day  and 
not  able  to  be  out.  It  is  a  bill  that  involves  our 
State  very  largely,  perhaps  more  largely  than 
any  other  State,  in  its  commercial  relations,  and 
I  shall  be  gratified  to  have  an  opportunity  to  have 
the  matter  discussed, and  discussed  by  my  col- 
league, who  has  given  the  question  some  atten- 


1864. 


THE  COJN^GliESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2931 


tion.  If  the  Senator's  sense  of  duty  will  permit 
him  to  let  the  matter  lie  over,  I  shall  be  gratified 
if  he  will  do  so. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  am  aware  that  the  Senator 
from  Missouri  on  this  side  of  the  Chamber  has 
taken  a  deep  interest  in  this  bill,  but  1  propose 
to  offer  an  amendment  which  I  supposed  to  some 
extent  would  obviate  the  objection  broughtagainst 
it  by  him. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  will  state  to  the  Senator 
from  Maine  that  my  colleague  sent  word  to  the 
Senate  to-day  asking,  if  the  bill  came  up,  to  have 
it  laid  over  if  possible. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  It  seems  to  me  that  is 
enough. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  This  bill  is  of  the  very 
greatest  importance,  and  I  liave  pressed  it  once 
or  twice  on  the  Senate;  but  I  feel  that  I  have  been 
a  little  negligent,  that  I  have  not  pressed  it  on  the 
Senate  at  an  eai-lier  day;  but  under  this  appeal 
perhaps  I  ought  not  to  press  it  at  present,  and  I 
withdraw  my  motion. 

fbeedmen's  bureau. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Now  I  move  to  proceed  to 
the  consideration  of  House  bill  No.  51,  to  estab- 
lish a  Bureau  of  Freed  men's  Affairs. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL  called  for  the  ycaa  and 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resulted — yeas  23,  nays  11,  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Cliaiidler,  CInrk,  Con- 
ness,  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Griincf,  Harlan,  Harris, 
Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Poraeroy,  Ramsey, 
Sprague,  Suiuner,  Ten  Eycli,  Trumbull,  Wade,  Wilkinson, 
and  Wilson— 23. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Buckalcw,  Carllle,  Hendricks,  Jolnison, 
McDougall,  Nesmitli,  Powell,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Van  Win- 
kle, and  Willey— 11. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collanior,  Cowan,  Davis,  Dixon,  Fos- 
ter, Hale,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howard,  Howe, 
Lane  of  Indiana,  Ricliardson,  Sherman,  and  Wright — 15. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  I  desire  to  mention  in 
connection  with  the  vote  just  taken  that  my  col- 
league [Mr.  Cowan]  is  detained  from  the  Senate 
by  indisposition. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  ask  the  courtesy  of 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Sumner] 
to  allow  me  to  offer  a  resolution  not  for  present 
consideration  but  to  go  upon  the  table. 

Mr.  CONNESS  and  Mr.  SUMl^ER.  What 
is  it.? 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolu- 
tion will  be  read  for  information. 

The  Secretary  read,  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  never 
regard  with  indifference  the  attempt  of  any  foreign  Power 
to  overthrow  by  force  or  to  supplant  by  fraud  the  iiislitu- 
tions  of  any  republican  Government  on  the  western  con- 
tinent, and  that  they  will  view  with  extreme  jealousy,  as 
menacing  to  the  peace  and  independence  of  their  own 
country,  the  efforts  of  any  such  Power  to  obtain  any  foot- 
holds for  monarchical  Governments  sustained  by  foreign 
military  force  in  near  proximity  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     I  object. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;)ro  tempore.  Objection  be- 
ing made,  the  resolution  cannot  be  received. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  1  give  notice  then  of  the 
resolution  for  to-morrow  morning,  when  1  shall 
call  it  up  for  consideration.  I  suppose  that  is 
sufficient  notice. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  No  notice  is 
required  to  introduce  a  mere  resolution.  At  the 
proper  time  when  in  order  the  Senator  can  offer 
a  resolution  without  notice.  The  objection  now 
is  that  a  bill  is  pending  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  shall  present  it  at  the 
firsfopportunity. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  bill  (H. 
R.  No.  51)  to  establish  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's 
Affairs  is  before  the  Senate  as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  the  question  being  on  the  amendment 
reported  by  the  select  committee  on  slavery  and 
freed  inen. 

iVIr.  GRIMES.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  the 
second  section  of  the  amendment  proposed  by  the 
select  committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen  it  is 
provided  that  the  Commissioner  who  is  to  have 
charge  of  this  bureau  "shall  have  authority,  un- 
der the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Ti-easury, 
to  create  departments  of  freedmen  within  the  rebel 
States,  so  far  as  the  same  may  be  brought  under 
the  military  power  of  the  United  States;"  but 
there  is  no  lim.it  to  the  number  of  these  depart- 
ments. 1  propose  to  amend  that  clause  by  insert- 
ing after  the  word  "  States"  in  the  fourth  line 
the  words  "  not  to  exceed  two  in  each  State." 

Mr.  SUMNER.    I  have  no  objection  to  that. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 


Mr.  GRIMES.  I  now  move  in  line  ten  of  that 
section  after  the  word  "needed  "to  insert  "  not 
to  exceed  four  in  each  State,"  so  as  to  limit  the 
iHjmber  of  local  superintendents  and  clerks. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  have  no  objection. 

Theamendmentto  theamendinent  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Now  I  propose  to  strike  out 
the  eleventh  and  twelfth  lines  of  that  section,  and 
insert  the  words  "$1,500."  That  will  give  to 
tiiese local  superintendents  and  clerks  |1,500  com- 
pensation. The  section  now  provides  thai  they 
shall  receive  "  a  compensation  not  exceeding  the 
ordinary  rate  for  similar  services,  subject,  in  all 
respects,  to  the  approval  of  the  Secretary." 

I  do  not  suppose  there  is  any  "  ordinary  rate 
for  similar  services." 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  judgment  of  the  Senator 
on  that  question  certainly  is  fully  as  good  as  mine, 
and  I  should  be  disposed  to  defer  to  it.  I  merely 
call  his  attention  to  this  point,  whether  it  may  not 
happen  that  in  some  parts  of  the  country  the  ser- 
vice that  is  desii'ed  cannot  be  obtained  for  ^1,500; 
and  if  so,  wliether  upon  the  whole  it  might  not  be 
better  to  leave  this  question  of  compensation  to  the 
discretion  of  the  Secretary.  As  it  now  stands,  it 
does  come  back  upon  his  discretion.  I  put  that 
as  an  inquiry  to  the  Senator.  I  say  that  I  shall 
defer  to  his  judgment  upon  it;  lie  is  more  familiar 
with  that  part  of  the  country  than  I  am;  but  the 
practical  question  is  whetherifyou  insert  thelimit- 
ation  proposed  by  the  Senator  you  may  not  in 
some  way  constrain  the  operations  of  the  Depart- 
ment, whether  you  may  not  oblige  yourself  to  re- 
sort to  an  inferior  kind  of  service  which  will  not 
be  competent  to  do  the  work  required. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  committee  themselves 
have  fixed  the  compensation  of  the  Assistant  Com- 
missioner, who  is  a  superior  officer  to  the  super- 
intendents and  clerks,  at  $2,000,  and  I  thought 
that  I  was  providing  for  a  very  liberal  compensa- 
tion to  these  subordinate  officers  in  comparison 
with  the  Assistant  Commissioner,  who  is  to  re- 
ceive $2,000,  when  I  proposed  that  they  should 
receive  $1,500.  The  Senator  will  observe  that  in 
the  seventh  line  of  this  section  it  is  provided  that 
these  Assistant  Commissioners  shall  receive  an  an- 
nual salary  of  $2,000,  and  they  have  authority 
"  to  appoint  local  superintendents  and  clerks,  so 
far  as  the  same  may  be  needed,  not  to  exceed 
four  in  each  State,  at  a  compensation  not  exceed- 
ing $1,500."  That  is  the  way  I  propose  to  amend 
it.  I  think  that  will  command  the  best  talent  that 
may  bo  required  for  this  service. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  think  $1,500  is  a  faircom- 
pensation. 

Mr.  GRIMES.      Very  liberal  compensation. 

Mr.  POiMEROY.  That  is  the  compensation 
the  Indian  agents  have.  I  think  we  had  better 
settle  on  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Very  well. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  have  one  or  two  amend- 
ments to  propose.  In  the  third  line  of  the  first 
section  of  the  amendment  of  the  committee  I  move 
to  strike  out  "  Treasury  Department"  and  insert 
"  Department  of  the  Interior."  I  am  not  in  favor 
of  the  bill,  but  I  think  this  matter  should  go  un- 
der the  Interior  Department  if  under  any  Depart- 
ment. It  does  not  relate  to  the  Treasury  or  to 
the  management  of  the  finances  of  the  country, 
but  contemplates  a  supervision  over  a  class  of 
persons  in  the  country.  The  management  of  the 
Indian.s  is  somewhat  analogous  to  it,cind  yet  that 
belongs  to  the  Interior  Department.  There  are 
disbursements  of  money,  to  be  sure,  connected 
with  the  management  of  the  Indians;  but  those 
disbursements  are  made  under  the  supervision  of 
the  Interior  Department.  Pensions,  and  the  like 
of  that,  relating  to  different  individuals  and  classes 
of  persons,  are  all  placed  under  the  charge  of  the 
Interior  Department.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  is 
proper,  in  connection  with  the  general  system  we 
have,  that  this  should  be  referred  to  the  Interior 
rather  than  the  Treasury  Department. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  point  to  which  the  Sen- 
ator directs  attention  was  considered  very  care- 
fully by  the  committee.  Were  this  a  moment  of 
peace,  1  believe  the  committee  would  have  been 
unanimous  in  adopting  the  idea  of  the  Senator. 
Indeed,  it  seems  to  me,  the  reasons  for  it,  if  this 
wei'e  a  moment  of  peace,  are  absolutely  unan- 
swerable. It  is  in  the  Interior  Department  that 
wa  place  the  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs,  the  Bu- 


reau of  Pensions,  the  Bureau  of  Patents,  the  Bu- 
reau of  Public  Lands,  and  this  certainly  would  bo 
more  or  less  germane  with  all  those  interests.  It 
would  naturally  be  lodged  in  the  same  Depart- 
ment with  them.  Naturally  it  belongs  to  the  In- 
terior; there  can  be  no  question  about  it.  The 
Senator,  therefore,  is  perfectly  right  when  he 
makes  the  suggestion.  But  tiie  Senator  should 
take  into  consideration  that  at  this  moment  we 
are  acting  provisionally  and  not  permanently  un- 
der suggestions  growing  out  of  the  present  state 
of  the  country,  and  not  as  if  we  were  in  a  condi- 
tion of  permanent  peace. 

In  placing  the  bureau  where  the  committee  have 
placed  it,  they  followed  what  seemed  to  be  the 
necessities  of  the  case.  Congress  by  previous 
legislation  has  practically  placed  the  bureau  there, 
in  the  Treasury  Department,  or  rather  it  has  ren- 
dered it  necessary  that  the  bureau  should  be 
placed  there,  unless  Congress  was  willing  by  le- 
gislaiion  on  tiiis  mattei' to  create  a  conflict  between 
two  different  Departments.  Congress  hasalready 
placed  in  the  Treasury  Department  the  control  of 
the  business  relations  between  the  rebel  States 
and  the  loyal  States,  and  also  the  control  of  the 
abandoned  lands  and  jilantations  in  the  rebel 
States.  Now,  as  I  tried  to  exhibit  to  the  Senate 
the  other  day  when  I  opened  this  question,  the 
main  interest  for  the  moment  in  regard  to  the 
freedmen  is  how  to  bring  them  in  connection  witii 
the  lands.  If  you  go  beyond  that,  if  you  under- 
take to  provide  means  for  their  support,  you  as- 
sume what  1  believe  tiie  country  really  does  not 
expect  you  to  assume,  and  what  I  believe  those 
who  have  the  welfare  of  that  people  itiost  at  heart 
do  not  venture  to  counsel.  We  desire  to  sucure 
to  that peopleopportunity — opportunity  to  work; 
that  is  the  main  point,  and  that  can  be  secured 
oidy  by  bringing  them  in  connection  with  tlie 
lands.  The  care  and  guardianship  of  those  land.g 
where  it  is  proposed  to  jilace  the  freedmen  has 
already  by  previous  legislation  been  lodged  with 
the  Treasury  Department.  Therefore,  naturally 
and  logically  it  seemed  to  follow,  unless  you  were 
willing  to  create  a  conflict  between  two  different 
Departments  or  between  the  agents  of  two  differ- 
ent Di'partments,  that  you  should  place  the  care 
of  the  freedmen  in  the  same  Department. 

Sir,  I  am  not  alone  in  this  view.  The  other 
day  I  presented  it  and  gave  some  opinions  on  the 
subject.  I  have  here  a  letter;  it  was  written  as  a 
private  letter  ffom  Mr.  Owen,  well  known  to  the 
Senator  from  Indiana,  from  which  I  will  read  a 
p^^ssago: 

"  Et  will  never  do  to  have  Treasury  agents  who  lease'the 
lands  to  white  men,  and  War  Department  agents  who  as- 
sign the  same  lands  to  colored  people.  Nothuig  but  con- 
fusion and  conflict  of  authority  can  result ;  itwiU  not  work 
at  all  ;  but  even  if  jt  would,  why  employ  two  sets  of. -igentj 
to  do  what  one  set  can  do  so  much  better?  And  who  is  to 
inspect  the  leased  plantations,  and  see  to  it  that  neither 
employers  nor  employed  are  wronged.'  The  men  who  give 
the  leases  to  them  are  Treasury  agents,  and  have  nothing 
to  do  with  freedmen  or  the  Ireedmen's  comnnssioners  ; 
but  what  authority  can  they  have  over  men  who  do  not  hold 
their  leases  from  them.''  The  men  who  have  the  care  of 
the  laborer  ought  to  have  the  leasing  of  the  land  and  the 
inspection  of  the  leases,  and  they  should  be  authorized  to 
lease  equally  to  white  and  to  colored  people."  ' 

But  this  is  not  all.  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  docu- 
ment which  was  not  printed  when  1  addressed  the 
Senate  before  on  this  subject,  though,  having  pe- 
rused it  in  manuscript,  1  referred  to  it.  It  is  a  part 
of  the  report  of  the  freedmen's  commission,  ap- 
pointed by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  consider, 
among  other  questions,  the  very  one  which  is  now 
before  the  Senate.  In  the  course  of  the  document 
tlie  commission  exj)ress  the  following  explicit 
opinions: 

"  But,  In  the  judgment  of  the  commission,  the  most  se- 
rious error  in  connection  with  the  present  arrangements  for 
the  care  and  protecUon  of  these  people  arises  out  of  the 
assignment  to  a  different  agency  of  the  care  and  disposal  of 
the  abandoned  plantations." 

The  Senator  from  Indiana  will  observe  how 
completely  that  is  an  answer  to  his  proposition 
to  place  the  Bureau  q/  Freedmen  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Interior,  because,  as  I  have  already 
said.  Congress  has  placed  the  care  of  the  aban- 
doned plantations  in  another  Department. 

The  commissioners  proceed: 

"  To  enter  into  the  detail  of  all  the  evils  and  abuses  that 
have  aricen  out  of  this  error,  and  which  are  unavoidable 
so  long  as  it  continues  to  exist,  would  occupy  too  great  a 
space  in  this  report.  SutBce  it  to  say  that  it  is  the  source 
of  the  greatest  confusion  and  a  perpetual  collision  between 
the  difTerent  local  authorities,  in  which  not  only  the  onian- 
cipated  population  hut  the  Government  itself  suft'ers  the 
.ftjost  serjous  iiyurie?  anillp^ses.". 


.:i..x^U  -^L:  ^-J 


2932 


THE  CONGRESSIOI^AL  GLOM 


June  14, 


The  commissioners  then  proceed  to  quote  the 
opinion  of  General  Banks  on  the  very  question 
started  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana.  It  is  as 
follows: 

"  Tlie  assignment  of  the  abandoned  or  forfeited  planta- 
tions to  one  liepartnient  of  tlie  Government,  and  tlie  pro- 
tection and  support  of  tlie  einancipaled  people  to  another, 
is  a  fundamental  error  prod  active  of  incalculable  evils,  and 
cannot  be  too  soon  or  too  thoroughly  corrected." 

So  far  General  Banks.  The  commissioners 
then  proceed: 

"  And  this  is  the  purport  of  all  the  testimony  wliicii  the 
commission  has  been  able  to  obtain,  not  in  the  department 
of  the  Gulfonly,  but  everywhere  in  relation  to  the  matter. 

"The  unhesitating  judgment  of  every  person,  otficial  or 
other,  not  interested  in  the  opportunities  it  affords  for 
speculation  with  whom  we  have  consulted,  coincides  with 
that  of  General  Banlis.  All,  without  exception,  declare 
that  no  system  can  avail  to  effect  the  great  objects  contem- 
plated, that  does  not  assign  to  one  and  the  same  aulliority 
the  care  and  disposal  of  the  abandoned  plantations  and  the 
care  and  protection  of  the  emancipated  laborers  who  are 
to  cultivate  them. 

"  And,  after  the  most  thorough  investigations,  T  am  a\i- 
thorized  in  saying  that  this  is  the  deliberate  judgment  of 
the  commission." 

Now,  sir,  this  is  the  answer  to  the  proposition 
of  the  Senator  from  Indiana.  In  order  to  inake 
his  proposition  pi-actical,  he  must  proceed  still 
further,  and  take  from  the  Treasury  Department 
the  superintendence  of  the  business  relations 
between  the  loyal  and  disloyal  States,  and  that 
other  branch  which  has  followed  on  the  first,  the 
care  of  the  abandoned  plantations  and  captured 
property.  It  was  after  a  most  careful  review  of 
the  whole  question,  contemplating  it  in  every  pos- 
sible light,  and  I  may  say  beginning  with  a  con- 
viction that  the  bureau  ought  not  to  be  lodged  in 
the  Treasury  Department,  that  I  was  brought  to 
the  conclusion  that  at  the  present  moment  there 
was  no  other  place  where  it  could  be  lodged  with 
any  reasonable  chance  of  its  accomplishing  the 
good  which  we  hope  from  it. 

But  I  wish  the  Senate  to  bear  in  mind  that  I 
speak  only  for  the  present  time.  If  we  were  es- 
tablishing a  permanent  bureau  to  continue  here- 
after when  the  war  is  closed,  or  for  an  indefinite 
time  during  peace,  than  it  should  be  placed  where 
the  Senator  from  Indiana  proposes  to  place  it. 
But  until  then,  it  seems  to  me,  it  must  be  placed 
in  the  Treasury  Department,  unless  we  choose 
to  take  from  that  Department  that  other  branch 
of  business  to  which  I  have  i-eferred. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  Senator  says  that 
if  we  were  in  a  time  of  peace  he  would  be  in  fa- 
vor of  the  proposition.  How  long  does  the  Sen- 
ator expect  this  war  to  last .?  Does  he  expect  this 
bureau  to  continue  as  a  bureau  of  the  Govern- 
ment only  during  the  war.'  I  presume,  to  accom- 
plish his  purposes,  that  it  must  continue  for  some 
period  after  the  termination  of  the  war.  I  am  not 
one  of  those  who  believe  that  this  war  is  to  con- 
tinue very  many  years.  I  believe  it  has  got  to 
terminate  some  way  or  other  within  a  reasonably 
short  period;  and  therefoi-e,  as  this  bureau  is  to 
continue,  unquestionably,  (the  Senator  will  not 
question  that,)  for  some  time  after  the  war,  for  a 
longer  time  after  the  war  than  during  the  war,  the 
argument  on  that  point,  so  far  as  length  of  time 
decides  it,  is  in  favor  of  the  amendment  which  I 
have  proposed. 

His  next  point  is  that  the  abandoned  planta- 
tions ought  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  same 
Department  in  which  this  bureau  is  to  be  located. 
If  we  are  to  have  a  management  of  the  abandoned 
plantations  at  all,  it  ought  to  be  in  the  Interior 
Department.  If  these  lands  are  to  be  considered 
as  abandoned  by  the  owner  and  thereby  fall  into 
the  mass  of  the  public  lands,  as  is  contemplated 
by  a  bill  that  is  before  the  Senate,  those  public 
lands  ought  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  Interior 
Department,  because  they  do  not  relate  to  the 
Treasury,  theTreasury  has  no  machinery  for  their 
management;  and  I  think  perhaps  that  is  one  rea- 
son they  have  been  so  badly  managed,  why  there 
are  so  many  complaints  from  different  quarters 
of  fraud  and  outrage  touching  the  managementof 
the  abandoned  lands.  I  do  not  know  very  much 
of  it,  but  it  is  said  that  a  system  of  favoritism  has 
grown  up  that  is  exceedingly  disgusting,  and  it 
may  be  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  so  much  occupied  with  investigations 
of  altogetlier  a  different  sort  that  he  cannot  give 
the  necessary  attention  to  that  class  of  business. 

But  further,  I  ask  the  Senator  having  this  bill 
in  cliarge  if  he  intends  one  set  of  agents  to  be  paid 
by  the  Government  to  manage  the  lands  that  arc 


abandoned,  and  another  set  of  agents  to  be  paid 
by  the  Government  to  manage  the  negroes  in  the 
same  neighborhood.'  Certainly,  the  superintend- 
ents that  he  provides  for  in  this  bill  ought  to  take 
the  immediate  charge  of  abandoned  lands,  if  they 
are  to  be  taken  charge  of  at  all  by  officers  of  the 
Government;  and  it  is  my  purpose,  if  this  bill  is 
to  become  a  law,  to  provide  that  the  agencies  es- 
tablished in  the  bill  itself  shall  have  charge  of  the 
abandoned  lands.  We  ought  not  to  be  paying 
two  sets  of  agents  to  manage  a  matter  that  one 
set  of  agents  ought  to  manage.  If  there  is  force 
in  the  argument  of  the  Senator  that  the  agents 
managing  the  abandoned  lands  ought  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  same  Department,  that  argument 
will  go  further,  and  will  lead  us  to  this  result, 
that  the  abandoned  lands  and  the  freedmen,  as 
he  calls  them,  ought  to  be  managed  by  the  same 
agents  in  the  same  neighborhood. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     That  is  admitted. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Thereby  saving  very 
large  expenditures  to  the  Government,  enormous  ' 
expenses.  Then  in  this  same  bill  he  ought  to 
provide  at  once  that  these  agents  whom  he  pro- 
vides for  shall  have  chai'ge  of  the  abandoned  lands. 
Then  the  whole  properly  falls  under  the  Interior 
Department.  This  matter  will  have  to  go  to  the 
Interior  Departmentsome  time.  There  is  so  much 
dissatisfaction  with  the  management  of  the  aban- 
doned lands,  and  the  Treasury  regulations  touch- 
ing the  commerce  between  the  sections,  that  it  will 
go  to  some  other  Department  before  very  long. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Will  the  Senator  allow  me 
to  call  his  attention  to  the  seventh  section  ?  There 
he  will  find  a  provision  which  I  think  meets  his 
views.  It  is  that  the  agents  of  theTreasury  who 
now  have  the  leasing  of  abandoned  plantations 
shall  hand  over  all  their  papers  to  the  commis- 
sioners appointed  under  this  bill,  the  object  being 
to  put  an  end  to  those  agencies,  or  rather  to  allow 
them  to  be  all  absorbed  into  those  created  under 
this  bill. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  If  that  be  done,  then 
these  ought  to  be  agents  of  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment, and  there  need  be  none  of  this  conflict  that 
the  Senator  provides  for.  In  a  very  simple  pro- 
vision of  this  bill  we  can  transfer  the  whole  of 
the  lands,  which  properly  belong  to  the  Interior 
Department,  as  well  as  the  persons  that  he  wants 
to  provide  for,  and  let  the  whole  go  to  the  Interior 
Department.  I  think,  that  Department  being 
more  accustomed  to  deal  with  questions  of  this 
sort,  and  having  the  machinery  for  their  manage- 
ment, there  will  be  less  public  dissatisfaction  be- 
cause of  favoritism  and  fraud  than  as  they  are 
managed  now. 

I  think  the  amendment  I  have  proposed  ought 
to  be  adopted  to  make  the  system  effective.  Let 
the  agencies  for  the  lands  and  the  agencies  for 
freedmen  be  the  same,  and  the  whole  under  the 
Interior  Department. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  have  only  to  say  in  reply 
that  when  the  war  is  over  and  the  State  govern- 
ments are  once  more  established  I  shall  welcome 
such  a  proposition  as  the  Senator  now  makes.  If 
a  Bureau  of  Freedmen  continues  then,  its  proper 
place  will  be  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior; 
but  until  then  it  must  be  where  Congress  has 
already  placed  these  other  branches  of  public  busi- 
ness with  which  this  bureau  is  necessarily  asso- 
ciated. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  admits  that 
the  proper  Department  to  take  charge  of  the  busi- 
ness to  be  created  by  this  bill,  in  a  time  of  peace, 
is  the  Department  of  the  Interior.  About  that  I 
suppose  there  can  be  no  difference  of  opinion. 
But  he  says  this  is  not  a  time  when  it  should  go 
into  the  handsof  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  be- 
cause we  are  in  a  state  of  war.  If  we  are  in  a 
state  of  war,  as  we  certainly  are,  and  if,  because 
we  are  in  that  state,  it  is  not  proper  that  the  con- 
trol should  be  in  the  handsof  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment, it  seems  to  me  equally  to  follow  that  it 
should  not  be  in  the  hands  of  any  of  the  civil  De- 
partments of  the  Government,  but  in  the  hands  of 
the  War  Department;  and  I  see  the  bill  as  it  ori- 
ginally was  drafted  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  as  it  came  to  us  from  that  House,  left 
it  with  the  War  Department.  There  must  have 
been  some  reason  for  taking  it  away  from  that 
Department,  and  if  the  honorable  member  is  able 
to  tell  us  why  it  is  that  the  Treasury  Department 
wassubstitutedforthe  War  Department,  I  should, 
for  one,  like  to  be  informed. 


Mr.  SUMNER.  Well,  Mr.  President,  if  the 
Senator  had  done  me  the  honor  to  listen  to  me  the 
other  day — I  know  it  is  too  much  for  me  to  expect 
— he  would  have  found  all  tliat  answered  at  too 
great  length.  I  discussed  it  fully;  and  I  may  say 
also  that  I  have  discussed  it  even  this  morning.  I 
have  stated  that  the  actual  legislation  of  Congress 
required  that  the  proposedbureau  should  be  placed 
in  the  Treasury  Department,  and  it  is  simply  to 
prevent  discord  and  conflict  between  two  Depart- 
ments and  between  the  agents  of  two  Departments 
managing  more  or  less  the  same  subject-matter. 
Congress  has  already  placed  in  theTreasury  De- 
partment, as  I  have  said,  the  care  of  the  business 
relations  between  the  rebel  States  and  the  loyal 
States,  and  also  the  care  of  the  abandoned  lands 
and  captured  property. 

Now,  Congress  may  have  erred  in  placing  those 
two  interests-in  the  Treasury  Department.  On 
that  I  express  no  opinion.  Possibly  the  Senator 
from  Maryland  is  right  when  he  suggests  that 
they  should  be  in  the  War  DepartiTient.  Con- 
gress has  not  seen  fit  to  place  them  in  the  War  De- 
partment; it  has  placed  them  in  theTreasury  De- 
partment; and  as  all  the  testimony  of  persons 
most  interested  in  this  question,  constituting  what 
we  may  call  experts,  went  in  one  direction,  that 
the  care  of  the  freedmen  should  be  in  the  same 
Department  wliich  had  the  care  of  the  lands,  the 
committee  felt  constrained  to  report  the  present 
bill,  feeling  that  if  the  care  of  the  freedmen  was 
placed  in  any  other  Department,  be  it  the  War  or 
be  it  the  Interior,  there  would  be  an  occasion  for 
conflict  or  distord  at  least  among  the  agents  of 
these  two  Departments,  if  not  between  the  two 
Departments. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  wish  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts  a  question,  as  he  is  fa- 
miliar with  this  subject.  Is  there  any  inconve- 
nience, so  far  as  the  records  are  concerned,  or  the 
mere  machinery  that  is  found  now  in  the  Treas- 
ury Department,  in  transferring  that  from  that 
Department  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior.' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  understands  that 
we  should  have  to  transfer  these  two  great  inter- 
ests to  which  I  have  referred,  the  control  of  the 
business  relations  between  the  rebel  States  and 
the  loyal  States,  and  also  the  control  of  the  aban- 
doned plantations  and  captured  property. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  Senator  does  not 
understand  the  question  I  designed  to  put.  It  is 
this:  whether  it  is  inconvenient  or  impracticable 
to  hand  over  the  machinery  already  established 
in  the  Treasury  Department,  the  records,  and  the 
files.     Are  the  books  voluminous .' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  On  that  point  I  am  not  able 
to  answer  positively ;  but  I  have  an  impression 
that  if  Congress  should  see  fit  to  take  from  the 
Treasury  Department  the  whole  subject-matter 
under  the  two  heads  to  which  I  have  referred,  the 
business  relations  between  the  rebel  States  and 
the  loyal  States,  and  the  control  of  the  abandoned 
plantations  and  captured  property,  all  that  in  one 
mass  might  be  transferred  to  another  Department. 
I  know  nothing  to  the  contrary.  , 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  no  proposition  to  make 
in  regard  to  it;  but  it  seems  that  there  are  three  ; 
different  Departments  herewho  have  their  advo-; 
cates  for   the  control  and   management  of  this 
Freedmen 's  Bureau.     The  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts is  in  favor  of  vesting  all  this  power  in 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  tlie  Senator  from 
Indiana  prefers  to  bestow  it  upon   the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior;  and  the  Senator  from  Maryland 
proposes  to  put  it  upon  the  War  Department.  As 
I  said  before,  I  have  no  proposition  to  make;  but 
I  wish  to  ask  these  Senators  whether  they  have, 
not  overlooked  one  department  to  which  this  sub- 
ject might  more  properly  be  referred  than  to  any 
other,  and  that  is  to  the  Attorney  General.     It  is 
known  of  course  that  the  War  Department  is 
overwhelmed  with  business.  There  are  connected 
with  it  a  great  many  bureaus.     It  ha»  the  charge 
of  the  armies  in  the  field;  it  has  the  charge  of 
almost  all  the  operations  in  connection  with  this  • 
war.  The  Interior  Department  has  charge  of  our 
public  lands,  of  our  CensusBureau,  of  our  Indian 
affairs,  of  patents  and  the  Patent  Office,  and,  I 
believe,  is  somewhat  connected  with  the  agricul- 
ture of  the  country.     The  Treasury  Department , 
isalfio  overwhelmed  with  business.     The  Attor-; 
ney  General,  who  holds  the  same  relation  to  the 
Government  as  a  member  of  the  Cabinent,  has 
connected  with  his  department  no  bureau.     He 


1864. 


THE  COISTGEESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


2933 


has  thus  far  been  a  mere  law  officer  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. It  will  be  observed  by  reference  to  this 
bill  that  the  chief  of  this  Freedmen's  Bureau  is 
called  upon  to  perform  very  responsible  legal  du- 
ties. He  is  to  see  that  lands  are  leased;  he  is  to 
appear  in  court  and  represent  all  of  tliese  freed- 
men  in  any  controversy  that  may  arise  between 
them  and  third  parties,  or  he  is  to  see  that  some- 
body does  appearand  represent  them.  It  occurs 
to  me,  although  I  am  not  prepared  to  give  any 
advice  to  the  Senate  on  a  subject  of  this  kind,  that 
there  is  a  peculiar  appropriateness  in  putting  this . 
bureau  into  the  charge  of  the  Attorney  General. 
That  makes  the  fourth  Department  that  has  been 
suggested  as  being  the  proper  one. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  In  reply  to  that  I  have  simply 
to  say  that  had  Congress  placed  the  other  branch 
of  the  subject  in  the  charge  of  the  Department  of 
the  Attorney  General,  I  should  certainly  be  in 
favor  of  following  the  suggestion  of  the  Senator. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendmentoffered  by  the  Senator  from 
Indiana  to  the  amendment. 

The  amend  nient  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. ' 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  offer  an  amendment  to 
add  as  a  new  section  the  following: 

^nd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  all  white  persons  in  the 
States  not  in  revolt  shall  be  protected  in  tlieir  constitu- 
tional lights,  and  that  no  snch  person  shall  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or  propertj',  without  due  process  of  law;  nor 
shall  any  such  person  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or 
otherwise  infamous  crime  unless  on  a  presentment  or  in- 
dictment of  a  grand  jury  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land 
or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia  when  in  actual  service  in 
time  of  war  or  public  danger;  nor  shall  any  such  person, 
except  as  aforesaid,  be  tried  for  any  crime  oroflense  what- 
ever by  court-martial  or  military  commission. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  discuss  this  bill  at  the 
present  time.  If  the  vote  should  not  be  taken 
this  afternoon,  perhaps  I  may  do  so  to-morrow. 
Neither  is  it  my  intention  to  discuss  the  amend- 
ment which  I  have  offered. 

The  bill  under  consideration,  in  my  judgment, 
has  not  a  single  section  in  it  which  is  not  liable  to 
a  constitutional  objection.  The  bill  is  very  care- 
ful of  the  rights,  if  rights  there  be,  of  the  inter- 
ests, if  interests  there  be,  and  of  the  feelings  of 
the  negro  race.  I  wish  in  these  times,  when  so 
much  interest  is  manifested  in  that  particular  race 
by  Congress,  and  when  so  much  of  the  legislation 
of  the  country  is  devoted  to  that  particular  race, 
that  we  should  manifest  some  regard  for  our  own 
poor,  abject,  downtrodden,  and  in  these  times  I 
fear,  popularly  considered  even  inferior  race.  I 
want  to  see  whether  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
will  recognize  those  great  constitutional  rights  of 
white  persons  which  are  guarantied  in  the  Con- 
stitution which  was  framed  by  our  fathers.  It 
will  be  observed  that  the  entire  language  of  my 
amendment,  with  the  exception  of  the  latter  clause 
which  pvovides  that  no  such  persons  shall  be  tried 
by  court-martial  or  military  commission,  is  in  the 
language  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Sir,  it  may  be  out  of  order  in  these  times  to  say 
a  word  or  to  enter  a  plea  in  behalf  of  this  poor, 
downtrodden  white  race;  certainly  if  the  charac- 
ter of  the  legislation  of  Congress  is  to  be  consid- 
ered, they  have  not  much  interest  in  this  Gov- 
ernment; because  most  of  our  legislation  during 
this  session  has  been  devoted  to  a  consideration 
of  the  interests  of  the  negro'  race.  Scarcely  a 
single  day  since  the  commencement  of  this  Con- 
gress has  passed  that  the  African  race  has  not 
occupied  a  considerable  portion  of  the  attention 
of  the  Senate,  much  more,  I  apprehend,  than  the 
white  race. 

To  guard  this  amendment  which  I  propose 
against  any  possible  objection  arising  from  the 
class  of  persons  whose  rights  are  to  be  protected, 
I  have  been  careful  to  insert  in  it  the  words  "all 
white  persons  in  the  States  not  in  revolt,"  so  as 
to  leave  to  the  Administration  to  continue  what- 
ever policy  they  please  in  reference  to  persons  in 
States  it'i  revolt.  But,  sir,  I  will  not  occupy  the 
time  of  the  Senate  in  discussing  the  question.  I 
simply  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays  upon  it. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  merely  wish  to  make  one 
remark  now,  and  I  hope  I  may  not  have  occa- 
sion to  say  another  word.  This  bill  has  been 
carefully  considered  by  the  committee;  it  is  the 
best  that  they  can  present  to  the  Senate;  and  their 
desire  and  my  desire  and  the  desire  of  its  friends 
is  that  the  Senate  should  proceed  to  vote  without 
any  further  discussion,  certainly  on  our  part. 


Mr.  WILLEY.  Of  course  the  Senator  frora 
Delaware  does  not  expect  that  there  will  be  any 
very  serious  discussion  of  his  proposition,  or 
that  it  will  be  seriously  entertained  by  the  Senate. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  beg  the  Senator's  par- 
don. I  did  not  expect  any  discussion,  but  I  did 
expect  that  it  would  be  seriously  entertained. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  There  is  not  a  proposition 
in  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware 
to  which  I  do  not  most  heartily  subscribe;  but  I 
suppose  it  will  hardly  be  proper  to  be  attached 
to  this  bill.  I  rose,  however,  to  notice  a  remark 
made  by  the  Senator  from  Delaware.  He  said 
that  in  his  opinion  this  bill,  while  it  ignored  the 
interests  of  the  downtrodden  white  race,  was, 
nevertheless,  very  careful  of  the  African  race.  I 
entertain  an  opinion  directly  the  reverse  of  that. 
In  my  opinion,  after  as  close  and  careful  an  exam- 
ination of  this  bill  as  I  have  been  able  to  give  to 
it,  its  proper  title  would  be,  "A  bill  to  reenslave 
freedmen."  Looking  at  the  provisions  of  this 
bill,  looking  at  the  machinery  by  which  its  pur- 
poses are  to  be  carried  out,  lookingat  the  inevita- 
ble effects  which  must  ensue,  this  bill  if  it  passes 
will  be  the  initiation  of  a  policy  to  reenslave  that 
portion  of  the  African  race  to  which  it  relates; 
and  for  one,  sir,  I  protest  against  it  on  that  ground. 

Sir,  it  would  be  more  consonant  with  what  will 
be  the  practical  results  of  this  bill  if  the  officer 
named  in  the  first  section  of  itas  a  Commissioner 
were  called  an  Overseer  General,  and  the  subor- 
dinate officers  provided  for  in  other  sections  as 
deputy  drivers,  according  to  the  language  of  the 
craft  in  the  South.  Why,  sir,  what  responsibility 
is  fixed  upon  any  one  of  these  commissioners  who 
are  to  exercise  this  tremendous  authority  over  the 
African  race.'  What  penalty  in  this  bill  is  at- 
tached for  cruelty,  for  peculation,  for  violation  of 
their  duties.'  Where  is  there  any  particular  pre- 
scription of  what  they  shall  perform,  exce|it  sim- 
ply to  confide  in  them  an  authority  that  no  slave- 
master  of  the  South  ever  gave  to  an  overseer  on 
his  plantation.  You  may  examine  the  articles  of 
agreement,  as  I  liave  a  hundred  times,  between 
the  slave-owners  in  the  Soutli  and  the  overseers 
they  employ,  and  I  have  never  yet  seen  a  care- 
fully drawn  agreement  between  them  that  did  not 
provide  more  particularly  for  the  care  and  pro- 
tection of  the  negroes  under  his  control  than  this 
bill  does  for  the  rights  and  liberties  and  privileges 
of  the  negroes  who  have  been  emancipated  and 
who  are  to  IJe  operated  upon  by  this  bill.  Sir,  in 
the  name  of  liberty  and  emancipation  I  protest 
against  the  passage  of  any  such  bill  by  the  Amer- 
ican Senate.  Look  at  it  for  a  moment.  What  is 
the  language  used  in  the  bill.' 

That  the  Commissioner,  under  the  direction  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  shall  have  the  general  superintend- 
ence of  all  freedmen  throughout  the  several  departments, 
and  it  shall  be  his  duty  especially  to  watch  over  the  exe- 
cution of  all  laws,  proclamations,  and  military  orders  of 
emancipation,  or  in  any  way  concerning  freedmen,  and 
generally,  by  careful  regulations,  in  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution. 

That  is  the  only  limitation  upon  the  exercise  of 
his  power;  but  he  is  clothed  with  the  authority 
to  say  what  the  "s|iirit  of  the  Constitution"  is. 
There  is  no  penalty  in  this  bill  for  any  violation 
of  any  authority  vested  in  him;  there  is  no  limit- 
ation in  it: 

In  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  to  protect  these  per- 
sons in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  to  promote  their  wel- 
fare, and  to  secure  to  them  and  their  posterity  the  blessings 
of  liberty. 

Sir,  liberty  is  a  thing  that  is  regulated  by  law. 
What  law  regulates  this  Commissioner  and  his 
deputies  in  the  exercise  of  the  power  vested  in 
them  in  this  bill.'  What  is  it  that  the  Commis- 
sioner is  required  to  do?  Where  are  the  limita- 
tions upon  the  exercise  of  his  power?  To  what 
tribunal  is  he  responsible?  If  to  any  tribunal  at 
all,  simply  to  the  arbitrary  discretion  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  who  is  to  appoint  him,  and 
to  nobody  else.  I  desire  to  attract  the  attention 
of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
and  of  all  other  Senators,  to  this  bill  in  all  its  pro- 
visions, and  I  will  venture  to  say  that  I  wilt  be 
sustained  in  the  assertion  by  every  candid  mind 
in  this  Senate  that  there  never  was  a  more  arbi- 
trary authority  vested  in  any  set  of  human  beings 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  Why,  sir,  the  master 
is  limited  in  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  authority 
and  cruelty  toward  his  slave  by  his  interest  in  the 
preservation  of  his  life  and  health,  so  that  he  may 
make  the  most  out  of  his  labor;  but  there  is  noth- 


ing even  of  that  character  here.  It  is  arbitrary 
power  without  any  limitation,  without  any  rules 
or  regulations  to  govern  these  masters  and  drivers 
in  the  exercise  of  their  most  extraordinary  au- 
thority. 

Why,  sir,  it  has  been  held  lately  that  these 
freedmen  are  perfectly  competent  to  exercise  the 
great  privilege  of  franchise  or  voting;  butaccord- 
ing  to  the  provisions  of  this  bill  they  are  not  to 
be  allowed  even  to  exercise  their  own  free  will  in 
their  maintenance  and  self-support,  unless  it  be 
under  the  supervision  and  direction,  if  not  under 
the  lash,  of  an  arbitrary  commissioner,  appointed 
without  responsibility  to  any  authority  anywhere 
or  anyhow. 

Look  at  the  provisions  of  this  bill  again,  sir. 
It  seems  that  there  is  to  be  no  limitation  to  it.  I 
looked  in  the  amendment  reported  by  the  Senate 
committee  for  a  limitation  to  this  system  that  is 
put  upon,  the  country  by  the  appointment  of  a 
swarm  of  irresponsible  officers  at  extravagant  sal- 
aries; but  it  seems  there  is  to  be  no  end  to  it;  there 
is  no  limitation,  no  time  fixed  when  the  exercise 
of  this  authority  is  to  cease.  It  is  not  only  irre- 
sponsible while  it  exists,  it  is  not  only  illimitable 
in  its  extent  while  it  operates,  but  illimitable,  so 
far  as  this  bill  is  concerned,  in  the  length  of  its  du- 
ration. When  are  these  poor  creatures  to  be  al- 
lowed to  escape  from  the  custody  and  oversight 
and  domination  of  these  irresponsible  commis- 
sioners who  are  to  be  placed  over  them'  These 
men,  who  are  sometimes  qualified  to  vote,  are  not 
allowed  to  make  a  contract,  under  this  bill,  fora 
longer  period  than  one  year,  but  from  year  to  year 
without  any  end,  so  far  as  this  bill  is  concerned. 
They  are  to  be  in  the  hands  of  these  commission- 
ers; their  contracts  are  to  be  written  for  them; 
they  are  to  be  under  the  supervision  of  these  men 
from  year  to  year,  transferred  hither  and  thither, 
according  to  the  arbitrary  authority  of  these  men, 
from  farm  to  farm,  and  section  to  section,  so  far- 
as  I  can  see,  without  any  limitation  or  discrimin- 
ation. 

Senators  look  at  me  as  if  they  were  surprised 
at  my  warmth.  I  say  again  I  protest,  in  the  name 
of  liberty,  against  this  bill  as  the  initiation  of  a 
scheme,  much  earlier  than  I  had  anticipated,  to 
reenslave  the  men  who,  by  the  operation  of  this 
war,  have,  fora  short  time  at  least,  enjoyed  the 
boon  of  freedom. 

Look  at  the  provisions  of  the  bill  further.  In 
one  sense,  some  portion  of  the  white  race  might 
be  characterized  as  downtrodden  by  this  bill. 
Here  is  another  provision  of  it: 

That  the  Assistant  Commissioners  shall  have  authority, 
within  their  respective  departments,  to  take  possession  of 
all  abandoned  real  estate  and  all  real  estate,  with  the  houses 
thereon,  liable  to  sale  or  confiscation. 

In  other  words,  if  in  the  county  of  Fairfax, 
Virginia — and  I  only  allude  to  that  section  of  the 
country  by  way  of  illustration — there  are  farms 
lying  abandoned  there  to-day,  as  there  are,  owned 
by  loyal  refugees  in  the  city  of  Washington,  they 
are  to  be  taken  possession  of  by  these  commis- 
sioners. The  bill  provides  that  all  abandoned 
farms  are  to  be  taken  possession  of  by  these  Com- 
missioners whether  th'ey  belong  to  loyal  or  dis- 
loyal persons.  Why,  sir,  there  are  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  abandoned  farms  all  over  the 
South  to-day,  unless  they  are  occupied  by  traitors, 
the  owners  of  whom  have  sought  refuge  in  the 
North  until  this  storm  of  war  be  over  and  passed. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Let  me  correct  the  Senator. 
-The  Senator  forgets  to  read  the  qualifying  lan- 
guage: 

All  abandoned  real  estate  and  all  real  estate,  with  the 
houses  thereon,  liable  tosaleorconfiseation,ortoany  claim 
of  title  by  the  United  States,  and  not  already  appropriated 
to  Government  uses. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Very  well;  I  will  read  it 
again: 

That  the  Assistant  Commissioners  shall  have  authority 
within  their  respective  departments  to  take  possession  of 
all  abandoned  real  estate  and  all  real  estate,  with  the  houses 
thereon,  liable  to  sale  or  confiscation — 

The  Senator's  own  bill  makes  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  two  classes  of  real  estate — 

All  abandoned  real  estate  and  all  real  estate,  with  tlio 
houses  thereon,  liable  to  sale  or  confiscation,  or  to  any 
claim  of  title  by  the  United  States. 

Why,  sir,  there  are  thousands  of  farrns  all 
through  the  South  owned  by  loyiil  refugees  in 
Now 'York,  Boston,  and  in  all  the  loyal  States 
to-day — men  who  have  been  merely  able  to  es- 
cape with  their  lives.     These  irresponsible  Com- 


2934 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


tnissioners  are  to  take  these  poor  Africans  again 
and  imposeupon  tliPm  a  worse  bondage  than  the 
musters  of  the  South  ever  exercised  over  them, 
and  make  th(  m  work  these  lands,  not  for  the  ben- 
efit and  profit  of  the  slaves,  except  at  stipulated 
prices  at  the  will  and  pleasure  of  these  irrespons- 
ible masters,  and  hand  over  the  proceeds  and  the 
profit  of  their  labor — to  wliat?  In  the  first  place 
lo  pay  this  overseer  general  and  these  deputy  driv- 
ers these  extravagant  salaries,  and  if  anything  is 
left  it  is  to  be  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

Then  again  I  think  there  is  a  chance  for  a  very 
handsome  speculation  by  these  Commissioners 
aiid  deputy  drivers.  The  bill  provides  that  they 
are  also  "  to  take  possession  of  all  personal  prop- 
erty found  on  such  estate;"  and  what  are  they 
going  to  do  with  it?  They  take  possession  of 
It,  and  there  is  an  end  of  it  so  far  as  the  bill  is 
concerned.  Flow  are  they  to  account  for  it?  To 
whom  are  they  responsible?  What  is  the  object 
,,of  taking  the  personal  estate  into  possession — 
horses,  corn,  and  things  that  perish  in  the  using? 
Wliat  are  they  to  do  with  them?  How  are  they 
to  account  for  this  personal  property  ?  The  bill 
does  not  seem  to  provide. 

Sir,  I  will  notdetain  theSenate  bygoingthrough 
this  bill.  Every  section  of  it,  it  seems  to  me,  is 
liable  to  objection  of  the  same  kind  and  charac- 
ter. Some  of  the  provisions  of  the  amended  bill 
reported  by  the  Senate  committee,  if  it  passes, 
ought  to  be  modified;  for  instance,  the  one  in  re- 
gard to  the  character  of  the  leases.  They  are  to 
be  but  for  a  year,  1  believe.  You  can  raise  but 
half  a  crop  on  these  abandoned  lands  if  you  lease 
them  but  for  a  year.  If  you  lease  them  during 
the  winter  you  can  raise  a  crop  of  corn  and  oats 
the  next  summer,  but  you  cannot  raise  a  crop  of 
wheat,  because  you  sow  in  the  fall,  and  it  does  not 
ripen  until  the  next  year. 

But,  Mr.  President,  having  attracted,  as  I  see 
I  have,  the  attention  of  Senators,  and  that  was 
the  object  of  my  rising,  to  a  critical  observation 
of  the  special  provisions  in  this  bill,  and  more  es- 
pecially having  stated  the  fact,  that  I  believe  what- 
ever may  have  been  its  intent,  its  result  will  be 
practically  the  reenslavement  of  the  African  race, 
I  am  content  to  leave  the  subject  with  the  Senate. 

It  has  been  a  matter  of  wonder  to  me  that  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts  failed  to 
discover  the  only  practical  mode  by  which  the 
difficulties  which  he  seeks  to  remedy  could,  in 
my  estimation,  be  obviated.  Why,  sir,  we  hear 
cries  every  day  from  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
and  various  other  States,  of  the  lack  of  labor,  that 
the  war  has  so  much  subtracted  from  the  labor 
of  those  States  that  the  manufactories  and  the 
farms  to  a  great  extent  are  lying  idle.  It  is  so,  I 
believe,  in  all  the  States.  Now,  here  are  thrown 
loose  upon  us,  without  employment,  avast  num- 
ber of  athletic  men  and  womeft.  Would  it  not 
be  a  much  better  policy,  Mr.  President,  would  it 
not  be  a  vastly  better  policy  to  clothe  these  Com- 
missioners with  the  simple  duty  of  finding  in 
those  States  places  and  employment  for  these 
freedmen,  where  they  could  be  under  the  influence 
of  free  institutions,  where  they  could  be  brought 
in  contact  with  the  law  and  with  the  labor,  accord- 
ing to  the  idea,  and  the  good  idea,  too,  of  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Massachusetts,  where  they 
would  not  be  left  to  the  arbitrary  will  of  irrespons- 
ible Commissioners  to  control  them,  but  where  as 
citizens  thej'  would  have  all  the  guarantees  and 
protection  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  and  the 
courts  in  the  forms  of  law  ?  Why  not  place  them 
there  and  give  them  employment  there?  There- 
fore I  move  to  amend  the  amendment  of  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Delaware,  which  I  suf)pose 
he  does  not  expect  to  [lass,  [Mr.  Saulsbury.  1 
do,  sir,]  l]y  striking  out  all  after  the  enacting 
clause  and  inserting  the  following: 

That  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  said  Comiiilasloner  to  procure 
places  and  einployincnt  lor  as  inaiiy  of  said  frecdincn  aa 
may  be  practicable  with  the  fanners,  rneclianios,aiid  manu- 
facturers of  the  free  and  loyal  States  where  tlie  laws  of  said 
Btatea  shall  not  prohibit  It,  and  that  for  the  purpose  of  more 
cfl'ectually  aceoniplisliingtliis  object  lie  open  a  correspond- 
ence with  the  Governors  and  various  municipal  authoritiea 
of  said  free  and  loyal  States  requesting  their  cooperation. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  inquire  to  what  the  Senator  proposes  his 
amendment  ? 

Mr.  WILLEY.  To  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Delaware. 

The   PRESIDENT  pro  temporf..     The  Chair 


will  suggest — the  Senator  may  not  be  aware  of 
the  fact — that  that  is  an  amendment  to  an  amend- 
ment, and  a  further  amendment  can  not  be  in  order. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Then,  sir,  I  will  withdraw 
my  amendment  for  the  present. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  aaiendtrient  of  the  Senator  from  Dela- 
ware to  the  amendment  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  amendment  offered  by 
the  Senator  from  Delaware,  which  isngw  before 
the  Senate,  merely  affirms  or  seeks  to  affirm  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  as  I  am  at 
a  loss  to  imagine  how  the  validity  of  that  instru- 
ment can  in  any  manner  be  made  gi'eater  than  it 
is  by  any  legislation  I  shall  vote  against  the  amend- 
ment. It  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  stating 
that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  should 
be  enforced.  If  it  is  not  enforced  practically,  the 
fault  lies  with  the  Executive.  If  they  have  aban- 
doned all  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitu  tion ,  which 
they  have  sworn  to  support,  what  security  is  there, 
what  reason  is  there  to  think  that  they  will  not 
abandon  the  duty  which  apparently  would  be  en- 
forced upon  them  by  this  proposition? 

In  the  next  place,  it  is  an  amendment  not  ger- 
mane to  the  bill  itself.  The  bill  professes,  if  I 
understand  it,  to  deal  only  with  such  portion  of 
the  States  of  the  United  States  as  are  in  rebellion. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  the  States 
in  rebellion  is  only  so  far  in  force  as  is  consistent 
with  the  state  of  war  which  exists  between  the 
United  States  and  the  States  in  rebellion.  The 
trial  by  jury,  and  all  the  personal  guarantees  that 
the  Constitution  provides  for  a  state  of  peace,  are 
necessarily  at  an  end  for  the  time  in  a  state  of 
war  as  between  the  United  States  and  the  people, 
if  they  be  a  portion  of  the  United  States,  who  are 
ir)  a  state  of  war  with  the  United  States.  Aa  the 
bill  refers  only  to  the  rebellious  States,  the  whole 
operation  of  the  amendment  if  it  were  to  pass,  if 
it  could  have  any  operation,  would  be  upon  the 
States  that  are  not  in  rebellion;  and  with  refer- 
ence to  the  States  that  are  not  in  rebellion,  if  they 
are  not  protecteil  by  the  Constitution,  my  friend 
and  Congress  might  pile  acts  upon  acts,  and  we 
should  still  be  without  protection. 

Mr.  S  AULSRURY.  If  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Maryland  had  lived  in  the  days  when  the 
sovereign  of  England  guarantied  to  his  people  the 
rights  of  Magna  Charta,  I  presume  he  would  have 
condemned  the  action  of  that  people  afterwards 
who,  when  that  Magna  Charta  was  violated, 
wished  its  reaffirmance;  for  his  first  objection  is 
that  these  rights  are  guarantied  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  if  they  are  violated  the  Executive  is  to 
blame.  So,  sir,  might  have  said  the  honorable 
Senator  had  he  lived  in  the  days  to  which  I  have 
referred,  when  the  Executive  of  England  violated 
the  rights  secured  by  Magna  Charta,  "  It  is  use- 
less for  you  to  ask  their  reaffirmance,  because 
they  are  there  already."  Not  so  was  the  spirit 
of  liberty  in  those  former  days;  but  when  char- 
tered rights  were  violated,  the  people,  whose  rights 
were  interested,  rose  up  and  demanded  their  re- 
affirmance; and  under  the  reign  of  one  king  alone, 
I  believe  some  several  times  was  that  reaffirmance 
asked. 

Sir,  in  times  like  those  it  is  well  to  look  back 
into  the  precedents  of  the  past,  for  history  in  these 
times  is  but  repeating  itself.  Human  liberty — 
the  liberty  of  free,  noble-born,  high-spirited  white 
men — is  but  imitating  the  example  of  the  noble 
champions  of  liberty  in  the  past;  and  the  example 
of  those  champions  comes  up  in  thunder  tones  to- 
day condemnatory  of  the  principle  laid  down  by 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Maryland.  Admit 
that  my  amendment  but  reaffirms  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  would  it  not  be  refreshing 
to  thousands  of  American  citizens  whose  consti- 
tutional rights  have  been  violated,  the  violation 
of  which  has  been  condemned  by  many  who  have 
had  the  boldness  to  condemn  it  in  the  face  of  arbi- 
trary power — would  it  not  bring  gladness  to  their 
hearts  to  know  that  the  representatives  of  the 
sovereign  States  of  this  Union,  having  witnessed 
these  violations  long  enough,  meant  to  give  to 
their  constitutional  rights  the  vote  of  their  ap- 
proval? Sir,  pass  my  amendment,  and  joy  will 
spring  up  in  many  an  aching  heart;  he  who  with- 
out cause  now  groans  in  unlawful  bastile  prisons 
would  be  cheered;  the  weeping  mother  and  the 
worse  than  orphaned  child  would  take  heartagain, 
and  they  would  eay  that  the  representatives  of 
what  was  once  the  great  Republic  of  the  United 


States  have  arisen  at  last  to  a  sense  of  the  just 
constitutional  rights  of  this  people,  and  they  mean 
to  assert  in  the  face  of  the  exercise  of  arbitrary 
power  that  they  cherish  those  rights,  and  will  see 
that  they  shall  be  preserved. 

But  the  honorable  Senator  says  the  amendment 
is  not  germane  to  the  bill.  That  is  no  objection 
to  its  adoption.  It  has  been  held  by  the  Senate 
that  any  amendment,  whether  germane  or  not, 
may  be  made  to  a  bill.  On  one  occasion  a  large 
appropriation  bill  was  tacked  on  to  a  pension  bill 
as  an  amendment,  and  the  point  of  order  being 
made,  (and  the  history  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  will  show  it,)  it  was  decided  by  the  Senate, 
as  I  understand,  that  it  could  be  done.  I  may 
be  mistaken  in  the  facts,  but  I  know  that  two 
bills  wholly  incongruous  were  united.  I  have 
often  heard  it  from  the  late  distinguished  Senator 
from  Maryland,  Mr.  Pearce. 

1  have  offered  this  amendment  to  this  bill  be- 
cause I  did  not  believe  that  if  I  offered  it  as  a  sep- 
arate resolution  I  could  get  a  vote  upon  it.  In 
my  feeble  attempts  on  all  previous  occasions  to 
assert  by  resolutions,  either  of  inquiry  or  affirm- 
ative in  their  nature,  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  people,  I  have  been  disappointed,  and  have 
never  been  allowed  to  take  them  up  for  consider- 
ation. The  bill  of  my  honorable  friend  from 
Kentucky,  [Mr.  Powell,]  providing  against  mil- 
itary interference  with  the  freedom  of  elections 
was  introduced  early  in  the  session  and  debated, 
but  he  has  not  been  allowed  to  take  it  up  for  con- 
sideration since  it  was  postponed  on  the  motion 
of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Maryland  [Mr. 
Johnson]  that  he  might  discuss  it. 

Now,  sir,  no  eviLcan  result  from  the  adoption 
of  this  amendment.  It  is  not  liable  to  any  objec- 
tion arising  under  your  rules.  It  can  do  no  pos- 
sible harm.  It  asserts,  it  is  true,  constitutional 
rights.  I  offer  it,  therefore,  that  the  people  of 
this  country  may  know  that  there  is  respect  in 
the  American  Senate  for  those  constitutional 
rights,  and  that  they  will  see  that  in  the  future 
those  rights  are  preserved. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  yield  to  no  member  of  the 
Senate  in  devotion  to  all  the  principles  of  freedom 
which  make  a  partof  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  which  are  guarantied  by  that  in- 
strument; and  when  any  portion  of  the  Govern- 
ment shall  violate  those  principles,  and  I  am 
called  upon  officially  to  declare  an  opinion,  I  shall 
not  hesitate  to  meet  it,  and  to  meet.it,  if  the  fact 
be  true,  by  punishing  the  violation  to  the  whole 
extent  of  any  existing  law.  But  the  amendment 
offered  by  the  Senator  froin  Delaware  to  this  bill 
is  not  offered  as  a  censure  upon  any  branch  of 
the  Government. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  do  not  wish  to  censure 
them. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  So  I  supposed.  I  have  a 
right,  therefore,  to  assume,  as  far  as  that  amend- 
ment is  concerned,  that  every  branch  of  the  Gov- 
ernment has  conformed  to  the  Constitution;  that 
there  have  been  no  violations.  However  the  as- 
sumption may  be  true  in  pomt  of  fact,  I  have  a 
right,  for  the  purpose  of  passing  upon  the  pro- 
priety of  this  amendment  as  it  stands,  to  assume 
that  to  be  true. 

My  friend  talks"  about  the  reiteration  by  the 
barons  of  Magna  Charta  from  time  to  time.  If 
he  will  bring  in  (provided  it  is  a  matter  over 
which  theSenate  have  any  control)  a  proposition 
of  censure,  and  will  establish  the  case  as  against 
the  President  or  any  member  of  the  Administra- 
tion, of  an  intentional  violation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, he  will  not  find  me  lagging  far  behind. 

But  the  question  now  is,  as  presented  by  his 
amendment  to  this  bill,  are  we  to  declare  that  the 
Constitution  is  in  force?  My  friend  says  it  was 
done  in  England,  and  it  had  a  wonderful,  happy 
effect  upon  the  then  majesty,  and  it  was  done 
more  than  once.  Does  he  think  if  there  has  been 
any  violation  of  the  Constitution  that  this  reiter- 
ation of  the  Constitution  will  guard  us  more  ef- 
fectually in  the  future  than  the  Constitution  itself 
has  in  the  past? 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  hope  it  will  be  a  warn- 
ing. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  But  that  single  warning  will 
have  no  effect.  Put  it  into  every  bill  that  is  pre- 
sented; and  to-morrow  morning  when  we  have 
bills  in  relation  to  other  subjects  before  us,  the 
honorable  member  if  he  carries  out  his  theory  will 
be  found  offering  an  amendment  like  this,  that  the 


1864. 


THE  COKGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2935 


Constitution  of  the  United   States  is   in    force 
Wlier*  are  we  to  stop? 

Now,  sir,  I  have  stated  as  another  reason  for 
not  voting;  for  this  particular  amendment  tliat  it 
is  not  germane  to  the  bill.  The  honorable  Sena- 
tor says  there  was  a  case  in  which  an  appropri- 
ation bill  was  attached  to  a  pension  bill.  Does 
not  the  honorable  member  see  that  that  pension 
bill  was  an  appropriation  bills  that  it  dealt  with 
money  in  the  Treasury  just  as  directly  as  any 
other  mode  of  appropriating  money  in  the  Treas- 
ury; and  that  therefore,  so  far  from  the  two  prop- 
ositions not  being  germane  in  the  eye  of  parlia- 
mentary law,  there  was  an  exact  similarity.'' 

I  repeal,  Mr.  President,  that  come  when  the 
time  will,  when  this  great  charter  of  American 
freedom  is  to  be  vindicated  against  all  its  viola- 
tors, and  more  certainly  Justin  proportion  as  they 
may  hold  high  and  elevated  situations,  he  will 
not  find  me  behind  him  in  using  whatever  ability 
I  may  possess  in  laying  bare  the  enormity  of  sucli 
transgressions,  and  visiting  upon  the  parties  who 
have  been  guilty  of  them  all  the  punishment  which 
the  laws  have  provided.  And  if  it  does  not  come 
in  any  parliamentary  or  judicial  form,  by  any 
parliamentary  or  judicial  proceeding,  but  does 
come  before  the  grand  inquest  of  the  nation,  who 
are  in  all  cases  the  rightful  judges  of  what  shall 
be  done  to  a  certain  extent  with  those  who  have 
violated  the  Constitution,  and  I  am  satisfied  that 
persons  of  that  description  are  again  seeking  pop- 
ular support  by  seekitig  reelection  to  the  offices 
that  they  now  fill,  I  will  use  whatever  ability  I 
possess  to  expose  their  conduct  before  that  in- 
quest and  try  to  obtain  a  verdict  at  their  hands, 
which,  while  it  will  punish  the  present  guilty, 
will  be  a  warning  to  all  who  shall  have  thoughts 
■  of  guilt  in  their  mind  hereafter. 
■■■■  Mr.  SAULSBURY.  The  honorable  Senator 
from  Maryland  asked  me  if,  in  my  judgment  any 
persons  now  exercising  power  have  violated  any 
of  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  which  are  recited  in  this  amendment  why  1 
did  not  bring  in  a  resolution  of  censure,  and  if  1  pre- 
sented a  case  where  they  had  so  violated  he  would 
unite  with  me  in  voting  for  the  resolution  of  cen- 
sure. Sir,  it  is  because  I  liave  too  much  respect 
for  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  notwith- 
standing I  do  know  that  persons  are  exercising 
this  unwarrantable  power  and  doing  these  un- 
warrantable things,  that  I  do  not  bring  in  a  reso- 
lution of  censure.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  points  out  the  mode  and  manner  in  which 
you  shall  censure  the  high  executive  officers  of 
this  Government.  It  is  not  by  a  simple  resolu- 
tion of  censure  of  this  body,  but  it  is  by  articles 
of  impeachmerit  in  the  other  House,  in  which  case 
the  honorable  Senator  and  myself  would  be  called 
upon  to  act  as  judges.  That  is  the  mode  and  that 
is  the  manner  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
Slates  points  out  for  censuring  those  clothed  with 
office  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
who  abuse  their  power. 

The  honorable  Senator  says  that  he  has  a  right 
to  presume,  at  least  so  far  as  this  amendment  is 
concerned,  that  there  liave  been  no  such  viola- 
tions of  the  Constitution;  and  yet,  sir,  as  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  there  is  no  gentleman  in  this  couniry 
who  knows  better  than  the  honorable  Senator 
tliat  those  violations  have  occurred,  for  he  him- 
self was  frequently  called  upon  before  he  became 
a  member  of  this  body  to  render  his  professional 
services  to  procure  the  release  of  persons  who 
have  been  arbitrarily,  without  process  of  law,  and 
contrary  to  the  Cotistitulion  of  the  United  States, 
imprisoned  in  forts  and  bastiles. 

The  Senator  says  that  this  amendment  is  not 
germane  to  the  bill.  If  the  honorable  Senator 
thinks  that  it  is  not  germane  to  the  bill  what  is 
the  mode  for  him  to  lake  advantage  of  it?  If  he 
thinks  we  cannot  properly  and  legitimately  add 
on  this  amendment  to  the  amendment  proposed 
by  the  committee  of  the  Senate,  his  proper  plan 
is  to  raise  the  point  of  order,  and  ask  for  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Presiding  Officer.  That  would  bring 
up  the  question. 

Mr.  FOOT.  You  cannot  raise  a  point  of  order 
on  the  question  of  congruitv. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  p'resume  that  some  of 
those  who  will  vote  against  my  amendment  will 
do  it  because  it  is  incongruous.  I  sliould  like  to 
liave  the  opinion  of  the  distinguished  ex-presid- 
ing officer  of  the  Senate,  before  this  debate  closes, 
whellier  my  amendment  to  this  bill  is  projicr  or 


not;  1  mean,  whether  there  is  anything  in  the 
rules  of  the  Senate  that  prevents  this  body  from 
so  amending  tlie  bill. 

Mr.  FOOT.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  from 
Delaware  that  it  is  not  competent  for  the  Presid- 
ing Officer  to  rule  any  proposition  in  the  form  of 
an  amendment  out  of  order  upon  the  ground  of 
incongruity  to  the  matter  to  which  it  is  proposed 
as  an  amendment.  Tlie  want  of  congruity  may 
be  the  best  of  all  reasons  for  voting  against  the 
proposition,  but  a  question  of  order  cannot  be 
raised  upon  it  upon  which  the  Chair  can  decide 
it  out  of  order. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY,  I  hopa  that  honorable 
members  of  the  Senate  who  I  know  profess  to 
believe  that  the  principlesembodied  intheamend- 
ment  are  correct  will  give  us  a  direct  vote  upon 
it,  and  not  give  us  a  vote  the  reasons  for  which 
the  country  cannot  understand.  The  country 
can  understand  this,  sir:  that  if  this  Senate  votes 
affirmatively  upon  my  amendment,  they  mean  to 
assert  the  principles  therein  contained  ;  but  if  hon- 
orable Senators  vote  against  it,  then  they  knovi/' 
one  of  two  things:  either  that  honorable  Senators 
are  not  in  favor  of  the  principles  contained  in  the 
amendment,  or  else  there  is  some  technical  objec- 
tion to  prevent  them  from  so  voting;  but  what 
thattechnical  objection  is,  or  how  many  technical 
objections  there  may  be,  the  country  cannot  un- 
derstand. But,  sir,  I  will  not  pursue  the  debate 
further. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  move  that  the  Senate  do 
now  adjourn. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  hope  we  may  be  allowed 
to  have  a  vote  on  this  question. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate 
adjourned. 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Tuesday,  June  14,  1864. 
TheHouse  metattwelveo'clock,m.   Prayer  by 
the  Chaplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Channing. 
The  Journal  ofyesterday  was  read  and  approved. 

OVERLAND  MAIL. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  House  to  report  a  joint  resolution  from  the 
Co  mrn  it  tee  on  the  Post  Office  and  Post  Roads  in  re- 
lation to  the  continuance  for  one  year  of  the  over- 
land mail  to  California. 

There  was  no  objection. 

Mr.  ALLEY,  from  the  Committee  on  the  Post 
Office  and  Post  Roads,  reported  a  joint  resolu- 
tion to  authorize  the  Postmaster  General  to  ex- 
tend the  contract  with  the  Overland  Mail  Com- 
pany; which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

The  joint  resolution,  v^hich  was  read, provides 
that  the  contract  with  the  Overland  Mail  Com- 
pany be  renewed  for  one  year  from  the  1st  day  of 
July  next  on  the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  the 
present  existing  contract. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  will  state  for  the 
information  of  the  House  that  a  bill  came  from 
the  Senate  authorizing  the  Postmaster  General  to 
contract  with  the  Overland  Mail  Company  or  any 
other  company,  if  in  his  discretion  he  should  deem' 
it  expedient,  for  the  continuance  of  the  service  of 
carrying  the  mails  by  the  overland  route  for  four 
years,  which  bill  has  been  before  the  Post  Office 
Committee  of  the  House,  and  we  have  been  un- 
able to  agree  fully,  and  if  we  had,  it  has  been 
impossible  to  report  to  the  House,  inasmucli  as 
that  committee  has  not  been  called  for  reports  for 
several  months.  The  Postmaster  General  has  ad- 
vertised for  bids,  and  the  time  expires  to-morrow, 
and  it  is  therefore  necessary  to  have  immediate 
action.  Under  the  circumstances  it  was  regarded 
by  the  parties  in  interest  on  all  sides  that  it  was 
for  the  interest  of  the  service  and  of  the  Govern- 
ment that  this  contract  should  be  extended  for 
one  year.  And  in  the  present  state  of  the  currency 
it  is  impossible  to  determine  what  the  service 
may  be  actually  worth  for  so  long  a  time  as  four 
years. 

It  is  clear  to  my  mind,  therefore,  and  I  think  it 
is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  committee,  that 
this,  under  the  circumstances,  is  the  best  thing 
to  be  done.  I  therefore  call  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Will  the  ge'ntleman  yield  to 
me? 

Mr.  ALLEY.     Certainly. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     Has  not  this  contract  been 


advertised  forby  the  Department,  and  are  they  not 
receiving  proposals? 

Mr.  ALLEY.  The  contract  was  advertised  for, 
but  was  afterwards  withdrawn,  as  was  stated, at 
the  request  of  the  Senate  committee,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  procuring  additional  legislation.  That 
additional  legislation  it  has  been  impossible  to  ob- 
tain in  consequence  of  the  committee  being  unalde 
to  report.  The  interest  of  the  Government  requires 
that  immediate  action  should  be  taken,  and,  in  my 
judgment,  this  course  will  save  to  the  Government 
a  very  large  amount^  perhaps  $1,000,000. 

Mr,  STEVENS,  When  does  the  contract  ex- 
pi  re  > 

Mr.  ALLEY'.  On  the  IstofJuly;  but  the  time 
for  receiving  bids  expires  to-morrow.  As  I  learn, 
scarcely  any  bids  have  been  presented,  and  it  will 
place  the  Government  in  the  hands  of  a  few  in- 
dividuals. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Let  us  postpone  this  to  see 
what  these  bids  arc.  I  suggest  that  it  be  post- 
poned till  Monday  next. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  1  will  say  that  tlie  Senate  have 
had  the  matteo-  under  consideration,  and  have  re- 
ported that  the  Overland  Mail  Company  shall  re- 
ceive ^150,000  additional  compensation  to  what 
they  have  received  during  the  last  four  years.  That 
bill  is  now  before  the  Post  Office  Committee  of  this 
Hoijse  for  consideration.  In  my  opinion  that  is 
a  very  exorbitant  price  for  the  Government  to  pay 
for  that  service,  if  we  had  a  sound  currency,  which 
we  hope  to  have  long  before  the  four  years  will 
expire. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  like  to  vote  against 
this  resolution,  but  1  want  to  see  what  these  bids 

are 

Mr.  ALLEY.     It  will  be  too  late. 
Mr.  STEVENS.     Why  too  late?    It  does  not 
expire  till  the  1st  of  July. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  Because  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral will,  I  fear,  hardly  feel  himself  authorized  to 
rejcctthose  bids  withoulany  suggestion  from  Con- 
gress. This  resolution  extends  the  contract  for 
only  one  year.  It  is  already  extended  to  next  Oc- 
tober. Consequently  it  really  extends  it  only  nine 
months,  which  gives  an  opportunity  to  mature  a 
bill  at  the  next  session  and  protect  the  interests  of 
the  Government  to  the  fullest  extent. 

Mr.  SFIANNON.  In  my  opinion  this  resolu- 
tion ought  not  to  pass.  The  Postmaster  General 
did  advertise  for  bids  to  carry  the  overland  mail 
to  California,  but  I  understand  at  the  request  of  a 
single  individual  he  has  withdrawn  them. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  It  was,  as  the  gentleman  states, 
by  a  single  memberof  the  committee,  but  with  the 
sanction  of  the  committee,  and  in  the  note  to  the 
Postmaster  General  he  stated  that  it  was  by  di- 
rection of  the  committee.  The  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral acted  on  that  authority,  and  the  committee, 
as  I  understand,  did  not  disclaim  that  action. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
contract  will  expire  on  the  1st  of  July,  1  do  not 
see  why  the  Postmaster  General,  at  the  instance 
of  any  member  or  committee  of  either  House, 
thought  proper  to  withdraw  those  bids.  We  be- 
lieve, and  indeed  we  understand  and  know,  that 
if  the  advertisements  hail  been  continued  compe- 
tent parties  would  have  bid  to  carry  the  mails 
to  the  Pacific  coast  within  the  schedule  time  set 
forth  in  the  advertisement.  That  some  respons- 
ible party  would  have  taken  the  contract  on  the 
1st  of  July  there  is  no  doubt,  in  my  opinion. 
Now,  sir,  the  management  of  carrying  the  mail 
to  Salt  Lalce,  St.  Joseph,  and  Atchison,  is  noto- 
riously outrageous.  We  wanted  a  better  man- 
agement and  more  efficiency  in  carrying  the  mail. 
The  carrying  of  the  mail  from  Salt  Lake  to  Fol- 
som,  California,  is  well  done,  but  it  is  notorious 
that  it  is  outrageously  managed  from  Salt  Lake 
in  this  direction.  Complaints  of  all  these  matters 
were  made  known  to  the  Postmaster  General,  and 
he  was  informed  that  the  service  required  more 
efficiency,  more  competency ,  more  responsibility, 
and  better  management,  and  that  we  desired  that 
the  contract  should  be  opened  to  competition,  and 
that  the  mail  should  be  carried  within  fifteen  or 
twenty  days.  Now,  sir,  the  extending  of  this 
contract  for  one  year  in  this  manner  is  a  piece  of 
patch-work,  and  1  hope  the  resolution  will  not 
pass. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  What  the  gentleman  states  may 
or  may  not  be  correct.  On  that  I  have  nothing 
to  say,  for  that  is  not  the  question  at  issue  befora 
the  House  at  the  present  time.  If,  however,  what 


2936 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


Tie  states  is  correct,  there  is  the  strongest  reason 
existing  why  xiiis  resolution  should  be  passed, 
because  it  extends  lliis  contract  for  only  a  short 
time.  If  it  is  not  passed  these  parties  will  prob- 
ably obtain  that  contract  for  four  years,  and  at  a 
much  larger  sum  than  is  provided  to  be  paid  by 
this  joint  resolution. 

So  that  by  every  consideration  of  interest,  jus- 
tice, and  propriety,  if  there  is  anything  in  the  gen- 
tleman's argument  and  if  his  statements  are  cor- 
rect, this  resolution  should  be  adopted  by  the 
House.  I  am  certain  its  passage  will  save  a  very 
large  amount  to  the  Government.  Whether  the 
Postmaster  General  lias  done  right  in  withdraw- 
ing that  advertisement  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  case.  He  acted,  I  have  no  doubt,  in  perfect 
good  faith,  and  at  the  suggestion  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wish  and  direction,  as  he  supposed, 
of  the  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads 
on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

The  advertisement  was  withdrawn  and  an- 
other substituted,  but  too  late  to  allow  these  par- 
ties to  come  in  and  make  bids  and  obtain  their 
supplies;  atid  now  the  Government  finds  itself  in 
a  position  without  protection  at  all  against  any 
of  these  parties,  and  if  the  Postmaster  General  is 
obliged  to  accede  to  any  propositions  which  may 
be  submitted,  the  probability  is  that  the  Goverii- 
ment  will  sufier  to  the  extent  of  several  hundred 
thousand  if  not  million  dollars. 

Mr.  LOAN.  I  would  inquire  of.  the  gentle- 
man how  lie  knows  that  the  second  advertise- 
ment was  too  late  for  bids  to  be  [)utin  that  would 
authorize  the  granting  of  a  contract  to  these  par- 
ties. How  does  the  gentleman  know  what  the 
bids  are,  and  that  it  is  too  late? 

Mr.  ALLEY.  Parties  have  been  waiting  for 
the  action  of  Congress,  and  this  company  has 
finally  agreed  to  extend  the  time  to  October  next; 
and  no  matter  how  I  obtained  my  knowledge.  1 
have  information  which  satisfies  my  mind,  and 
which  justifies  me  in  making  this  declaration  to 
the  House.  I  say  here  upon  my  judgment  and 
responsibility  that  I  believe  that  if  the  resolution 
is  not  adopted  it  will  place  the  Government  to  a 
great  extent  so  far  as  this  service  is  concerned  in 
the  hands  of  two  or  three  parties,  and  that  it  will 
cost  the  Government  several  hundred  thousand  if 
not  million  dollars.  If  the  resolution  is  adopted 
it  will  only  extend  the  time  from  October  to  July, 
and  will  give  ample  opportunity  next  session  to 
investigate  the  whole  matter,  and  to  settle  it  upon 
such  a  basis  as  will  be  just  to  the  Government 
and  all  the  parties  interested. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  cannot  see  how  letting 
this  thing  go  over  to  next  Monday  will  do  any 
harm.  1  see  no  great  harm  to  accrue  to  the  Gov- 
ernment from  accepting  these  bids,  and  I  presume 
neither  the  Governmetit  officers  nor  the  gentle- 
man know  what  these  bids  are.  I  cannot  pre- 
sume that  they  do.  I  hope,  therefore,  the  gentle- 
man will  allow  me  to  postpone  the  resolution 
until  Monday  next.  If  not,  I  hope  the  House 
will  not  pass  it.  I  cannot  understand  the  objec- 
tion to  postponing  the  resolution  until  Monday, 
when  we  shall  know  exactly  what  the  bids  are. 
Mr.  ALLEY.  I  see  nothing  to  be  gained  by 
postponing;  but,  on  the  contrary,  great  harm  will 
result,  if  it  is  any  object  to  save  a  large  amount 
of  money  to  the  Government. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  hope  the  gentleman  will 
allow  me  to  move  to  postpone. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  I  cannot.  I  insist  upon  the  pre- 
vious question. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  hope  the  House  will  not 
second  it. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  there  were 
33,  noes  36;  no  quorum  voting. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Alley  and 
Shannon  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  56,  noes  40. 

So  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 
The  main  question  was  then  ordered  to  bo  put; 
and  being  put,  the  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to 
be  engrossed  and  read  a  third  time. 

Mr.  SHANNON  called  for  the  reading  of  the 
engrossed  joint  resolution. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  that  the  joint  resolution 
not  having  been  engrossed,  it  went  to  the  Speak- 
er's table. 

VOTES  nECORDED. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  New  York.  I  ask  unan- 
imous consent  of  the  House  to  record  my  vote  on 


-ayes 


the  gentle- 


the  last  vote  taken  yesterday — that  on  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law. 

Mr.  ANCONA.  I  will  not  object  if  the  same 
privilege  is  accorded  to  me.  I  was  absent  yester- 
day under  the  impression  that  I  was  paired. 

Mr.  ARNOLD.     I  ask  the  same  privilege. 

No  objection  was  made. 

Mr.  ARNOLD  and  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  New 
York,  voted  "ay." 

Mr.  ANCONA  voted  "  no." 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  was  obliged  to  leave  the 
House  yesterday  afternoon  in  consequence  of  ill- 
health,  and  my  colleague  [Mr.  Steele]  kindly 
paired  with  me  on  the  bill  to  repeal  the  fugitive 
slave  law.  We  are  both  present  now,  and  1  ask 
that  we  have  leave  of  the  House  to  record  our 
votes. 

No  objection  was  made. 

Mr.  FENTON  voted  in  the  affirmative, and  Mr. 
Steele,  of  New  Y*ork,  in  the  negative. 

Mr.  HUBBARD,  of  Iowa,  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, changed  his  vote  from  the  negative  to  the 
affirmative  on  the  resolution  reported  from  the 
Committee  of  Elections  declaring  Mr.  Jayne  not 
to  be  entitled  to  a  seat  as  Delegate  from  Dakota. 

SALES  OP  GOLD. 

Mr.  HOOPER  called  for  the  regular  order  of 
business. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  the  regular  order  of 
business  to  be  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (S.  No. 
106)  to  prohibit  certain  sales  of  gold  and  foreign 
exchange,  coining  up  as  unfinished  business 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  W 
man  from  Massachusetts  withdraw  the  previous 
question  long  enough  to  afford  me  an  opportu- 
nity of  saying  a  few  words  on  this  bill  prohibit- 
ing the  sales  of  gold.'' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  is  notin  the  power  of  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  tft  do  it.  The 
previous  question  was  sustained  on  the  third  read- 
ing of  the  bill,  which  cut  off  debate,  and  a  motion 
was  then  made  to  lay  the  billon  the  table,  which 
was  also  undebatable.  The  gentleman  can  speak 
now  only  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  I  was  absent  from 
the  House  when  this  bill  was  under  considera- 
tion last  week.  I  desire  an  opportunity  to  be 
heard  upon  it,  and  1  would  like  to  say'what  I 
have  to  say  now. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  the 
condition  of  the  question.  After  the  previous 
question  was  sustained  on  the  third  reading  of 
tne  bill,  a  motion  was  made  to  lay  the  bill  on  the 
table,  which  prevailed.  A  motion  was  then  en- 
tered to  reconsider  the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was 
laid  upon  the  table;  and  a  motion  has  been  made 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table.  In 
this  state  of  the  question  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  asks  leave  to  speak  for  a  few  minutes. 
Is  there  objection  ? 

Mr.  SPALDING.     I  object. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE  dematided  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  63,  nays  79,  not  voting  39;  as 
follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Ancona,Baily,  Augus- 
tus C  Baldwin,  Brooks,  James  S.  Brown,  Coffrotli,  Cox, 
Cravi^ns,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Bdgerton,  Eldiidge,  En- 
glish, Gansoii,  Grider,  Griswold,  Hale,  Harding,  Harrington, 
Charles  M.  Harris,  Herrick,  Higby,  Holmaii,  Hutchins, 
Pliilip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kernan,  King,  Knapp, 
Law,  Lazear,  Le  RIond,  Mallory,  Marcy,  McDowell, 
McKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  James  R.  Morris,  Morrison, 
John  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Ran- 
dall, Robinson,  Rogers,  Ross,  Scott,  John  B.  Steele,  Wil- 
liam G.  SrcHle,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Thomas, 
Tracy,  Wadsworth,VVheojer,  Chilton  A.White,  Joseph  W. 
While,  and  Fernando  Wood — 63. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Amierson,  Arnold, 
Ashley,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Beaman,  Blaine,  Blair,  Blow, 
Boutwell,  Boyd,  Braiidigee,  Brooniall,  Ambrose  W.  Clark, 
Cobb,  Cole,  Cres well,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Da- 
vis, Dawes,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  Farns- 
woiih,  Fenlon,  Frank,  Garfield,  Hooper,  Hotchkiss,  Asahel 
W.  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulbuid,  Ingersoll,  Julian, 
Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Littlejohn, 
Loan,  Loiigyear,  Marvin,  McClurg,  Mclndoe,  Samuel  F. 
Miller,  Moorliead,  Morrill,  Amos  Myers,  Leonard  Myers, 
Norton,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Perliam,  Pike,  Price,  Alex- 
ander H.  Rico,  John  H.  Rice,  Schenck,  Scoficld,  Shannon, 
Sloan,  Smith,  Smitliers,  SptUding,  Starr,  Stevens,  Thayer, 
Upson,  Van  Valkenbtirgh,  Webster,  Whaley,  Williams, 
Wilder,  Wils(Mi,  Windoni,  and  Woodbridge— 79. 

NOT  VOTING?— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Baxter,  Bliss, 
William  G.  Brown,  Chaiiler,  Freeman  Clarke,  Clay,  Dem- 
iiig,  Dumont,  Finck,  Goocli,  Grinnell,  Hall,  Benjamin  G. 
Harris,  Jenckes,  Kalbfleisch,  Kasson,  Long,  McAllister, 
McBride.Middleton,  Daniel  Morris,  Nelson,  Noble,  Odell, 


Patterson,  Perry,  Pomeroy,  William  H.  Randall,  Edward  H. 
Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins,  Stebbins,  Voorhees,  Ward,Eliliu 
B.  Washburne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Wiiifield,  BCnjamin 
Wood,  and  Yeaman — 39. 

So  the  House  refused  to  lay  the  motion  to  re- 
consider on  the  table. 

Mr.  W.  J.  ALLEN  stated  (during  the  roll- 
call)  that  he  was  paired  with  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Washburne. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  and  amendments 
were  laid  upon  the  table. 

The  question  was  put;  and  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider prevailed. 

The  question  recurred  on  laying  the  bill  and 
amendments  on  the  table. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Will  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Hooper]  with- 
draw the  previous  question  to  enable  me  to  sub- 
mit a  few  remarks.? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts cannot  withdraw  it,  as  the  House  has 
ordered  the  main  question. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  I  ask  the  unani- 
mous consent  of  the  House  to  speak  for  ten  min- 
utes on  the  bill. 

Mr.  SPALDING.     I  object. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  the  House  re- 
fused to  lay  the  bill  and  amendments  on  the  table. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  Mr.  Hooper,  in  the  nature  of  a  sub- 
stitute for  the  first  section,  as  follows: 


That  it  shall  be  unlawful  to  make  any  contract  for  the 
purchase  or  sale  or  delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion  to 
be  delivered  on  any  day  subsequent  to  the  day  of  making 
such  contract,  or  for  the  payment  of  any  sum,  either  fixed 
or  contingent,  in  default  of  the  dfdivery  of  any  gold  coin  or 
bullion,  or  to  make  such  contract  upon  any  other  terms 
than  the  actual  delivery  of  such  gold  coin  or  bullion,  and 
the  payment  in  full  of  the  agreed  price  thereof,  on  tlie  day 
on  which  such  contract  is  made,  in  United  States  notes  or 
national  currency,  and  not  otherwise;  or  to  make  any 
contract  for  the  purchase  or  sale  or  delivery  of  any  foreign 
exchange  to  be  delivered  at  any  time  beyond  ten  days  sub- 
sequent to  the  making  of'such  contract;  or  for  the  pay- 
ment of  any  sum,  either  fixed  or  contingent,  in  default  of 
the  delivery  of  any  foreign  exchange,  or  upon  any  other 
terms  than  the  actual  delivery  of  such  foreign  exchange 
within  ten  days  from  the  making  of  such  contract,  and  tlie 
immediate  payment  in  full  of  the  agreed  price  thereof,  on 
the  day  of  delivery,  in  United  States  notes  or  national  cur- 
rency ;  or  to  make  any  contract  whatever  lor  the  sale  or 
delivery  of  any  gold  coin  or  bullion  of  which  the  person 
making  such  contract  shall  not,. at  the  time  of  making  the 
same,  be  in  actual  possession.  And  It  shall  be  unlawful 
to  make  any  loan  of  money  or  currency  not  being  in  coin 
to  be  repaid  in  coin  or  bullion,  or  to  make  any  loan  of  coin 
or  bullion  to  be  repaid  in  money  or  currency  other  than  coin. 

And  on  the  amendment  to  the  anncndment  of- 
fered by  Mr.  Davis,  of  New  York,  to  add  the  fol- 
lowing proviso: 

Provided,  hoiaever.  That  during  the  operation  of  this  act 
the  laws  of  trade  and  the  law  of  gravitation  be,  and  they 
are  hereby,  suspended. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  propose  to  modify  my 
amendment. 

Mr.  BROOKS.     I  object  to  any  modification. 

Mr.  COX.  I  propose  to  move  to  amend  the 
title. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  motion  is  not  in  order 
at  this  stage  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
The  amendment,  as  read  by  the  Clerk,  is  differ- 
ent from  the  printed  amendment  of  thegentleman 
from  Massachusetts. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  inodified  his 
amendment  the  other  day  in  various  particulars. 

Mr.  DAVIS,  of  New  York.  I  ask  leave  to 
withdraw  the  amendment  to  the  amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  can  only 
withdraw  it  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  BROOKS.     I  object. 

The  question  was  taken  on  the  amendment  to 
the  amendment;  and  it  was  rejected. 

The  question  recurred  on  Mr.  Hooper's  amend- 
ment; and  it  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill,  as  amended,  was  then  read  the  third 
time. 

Mr.  HOOPER  inoved  the  previous  question  on 
the  passage  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  ANCONA  demanded  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Ancona  and 
Allison  were  appointed. 

The  Hou.se  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  64,  noes  54. 

So  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 

The  main  question  was  then  ordered  to  be  put. 

OVERLAND  MAIL. 
Mr.  ALLEY.     1  rise  to  a  privileged  question. 


1864. 


THE  OOiYGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2937 


I  move  to  reconsider  the  vote  by  which  the  joint 
resolution  in  relation  to  the  continuance,  for  one 
year,  of  the  overland  mail  to  California  was  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed  and  read  a  third  time. 

The  motion  was  entered. 

SALES  OF  GOLD AGAIN. 

The  question  being  on  the  passage  of  the  bill, 
Mr.  Ancona  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative— yeas  76,  nays  62,  not  voting  43; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Anderson,  Ar- 
nold, Asliley,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Blaine, 
Blair,  Blow,  Boutwell,  Boyd,  Braiidegee,  Ambrose  VV. 
Clark,  Coblj,  Colo,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Dawes,  Dixon, 
Donnelly,  IDcklcy,  Eliot,  Farnswortli,  Fenton,  Frank,  Gar- 
field, Goocli,  Hooper,  lloiclikiss,  Asaliel  W.  Hubbard,  John 
H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Xngcrsoll,  Jeiickes,  Julian,  Kelley, 
Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Orlando  Kt^llogg,  Littlejolin,  Loan, 
Longyear,  Marvin,  McClnrg,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorliead, 
Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton, 
Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Patterson,  Perham,  Pike,  Price, 
Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Schenek,  Scofield,  Shan- 
non, Sloan,  Smith,  Smithers,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stevens, 
Thayer,  Upson,  Van  Valkenbnrgh,  Webster,  Wlialey,  Wil- 
der, Wilson,  and  Windom — 76. 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Ancona,  Baily,  Augus- 
tus C.  Baldwin,  Brooks,  James  S.  Brown,  Coffroth,  Cox, 
Cravens,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Eng- 
lish,Finck,  Ganson,Grider,  Griswold,  Hale,  Harding  Har- 
rington, Charles  M.  Harris,  Herrick,  Holman,  Hntchins, 
Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Kernaii, 
Knapp,  Law,Lazear,  Le  Blond,  Mallory,  Marcy,  McDow- 
ell, McKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  James  R.  Morris,  Morri- 
.son,  Pendleton,  Pruyn,Ra<lford,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Robirl'- 
son,  Rogers,  Ross,  Scott,  John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele, 
Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart^  Sweat,  Thomas,  Tracy,  Wads- 
worth,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W.  VVhite,  and 
Fernando  Wood — 62. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen.  Bliss,  Broom- 
all,  William  G.  Brown,  Chanler,  Freeman  Clarke,  Clay, 
Creswell,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Deming,  Driggs,  Dnmont, 
Grinnell,  Hall,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Higby,  Kasson,  King, 
I, ong, McAllister,  McBride,  Mclndoe,  Middleton,  Morrill, 
Nelson,  Noble,  Odell,  John  O'Neill,  Perry,  Poincroy,  Wil- 
liam H.  Randall,  Ed  ward  H.  Rollins,  James  S.Rollins,  Steb- 
bins,  Voorhees,  Ward,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  William  B. 
Washburn,  Williams,  Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  Wood- 
bridge,  and  Yeaman — 43. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  ALLISON  stated  that  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Kasson,  was  detained  from  the  House  by  illness. 

Mr.  HOOPER  moved  the  previous  question  on 
the  title  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  COX.  I  move  to  amend  the  title  by  mak- 
ing it  read  "still  further  to  depreciate  the  cur- 
rency." 

The  SPEAKER.  If  the  previous  question  be 
not  seconded,  the  amendment  will  be  in  order. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded  and  the 
main  question  ordered,  which  was  on  agreeing 
to  the  title  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  COX.  I  move  to  amend  the  title  of  the 
bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  No  amendment  is  in  order, 
the  previous  question  having  been  ordered. 

Mr.  COX.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order.  In 
the  first  place  I  gave  notice  of  my  intention  to 
amend  this  title  long  before  the  previous  question 
was  called;  but  I  waive  that,  and  raise  another 
point  of  order.  I  submit  that  the  Constitution 
requires  that  the  title  of  each  bill  shall  express  the 
object  and  purpose  of  it.  Now,  the  object  and 
effect  of  this  bill  is  to  depreciate  the  currency  of 
the  country  and  embarrass  the  commerce  of  the 
country.  The  title  of  the  bill  does  not  conform 
to  that  object,  and  therefore  is  not  in  order. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
question  of  order.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio  did 
give  notice  of  his  intention  to  move  to  amend  the 
title,  but,  as  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  very  well 
knows,  the  uniform  practice  of  the  Chair  is  to 
recognize  the  gentleman  having  charge  of  the  bill 
at  every  stage. 

The  title  of  the  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.  HOOPER  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay 
the  mo.tion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CIVIL  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

■  Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  that  the  rules  be 
suspended,  and  that  the  House  resolve  itself  into 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  upon  House  bill  No.  506. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to. 
So  the  rules  were  suspended;  and  the  House 
resolved  itself  into  the  Committee  of  the.  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union,  (Mr.  Morrill  in  the 


chair,)  and  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of 
House  bill  No.  506,  making  appropriations  for 
sundry  civil  expenses  of  the  Government  for  thd 
yearending  JuneSO,  1865,  and  forothcr  purposes. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  STEVENS,  by  unanimous 
consent,  the  first  reading  of  the  bill  was  dispensed 
with. 

The  CHAIRMAN  announced  that  the  bill 
would  be  read  by  sections  for  amendment. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Before  the  reading  of  the 
bill  for  amendments  is  commenced  I  rise  to  make 
an  inquiry  of  the  Chair.  Some  time  ago  a  bill 
was  brought  before  the  House  by  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  St^ens]  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  when  upon  thegeti- 
tleman's  own  motion  upon  its  second  reading  it 
was  postponed.  Objection  was  made  to  the  second 
reading  of  the  bill  "for  the  purpose  of  giving  an 
opportunity  of  making  certain  points  of  order 
upon  provisions  in  that  bill,  and  upon  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  its 
consideration  was  at  that  time  passed  over. 

Subsequently,  the  bill  which  I  hold  in  my  hand 
was  brought  before  the  House  not  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  but  by  a  gentleman 
who  is  a  memberof  thatcommittee  upon  his  own 
individual  responsibility.  The  bill  was  intro- 
duced, and  by  order  of  the  House  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
on  Monday  morning  lastduring  the  morning  hour 
on  the  call  of  the  States  for  resolutions  and  the 
introduction  of  bills  on  leave. 

I  submit  that  this  is  introducing  a  new  prac- 
tice into  the  House,  a  practice  which  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  with  all  the  responsi- 
bility that  is  upon  them,  having  to  a  great  extent 
in  their  charge  the  business  of  the  House,  cannot 
justify  for  a  moment.  It  was  known  tliat  this 
"bill  contained  certain  provisions  which  could  not 
properly  be  incorporated  into  an  appropriation 
bill,  and  gentlemen  desired  to  avail  themselves  of 
their  right  under  the  rules  of  the  House  to  raise 
points  of  order  upon  them,  and  it  was  upon  that 
point  that  the  bill  was  laid  over  on  its  second  read- 
ing. But,  while  that  bill  was  thus  pending  in  the 
House,  this  bill  containing  the  same  provisions 
was  introduced  and  referred  here  in  the  irregular 
waj'  I  have  stated;  and  if  the  proceeding  is  to  be 
sustained  by  the  House  it  will  be  seen  that  mem- 
bers will  in  this  way  be  deprived  of  their  just 
rights  on  this  floor. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  know  whether  the 
gentleman  has  made  a  point  of  order  or  not. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  cannot  raise  a  point  of  or- 
der on  this  bill.  It  is  here  in  committee  by  the 
orderof  theHouse,  The  history  of  how  it  came 
here  the  gentleman  very  well  understands.  I 
simply  rose  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to 
it  for  the  purpose  of  showing  how  gentlemen  had 
been  deprived  of  their  rights  of  raising  questions 
of  order  upon  provisions  that  are  improperly  in 
the  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  have  only  to  say  that  the 
bill  to  which  the  gentleman  refers  will  come  up 
in  its  turn.  This  bill]  contains  some  of  the  pro- 
visions of  that  bill  and  some  important  ones,  but 
that  bill  contains  some  provisions  that  are  not  in 
this.  This  bill  came  into  the  House  in  a  legiti- 
mate way.  It  has  been  referred  by  the  House  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union,  and  I  presume  we  have  nothing  to  do  but 
to  consider  it.         ■ 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  if  it  is  not  the  intention  to  substi- 
tute this  bill  for  the  one  pending  in  the  Plouse 
upon  which  our  points  of  order  were  to  be  raised. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  was  not  here  when  this 
bill  was  introduced.  The.  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  had  nothing  to  do  with  its  introduc- 
tion, and  we  have  nothing  to  do  now  bi^t  to  con- 
sider it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  As  farasmyexperience  is  con- 
cerned, and  gentlemen  who  are  better  acquainted 
with  (iroceedings  here  agree  with  me, this  is  the  first 
time  an  appropriation  bill  has  ever  come  before 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  except  through  the 
channel  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 
It  is  made  their  duty  by  law  to  report  it  within 
a  certain  time,  or  report  their  reasons  for  not  re- 
porting it. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  items  in  this  bill  are 
some  of  the  items  of  the  bill  to  which  the  gentle- 
man objected,  and  were  therefore  passed  on  by 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and   Means.    As  the 


gentleman  made  a  point  of  order,  in  order  to  ob- 
viate difficulties  of  that  kind,  as  jhey  might  be 
out  of  order,  they  were  left  out,  and  the  pending 
bill  was  introduced  containing  some  items  which 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  have  sane-' 
tioned.  As  there  were  some  not  in  order  in  that 
bill  this  was  prepared  and  introduced  to  obviate 
that  difficulty. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  One  question  and  answer 
will  settle  all  I  desire  to  obtain.  I  ask  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania  whether  this  bill  has 
been  framed  in  strict  conformity  to  the  rules  of 
the  House  in  reference  to  what  appropriation 
bills  ought  to  be.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  will  answer  that  items  in 
it  have  been  examined  and  sanctioned  by  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  do  not  think  that  the  gen- 
tleman anvvers  my  objection.  The  objection  to 
the  other  bill  was  that  it  contained  appropriations 
not  authorized  by  the  rules  of  the  House.  I  ask 
whether  in  this  revision  to  which  he  refers  those 
portions  of  the  bill  which  he  reported  himself,  and 
to  which  the  objection  was  made  that  they  were 
notappropriate  to  appropriation  bills,  were  strick- 
en out.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  not  able  to  judge  how 
far  the  Speaker  would  have  decided  some  of  these 
to  be  in  order.  This  bill  contains  some  items  1 
have  never  assented  to,  although  the  majority  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  have  sanc- 
tioned themT  I  will  not  say  that  they  are  not  in 
order,  but  they  are  items  for  which  I  will  not 
vote. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  All  I  have  to  say  I  can  say 
in  a  single  word:  it  is  the  first  instance  where  a 
practice  of  this  kind  has  been  resorted  to  to  de- 
prive members  of  their  rights  upon  this  floor. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  that  the  first  read- 
ing of  the  bill  be  dispensed  with. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  object,  and  call  for  the  first 
reading  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  In  relation  to  the  sub- 
ject under  discussion  I  desire  to  say  that  I  intro- 
duced this  bill,  and  introduced  it  in  accordance  with 
the  rules  of  the  House  last  Monday  morning,  and 
it  was,  as  under  the  rule  it  must  be,  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 
I  am  not  aware  there  has  been  any  evasion  or  any 
transgression  of  any  rule  of  order. 

Mr.  BROOKS,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  propose  to 
come  into  collision  with  my  friend  from  Ohio  [Mr. 
Pendleton]  on  this  bill,  in  order  to  call  the  at- 
tention of  the  House  more  particularly  to  the  ex- 
traordinary mode  of  legislation  which  has  sprung 
up  in  this  House,  by  which  private  bills,  private 
claims,  which  cannot  be  brought  before  the  House 
in  any  proper  and  legitimate  way  except  on  re- 
port by  tlie  Committee  of  Claims,  are  put  into 
appropriation  bills,  and  then  forced  through  as 
coming  from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
as  if  in  regular  order.  If  I  were  to  make  these 
remarks  to  apply  to  the  other  side  of  the  House, 
they  would  not  have  that  force  as  when  I  make 
them  on  a  gentleman  who  is  a  political  associate 
of  mine,  ostensibly  the  father  of  this  bill,  although 
it  comes  from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 
I  call  the  attention  of  this  House  to  the  last 
section  of  the  bill.  It  provides  that  the  ninth  sec- 
tion of  the  act  making  appropriations  for  sundry 
civil  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1864,  and  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1863,  and  for  other  purposes,  approved 
March  3,  1863,  appropriating  thirty  per  cent,  of 
the  cost  of  engraving  the  special  dies  for  internal 
revenue  stamps,  nottoexceed  in  amount  $20,000, 
be  so  amended  as  to  enable  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  pay  the  contractors,  Butler  &  Car- 
penter, the  sum  of  ||20,000  in  full  of  all  claims  for 
indemnity.  I  do  not  know  who  Butler  &  Car- 
penter are.  I  presume  that  they  have  an  un- 
doubted right  to  this  money,  or  this  appropriation 
would  not  have  been  put  in  the  bill.  But  here  is 
an  appropriation  bill,  every  item  of  which  should 
be  in  pursuance  of  some  statute  in  order  to  be  re- 
ported from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  will  say  that  Butler  & 
Carpenter  are  persons  who  are  engaged  in  print- 
ing stamps  for  the  Government,  and  this  item  was 
passed  in  pursuance  of  the  request  of  the  Treas- 
ury Depaitment.  The  whole  matter  was  sub- 
mitted to  and  acted  on  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means. 
Mr.  BROOKS.    The  legitimate  way  of  doing 


2938 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


business  is,  not  that  these  communications  shall 
be  addressed'  to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  but  to  the  official  organ  of  this  House, 
the  Speaker,  to  be  read  by  the  Clerk. 
.  Mr.  STEVENS.  It  has  been  the  uniform  prac- 
tice since  I  have  been  here  to  send  these  matters 
to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  beg  the  gentleman's  pardon. 
When  I  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  we  never  received  any  communica- 
tions from  the  Departments  asking  for  appropri- 
ations except  through  the  Speaker  of  the  House, 
and  the  reason  was  that  when  communications 
reached  the  Speaker  they  were  made  matter  of 
record,  while  these  communications  which  are 
brought  before  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee 
are  not  matters  of  record,  and  not  hereafter  to  be 
known  in  the  public  history  of  the  country. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  gentleman  will  remem- 
ber that  that  was  in  old  times,  when  he  and  I 
were  young  men;  but  now  we  are  old  fogies. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  Oh!  for  those  old  happy  days 
once  more. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  should  be  happy  if  we  could 
go  back.  I  would  go  back  thirty  years.  If  the 
gentleman  will  consult  the  rules,  he  will  there  find 
communications  spoken  of  sent  by  the  Depart- 
ments to  the  committee. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  speak  as  an  old  fogy  and  as 
an  antiquarian  of  this  House — as  one  who  has 
been  about  this  House  for  thirty  yejws — and  I  say 
from  ol>servation  and  knowledge  that  in  the  bet- 
ter days  of  the  Republic  appropriations  intended 
for  private  purposes — for  contractors  or  individ- 
uals— nevercame  through  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means;  and  in  those  days  whenever  the  Sec- 
retaries wished  to  carry  appropriations,  their  let- 
ters were  addressed  to  the  legitimate  organ  of  this 
House,  the  Speaker,  and  not  to  the  chairman  or 
any  other  gentleman  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee. 

The  result  of  a  departure  from  the  old  practice 
is  that  now  in  these  latter  days  of  the  Republic 
whenever  an  object  cannot  force  its  way  through 
the  legitimate  ciiannels  of  the  House  the  Com- 
mittee of  Claims  or  the  Committee  on  Expendi- 
tures, or  some  other  of  the  committees  of  this 
House,  it  forms  a  combination  or  association  by 
which,  linking  itself  with  other  appropriations, 
it  works  its  way  through  the  Ways  and  Means 
in  some  bill  they  have  to  report. 

Again,  I  find  in  this  bill  another  private  claim. 
I  do  not  know  but  tiiat  it  is  just  and  right;  I 
am  bound  to  presume  it  is,  because  it  is  here.  It 
is  an  appropriation  of  ^200,000  for  Dr.  Morton 
for  the  discovery  and  introduction  of  the  anaes- 
thetic agent,  and  for  its  use  in  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States.  What  antecedent 
law  is  there  which  entitles  this  claim  to  appear 
in  this  appropriation  bill?  And  to  illustrate  my 
idea  more  explicitly,  1  desire  to  say  that  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  in  its  legitimate 
action,  is  but  the  clerk  of  the  House  to  report  ap- 
propriations which  are  provided  for  by  law,  and 
it  has  no  right  in  the  exercise  of  its  powers  to 
wander  oflFinto  other  purposes  whatever,  unless 
especially  instructed.  Its  legitimate  duty  is  but 
to  make  a  record  of  the  result  of  law.  It  is  but 
to  embody  in  appropriations  the  public  statutes 
and  enactments,  and  when  it  goes  beyond  that  it 
steps  into  a  sphere  most  dangerous  to  the  public 
good,  while  it  arrogates  for  itself  substantially 
the  monopoly  of  the  legislation  of  this  House. 
I  Sir,  that  committee  has  already  too  much  of 
the  public  business  to  transact  without  appro- 
priating to  itself  any  of  these  outside  works.  Its 
services  arc  vast,  its  powers  are  vast,  even  when 
legitimately  exercised.  And  1  avail  myself  of 
this  opportunity  to  say  that  the  committee  ought 
to  be  broken  up  into  three  separate  divisionfTat 
least — a  committee  on  currency,  a  committee  on 
internal  revenue,  and  a  committee  on  the  tariff. 
The  Ways  and  Means  take  the  clerk-like  duties 
of  reporting  statute  appropriations.  But  the 
tendency  of  illegitimate  action  now  is  to  absorb 
all  the  other  committees  of  the  House.  The  right 
of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  at  any  time 
and  on  any  occasion  to  avail  itself  of  the  privilege 
to  report,  absorbs  the  whole  political  and  legis- 
lative power  of  the  House,  and  concentrates  and 
throws  it  all  into  the  hands  of  that  committee. 
Here  is  my  honorable  friend  from  Massachusetts 
at  my  right,  [Mr.  Alley,]  who,  as  head  of  the 
Committee  on  the  Post  Office  and  Post  Roads,  has 


been  seeking  for  an  opportunity  to  report  a  bill 
from  that  committee;  and  here  are  the  heads  of 
other  committees  who  have  not  had  time  to  re- 
port and  to  bring  their  legitimate  business  before 
the  House;  so  that  in  all  probability  the  only 
ways  and  means  by  which  they  can  this  session 
effect  their  object  is  to  hitch  their  measures  to 
some  appropriation  bill,  or  beg  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee  to  let  them  come  within  some 
report  from  that  committee. 

I  protest  against  this  action  in  the  House;  I 
protest  against  putting  private  claims  into  public 
appropriation  bills;  and  I  protest  against  this 
mode  and  manner  of  reporting  a  bill.  In  my 
judgment  a  bill  was  actedupon  this  morning  (the 
gold  bill) — I  do  not  say  through  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  but  under  its  influence  and 
authority — which  would  not  have  been  sanctioned 
by  the  sound  sense  of  the  House  if  it  had  had 
opportunity  to  act  freely  upon  it.  But  avail- 
ing itself  of  the  sanction  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  and  under  its  protection,  the 
bill  has  passed  through  by  a  party  vote,  in  a  good 
degree  rallying  a  large  portion  of  that  (the  Re- 
publican) side  of  the  House,  not  all.  The  bill 
could  not  have  made  any  progress  at  all  from  any 
other  committee  of  the  House,  nor  progress  even 
from  that  committee,  if  any  debate  had  been 
allowed  upon  the  subject. 

But  before  I  sit  down  I  beg  leave  once  more  to 
refer  to  the  original  practice  of  the  Republic  in 
those  glorious  halcyon  days  when  purity  reigned 
through  all  the  Departments  of  the  Government, 
and  when  private  bills  could  not  be  forced  into 
appropriation  bills  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means.  Let  us  return  to  them,  in  our  con- 
gressional action,  as  soon  as  possible,  The  forms, 
the  precedents,  the  principles  of  our  fathers,  in 
their  legislation,  as  well  as  in  constitutional  con- 
struction, alone,  alone  can  save  the  Republic. 
And  I  tell  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  that 
the  sooner  we  cease  to  be  old  and  become  young 
again  as  legislators,  the  less  we  go  in  advance  of 
the  times,  and  the  more  we  retrace  our  steps  to 
the  steps  of  our  forefathers,  the  more  will  poster- 
ity revere  our  services,  and  the  higher  shall  we 
stand  on  the  records  of  history. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  bill  seems 
not  to  have  been  reported  by  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  but  to  have  been  introduced  by 
the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Pendleton]  on 
his  own  motion.  The  subject-matter  of  the  bill 
has  been  passed  upon  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  and  that  committee  reported  a  bill 
to  the  House.  In  regard  to  that  bill  the  right  to 
raise  questions  of  order  pertinent  to  the  bill  was 
reserved.  This  bill  having  been  introduced  in 
the  manner  in  which  it  was,  and  referred  to  the 
committee,  no  such  reservation  existed.  Conse- 
quently all  members  who  might  desire  to  reach 
any  improper  appropriations  in  the  bill  by  a 
question  of  order  are  deprived  of  that  privilege. 
For  the  purpose  of  going  back  to  the  bill  reported 
by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  embrac- 
ing these  same  appropriations,  and  in  order  that 
the  House  may  avail  itself  of  the  right  to  raise 
questions  of  order  pertinent  to  the  appropriations 
reported  in  the  bill,  I  move  to  strike  out  the  enact- 
ing clause. 

The  CFIAIRMAN.  That  motion  will  take 
precedence  of  all  motions  to  amend. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  bill  now  before  the  House,  in- 
troduced by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  my  col- 
league on  the  Committee  of  the  Ways  and  Means, 
until  this  morning. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order; 
merely  to  ask  whether,  if  that  motion  be  nega- 
tived by  the  House,  it  prevents  any  amendment 
of  the  bill. 

The  CHAIRMAN.     It  does. 

Mr.  WILSON.  To  relieve  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  of  any  doubt  on  that  point  I  will 
say  that  the  motion  will  not  be  rejected,  and  that 
the  House  can  then  reach  the  other  bill  by  points 
of  order,  and  amend  it  as  the  House  may  deem 
proper. 

Mr.  STEVENS,  The  House  will  see  the  im- 
propriety and  danger  of  this.  There  are  some 
things  in  this  bill  which  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union  would  perhaps 
not  agree  to;  and  yet  we  will  be  under  the  neces- 
sity, if  this  motion  shall  prevail  in  committee  and 
fail  in  the  House,  of  taking  the  whole  or  nothing. 


Mr.  WILSON.     It  will  not  fail  in  the  House. 

Mr.  DAWES.  Can  we  not  then  take  the  other 
bill.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.     No,  sir;  this  or  none. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  only  wish  to  remark,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  I  desire  that  the  benefit  of  the 
points  of  order  raised  by  the  gentleman  from  In- 
diana [Mr.  Holman]  shall  not  be  lost,  for  the 
reason  that  I  am  opposed  to  some  provisions  of 
the  bill  reported,  and  to  which  I  think  the  atten- 
tion of  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  was  directed. 
And  I  shall  favor  the  motion  of  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  if  we  do  not,  by  its  adoption,  lose 
the  opportunity  of  amending  the  bill. 

The  question  was  taken  on  Mr.  Wilson's  mo- 
tion; and  it  was  agreed  to. 

So  the  enacting  clause  was  struck  out. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  that  the  committee 
now  rise  and  report  the  bill  to  the  House. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  committee  accordingly  rose;  and  the 
Speaker  having  resumed  the  chair,  Mr.  Morrill 
reported  that  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union  had  had  under  consideration 
House  bill  No.  506,  making  appropriations  for 
the  civil  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1865,  and  had  instructed  him  to 
rep6rt  back  the  same  to  the  House,  with  a  rec- 
ommendation that  the  enacting  clause  be  struck 
out. 
»  ENROLLED  BILLS. 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  as  truly  enrolled  bills  of  the  fol- 
lowing titles;  when  the  Speaker  signed  the  same: 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  the  Army  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  383)  to  incorporate  the 
Home  for  Friendless  Women  and  Children;  and 

An  act  to  empower  the  Superannuated  Fund 
Society  of  the  Maryland  Annual  Conference  to 
hold  property  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

CtVIL  APPROPRIATION  BILL — AGAIN. 

The  question  being  on  striking  out  the  enact- 
ing clause  of  the  civil  appropriation  bill, 

Mr.  STEVENS  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  COX.  I  would  like  to  ask  the  Chair  what 
will  be  the  effect  of  confirming  that  which  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
lias  done. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  effect  will  be  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  bill. 

Mr.  COX.  And  what  will  be  the  effect  on  the 
bill  if  the  House  should  refuse  to  strike  out  the 
enacting  clause  ? 

The  SPEAKER.  If  the  recommendation  of 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  be  not  concurred  in,  it  will,  by  the  rule 
adopted  in  1860,  be  recommitted  to  the  Commit- 
tee of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  adoption  of  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the 
slate  of  the  Union  does  not  interfere  at  all  with 
the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  before  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  bill  is  not  now  before 
the  House.     It  only  rejects  this  bill. 

The  question  was  taken  on  concurring  in  the 
recommendation  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  73,  nays  67,  not  voting  41; 
as  follows: 

YEAS — iVTessis.  William  J.  Allen>  Alley,  Ames,  Asliley, 
John  D.  Baldwin,  Btianian,  Blair,  Boutvvell,  Boyd,  Brooks, 
Broomall,  AinliiosH  VV.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cobb,  Cof- 
frotli,  Creswoll,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dawes,  Dawson,  Don- 
nelly, tCckloy,  Eden,  Edgerlon,  lilldrid^^e,  English,  Farns- 
worth,  l^'iank,  Gaiison,  Garfield,  (Jooch,  Harding,  Harring- 
ton, Ciiarles  M.  Harris,  Herrick,  Higfiy,  Holman,  Hotcli- 
kiss,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  .lohn  H.  Hubbard,  Hutoliins, 
Philip  JolnisDM,  William  .Iolin?on,  Kathfleisch,  Francis  W. 
Ktdlogg,  Orlandd  ICellocg,  Kernan,  King,  Knapp,  Loan, 
Longyear,  Samuel  F.  Wilier,  William  H.  Miller,  Moor- 
head,  Daniel  Morris,  James  R.  Morris,  Morrison,  Odell, 
John  O'Neill,  Pike,  Price,  Radford,  John  H.  Rice,  Robin- 
son, Scott,  Smithers,  Spalding,  John  13.  Steele,  William  G. 
Steele,  Stiles,  'Phayer,  Upson,  Williams,  and  Wilson — 73. 

NAYS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Allison,  Aiicona,  An- 
derson, Bally,  Augustus  C.  ISaldwin.  Baxter,  Blaine,  Blow, 
Brandc'gce,  James  S.  linivvu,  Co'.e.,  Cox,  Cravens,  Denison, 
Dixon,  Drig!;s,  Eliot,  Fenion,  Fiiirk,  Grider,  Griswold, 
Hale,  llnllmrd,  higfrsoll,  Jenekes,  Kfllcy,  Law,  Lazear, 
Le  BIojhI,  Mallory,  Marcy,  Marvin,  IMcDowcll,  Morrill, 
Amos  Myers,  Norton,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Patterson, 
Pendleton,  Perhani,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Alexander  11.  liice, 
Rogers,  Ross,  Schenck,  Scotield,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Steven;', 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2939 


Strouse,  Stuart, Sweat,  Tliomasi, Tracy,  Van  Valkentiurgh, 
Wadswonli,  Wrbster,  VViialcy,  VVIiceler,  Chilton  A. 
White,  Josppli  VV.  White,  Wilder,  Windom,  Fernando 
Wond,  and  Woodliridijo — G7. 

NOT  VOTING —  Mc■s^rs.  Arnold,  Bliss,  William  G. 
Brnuii,  Chanler,  Clay.  UiMiry  Winlsr  Davis,  Deminfr,Du- 
niont,  Griiinidl,  Hall,'  Ijcnjainin  G.  Harris,  Hooper,  Julian, 
KaHPon,  Litlleiohn,  Long,  McAllister,  McBride,  McClurg, 
Mclndoc,  Mckinnev,  Middleton,  Leonard  Myers,  Ncdson, 
Nohle,  Perry,  Pomeroy,  I'ruyn,  William  H.  Randall,  Ed- 
ward IL  Roilins,  James  S.Kollins,  Smith.  Starr,  Stebbiiis, 
Voorhecs,  Ward,EIiliu  B.  Wash&urnc,  William  B.  Wash- 
burn, Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  ami  Yeaman— 4L 

So  the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill  was  stricken 
out. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  MORRILL  said :  I  desire  to  ask  for  inform- 
ation whether  if  the  House  should  voto  not  to 
strike  out  the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill  the  bill 
would  be  open  to  amendment  when  its  consider- 
ation should  be  resumed  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union . 

The  SPEAKER.     It  would  be. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Could  points  of  order  be 
made  on  the  bill.' 

The  SPEAKER.  A  point  of  order  can  be  made 
on  amendments  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union,  but  not  on  the  bill  itself. 

The  result  of  tlie  vote  was  announced  as  above 
recorded. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill  was  stricken 
out;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider on  the  table. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan,  demanded  the 
yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  STEVENS  called  for  tellers  on  the  yeas 
and  nays. 

Mr.  WILSON  withdrew  his  motion. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan,  moved  to  re- 
consider the  vote  by  which  the  enacting  clause 
was  stricken  out. 

Mr.  UPSON  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  re- 
consider upon  the  table. 

Mr.  STEVENS  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Has  the  hour  arrived  for  the 
consideration  of  the  special  order.' 

The  SPEAKER.     U  has  not. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas 85,  nays  49,  not  voting  47; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Alley,  Anderson,  Ar- 
nold, Ashley,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Beaman,  Blair,  Boutwell, 
Boyd,  Brandegee,  Brooks,  Broomall,  Ambrose  VV.  Clark, 
Cobb,  Coffroth.  Cox,  Crcswell,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dawson, 
Donnelly,  Drig'gs,  Eekley,  Eden,  Ed(;erton,  Eldridge,  Eng- 
lish, Farnswoith,  Frank;,  Gansou,  Garfield,  Gooch,  Hard- 
ing, Harrington,  Cliples  M.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hisby,  Hol- 
man,  Hotclikiss,  Asaliel  W.  Hubbard,  John  IL  Hubbard, 
Hutchins,  Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Julian,  Kalb- 
fleiseh,  Orlando  Kellogg,  King,  Kiiapp,  Lazear,  Le  Blond, 
Loan,  Longyear,  Marcy,  McDowell,  Mclndoe,  Samuel  F. 
Miller,  Moorhead,  Daniel  Morris,  James  K.  Morris,  Morri- 
son, Odell,  John  O'Neill,  Pike,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Jolin  H. 
Rice,  Bobinson,  Rogers,  Scott,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Sfialding, 
Starr,  John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse, 
Stuart,  Tliayer,  Tracy,  Upson,  Joseph  W.  White,  Wil- 
liams, and  Wilson — 85. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Allison,  Ancona,  Bally,  Augustus  C. 
Baldwin,  Baxter,  Blaine,  Blow,  James  S.  Brown,  Chanler, 
Cole,  Denison,  Dixon,  Eliot,  Fenton,  Finck,  Grider,  Gris- 
wold,  Hulbnrd,  Jenckes,Kelley,  Law,  Littlejohn,  Mallory, 
Marvin,  McBride,  McClurg,  Morrill,  LeonardMyers,  Nor- 
ton, Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Patterson,  Pendleton,  Perhara, 
Alexander  H.  Rice,  Ross,  Schenck,  Scofleld,  Shannon, 
Thomas,  Van  Valkenburgii,  Wadsworth,  Webster,  Wha- 
ley,  Wheeler,  Wilder,  Windom,  Fernando  Wood,  and 
Woodbridge— 49. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Ames,  Bliss, 
William  G.  Brown,  Freeman  Clarke,  Clay,  Cravens,  Henry 
Winter  Davis,  Dawes,  Deming,  Duniont,  Grinneij,  Hale, 
Hall,  Benjamin  G,  Hanis,  Hooper,  Ingersoll,Kasson,  Fran- 
cis VV.  Kellogg,  ICernan,  Long,  McAllister,  McKinney, 
Middleton,  William  PL  Miller,  Amos  Myers,  Nelson,  No- 
ble, Perry,  Pomcroy,  Price,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  William 
H.  Randall,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins,  Smith, 
Stebbins,  Stevens,  Sweat,  Voorhecs,  Ward,  Elihu  B. 
Wasliburne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Chilton  A.  White, 
Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yeaman — 47. 

So  the  motion  to  reconsider  was  laid  upon  the 
table.' 

ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  that  the  fiist  business 
in  order  was  the  special  order,  being  Senate  joint 
resolution  No.  16,  proposing  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  on  which  the 
gentleman  from  California  [Mr.  Higby]  was  en- 
titled to  the  floor. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  By  an  arrangement  with  the 
gentleman  from  California  he  has  agreed  to  let 
me  precede, him. 


EVENING  SESSIONS. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  the  gentleman  to  yidd 
to  me  for  a  moment.  It  is  the  understanding  that 
this  day  shall  be  devoted  to  the  discussion  of  this 
joint  resolution,  and  tiiat  it  shall  continue  to-mor- 
row until  four  o'clock,  when  the  vote  is  to  be 
tuken.  In  order  to  afford  all  gentlemen  an  op- 
portunity of  being  heard  who  desire  to  be  heard, 
I  move  that  we  shall  to-day  take  a  i-ecess  from 
five  o'clock  until  half  past  seven,  in  order  to  have 
a  night  session  for  debate  otily. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  it  was  ordered  ac- 
cordingly. 

Mr.'STEVENS.  I  ask  that  to-morrow  or  the 
next  day  a  recess  be  taken  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
sidering the  Pacific  railroad  bill  during  the  even- 
ing session,  so  that  it  will  not  interfere  with  the 
day  business. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  that  it 
would  require  unanimous  consent  to  set  apart  to- 
morrow evening  for  the  consideration  of  the  Pa- 
cific railroad  proposition,  but  if  the  House  shall 
take  a  recess  to-morrow  the  first  business  at  the 
evening  session  will  be  that  of  the  morning  hour, 
and  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  will  be  the  first  ques- 
tion. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  that,  until  otherwise 
ordered,  the  House  shall  take  a  recess  from  half 
past  four  o'clock  to  half  pastseven  o'clock,  p.  m. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Thatdoesnotinclude  to-day, 
as  we  have  agreed  to  take  a  recess  at  five  o'clock. 

The  SPEAKER.     It  does  not. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  propose  these  night  ses- 
sions for  the  transaction  of  business. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  session  this  evening 
has  been  set  apart  for  debate. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  Mr.  Stevens's 
motion  was  agreed  to. 

CIVIL  APPROPRIATION  BILL AGAIN. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  ask  the  unan- 
imous consent  of  the  House  to  recommit  to  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  the  civil  and 
miscellaneous  appropriation  bill,  with  the  view, 
I  am  frank  to  say,  of  taking  the  vote  of  the 
I-If)use  as  instructions  to  that  committee  to  strike 
out  everything  not  provided  for  by  law. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  it  was  agreed  to 
accordingly. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  was  received  fro nn  the  Senate,  by  Mr. 
HicKEY,  its  Chief  Clerk,  notifying  the  House  that 
that  body  had  passed  bills  of  the  following  titles 
without  amendment: 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  486)  to  amend  an  act  enti- 
tled "An  act  to  provide  a  temporary  government 
for  the  Territory  of  Idaho,"  approved  March  3, 
1863;  and 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  504)  to  authorize  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  to  sell  the  marine  hospital 
at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase  a  new  site 
and  build  a  new  hospital. 

And  the  following  with  amendments,  in  which 
he  was  directed  to  ask  the  concurrence  .of  the 
House: 

An  act.(H.  R.  No.  450)  to  provide  for  the  re- 
pair and  preservation  of  certain  public  works  of 
the  United  States. 

Also,  that  it  had  passed  a  joint  resolution  and 
bill  of  the  following  titles,  in  which  he  was  di- 
rected to  ask  the  concurrence  of  the  House: 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  64)  to  amend  an  act 
entitled  "  An  act  extending  the  time  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Marquette  and  Ontonagon  railroad 
of  the  State  of  Michigan;  and 

An  act  (S.  No.  306)  to  gi-aiit  to  the  State  of 
California  certain  lands  for  State  prison  purposes. 

Also,  that  it  had  agreed  to  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  on  bill  of  the  House  No.  40, 
making  appropriations  for  the  consular  and  diplo- 
matic expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  30th  June,  1865. 

ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY AGAIN. 

Mr.  HiGBY.  I  call  for  the  regular  order  of 
business,  and  I  yield  to  the  gentleman  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  PruynJ 

Mr.  PRUYN.  For  the  first  time  in  our  his- 
tory it  is  now  firoposed  to  make  a  change  in  the 
Constitution  v>/liich,  if  effected,  will  interfere  with 
the  reserved  rights  of  the  States.  This  question 
is  presented  in  the  midst  of  agreat  struggle  which 
demands  all  the  power  and  energies  and  thought 


of  the  country,  and  when  a  large  number  of  tne 
States,  and  those  most  deeply  to  be  affected  by 
the  contemplated  change,  ai'c  not  represented  in 
either  House  of  Congress.  It  has  been  one  of 
the  great  drawbacks  under  which  the  country  has 
labored  in  its  present  troubles  that  the  time  and 
attention  of  the  Administration  and  its  friends 
have  been  so  largely  devoted  to  questions  of  social 
reform  in  the  condition  of  the  slave  population  of 
the  South,  alienating  thereby  the  friends  of  the 
Union  in  those  States  and  embarrassing  their  re- 
turn to  their  allegiance,  while  they  should  have 
devoted  theirenergies  to  the  great  work  and  duty 
before  them,  leaving  other  questions  until  the  re- 
bellion should  have  been  suppressed.  Had  this 
latter  course  been  thoroughly  and  faithfully  pur- 
sued and  a  sincere  respect  exhibited  for  the  spirit 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  rights  of  the  States, 
the  contest  would,  in  my  judgment,  long  since 
have  ended.  Those  who  are  to  write  the  history 
of  the  present  time  will  look  back  with  astonish- 
ment at  the  course  of  an  Administration  which, 
while  ostensibly  engaged  in  putting  down  the  re- 
bellion, did  so  much  to  keep  it  alive,  and,  while 
calling  on  the  people  of  the  South  to  return  to 
their  allegiance,  did  so  much  to  drive  them  still 
further  into  resistance.  These  thoughts  properly 
lead  to  a  consideration  of  the  expediency  of  the 
measure  before  us.  That  this  is  not  the  time  to 
act  upon  it,  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  now  to  con- 
sider it,  has  been  well  shown  in  the  very  clear  re- 
marksofmy  colleague, [Mr. Herrick,]  and  others 
no  doubt  will  add  to  what  he  has  said.  I  will, 
however,  entirely  pass  by  this  part  of  the  sub- 
ject, and  with  it  all  consideration  of  the  slavery 
question,  v^fishing  only  to  present  very  briefly 
some  remarks  as  to  the  powei'of  Congress  to  take 
the  action  now  proposed,and  to  show  that  we  have 
no  right  to  initiate  the  measure  under  considera- 
tion. 

At  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  the  several  States  were  in- 
dependent sovereignties,  each  claiming  and  exer- 
cising tiie  full  attributes  of  sovereignty  under 
constitutions  or  forms  of  government  which  they 
had  respectively  established  or  recognized.  The 
Constitution  was  a  grant  of  power  by  these  sover- 
eignties, each  acting  for  itself  severally,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  express  terms  of  the  instrument,  and 
each  retaining  every  attribute  and  power  not  thus 
granted,  and  that  this  might  not  rest  on  implica- 
tion only,  however  clear  and  strong,  it  was  so  ex- 
pressly declared  by  one  of  tlie  amendments  to 
the  Constitution,  insisted  upon  by  some  of  the 
States  at  the  time  of  its  adoption,  and  forthwith 
assented  to  by  the  others.  The  reserved  rights 
of  the  States,  as  they  are  often  called — more  prop- 
erly their  inherent  original  rights  of  sovereignty 
not;  granted  under  the  Constitution  to  the  com- 
mon Government  thereby  established — it  will  thus 
be  seen  are  in  no  manner  impaired  or  affected  by 
that  instrument,  but  belong  to  and  remain  with 
the  States  respectively  as  fully  and  entirely  as  if 
it  did  not  exist. 

I  admit  that  the  Constitution  should  be  liberally 
construed  for  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  estab- 
lished, but  I  deny  that  it  can  be  constructively 
enlarged,  or  that  under  the  pretense  of  amending 
it,  we  can  go  outside  of  the  terms  and  of  the  spirit 
of  the  grant,  and  draw  within  its  grasp  subjects 
with  which  it  does  not  deal,  and  which  have  been 
expressly  declared  to  be  beyond  its  reach.  This 
is  not  the  legitimate  meaning  of  the  power  to 
amend;  such  a  power  would  be  one  to  originate — 
to  create — to  establish  .  The  right  remained  with 
the  States  severally  to  regulate  their  internal 
affairs  each  in  its  own  way,  and  according  to  its 
own  views  of  right  and  duty.  The  relations  of 
parent  and  child,  of  master  and  servant;  the  law 
of  marriage;  the  mode  of  alienating  property; 
the  law  of  descent;  in  short,  almost  all  that  con- 
cerned the  social  relations,  and  the  every-day  life 
and  pursuits  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  were 
left  to  be  regulated  by  each  State  as  it  chose. 
The  States  were  notasked  to  give  up  these  rights, 
and  they  were  not  in  any  way  yielded,  and  from 
the  history  of  the  times  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  had  it  been  proposed  to  give  this  large  class 
of  powers  to  the  General  Government  the  Con- 
stitution would  never  have  been  adopted. 

Let  us  suppose  that  it  had  been  distinctly  de- 
clared by  the  Constitution,  as  adopted  by  the  Con- 
vention which  formed  it,  that  the  powers  remain- 
ing in  and  not  granted  by  the  States  respectively 


2940 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


tni^ht  at  any  time  be  delegated  or  transferred  to 
the  General  Government,  under  the  section  au- 
thorizing amendments.  Had  this  been  done,  no 
candid  man  who  has  studied  our  political  history, 
or  who  is  familiar  with  the  debates  in  the  State 
conventions  which  adopted  the  Constitution,  will 
hesitate  to  say  that  it  would  never  have  received 
the  sanction  of  the  number  of  States  required  to 
putit  into  operation.  Or  had  it  been  proposed  to 
add  to  the  amendment  declaring  the  powers  not 
granted  to  the  United  States  to  be  reserved  to  the 
States,  a  proviso  that  this  should  not  interfere  with 
the  right  of  the  General  Government  to  absorb 
any  of  those  powers  by  future  amendments,  can 
it  be  believed  that  it  would  have  been  adopted? 
The  history  of  the  times,  and  the  debates  already 
referred  to,  pronounce  a  most  emphatic  negative. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  objection  1  make  would 
apply  even  if  all  the  States  shouldassent  to  a  new 
clause  to  be  added  to  the  Constitution.  My  an- 
swer is  that  such  an  assent  would  be  good  not  by 
way  of  amendment,  but  as  a  new  or  furlh&r  grant 
of  power. 

Twelve  amendments  to  the  Constitution  have 
been  made,  the  first  ten  almost  simultaneously 
with  its  adoption.  They  are  declaratory  and  re- 
strictive, containing  the  great  principles  of  the 
Bill  of  Rights.  The  eleventh  and  twelfth  amend- 
ments were  adopted  a  few  years  subsequently. 
The  eleventh,  as  to  the  judicial  powers,  is  also  re- 
strictive. The  twelfth  prescribes  more  definitely 
than  before  the  mode  of  casting  the  electoral  vote 
and  of  conducting  the  election  for  President  and 
Vice  President  under  the  provisions  of  the  Con- 
stitution. All  these  amendments,  it  will  be  ob- 
served, are  in  substance  declaratory  and  restrict- 
ive, or  regulate  the  exercise  of  powers  already 
granted,  and  do  not  enlarge  thepowersof  the  Gen- 
eral Government.  Since  the  last  of  them  was 
adopted  sixty  years  have  passed,  during  which 
time  the  instrument  has  not  been  touched. 

But,  to  return  to  the  point  I  am  considering: 
Can  three  fourths  of  the  States,  under  this  power 
to  amend,  overturn  the  institutions,  subvert  the 
authority,  and  change  the  condition  of  the  other 
States.'  If  so,  the  States  might  as  well  in  the  out- 
set have  surrendered  all  their  sovereignty  to  the 
General  Government,  and  the  amendment  declar- 
atory of  their  reserved  rights  was  meaningless. 
Is  there  any  person  who  will  venture  to  claim  that 
any  State  which  adopted  the  Constitution  placed 
any  such  construction  on  this  power  to  amend  ? 
I  find  that  the  amendment  affirming  the  reserved 
rights  of  the  States  was  adopted  unanimously  by 
the  Slates  which  voted  on  it,  and  that  in  Massa- 
chusetts it  was  proposed  by  John  Hancock,  pres- 
ident of  the  State  convention,  warmly  approved 
by  Samuel  Adams,  and  recommended  for  adop- 
tion to  the  other  States.     (See  Eliot's  Debates.) 

I  am  well  aware,  Mr.  Speaker,  thatit  is  consid- 
ered by  the  supporters  of  the  present  Adminis- 
tration to  be  a  great  offense  to  speak  of  the  re- 
served rights  of  the  States,  even  in  the  light  in 
which  those  rights  were  formerly  understood  by 
the  people  of  the  North  of  all  political  parties. 
I  learn  that  three  Republican  Senators  have  re- 
cently ventured  to  say  a  word  for  them  in  the 
Senate  Chamber.  One  of  these  is  the  venerable 
Senator  from  Vermont,  once  at  the  head  of  the 
Post  Office  Departm.ent;  another  is  one  of  the 
Senators  from  New  Hampshire;  and  the  third 
a  Senator  from  Wisconsin.  What  will  be  done 
by  the  Senate  with  these,  I  had  almost  said  con- 
tumacious members  of  their  body,  remains  to  be 
seen.  In  my  opinion  they  deserve  credit  for  their 
boldness  and  fidelity  to  principle.  But  if  gentle- 
men will  rea'd  the  debates  which  took  place  in  the 
Slate  conventions  held  to  consider  the  question 
of  adopting  the  Federal  Constitution,  they  will 
learn  how  highly  Stale  institutions,  Stale  inter- 
ests, and  State  rights  were  then  prized  even  in 
the  northern  States.  My  friends  from  Massachu- 
setts especially  would  find  that  views  were  ad- 
vanced in  their  Stale  convention  from  which  most 
of  their  statesmen  of  the  present  day  have  widely 
departed.  Let  us  look  at  this  point  somewhat 
further. 

Can  Maryland  and  Delaware  and  New  Jersey 
(for  this  illustrates  the  principle)  force  upon 
Pennsylvania  an  entire  change  of  her  domestic 
policy  and  institutions?  Can  Vermont,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Connecticut  compel  New  York  to 
submit  to  their  domination  over  her  internal 
affairs,  and  to  lay  down  rights  at  their  bidding 


which  she  never  agreed  to  surrender?  If  three 
fourths  of  the  States  can  take  away  rights  now 
clearly  reserved  to  their  associates,  what  is  to 
prevent  the  absorption  of  their  territory  by  other 
Stales?  If  one  right  can  be  taken  away,  several 
can  be — all  can  be.  If  one  principle  can  be  swept 
away,  all  can  be.  Under  such  a  doctrine  States 
may  be  annihilated  and  a  monarchy  built  up. 
These  it  may  be  said  are  extreme  cases,  but  they 
are  legitimate  results  from  the  power  to  amend 
now  claimed.  The  right  to  amend  is  not  a  right 
to  extend  and  enlarge  the  powers  granted  under 
the  Constitution.  It  was  only  intended  through 
its  instrumentality  to  provide  for  the  better  and 
more  convenient  exercise  of  the  powers  expressly 
granted,  in  case  defects  should  be  found  to  exist 
in  the  practical  working  of  the  system.  The 
amendment  as  to  the  manner  of  electing  the  Pres- 
ident and  Vice  President  illustrates  this  view. 

To  construe  the  Constitution  as  authorizing 
three  fourths  of  the  States  to  impose  upon  the 
residue  terms  and  conditions  of  Union  not  agreed 
upon  or  assented  to  by  them,  would  be  a  wide 
departure  from  its  spirit,  and  a  monstrous  usurp- 
ation of  power;  and  this  it  is  which  we  are  now 
called  upon  to  do;  to  lake  a  further  step  to  alien- 
ate the  feelings  of  the  South,  and  to  embarrass 
and  impede  their  return  to  the  Union.  No  matter 
what  the  question  may  be,  whether  that  of  sla- 
very or  of  any  other  domestic  institution  or  right 
reserved  to  the  States;  so  long  as  it  is  reserved. 
Congress  has  no  right  to  interfere  with  it  in  any 
way.  Let  us  leave  it  as  Ihe  fathers  of  the  Re- 
public left  it,  to  each  State  to  do  what  it  believes 
to  be  just  and  expedient  in  reference  to  its  own 
people  and  to  its  own  institutions.  Had  this 
course  been  pursued;  had  not  the  aggressive,  un- 
tiring spirit  of  abolitionism,  which  has  brought  so 
much  misery  and  wretchedness  upon  the  negro 
population  of  the  South,  been  constantly  at  work; 
emancipation  would  have  taken  place  in  many  of 
the  slave  States  years  since, and  the  so-called  po- 
litical power  of  slavery  would  have  disappeared 
long  before  tjie  opening  of  the  rebellion.  But  a 
spirit  of  intermeddling  and  of  false  philanthropy 
has  delayed  this  result  and  broughtevils  upon  our 
country  which  no  man  living  can  expfect  to  see 
wholly  removed. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Mr.  Speaker,  this 
is  a  proposition  to  provide  by  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  with- 
out compensation  in  all  of  the  States  in  the 
Union.  It  will  be,  if  adopted,  a  change  in  the 
fundamental  law — a  material  alteration  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  formed  by 
the  founders  of  the  Government.  It  is,  there- 
fore, a  proposition  which  involves  considerations 
and  reflections  such  as  belong  to  the  gravest  ques- 
tions which  can  come  before  the  American  peo- 
ple for  determination.  It  is  whether  we  shall 
alter  the  whole  structure  and  theory  of  govern- 
ment by  changing  the  basis  upon  which  it  rests. 
My  first  difficulty  in  assenting  to  the  resolution 
is  that  this  is  no  time  for  any  alteration  in  the 
organic  law.  We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  a  fear- 
ful civil  vi^ar.  The  horrid  din  of  this  conflict,  the 
groans  of  the  wounded  and  dying,  the  sad  evi- 
dences of  death  and  destruction  are  all  around 
us.  Until  recently,  even  at  the  very  doors  of 
this  capital,  the  armed  enemy  has  presented  his 
threatening  hostility.  The  whole  people  of  Amer- 
icaare  involved  direclly  orindirectly  in  this  dread- 
ful conflict.  Reason,  judgment,  and  that  cautious 
investigation  and  comparison  of  interests,  opin- 
ions, and  prejudices  necessary  to  a  proper  ad- 
justment of  a  nation's  welfare  have  been  ban- 
ished by  the  graver  realities  of  war.  This  is 
no  lime  to  make  or  alter  constitutions.  Those 
who  are  enveloped  in  ihe  olemental  strifes  of  the 
tempest  or  the  earthquake,  and  involved  in  the 
ruin  thus  created,  cannot  judge  of  the  cause  or 
measure  the  extent  of  llie  calamity.  So  it  is  wilh 
the  historical  convulsions  which  have  desolated 
vast  regions  and  swept  myriads  to  the  grave. 
Tlie  spectator  who  is  himself  in  the  midst  of  the 
horrors  of  war  has  seldom  the  coolness  to  dis- 
criminate and  decide,  wilh  any  reasonable  degree 
of  accuracy,  as  to  the  impelling  cause  of  the 
struggle.  The  passions  of  men,  the  excitements 
of  the  contest,  the  temptations  of  ambition,  av- 
arice, and  fear,  all  tend  to  blind  the  vision  and 
warp  the  judgmenis  of  the  actors  in  the  terrible 
drama  now  being  performed  on  this  continent  be- 
fore the  civilized  world  as  spectators.  Therefore, 


in  my  opinion ,  this  is  no  time  to  act  upon  the  prop- 
osition, no  time  to  change  the  fundamental  law. 
Nations  do  not  alter  their  forms  of  government 
amid  revolutions.  We  are  now  surrounded  by 
dangers  from  without  and  from  within.  The 
people  are  in  an  unnatural  excitement,  unsuited 
to  that  calm  deliberation  which  an  alteration  of 
the  Constitution  requires.  All  our  statesmanship, 
love  of  country,  efforts  at  union,  consolidation, 
and  good-fellowship,  should  be  devoted  to  a  res- 
toration of  our  fraternity  and  prosperity  as  a 
people. 

But  if  a  change  can  be  made,  is  this  such  a 
one  assAowW  bemade?  It  is  sought  through  this 
aniendment  to  abolish  at  once  and  summarily  the 
system  of  domestic  servitude  existing  in  one  third 
of  the  States  which  came  into  the  Union  with  the 
Government  and  which  have  remained  with  it 
until  now.  The  effects  of  such  a  revulsion  in  such 
an  interest  will  be  of  the  most  wide-spread  and 
radical  character.  It  will,  of  course,  add  to  the 
existing  sectional  hostilities,  and  if  possible  make 
the  pending  conflict  yet  more  intense  and  deadly. 
Mr.  Speaker,  I  see  many  objections  to  this 
amendment,  while  I  fail  to  hnd  one  reason  in  its 
favor.  1  am  opposed  to  it  because  it  aims  at  the 
introduction  of  a  new  element  over  which  Gov- 
ernment shall  operate.  It  proposes  to  make  the 
social  interests  subjects  for  governmental  aciion. 
This  is  the  introduction  of  a  principle  antagonist 
to  that  which  underlies  all  republican  systems. 
Our  Union  was  made  for  the  political  government 
of  the  parties  to  it,  for  certain  specified  objects  of 
a  very  general  character,  all  of  them  political,  and 
none  of  them  relating  to  or  affecting  in  any  man- 
ner individual  or  personal  interests  in  those  things 
which  touch  the  domestic  concerns.  There  is  no 
feature  or  principle  of  it  giving  to  the  Federal 
power  authority  over  them.  These  were  reserved 
and  leftexclusively  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Slates 
and  "  the  people  thereof."  Of  this  character  are 
the  marital  relations,  the  religious  beliefs,  the  right 
of  eminent  domain  within  the  territorial  limits  of 
the  Slates,  other  private  property,  and  all  matters 
purely  social.  Slavery  where  it  exists  is  a  sys- 
tem of  domestic  labor;  it  is  not  die  creature  of 
law.  It  existed  without  law  before  this  Govern- 
ment was  established.  It  is  incorporated  into  the 
organization  of  society  as  part  of  the  existing  do- 
mestic regulations.  It  cannot  be  brought  within 
constitutional  jurisdiction  any  more  than  can  any 
or  either  of  the  other  private  and  personal  interests 
referred  to. 

Again,  sir,  the  proposed  amendment  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  States  of  the  Union  is  unjust  in 
itself,  a  breach  of  good  faith,  and  utterly  irrecon- 
cilable with  expediency.  It  is  unjust  because  it  in- 
volves a  tyrannical  destruction  of  individual  prop- 
erty under  the  plea  of  a  legitimate  exercise  of  the 
functions  of  Government.  It  is  in  theory  the  idea 
which  has  been  derived  from  despotism  and  the 
notions  of  feudal  powers  that  Governmerlts  are 
omnipotent,  and  draw  within  their  sphere  all  that 
belongs  to  the  individual,  even  the  liberty  of 
thought,  speech,  and  conscience.  This  is  an  im- 
pious dogma  of  the  past  which  should  be  repudi- 
ated, as  opposed  to  the  fundamental  aims  and 
endsof  the  Constitution  of  our  Government.  The 
essence  of  a  constitution  is  protection  of  individual 
rights,  and  in  popular  Governments  to  restrain  the 
power  of  majorities  and  secure  the  rights  of  mi- 
norities. Hence  it  has  been  truthfully  said  that 
the  best  Government  is  that  which  governs  least. 
I  characterize  all  pure,  unmixed,  and  uncondi- 
tional Governments,  whether  dependent  on  the 
will  of  one,  few,  or  many,  as  alike  repugnant  to 
sound  reason,  to  justice,  and  to  the  interests  and 
happiness  of  mankind.  Modern  Turkey,  medi- 
aeval Venice,  and  ancient  Athens,  are  examples 
alike  of  error  in  theory  and  injustice  in  practice, 
and  wanting  in  the  necessary  conditions  to  secure 
permanent  success  and  prosperity.  1  should  be 
sorry  to  see  our  system  degenerate  into  either  the 
despotism  of  monarchy  or  the  despotism  of  ma- 
jorities, and  1  therefore  oppose  the  very  first  step 
toward  removing  the  wholesome  checks  imposed 
by  the  constitutional  compact.  I  am  well  aware 
in  stating  this  that  constitutions  are  limitations 
self-imposed  by  the  popular  will,  and  that  the  sov- 
ereign power  is  competent  to  change  them  so  as 
to  make  them  better  subserve  the  great  ends  of 
civil  order  and  the  welfare  of  the  general  mass. 
Like  all  other  institutions.  Governments  are  madn 
for  man,  and  contrived  for  his  benefit;  they  con- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2941 


form  to  the  errors  and  frailties  of  his  nature,  and 
are  affected  by  the  ignorances  and  vices  of  the 
times  to  which  they  belong.  In  this  enlightened 
era,  and  in  a  land  like  ours,  separated  from  the 
influence  of  ages  of  barbarism  and  wars,  I  shud- 
der at  the  prospect  of  going  back  to  any  of  the 
exploded  forms  of  arbitrary  power.  I  desire  to 
stand  by  the  traditions  of  our  fathers,  and  above 
all  to  the  legacy  of  that  sound  and  beneficent  form 
of  Government  which  they  have  given  us  in  the 
Constitution. 

I  hold  thata  good  Government  is  bound  to  pro- 
tect the  individual  in  the  enjoyment  of  life  and 
liberty,  and  in  the  exercise  of  his  faculties  for 
labor,  physical  and  mental,  in  the  acquisition  and 
preservation  of  property.  It  may  be  destructive, 
but  it  should  be  conservative  in  these  respects. 
This  proposition  strikes  at  property,  and  it  is 
justified  on  the  doctrine  of  the  wild  and  erratic 
though  subtle  and  powerful  thinker  who  pro- 
claimed that  all  property  is  founded  on  robbery. 
Property,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  the  stimulus  to  indus- 
try and  the  foundation  of  improvement  and  civil- 
ization. All  that  is  valuable  or  valued  belongs 
to  the  grand  total  of  public  or  private  wealth,  the 
material  products  of  nature,  the  field,  the  mine, 
and  the  water,  with  all  their  teeming  variety  of 
what  is  useful  or  necessary;  the  powers  of  mind, 
tlie  stores  of  knowledge,  the  genius  of  the  inventor, 
the  harmony  of  the  poet,  and  last  and  greatest, 
virtue  itself,  the  priceless  treasure  of  the  soul, 
all  that  can  be  wished  and  hoped  for,  are  embraced 
in  the  idea  of  property.  The  social  and  domestic 
relations  are  equally  matters  of  individual  owner- 
ship with  flocks  and  herds,  houses  and  lands. 
The  affections  of  a  man's  wife  and  children  are 
among  the  dearest  of  his  possessions,  and  as  such 
are  under  the  protection  of  the  law.  The  domestic 
institution  of  slavery  is  one  of  these  relations, 
and  was  recognized  in  the  States  of  this  Confed- 
eration as  a  species  of  proprietary  interest.  The 
Constitution  describes  slaves,  and  I  suppose  chil- 
dren and  apprentices  might  come  under  the  same 
class  as  persons  bound  to  service. 

I  insist  that  no  vindictory  laws  can  be  passed 
either  depriving  individuals  of  anything  which 
can  be  denominated  As  property  or  infringing  ex- 
isting social  relations  as  the  punishment  of  the 
offenses  either  of  men  or  communities.  Neither 
Congress  nor  the  assent  of  the  States  requisite  to 
incorporate  a  new  article  or  amendment  into  the 
Constitution  can  do  so  justly,  under  any  pretense, 
when  the  object  is  to  appropriate  private  property 
without  due  compensation,  or  confiscate  it  with- 
out the  formality  of  trial  and  condemnation. 
Within  the  scope  and  reason  of  the  Constitution 
any  amendment  to  it  would  be  legitimate  when 
ratified  by  the  required  three  fourths  of  the  States; 
but  for  those  three  fourths  to  attempt  a  revolu- 
tion in  social  or  religious  rights  by  seizing  on 
what  was  never  intended  to  be  delegated  by  any 
of  the  parties  to  the  compact,  would  be  a  prodigy 
of  injustice  carried  out  under  the  forms  of  law,  a 
wrong  more  fatally  so  because  made  by  the  very 
highest  authority.  If  an  amendment  were  now 
proposed  to  the  Constitution  declaring  an  estab- 
lishment of  religion  or  prohibiting  the  free  exer- 
cise of  it  by  the  citizen,  it  would  be  parallel  with 
the  present  and  no  more  obnoxious  than  this  is 
to  merited  condemnation.  The  States,  sovereign 
as  I  claim  that  they  are  and  continue  to  be,  could 
not  have  delegated  what  they  did  not  themselves 
possess,  that  is,  to  destroy  orappropriate  individ- 
ual rights  without  compensation.  In  all  the  acts 
of  emancipation  heretofore  passed  the  tacit  con- 
sent of  the  citizens  affected  accompanied  the  pas- 
sage of  the  statute.  A  species  of  property  which 
has  ceased  to.  be  profitable  is  usually  surrendered 
without  protest  or  opposition.  Men  are  not  dis- 
posed to  cavil  at  the  exercise  of  a  power  ab- 
stractly arbitrary,  which  rids  them  of  a  relation 
which  is  onerous  or  inconvenient.  Such  was 
slavery  in  the  States  where  it  has  been  abolished. 
But  where  it  is  one  of  the  main  sources  of  the 
prosperity  of  the  community  it  will  be  regarded 
very  differently. 

This  proposed  alteration  of  the  Constitution  is 
therefore  beyond  the  power  of  tfie  Government, 
but  the  necessary  consequences  of  it  are  revolt- 
ingly  so.  It  involves  the  extermination  of  the 
white  men  of  the  southern  States,  and  the  for- 
feiture of  all  the  land  and  other  property  belong- 
ing to  them.  Negroes  and  military  colonists  will 
take  the  place  of  the  race  thus  blotted  out  of  ex- 


istence. Is  this  intended  as  the  last  scene  of  the 
bloody  drama  of  carnage  and  civil  war  now  being 
prosecuted.'  The  world  looks  on  with  horror, 
and  it  will  leave  to  future  ages  a  fearful  warning 
to  avoid  similar  acts  of  perfidious  atrocity. 

But,  sir,  the  most  important  aspect  of  this  ques- 
tion is  whether  it  is  not  a  violation  of  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  States  who  shall  aid  in  foisting  this 
amendment  into  the  Constitution.  That  the  States 
in  establishing  the  Constitution  performed  it  as  a 
federal  act  has  been  shown  in  the  Federalist  by 
an  argument  as  indisputable  as  any  mathematical 
demonstration.  Mr.  Madison  says  on  this  subject: 

"  Each  Slate  in  ratifying  the  Constitution  is  considered 
as  a  sovereign  body  independent  of  all  otiiers,  and  only  to 
he  bound  by  its  own  voluntary  act.  In  tins  relation,  then, 
the  new  Constitution  will,  if  established,  be  a  federal  and 
not  a  national  Constitution." 

It  is  true  that  the  common  Government  which 
resulted  presents  national  characteristics,  espe- 
cially in  this  respect,  that  its  operation  is  exerted 
immediately  upon  citizens  within  the  scope  of  the 
powers  delegated  to  it  in  their  individual  capaci- 
ties. The  State  sovereignties  were  by  no  means 
quenched  by  the  act  of  federation,  but  by  it  cer- 
tain functions  were  delegated  by  the  sovereign 
power  in  each  State  to  a  common  depository,  to 
be  used  in  certain  cases,  and  to  be  exercised  over 
the  citizens  respectively  of  each  and  every  Stale 
by  virtue  of  the  sovereignly  of  their  several  States. 
The  obligation,  however,  of  the  citizen  of  the  Stale 
of  New  York  to  obey  the  Federal  laws  or  au- 
thorities results  from  the  powers  imparted  to  the 
Federal  Legislature  or  Executive  by  the  act  of 
New  York,  and  derives  no  additional  strength  from 
other  States  entering  into  the  Union.  The  citizen 
is  bound  to  obey  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  because  his  State  is  a  party  to  the 
Federal  compact,  and  for  no  other  reason.  The 
State  has  delegated  a  portion  of  her  authority  (not 
of  her  sovereignty,  which  is,  in  its  very  nature, 
indivisible  as  that  of  individual  personality)  to  a 
common  agency,  who  may  thus  within  the  scope 
of  such  procuration  require  obedience  to  its  re- 
quirements. The  Government  of  the  Union  has 
this  extent  and  no  more,  and  allegiance,  loyalty, 
and  nationality  are  the  new-fangled  catch-words 
of  the  exploded  dogmas  of  the  old  Federal  party. 
Allegiance  is  due  to  the  law,  and  derives  its  sanc- 
tion from  the  sovereignty  of  each  individual  State. 

The  Democratic  parly  has  always  maintained 
the  doctrine  that  the  Constitution  was  a  compact 
from  the  times  of  Jefferson,  and  has  for  more  than 
sixty  years  declared  this  as  the  foundation  of  its 
political  faith.  It  is  laid  down  most  distinctly 
in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions,  the 
corner-stone  of  Democracy — 

"That  the  several  States  composing  the  United  States 
of  America  are  not  united  on  the  principles  of  unlimited 
submission  to  the  General  Government,  but  that  by  com- 
pact, under  the  style  and  title  of  a  Constitution  for  the 
United  States  andof  amendments  thereto,  they  constituted 
a  General  Government  for  special  purposes,  delegated  to 
that  Government  certain  definitive  powers,  reserving  each 
State  to  itself  the  residuary  mass  of  right  to  tlieirown  self- 
government,  and  that  whensoever  the.  General  Government 
assumes  undelegated  powers  its  acts  are  unauthoritative, 
void,  and  of  no  force  ;  that  to  this  compact  each  State  ac- 
ceded as  a  State,  and  is  an  integral  party  ;  that  this  Gov- 
ernment, created  liy  this  compact,  was  not  made  the  ex- 
clusive or  final  judge  of  the  extent  of  tlie  powers  delegated 
to  itself,  since  that  would  have  made  its  discretion,  and 
not  the  Constitution,  the  measure  of  its  powers;  but  tliat, 
as  in  all  other  cases  of  compact  among  parties  having  no 
common  judge,  each  party  lias  an  equal  right  to  judge  for 
itself,  as  widl  of  infractions  as  of  the  mode  and  measures 
of  redress.-' 

Such  is  the  lanruage  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the 
Kentucky  resolutions.  In  the  Virginia  resolu- 
tions, the  author  of  wliich  was  Mr.  Madison,  it 
is  declared — 

"That  in  case  of  a  deliberate,  palpable,  and  dangerous 
exercise  of  olhei  powers  not  granted  by  the  said  compact, 
the  States  who  are  parties  thereto  have  the  right,  and  are 
in  duty  bound,  to  interi)Ose,  for  arresting  the  progress  of 
the  evil,  aiul  for  maintaining  within  their  respective  limits 
the'authorities,  rights,  and  liberties  ajjpertaining  to  them." 

Daniel  Webster  emphatically  recognized  this 
character  of  a  compact  in  the  Constitution  when 
he  stated  that  "if  the  northern  Slates  refuse  will- 
fully and  deliberately  to  carry  into  effect  that  part 
of  the  Constitution  which  respects  the  restoration 
offugitive  slaves, and  Congress  provide  no  reme- 
dy, the  South  would  no  longer  be  bound  to  observe 
the  coinpact."  Nay,  the  dominant  parly  in  this 
House,  acting  on  Ihe  same  theory  of  a  bargain 
broken  on  the  part  of  the  South  by  secession,  and 
considering  themselves  thereby  absolved  from  the 
constitutional  obligation  to  return  fugitive  slaves, 


have  just  passed  a  bill  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave 
law.  It  must  be  taken  as  conceded  that  the  Con- 
stitution is  a  compact  and  covenant.  Now,  the 
very  nature  of  a  compact  requires  that  there  shall 
be  contracting  parties,  and  mutual  obligations  and 
considerations.  The  Stales  and  the  people  of 
those  Stales  in  their  sovereign  capacity  are  the 
parties,  and  must  be  lield  answerable  for  any 
breach  of  good  faith  in  not  observing  the  terms  of 
the  contract,  or  in  attempting  to  change  them  in 
any  particular  wliich  destroys  or  alters  essential 
and  material  portions.  There  was  an  implied 
and  solemn  understanding  that  the  local  and  do- 
mestic institutions  of  the  States  should  not  be  at- 
tempted to  be  interfered  with  in  any  manner  so 
as  to  be  drawn  within  the  sphere  of  Federal  au- 
thority. Does  any  one  suppose  that  if  it  had  been 
imagined  fora  moment  that  the  rights  of  property 
and  the  social  relations  of  the  citizens  of  the  sev- 
eral Stales  could  have  been  made  the  subject  of 
Federal  legislation  in  any  contingency  that  the 
Constitution  would  have  been  ratified  by  any  of 
the  Stales.'  The  local  jurisdiction  over  slavery 
was  one  of  the  subjects  peculiarly  guarded  and 
guarantied  to  the  States,  and  an  amendment  rati- 
fied by  any  number  of  Stales  less  than  the  whole, 
though  within  the  letter  of  the  article  which  pro- 
vides for  amendments,  would  be  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  the  instrument,  and  so  in  reality  an  act 
of  gross  bad  faith. 

The  control  over  slavery,  and  the  domestic  and 
social  relations  of  the  people  of  the  respective 
States,  was  not  and  never  was  intended  to  be  del- 
egated to  the  United  States,  and  cannot  now  be 
delegated  except  by  the  consent  of  all  the  States. 
Articles  nine  and  ten  of  the  Amendments  to  the 
Constitution  are  conclusive  on  this  point.  These 
articles  are  the  general  rules  for  the  construction 
and  interpretation  of  the  entire  instrument.  Pow- 
ers already  granted  may  be  modified,  enlarged, 
or  taken  away  by  an  amendment,  but  those  which 
are  retained  by  the  people,  or  reserved  to  them 
or  to  the  States,  cannot  be  delegated  to  the  United 
Slates,  except  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all 
the  Slates.  This  is  the  only  reasonable  construc- 
tion of  those  articles,  in  accordance  with  the  plain 
sense  and  meaning  of  the  words.  The  entire  sub- 
ject of  slavery  in  the  States  has  been  reserved  by 
them,  and  the  right  been  retained  by  the  people. 
No  power  has  been  delegated  to  the  Unitetj  States 
over  this  relation  thus  reserved  to  the  legislative 
power  of  the  Slate,  and  which  is  thus  retained  by 
the  people,  subject  to  such  Slate  power  alone.  It 
stands  precisely  on  the  same  fooling  as  that  of 
eminent  domain  in  the  respective  States,  a  pre- 
rogative of  theirinherenlsovereignty,  which  can- 
not be  taken  away  by  an  act  of  other  States,  How 
would  an  agreement  between  private  parlies  be 
construed  and  interpreted  which  should  declare 
that  the  articles  of  association  might  be  modified 
and  altered  by  three  fourths  of  the  number,  and 
then  should  declare  that  certain  rights  were  re- 
served to  them  individually.'  Would  not,  mani- 
festly, the  matters  not  delegated  but  reserved  be 
considered  as  excepted  from  the  subjects  which 
were  within  the  scope  of  the  authority  to  alter  or 
modify.'  Take  the  rightof  the  States  respectively 
of  eminent  domain  within  their  territorial  limits, 
could  this  be  taken  away  from  the  States  and  del- 
egated to  the  United  Stales  by  the  consent  of  the 
Legislatures  of  three  fourths  of  the  Stales,  after  a 
proposal  made  by  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress.'  I  maintain  that  article  ten  of  the 
Amendments  is  point-blank  against  such  a  sup- 
position, and  is  equally  repugnant  to  an  invasion 
of  the  rightof  the  State  alone  to  legislate  on  the 
subject  of  slavery.  1  insist  further,  that,  as  the 
Slates  themselves  could  not  justly  lake  away 
property  or  destroy  social  relations  without  giv- 
ing just  compensation,  this  is  not  only  not  dele- 
gated by  the  States,  but  is  among  the  rights  re- 
tained by  the  people  of  the  States  where  it  exists, 
and  that  if  all  tiie  States  should  delegate  this 
power,  it  must,  according  to  the  rules  of  natural 
equity,  be  connected  with  the  condition  of  allow- 
ing the  masters  a  proper  equivalent  for  the  prop- 
erty taken  or  destroyed. 

This  identical  proposition  was  laid  down  in  the 
fourth  resolution  of  the  Chicago  platform,  once 
deeined  so  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  President  and 
the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  House, 
which  asserts — 

"  That  the  maintonance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  tlie 
States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and 


2942 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


control  its  own  doinestlc  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power 
on  wliicli  tiie  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political 
faith  depend." 

Where  now  will  be  the  right  of  each  State  to 
order  and  control  its  domestic  institutions  if  the 
institutions  of  one  fourth  of  the  States  are  to  be 
subjected  to  the  will  of  tiie  people  of  three  fourths 
by  amending-  the  Constitution  so  as  to  make  them 
belong  to  and  under  the  control  of  a  majority  in 
Congress,  or  to  wipe  them  out  altogether? 

About  the  time  of  the  peace  conferences  an 
amendment  which  was  substantially  the  converse 
of  the  present  was  proposed,  declaring  explicitly 
that  no  amendment  affecting  slavery  should  be 
valid  that  did  not  obtain  the  consent  of  all  the 
States  in  which  that  institution  existed.  I  believe 
if  it  had  been  adopted  the  present  war  would  have 
been  averted;  and  I  consider  that  the  suggestion 
made  by  the  present  Secretary  of  State,  in  one  of 
his  speeches  during  the  last  presidential  canvass, 
that  slavery  could  be  constitutionally  abolished 
when  the  number  of  free  States  had  increased  so 
as  to  allow  the  passage  of  this  very  amendment 
now  under  consideration,  was  one  of  the  impel- 
ling causes  that  precipitated  the  struggle  now 
convulsing  the  States  and  converted  the  "irre- 
pressible conflict"  of  that  political  leader  into  the 
fearful  strife  of  contending  armies  and  warring 
States.  This,  the  crowning  act  of  the  agitation 
of  years  against  slavery,  from  the  Missouri  re- 
striction to  the  invasion  of  Virginia  by  John 
Brown,  whose  chorus  has  become  the  music  for 
the  loyal  hosts,  comes  at  length  to  give  a  show  of 
legality  to  the  destruction  of  the  institution  of 
slavery.  The  very  proposal  of  this  amendment 
demonstrates  the  utter  bad  faith  of  the  long  series 
of  acts  which,  illegally  and  in  defiance  of  the  Con- 
stitution, "the  pledge  of  mutual  friendship  and 
the  instrument  of  mutual  happiness,"  sought  to 
break  down  this  domestic  institution  of  the  States 
of  the  South. 

The  proposal  of  this  amendment  arraigns  the 
President  as  having  violated  the  Constitution  in 
his  emancipation  proclamation,  and  stamps  it  as 
a  nullity  and  void.     It  is  an  implied  confession 
that  the  Administration,  carrying  on  an  aggress- 
ive war  on  States  and  State  institutions,  had  this 
design   in   view  from  the    commencement — that 
the  war  was  not  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  the 
Government,  preserving  the  Union, and  maintain- 
ing the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  but  was 
directed  against  the  sovereignties  of  the  States, 
and  to  destroy  such  of  their  domestic  institutions 
as  were  obnoxious  to  the  views  of  the  party  con- 
trolling the  Government  for  the  time.     Tlic  ag- 
gressor is  always  in  the  wrong  in  case  of  hostil- 
ities among  States  unjted  under  a  federal  system 
like  ours,  no  matter  on  which  side  the  General 
Government  may  array  itself.     This  is  the  spirit 
embodied  in  the  Crittenden  resolutions,  but  it  is 
not  in  accordance  with  the  policy  now  avowed  by 
the  Administration  in  prosecuting  the  war,  nor 
by  the  party  which  supports  the  President  for  re- 
election, and  least  of  nil  by  the  proposed  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution.     The  Administration 
party  have  proclaimed  "  that  the  utter  and  com- 
plete extirpation  of  slavery  from   tiie  soil  of  the 
Kepublic"  is  its  present  object,  and  support  the 
adoption  of  an  amendment  to  the  Conslitution  to 
this  effect.     Impartial    history,  in  dealing  with 
these  events,  will  pronounce  a  verdict  that  this 
attitude,  and,  above  all,  the  attempt  to  change  the 
Constitution  to  make  that  illegal  which  was  not 
so  before,  shows  that  the  moving  cause  of  the 
war  was  from  the  commencement  the  prohibition 
of  slavery.     That  design,  suspected  with   such 
ample   ground,  is   now    rendeied    transparently 
clear.     No  candid  mind  can  avoid  the  inevitable 
conclusion  which  will  brand  northern  sectional- 
ism as  the  primary  cause  of  the  war,  and  that  the 
apprehensions  of  the  southern  people  were  fully 
justified  by  the  events  now  taking  place  and  by 
the  previous  acts  and  proclamations  of  tlic  Gov- 
ernment.    The  pretext  that  those  acts'  were  done 
in  its  defense  will  be  regarded  as  a  falsehood, 
only  intended  to  deceive  the  people  and  conceal 
the  real  character  of  the  war. 

The  chai-ge  that  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the 
war  is  notoriously  false.  The  agitation  against 
slavery  and  the  menaces  utteied  against  that  u)sli- 
tutiou  had  risen  to  such  an  alarming  height  tliat 
the  States  where  it  existed  believed  that  the  only 
recourse  left  was  to  attempt  peaceably  to  withdraw 


from  the  Confederation  on  the  ground  that  the 
compact  was  broken.  That  this  would  be  the 
inevitable  result  of  the  success  of  a  party  which 
denounced  slavery  as  a  moral,  social,  and  polit- 
ical evil  and  declared  its  intention  to  use  every 
means  to  extirpate  it,  was  foretold  for  years.  The 
speeches  and  writings  of  that  pack  of  political 
jackals  known  as  war  Democrats,  most  of  whom 
are  now  to  be  found  yelling  and  yelping  at  the 
heels  of  power,  were  full  of  warnings  of  what 
the  South  would  do  in  defense  of  their  domestic 
institutions  and  their  constitutional  rights.  If  I 
did  not  consider  these  political  renegades  and 
mountebanks  beneath  contempt,  I  could  fill  vol- 
umes and  exhaust  your  patience  in  quotations 
from  men  who  were  once  the  most  ultra  in  their 
opposition  to  coercion  and  in  defense  of  the  Jef- 
fersonian  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty.  Fortu- 
nately their  names  are  now  erased  from  the  me- 
morials of  the  Democratic  party,  and  are  ex- 
punged and  blotted  out  from  the  respect  of  those 
who  still  hold  fast  to  its  tiirie-honored  principles 
— principles  which  I  trust  will  survive  the  storm 
and  wreck  of  battle  and  the  fiery  ordeal  of  this 
unjust  and  unholy  war,  and  upon  which  only  the 
Union  can  or  should  exist. 

The  sentiment  of  opposition  to  slavery  is  so 
powerful  that  I  could  hardly  expect  to  offer  any 
reason  which  would  awaken  sympathy  in  behalf 
of  its  continuance,  even  if  I  showed  that  it  was 
the  best  jiossible  condition  to  insure  the  happiness 
of  the  negro  race,  or  that  its  abolition  was  an  in- 
vasion of  the  rights  of  the  masters  and  the  well- 
being  of  the  communities  where  it  existed.  I 
have  abstained  from  doing  any  more  than  to  as- 
sert that  the  relation  was  one  having  a  legal  exist- 
ence in  the  southern  States  and  fully  recognized 
by  the  Constitution.  This  is  uncontrovertible,  a 
fact  not  to  be  denied,  and  virtually  admitted  by 
the  amendment  now  proposed.  The  theory  that 
the  States  never  parted  with  their  sovereignty  is 
likewise  not  acceptable  to  the  opposite  side  of  the 
House,  and  the  notion  that  the  General  Govern- 
ment is  paramount  and  can  set  aside  all  State  au- 
thority is  now  popular.  We  are  told,  "  Preserve 
the  nation,  though  you  tear  the  Constitution  to  a 
thousand  pieces;  hold  the  Union  fast  and  let  the 
Constitution  slide  as  long  as  the  nation  remains; 
this  generation,  wiser  and  more  patriotic  than 
any  that  has  gone  before,  is  competent  to  devise 
a  constitution  better  and  nobler  than  that  of 
Washington."  I  fear  that  I  have  no  eloquence 
so  persuasive,  can  make  no  appeals  so  winning 
as  to  convince  the  friends  of  tlie  Administration 
that  the  Constitution  cannot  be  improved  by  their 
wisdom,  but  I  do  insist  that  no  cunning  of  man 
can  frame  a  system  of  morality  more  perfect  than 
that  which  demands  that  con  tracts  between  States 
and  individuals  should  be  observed  inviolate,  that 
mutual  promises  should  be  kept,  and  that  faith 
should  be  preserved  sacred  and  unbroken.  If 
this  is  a  nation,  let  not  its  national  character  be 
based  on  perfidy  and  falsehood.  This  would  be 
worse  than  boldly  proclaiming  that  it  is  founded 
on  force,  and  that  "  might  makes  right." 

When,  however,  I  declare  my  hope  and  sin- 
cere desire  to  see  the  restoration  and  perpetuity 
of  the  Union,  the  gathering  back  into  the  galaxy 
of  every  star  that  has  shot  madly  from  its  sphere, 
and  the  enfolding  of  every  wanderer  into  the  dear 
old  flag  with  all  its  precious  memories  of  asso- 
ciated glory  and  mutual  happiness  and  mutual 
good  will,  I  expect  that  what  I  utter  will  not  be 
regarded  with  hostile  feelings  and  alienated  minds. 
You  profess  yourselves  lovers  of  the  Union,  and 
so  do  I;  we  may  differ  as  it  regards  the  means 
of  restoration  and  the  remedy  to  be  applied ,  "  and 
purge  it  to  a  sound  and  pristine  health,"  but  we 
agree  in  devotion  to  the  Union.  Ithas  been  pro- 
posed by  an  eminent  state  physician  that  a  vio- 
lation of  the  Constitution  is  an  excellent  medi- 
cine to  save  the  "  life  of  the  nation."  I  cannot, 
indeed,  coincide  with  that  same  "  learned  The- 
ban;"  but  I  would  humbly  suggest  a  milder  treat- 
ment than  this  with  its  concomitants  of  fire  and 
sword  and  desolation.  The  "  life  of  the  nation  " 
cannot  be  preserved  by  perjury,  the  Almighty 
will  not  suffer  it,  and  the  sense  of  truth  and  jus- 
tice which  He  has  implanted  in  His  creatures  for- 
bids the  success  of  the  experiment.  No  Gov- 
ernment can  be  lasting  that  is  not  tbunded  on  the 
consent  of  the  governed.-  Do  we  dream  of  a 
Union  of  force,  and  vainly  imagine  that  we  can 
hold  forever  unwilling  Slates,  linked  to  us  with- 


out their  consent,  by  circling  bayonets  and  threat- 
ening cannon?  Is  this  the  lesson  taught  by  the 
history  of  that  glorious  Revolution  which  made 
the  colonies  of  Great  Britain  free  and  independ- 
ent States?  If  the  policy  of  Chatham  and  Burke 
had  been  rejected  instead  of  that  of  Bute  and 
North,  would  not  the  rebellion  of  the  colonies 
been  crushed,  and  the  authority  of  the  mother 
country  restored  over  her  injui-ed  and  offended 
children  ?  Have  centuries  of  wrong  and  injustice 
cemented  the  union  between  England  and  Ireland? 
Mark  the  difference:  Scotland,  treated  with  fair- 
ness and  equity,  became  completely  and  firmly 
allied  to  her  southern  and  more  powerful  neighbor, 
maintaining  her  laws,  her  church,  and  local  insti- 
tutions intact;  the  political  alliance  between  the 
two  nations  has  been  undisturbed  and  inviolate. 

Turn  to  the  other  side  of  the  Channel,  and  what 
a  contrast  between  the  union  of  force  and  the 
union  of  kindness,  the  union  of  oppression  and 
the  union  of  equality,  the  union  of  hate  and  the 
union  of  love !  Unhappy  Poland  still  writhes  un- 
subdued in  the  chains  of  that  union  which  binds 
her  to  the  Muscovite  throne.  The  last  instance 
of  determined  resistance  to  arbitrary  power  is  the 
voluntary  expatriation  of  the  Circassian  mount- 
aineers, abandoning  their  country  rather  than  be 
made  subjects  of  Russia.  Do  you  think  that  the 
people  of  the  southern  States  are  moi'e  degen-' 
erate  and  of  tamer  natures  than  the  children  of 
Europe,  or  the  sons  of  the  old  birthplace  of  the 
race  among  the  rugged  mountains  of  Caucasus? 
Assuredly  the  experience  of  this  war  should  teach 
otherwise.  I  see  in  it  no  warrant  to  cherish  the 
anticipation  that  they  will  succumb  and  acquiesce 
in  the  yoke,  as  they  deem  it,  even  of  the  most 
benefi.cent  Government  the  world  ever  saw,  when 
offered  to  them  on  the  points  of  your  bayonets. 
The  paternal  sway  of  a  Butler  and  the  concilia- 
tory policy  of  a  Hunter  produced  the  same  effect 
in  Louisiana  and  South  Carolina  that  the  benig- 
nant lash  of  Haynau  did  in  Brescia  and  the  mer- 
ciful Russian  knout  did  at  Warsaw.  Human  na- 
ture is  constituted  the  same  in  every  quarter  of-the 
world.  Opposition  and  hate  are  the  results  of 
aggression  and  force,  and  gratitude  and  sympa- 
thy the  peaceful  fruit  of  kindness  and  love.  On 
these  last,  joined  with  mutual  forbearance  and  - 
consideration,  this  Union  was  originally  founded; 
by  them  alone  can  it  be  reci-eated  and  made  per- 
petual. How  is  it  that  gentlemen  can  prate  of 
the  acts  of  confiscation  and  vengeance,  and  the 
proclamations  of  emancipation  dealing  a  "  death- 
blow at  the  strength  of  this  gigantic  rebellion?" 
Is  not  the  fact  far  otherwise,  and  have  not  the  most 
vigorous  efforts  to  prosecute  the  war  been  fol- 
lowed by  equally  determined  resolution  to  resist 
to  the  last  extremity?  The  bloody  and  brutal 
policy  of  the  Administration  party  has  well-nigh 
destroyed  all  hope  of  reconstruction,  but  I  have 
an  enduring  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  justice  and 
fraternity.  Call  these  divine  principles  back  to 
your  counsels  and  you  will  have  taken  the  only 
step  which  can  permanently  restore  the  Union. 

We  have  destroyed  the  former  happy  state  of 
mutual  friendship  by  innovations  on  the  principles 
of  the  Government,  first  by  the  specious  pretext 
of  destroying  slavery  by  excluding  it  from  the 
common  territory,  and  since  the  war  broke  out 
by  executive  usurpations  substantially  amount- 
ing to  a  military  dictatorship  under  the  same  pre- 
text, and  the  plausible  though  false  assumption 
that  this  was  necessary  to  preserve  the  existence 
of  the  Government.  The  present  attempt  to 
change  the  principles  of  the  Union,  though  pro- 
posed in  the  form  and  letter  of  the  Constitution, 
is  adverse  to  its  spirit  and  irreconcilable  with  its 
ends.  But  if  it  were  allowable,  it  would  be  mad- 
ness to  press  the  alteration  at  this  tiine,  when  a 
civil  war  is  raging  of  such  gigantic  proportions. 
Pass  this  amendment,  and  the  only  limit  of  this 
war  will  be  the  subjugation  of  the  South  or  the 
exhaustion  of  the  North.  And  what  is  involved 
in  the  subjugation  of  the  South?  Nothing  less 
than  extermination.  The  contest  is  of  a  nature 
to  admit  of  no  termination  until  the  last  man  dies 
on  the  battle-field  or  the  scaffold.  From  this  al- 
ternative my  soul'  turns  away  in  loathing  and  dis- 
gust. If  the  objects  of  the  war  were  all  that  its 
instigators  and  supporters  claim  for  them ,  1  would 
shrink  from  the  enforcementof  the  awful  penalty 
which  demands  the  annihilation  of  a  kindred  peo- 
ple. Infinite  justice  did  not  thus  deal  with  the 
sons  of  Adam,  but  remitted  the  dire  sentence  of 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2943 


death  at  the  intercession  of  mercy.     If  human 
sbcieties  would  strive  to  imitate  this  august  and 
divine  exemplar,  on  earth  would  be  seen — 
"Golden  days,  fruitful  of  golden  deeds, 
Witli  joy  and  love  triumphing,  and  fair  truth." 

While  this  struggle  is  going  on,  an  empii-e  is 
planted  in  Mexico,  "if  the  war  continues,  the  con- 
sequence will  be  not  only  perpetual  disunion  and 
the  South  a  desolation,  but  an  empire  will  be  so 
firmly  rooted  on  American-Mexican  soil  that  the 
battle-wasted  population  and  exhausted  resources 
ofthe  American  "  nation"cannotuproot  it.  Can- 
ada will  have  grown  and  expanded,  and  mon- 
archical institutions  will  be  then  so  matured  that 
republicanism  will  stand  alone  on  this  as  on  the 
old  continent.  While  war  is  continued,  and  it 
must  long  be  so  if  this  amendment  is  carried,  it 
is  idle  to  parade  the  threat  that  the  people  cannot 
regard  with  indifference  the  establishment  of  a 
monarchy  in  their  proximity.  Whether  hostile, 
indifferent,  or  favorable  to  the  erection  of  an  em- 
pire in  Mexico,  this  people  must  bide  their  time 
to  offer  resistance.  It  will  be  time  enough  to  re- 
monstrate when  there  is  power  to  make  remon- 
strances felt.  Bring  back  the  old  Union,  and  the 
new  empire  will  perish  like  a  preinature  birth. 
Make  it  the  victim  of  an  interminable  war,  or 
wither  and  paralyze  its  limbs  by  subjugation,  and 
the  Mexican  throne  will  be  founded  too  securely 
to  be  overthrown  by  our  exhausted  energies. 

I  consider  this  the  crisis  ofthe  fate  of  the  Union. 
As  yet  there  is  hope,  though  three  years  of  war 
may  have  piled  the  dead  on  either  side  so  high  that 
the  boundary  might  be  marked  witli  the  wliitcn- 
ing  bones  ofthe  slain.  We  may  still  be  friends. 
Neither  people  have  yet  been  dishonored,  and 
both  protest  that  they  were  .observant  of  the  com- 
pact. The  people  of  the  South  you  assert  are 
rebels  and  traitors.  Admit  it.  You  cannot  doubt 
that  they  are  sincere  in  the  opinion  that  they  were 
justified  in  the  course  they  adopted,  and  that  it 
was  consistent  with  the  constitutional  compact 
and  their  res'erved  rights.  All  crimes  depend  on  the 
motive  and  design  of  the  perpetrator  and  his 
guilty  knowledge.  You  cannot  deny  the  sincerity 
and  patriotism  of  the  South.  They  have  sub- 
mitted to  sacrifices  and  sufferings  greater  than 
that  of  any  other  race  tliat  ever  fought  for  inde- 
pendence. Are  they  to  be  branded  as  traitors  be- 
cause they,  in  common  with  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son, believed  that  this  was  not  a  nation  but  a  con- 
federacy? If  you  do  indeed  account  this  the  gist 
of  their  offense,  then  tear  the  ashes  of  those  arch- 
traitors  from  the  sepulchers  where  they  repose 
and  cast  them  to  be  scattered  by  the  winds  and 
waves,  so  that  the  spot  of  their  burial  may  be 
unhonored  among  men. 

Recall,  I  entreat  you,  before  it  is  too  late,  the 
ancient  spirit  of  concession  and   mutual  forbear- 
ance.    There  is  a  higher  duty  of  every  American 
citizen  than  fighting  enemies  or  quelling  by  force 
of  arms  rebellions.     Its  voice  may  be  stifled  in  the 
deadly  struggle  and  forgotten  in  the  tempest  of 
political  animosities,  or  the  earthquake  of  revolu- 
tion, butitstill  lives, and  will  forever  survive.  See 
it  in  the  homely  lesson,  "to  love  his  neighbor." 
This  obeyed,  though  but  imperfectly,  will  be  more 
efficacious  than  all  that  has  been  done  by  force  of 
arms  in  crushing  the  rebellion.     In  carrying  out 
this  policy  of  peace  and  reconciliation,  do  not  in 
one  breath  proclaim  the  paramount  authority  of 
the  Constitution,  and  then  [n'ocecd  to  change  it  in 
that  very  particular  in  which  those  who  are  now 
in  rebellion  charged  that  you  intended  to  disobey 
and  violate  it.    Assure  them  that  the  Constitution 
shall  remain  as  it  is;  publish  an  amnesty  so  broad, 
general,  and  all-embracing  that  it  will  include  all 
degrees  and  ranks, civil  and  military;  make  at  once 
a  treaty  of  peace,  pledging  the  faith  of  the  States 
and  the  people  to  its  strict  observance,  and  invite 
the  rebel  States  and  people  to  send  Representatives 
to  Congress  and  join  in  the  election  ofaCliicf 
Magistrate  and  unite  again  in  the  establishment 
anew  ofthe  Union  as  it  was.     Let  no  feeling  of 
vengeance  and  no  mock  philanthropy  mar  this 
auspicious   reinauguration    oif  the  Constitution, 
bijt  let  an  act  of  mutual  oblivion  conceal  forever 
the  horrible  demoniac  possession  which  has  held 
possession  of  the  States  and  the  people  for  the  last 
three  years.    This  can  be  accomplished  if  the  peo- 
ple only   were  wise    enough    to  recognize  their 
highest  duty  and  their  highest  interest.     Admon- 
ished by  the  past,  let  them  be  willing  to  purchase 
peace  by  the  cheap  cost  of  doing  justice. 


Mr.  HIGBY.  Before  speaking  to  the  resolu- 
tion embracing  the  proposition  to  amend,  I  refei; 
to  the  fifth  article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  which  makes  ample  provision  and  ex- 
plains the  way  by  which  an  amendment  may  be 
made.     The  article  reads  as  follows: 

"Article  V. — The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of 
both  Houses  .shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose  amend- 
ments to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  application  of  the 
Legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call  a 
conventi(m  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either 
case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of 
this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  throe 
fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  in  three 
fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratifica- 
tion may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress;  provided,  that  no 
amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thou- 
sand eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  manner  affect 
the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  ofthe  first 
article;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be 
deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate." 

The  resolution  follows  in  accordance  and  in 
consonance  with  the  method  proposed  by  that 
article  of  the  Constitution,  and  it  proposes  an 
article  which,  should  it  become  a  portion  of  the 
Constitution,  will  forever  proliibit  the  institution 
of  slavery  within  the  limits  of  our  country.  The 
resolution  and  amendment  proposed  read  as  fol- 
lows: 

Be  it  resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  of  Jimerica  in  Corigress  assem- 
bled, (two  thirds  of  both  Houses  concurring,)  That  the  fol- 
lowing article  be  proposed  to  tlie  Legislatures  of  the  sev- 
eral States  as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  which,  when  ratified  by  three  fourths  of 
said  Legislatures,  shall  he  valid,  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
as  a  part  of  the  said  Constitution,  namely  : 
Article  XIIL 

Sec.  1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except 
as  a  punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States, 
or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

Sec.  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article 
by  appropriate  legislation. 

Sir,  the  whole  debate  on  the  other  side  of  the 
House  upon  this  proposition  has  been  upon  the 
presumption  that  whatever  action  is  taken  by  us 
as  a  legislative  body  i.s  conclusive;  that  if  this 
resolution  passes  this  House — it  having  already 
passed  the  Senate — it  becomes  a  finality,  and 
whatever  is  embraced  in  it  becomes  a  portion  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Let  no 
such  fallacy  sink  deep  into  the  heart  of  any  man. 
The  Constitution  has  mostamply  and  cautiously 
provided  that  the  national  legislative  branch  of 
the  Government  can  make  no  such  amendment. 
Why,  sir,  the  resolution  simply  gives  the  amend- 
ment in  so  many  words,  and  proposes  its  ratifica- 
tion, and  then  the  amendment  goes  to  the  State 
Legislatures,  and  must  be  ratified  by  them. 

There  is  nowhere  contemplated  in  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  any  action  by  Con- 
gress that  more  completely  acknowledges  and 
recognizes  State  sovereignty  than  this  very  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  explaining  how  it  may 
be  amended.  Our  people  are  looking  with  anx- 
iety to  the  action  of  Congress  with  reference  to 
this  subject.  And  now  let  me  put  a  question  to 
gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  House.  They 
liave  belabored  this  side  often  and  long  with  de- 
nunciations that  State  rights  are  not  regarded, 
that  State  sovereignty  by  our  action  is  unheeded, 
and  that  we  are  aiding  the  national  Government 
to  absorb  all  powers  which  legitimately  belong 
to  the  States  under  and  by  virtue  of  the  Consti- 
tution. 1  appeal  to  them  when  a  proposition  does 
come  from  this  side  of  the  House  that  acknowl- 
edges and  recognizes  State  sovereignty  in  full, 
whether  they  dare  submit  that  proposition  to  the 
several  States;  whether  they  have  faith  in  State 
sovereignty  so  great  that  when  the  Constitution 
makes  a  provision  so  ample  as  it  has  in  this  case, 
and  so  safe  too,  requiring  the  Legislatures  of 
three  fourths  ofthe  States  to  ratify,  that  they  dare 
allow  their  different  States  to  act  upon  this  sub- 
ject. 

The  only  question  that  could  possibly  arise — 
and  that  one  1  find  dwelt  upon  but  very  little — is 
whether  the  times  call  for  an  amendment  of  this 
character,  but  the  great  burden  of  the  argument 
on  the  other  side  is  that  there  is  no  power  in  the 
Constitution  to  do  this  act.  The  member  from 
NewYoi-k  whohas  just  taken  his  seat  [Mr.  Fer- 
nando Wood]  has  had  the  hardihood  to  pro- 
mulge  to  this  nation  tlial  the  ninth  and  tenth  arti- 
cles'of  the  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  do 
awayand make  a  nullity  of  the  article  to  which  I 
have  directed  attention  and  quoted.  Can  he  find 
anywhere  in  the  Constitution  a  provision  by  which 


it  may  be  amended  in  so  indirect  a  way,  and  the 
portions  amended  be  leftasdead  matter  to  cumber 
the  living  body?  He  would  search  in  vnin  for 
such  a  provision.  Why,  sir,  he  would  trample 
the  Constitution  under  his  feet.  And  if  we  follow 
out  his  argument  and  act  upon  it  we  will  become 
violators  of  that  instrument. 

I  regard  tlie  fifth  article  as  a  part  of  tlie  Consti- 
tution just  as  full  of  vitality  as  it  was  the  day  our 
fathers  established  it  as  a  part  of  the  Constitution 
of  this  country;  and,  sir,  the  gentleman  from 
New  York,  if  he  has  a  particle  of  iionesty,  him- 
self will  ignore  every  word  which  he  has  said 
upon  that  one  subject. 

Let  me  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the 
only  limitation  in  the  instrument;  and  they  are 
referred  to  this  fifth  article,  where  the  liinitation 
is  to  be  found;  it  provides  "  that  no  amendment 
which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  1808  shall 
in  any  manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses 
in  the  ninth  section  of  the  firstarticle."  But, sir, 
this  Constitution  is  entirely  silent  with  reference 
to  all  other  portions,  including  even  that  which 
provides  that  fugitives  from  labor  shall  be  re- 
turned to  service.  Upon  this  the  Constitution  is 
silent,  and  even  before  1808  it  could  have  been 
amended,  with  the  exception  above  quoted,  by 
pursuing  the  course  laid  down  in  the  fifth  aiticle. 
Now,  sir,  what  is  there  in  the  proposition  con- 
tained in  this  resolution?  It  is  that  a  certain 
amendment,  specifying  it  in  so  many  words,  shall 
be  submitted  to  the  different  State  Legislatures 
for  their  action,  and  if  the  Legislatures  of  three 
fourths  of  the  States  of  the  Union  ratify  it  it  be- 
coiTies  a  portion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  And,  sir,  that  is  a  proposition  appealing 
to  State  sovereignty  that  members  upon  the  other 
side  ofthe  House  dare  not  allow  to  be  submitted 
and  acted  upon  by  those  high  constitutional  de- 
liberative bodies. 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  will  not  dwell  longer  upon 
that  point.  It  is  sufficient  that  we  simply  pro- 
pose what  the  State  Legislatures  ratify  and  make 
apart  of  tlie  Constitution,  or  else  render  a  nullity. 
Sir,  this  amendment,  if  it  should  become  a  por- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  strikes  at  the  root  of  the 
terrible  evil  that  is  now  piercing  the  very  vitals 
of  the  nation,  whose  roots  of  bitterness  have 
sunk  so  deep  that  they  are  almost  drinking  up 
the  life-blood  of  this  Government.  Men  talk  upon 
the  other  side  as  they  did  in  the  palmy  days  of 
peace,  when  nothing  but  the  busy  hum  of  indus- 
try could  be  heard  on  every  side,  and  when 
slavery  lay  like  a  iamb,  submissive  to  every  law. 
But  now,  sir,  when  it  has  aroused  and  become 
venomous,  and,  full  of  the  spirit  of  the  tiger,  draws 
the  sword  and  makes  no  distinction  in  its  wrath, 
and  is  feasting  upon  the  very  life  of  this  nation, 
we  hear  the  same  songs  in  this  Hall  that  we  usen 
to  hear  in  the  days  of  peace,  showing  how  utterly 
heartless  men  must  be,  having  no  blood  of  patriot- 
ism in  their  veins. 

We  are  told  that  the  institution  of  slavery  in 
the  rebellious  States  has  rights  under  this  Gov- 
ernment. The  rights  of  slavery!  What  right, 
in  God's  name,  has  the  institution  that  has  now 
two  or  three  hundred  thousand  men  arrayed  in 
arms  against  the  Government?  Is  this  bold  ef- 
frontery to  be  weighed  as  argument,  and  are  we 
yet  to  hear  about  the  rights  of  slavery?  It  has  cul- 
minated in  concentrating  its  whole  power  against 
this  Government.  What  right  has  it  which  this 
Government  is  bound  to  respect? 

What  was  its  morale,  sit?  In  early  days  as 
an  institution  it  was  humble  and  unpretending. 
While  it  was  an  institution  in  the  colonies  it  had 
no  political  power.  The  charm  of  this  whole  in- 
stitution has  been  in  the  political  power  that  it 
has  exercised.  But,  sir,  as  we  emerged  from  de- 
pendents as  colonies  and  became  an  independent 
nation,  the  fathers  who  lived  in  its  very  midst  trod 
very  cautiously  over  the  ground.  Why ,  sir,  what 
was  its  first  exercise  of  power?  When  Virginia, 
which  was  then  a  slave  State,  ceded  the  Northwest 
Territory  to  the  Union,  it  demanded  that  slavery 
should  be  prohibited  forever  in  that  Territory,  and 
the  power  wasadmitted  to  reslin  Congress  to  pro- 
hibit the  institution  from  ever  going  there  while  it 
was  a  Territory.  Such  was  the  moj-nZe  of  slavery 
in  its  early  days,  so  far  as  the  exercise  of  political 
power  was  concerned.  But,  sir,  it  increased  in  mag- 
nitude and  in  proportions, and  became  interwoven 
with  our  whole  system.  It  was  held  in  early 
times  to  bo  an  evil,  but  a  necessary  one;  it  was 


2944 


THE  co:n"gressional  globe. 


June  14. 


impossible  to  throw  it  aside  then,  but  it  was  hoped 
and  believed  by  those  who  were  helping  to  sus- 
lain  it  for  the  time  being  that  it  would  wear  away 
and  finally  disappear. 

But,  sir,  as  it  increased  in  power,  so  it  acquired 
political  ascendency;  it  spread  over  a  vast  extent 
of  country;  slavery  was  the  rule  and  freedom  the 
exccptiorcj  and  the  poor  whites  under  its  shadow 
were  insignificant  in  comparison  with  master  or 
even  bondsman.  Slave  labor  became  profitable; 
it  constituted  the  great  labor  force,  and ,  what  was 
still  sweeter  than  all,  it  gave  such  a  political  as- 
cendency that  it  enabled  a  few  States  and  a  com- 
paratively few  white  people  to  control  the  Gov- 
ernment. I  declare,  sir,  for  myself,  and  no  man 
is  responsible  for  what  1  say  but  myself,  that  no 
Government  is  republican  in  form,  body,orspirit, 
that  tolerates  such  an  institution  as  slavery.  1 
lay  it  down  as  a  self-evident  truth  to  my  mind, 
and  if  every  other  man  would  take  the  same 
ground  there  could  be  no  such  institution  in  exist- 
ence under  the  Constitution  as  we  now  have  it. 
But  as  lam  probably  alone  here  in  that  view,  and 
as  that  construction  would  not  be  given  by  other 
men,  I  prefer  that  the  Constitution  be  changed  in 
the  respect  that  is  contemplated  by  this  resolution. 
For,  sir,  I  would  not  be  willing  to  trust  all  men 
■with  the  construing  of  the  Constitution  in  its 
many  provisions,  for  fear  self-interest  and  love  of 
personal  aggrandizement  would  influence  in  con- 
struction instead  of  a  love  of  equal  justice.  It 
has  been  claimed  in  latter  years  that  slavery  is 
an  institution  sanctioned  by  divine  law  and  by 
the  word  of  God.  Ah,  sir,  those  who  made  that 
claim  did  not  read  the  Scriptures  very  faithfully, 
for  they  would  have  found  it  said  even  in  the  Old 
Testament  that  when  a  servant  escapes  from  his 
master  he  shall  not  be  returned  to  him  again;  he 
shall  let  him  go  free: 

"Thou  Shalt  not  deliver  unto  his  master  the  servant 
which  is  escaped  from  his  master  unto  thee : 

"  He  shall  dwell  with  thee,  even  among  you,  in  that  place 
which  he  shall  choose  in  one  of  thy  gates,  wliere  it  lilceth 
him  best:  thou  shall  not  oppress  him." 

And  over  and  above  all,  they  forgot  the  new 
covenant,  whose  Founder  told  the  world  that  He 
came  to  "  fulfill  the  law." 

But,  sir,  it  will  do  for  old  fogy  exploded  divines 
to  dwell  upon  that  subject  and  show  the  validity 
and  divine  origin  of  slavery — for  such  men  as  the 
one  who  was  voted  for  for  Chaplain  of  this 
House  (Bishop  Hopkins)  at  the  commencement 
of  this  session.  The  evils  of  the  institution  and 
the  effects  resulting  from  those  evils  are  too  nu- 
merous to  mention  in  a  brief  hour  speech.  I 
have  declared  that  the  institution  is  anti-repub- 
lican, and  that  no  Government  which  tolerated  it 
could  be  in  form,  body,  or  spirit  a  republican 
(jovernmcnt.  Why,  sir,  men  have  stood  upon 
this  floor,  prior  to  the  rebellion,  who  represented 
States  that  had  more  slaves  than  free  white  in- 
habitants, and  I  instance  South  Carolina  as  one 
of  those  States.  Those  slaves  have  no  political 
or  civil  rights,  and  yet  every  five  of  them  are 
equal  to  three  white  persons,  giving  a  represent- 
ation on  this  floor  to  four  hundred  thousand 
slaves,  not  one  of  whom  has  in  the  State  or  nation 
a  voice  or  a  vote,  and  who  can  enjoy  no  civil  or 
political  rights  any  more  than  the  horse  and  ox 
which  his  master  owns.  Two  hundred  thou- 
sand white  inhabitantsand  five  hundred  thousand 
slaves— equal  to  three  hundred  thousand  whites 
—would  give  five  hundred  thousand  inhabitants 
to  be  represented  in  the  State;  and,  under  the  rule 
giving  one  member  of  Congress  to  every  one 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  that  would  give 
to  a  State  having  only  two  hundred  thousand 
white  inhabitants  five  Representatives  on  this 
floor.  That  is  not  republicanism,  sir.  That  is 
anti-republicanism.  It  is  the  very  worst  kind  of 
a  Government  imaginable.  It  is  despotism  to  the 
extent  of  the  slave  representation — a  cruel,  brutal 
despotism. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  people  of  the  South  have 
been  extremely  cunning  in  the  argument  of  this 
question  whenever  it  has  been  raised.  When- 
ever the  spirit  of  free  discussion  has  arisen,  and 
the  question  of  slavery  has  been  debated,  they 
who  were  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  were 
told  that  they  were  in  favorof  giving  to  the  slaves 
the  civil  rights  that  while  people  iiad,  the  polit- 
ical rights,  and  not  only  that  but  the  social  rights. 
The  latter  point  was  pressed  with  more  vehe- 
mence than  all  the  others.    And  while  they  have 


pressed  that  as  an  argument  why  slavery  should 
not  be  annihilated,  the  secret  with  the  South  in 
holding  fast  to  slavery  has  been  the  political 
power  which  it  has  given  them  in  this  Govern- 
ment. There  is  the  charm;  there  is  the  fascina- 
tion. Itis  power,  political  power.  That  is  what 
they  have  held  to. 

The  member  from  NewYork  who  lastaddressed 
the  House  [Mr.  Fernando  Wood]  said  a  most 
beautiful  thing,  but,  sir,  he  put  it  to  extremely 
wrong  use:  "The  best  Government  isthatwhich 
governs  least."  I  agree  with  him  in  the  truism. 
The  Government  that  does  away  with  slavery  as 
an  institution  does  away  with  the  most  infamous 
system  of  government  that  was  ever  instituted 
on  God's  earth.  It  does  away  with  a  system 
which  makes  the  man  who  domineers  a  cruel 
taskmaster.  It  does  away  with  a  system  which 
perverts  the  judgment  of  him  as  master  and  pan- 
ders to  the  basest  propensities  of  the  human  heart. 
It  is  a  perpetual,  never-dying  despotism.  And  I 
will  join  with  the  gentleman  from  New  York, 
[Mr.  Fernando  Wood,]  and  all  others  who  will, 
in  perpetuating  all  over  the  country  that  truism 
which  he  has  uttered.  I  would  have  the  voice  of 
freedom  and  free  discussion  and  the  song  of  free- 
dom go  South,  and  the  other  song  of  the  lash  and 
the  clanking  of  chains  should  recede  as  these  two 
advanced .  Such  would  be  the  consequence  of  car- 
rying out  the  truism  which  the  gentleman  has 
published  here  to-day. 

Sir,  I  was  speaking  of  slaves.  They  are  prop- 
erty. They  are  held  as  such;  that  is,  when  we 
acknowledge  the  institution  as  a  legal  and  right- 
ful one  between  man  and  man.  But  I  deny  that, 
in  rightand  justice,  such  an  institution  can  exist. 
But,  sir,  the  argument  is  that  in  States  the  insti- 
tution exists.  If  it  be  so,  human  beings  are  prop- 
erty; and  the  five  hundred  thousand  slaves  are 
nothing  but  property  in  the  estimate  as  between 
man  and  man.  And  yet,  sir,  when  the  Repre- 
sentative leaves  his  State  and  comes  into  this  Hall, 
the  five  hundred  thousand  slaves  in  his  State  count 
as  three  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  and  the 
State  sends  here  three  meinbers,  on  property 
owned  in  human  beings  over  whom  they  exer- 
cise absolute  control  as  property,  whom  they  can 
buy  and  sell.  But  here  they  stand  and  talk  about 
the  rights  of  freemen,  the  rights  of  free  speech, 
the  sovereignty  of  States,  and  the  rights  of  their 
constituents.  It  is  an  institution,  sir,  which  has 
its  pens  where  humanity  is  herded  like  cattle,  and 
has  its  block  in  market  where  human  beings  are 
bought  and  sold.  And  that  is  claimed  to  be  re- 
publicanism. It  is  a  republicanism,  sir,  which  is 
born  of  hell,  not  of  earth,  or  of  above  the  earth. 
It  is  an  institution  which  is  now  at  war  with  this 
Government,  and  which  will  destroy  it  if  it  can. 
And  we  on  this  side  of  the  House  propose  to  do 
away  with  it  in  the  way  pointed  out  by  the  Con- 
stitution, or  so  to  amend  the  Constitution  that  it 
cannot  exist  when  peace  is  restored;  and  they 
cavil  at  it  on  the  other  side  of  the  House.  That 
shows,  Mr.  Speaker,  how  hollow  their  arguments 
are  and  how  insincere  their  purposes  and  pre- 
tenses. 

Now,  sir,  as  to  the  political  power  exercised 
by  this  institution.  Slavery  wished  that  there 
should  be  a  line  of  latitude  between  freedom  and 
slavery;  and  it  gave  us  the  Missouri  compromise 
in  1820.  It  was  legitimate,  below  a  certain  line, 
to  hold  slaves;  above  it  it  was  unlawful.  Great 
principles  of  human  right  were  to  be  bounded  by 
lines  of  latitude  and  longitude.  I  cannot  enumer- 
ate all  the  opportunities  it  has  sought  to  exercise 
power,  and  all  the  wrong  it  has  done. 

But  what  has  been  done  by  the  Government, 
under  the  dictation  of  the  slave  power,  at  certain 
well-known  periods.'  In  1850  the  State  which  I 
have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent  upon  this  floor 
could  not  be  admitted  into  tliis  Union  except 
through  an  infamous  compromise.  The  fugitive 
slave  law  had  to  be  tacked  on  and  made  a  part  of 
the  bundle.  I  tell  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of 
the  House  that  the  Congress  then  in  session,  and 
the  Executive  who  occupied  the  presidential  chair 
at  that  day,  did  more  mischief,  more  toward 
bringing  about  the  condition  of  things  we  have 
suffered  and  endured,  and  which  we  are  now  suf- 
fering in  agony,  than  any  one  public  act  ever 
done  in  this  country.  It  was  the  low,  crouching, 
and  mean  subserviency  of  great  political  parties 
to  the  encroachments,  arrogance,  and  aggressions 
of  the  slave  power. 


In  1854  the  votaries  of  the  slave  power  with 
few  exceptions  demanded  that  the  Missouri  com- 
promise line  should  be  obliterated,  and  that  demand 
was  yielded  to.  Some  of  the  older  and  far-seeing 
ones  were  fearful  when  that  line  was  removed  that 
free  institutions  and  free  labor  in  the  struggle  for 
supremacy  would  get  the  advantage  of  the  slave 
power.  And  their  fears  were  not  without  foun- 
dation. 

The  struggle  in  Kansas  during  the  last  Admin- 
istration is  an  illustration  of  the  fallacy  of  human 
judgment  and  human  intention,  for  those  men 
who  desired  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  slave 
State  had  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  to 
aid  them.  They  had  not  only  the  civil  but  the 
military  power  to  aid  in  subduing  the  people  and 
b>"inging  them  to  terms.  It  was  all  of  no  avail. 
When  the  Lecompton  constitution  came  before 
Congress  slavery  sugared  it  all  over  in  order  to 
make  it  a  sweet  morsel  and  palatable  to  the  throats 
of  that  people.  They  told  them  in  the  English 
bil-i,  so  infamous,  that  if  they  would  accept  that 
constitution  they  might  come  in  as  a  State  with 
what  population  they  then  had.  Not  only  that, 
but  that  they  should  have  all  of  the  salt  springs 
and  five  per  cent,  of  the  receipts  of  the  sale  of  the 
public  lands  in  their  State.  This  was  the  bribe 
which  they  were  offered  to  induce  them  to  accept 
that  constitution;  and  if  Kansas  should  refuse  the 
offer  admission  should  be  postponed  until  she  had 
the  population  the  census  required.  In  1858,  after 
that  turmoil  in  which  the  Lecompton  constitu- 
tion was  attempted  to  be  forced  upon  them,  the 
people  took  a  vote  on  it  and  refused  to  accept  the 
humiliating  imposition  by  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority. They  became  a  free  people  and  a  free 
State.     In  that  movement  slavery  was  defeated. 

It  has  controlled  political  parties.  Its  power 
has  been  so  great  that  all  political  parties  have 
been  compelled  to  bend  the  knee  to  it.  In  1850, 
in  the  passage  of  the  fugitive  slave  law,  the  two 
great  parties  of  the  country,  the  Democratic  and 
Whig,  were  represented  in  the  infamous  trans- 
action. They  joined  their  hands  in  infamous  fel- 
lowship, a  Democratic  Congress  passing  it  and 
a  Whig  Executive  approving  it.  And  in  1860 
there  was  no  political  party  that  did  not  tolerate 
and  acknowledge  the  status  of  this  institution  of 
slavery.  There  was  not  a  national  party  that  had 
a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  butacknowledged 
the  right  to  hold  slaves  as  property  in  a  State. 
It  could  have  no  footing  unless  it  did  so.  The 
present  Executive  took  his  seat  in  the  presiden- 
tial chair  with  the  recognition  of  the  right  of  every 
State  to  have  the  institution  of  slavery  inviolate 
by  Federal  action.  And  yet,  sir,  slavery  arro- 
gantly insisted  that  the  Government  was  aggress- 
ive in  its  policy.  In  1856  it  demanded  non-in- 
tervention, and  in  the  Cincinnati  convention  non- 
intervention was  made  a  part  of  its  platform.  In 
1860,  at  Charleston,  it  demanded  intervention, 
and  because  there  was  not  a  yielding  and  knock- 
ing under  to  that  demand  it  divided  the  Demo- 
cratic party ,  and  ran  its  candidate  upon  that  prop- 
osition. And  then,  notwithstanding  the  pledge 
of  every  party  that  the  institution  of  slavery  was 
a  recognized  institution  of  the  different  States 
whose  State  constitutions  allowed  its  existence, 
and  which  every  State  government  could  have 
within  its  limits,  it  made  war  upon  this  Govern- 
ment for  the  reason  that  it  would  not  acknowl- 
edge the  grasping  policy  which  it  demanded.        , 

And  gentlemen  argue  here  that  we  are  waging 
war  upon  the  South.  It  is  a  falsehood  in  fact, 
yet  not  intended  as  such,  because  some  as  good 
men  as  are  here,  men  whom  1  know  to  be  as  cor- 
rect as  can  be  upon  this  subject,  still  talk  on  this 
subject  as  though  the  Government  was  waging 
war  upon  the  South. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  commend  to  the  attention  of 
every  member  of  this  House  for  his  perusal  and 
study  a  report  that  was  made  in  the  Thirty-Sixth 
Congress  in  the  session  of  1860-61.  It  is  the  re- 
port of  a  select  committee  of  five,  appointed  on 
the  9th  of  January,  and  to  whom  was  referred 
the  special  messages  of  the  President  and  sundry 
other  papers.  On  the  28th  of  February,  1861, 
that  committee  submitted  a  report,  and  I  will 
read  from  it  an  extract  to  be  found  upon  page  3: 
"  Self-preservation  is  the  first  luw  of  a  nation.  The 
power  to  defend  its  implements  of  self-preservatiiin  is  one 
of  the  clearest  of  all  its  powers.  We  cannot  conceive  of 
a  nation  without  the  power  to  build  and  defend  forts  and 
all  implements  of  war  within  its  own  jiirisiliclioii.  Anil 
yet  secession  clniius  to  have  .seized,  within  sixty  days, 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE 


BHKiaeBuiu^iKBEEaaBaHdai 


mi>.m.j«.— .— — .» i^^—yj^innnm  III  ,1 1 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 


WEDNESDAY,  JUNE  ]5,  1864. 


New  Series No.  185. 


fourtet^n  Ibrts,  costiiij;  ,'t|!.5,.'580,858,  and  mounting  eleven 
lunulieil  and  iwi'iity-lbur  guns.  These  Ibrts  are  not  only 
held  against  the  United  States,  hut  two  otiiers  are  closely 
besieged,  mid  assault  is  every  day  threatened.  The  arsen- 
als, tlie  arms,  the  revenue  cutters,  the  custom-houses,  the 
post  otTicPs,  the  mints,  the  money,  and  even  the  hospitals  of 
the  United  States  are  seized  and  held  with  Impunity.  The 
operations  of  commerce  are  impeded.  Seven  States  claim 
to  liave  released  themselves  from  all  constitutional  ohlifja- 
tions ;  to  have  disrupted  the  Government,  and  formed  a 
new  and  independent  confederacy  in  the  bounds  of  the 
United  States,  all  in  llie  name  of  secession  ;  and  yet  we 
are  told  secession  is  not  only  a  peaceful  hut  a  constitutional 
remedy;  as  if  the  Cotistitutiou  had  provided  for  its  own 
deslruction  by  an  iueonsiderabie  fraction  of  the  power  that 
made  It." 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  may  be  possible  that  some 
gentlemen  upon  tliis  floor  may  question  the  ve- 
racity of  that  portion  of  the  report,  but  those  gen- 
tlemen will  not  question  the  veracity  of  what  I 
am  about  to  read,  for  it  comes  from  one  whom 
many  of  them  loved  at  that  time,  and  I  do  not 
know  but  their  love  still  continues: 

"  IJven  now  the  danger  is  upon  us.  In  several  of  the 
States  which  have  not  yet  seceded,  the  forts,  arsenals,  and 
magazines  of  the  United  States  have  heen  seized.  This 
is  by  far  the  most  serious  step  which  has  been  taken  since 
the  commenecment  of  the  troubles.  This  public  property 
lias  long  been  left  witliout  garrisons  and  troops  for  its  pro- 
tection, because  no  person  doubted  its  security  under  the 
flag  of  the  country  in  any  Slate  of  the  Union.  Besides, 
our  small  Army  has  scarcely  been  sufficient  to  guard  our 
remote  frontiers  against  Indian  incursions.  The  seizure 
of  this  property,  from  all  appearances,  has  been  purely  ag- 
gresslv(;,  and  not  in  resistance  to  any  attempt  to  coerce 
a  State  or  States  to  remain  in  the  Union."  ^^ 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  special  message  sent 
to  Congress  by  James  Buchanan,  and  has  his  sig- 
nature as  President. 

And  tliis  was  signed  on  the  8th  day  of  Janu- 
ary, 1861,  almost  two  months  before  his  presi- 
dential term  expired.  War!  Talk  about  waging 
war.  These  villains  were  laying  destruction 
across  the  pathway  of  the  Government,  seizing 
its  property  hei-e  and  there,  going  in  military  ar- 
ray and  doing  it,  threatening  men  if  they  did  not 
yield,  and  yet  we  are  told  that  this  Government 
has  been  waging  war  against  the  South  !  Tiiat 
is  as  big  a  lie  as  the  institution  of  slavery  is  itself. 
I  call  slavery  the  great  lie  of  the  age,  got  up  by 
a  body  of  men,  while  this  is  a  simple  lie  by  indi- 
viduals, and  history  will  put  the  stamp  upon  it. 

But  we  are  told  further  than  that — and  here  is 
where  men  attempt  to  escape — that  Abraham  Lin- 
coln gave  strength  to  the  rebellion  by  his  procla- 
mation. On  the  1st  day  of  January,  1863,  Pres- 
ident Lincoln  issued  his  proclamation  after  giving 
a  huridred  days'  notice,  ample  time  for  the  rebel 
States  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  come  back 
into  the  Union  and  be  as  they  were  before  they 
took  up  arms — a  grace  which  none  but  the  God 
ofiieaven  would  have  given,  and  I  doubt  whether 
He  would  have  given  it. 

Why,  sir,  the  Opposition  seek  an  excuse  under 
that  proclamation  to  withdraw  their  aid  to  the 
Government  in  this  hour  of  ils  peril.  Let  me  re- 
mind such  of  a  little  piece  of  history  taken  from 
the  words  of  the  vice  president  of  the  confederate 
States,  and  which  has  become  a  part  of  the  his- 
tory of  that  government.  He  says  that  the  new 
government  formed  by  them  is  based  upon  the 
institution  of  slavery  as  its  foundation.  Do  gen- 
tlemen object  to  getting  at  the  foundation  and 
knocking  it  to  pieces.?  Do  they  desire  to  haggle 
at  the  branches,  and  attack  the  trunk  before  they 
reach  the  foundation  ?  Is  that  the  way  to  destroy 
a  system  which  has  slavery  as  its  foundation.? 
There  is  a  preferable  mode.  Strike  at  the  founda- 
tion fir.st,  knock  it  out,  and  the  superstructure 
will  fall,  and  the  whole  mass  will  come  crushing 
down.      It,  is  the  best  blow  possible  to  be  struck. 

Mr.  Sjieaker,  gentlemen  who  would  avoid  sup- 
porting the  Government  cry,  "Oh,  the  proclama- 
tion!" The  pi-oclamation  struck  at  the  founda- 
tion. It  struck  at  the  root  of  the  terrible  aggression 
against  this  Government.  It  struck  at  the.  very 
vitality  of  it,  and  every  man  of  sense  and  judg- 
ment knows  it,  and  they  only  deny  it  for  an  ex- 
cuse for  not  n.Midering  aid  to  the  Government. 

Mr.  Speaker,  there  never  was  a  time  when 
the  proposition  contained  in  this  resolution  and 
in  this   proposed   amendment  of  the    Constitu- 


tion needed  more  the  action  of  this  body  than 
now,  at  this  time,  during  this  session;  and,  sir, 
the  States,  by  their  Legislatures,  should  act  upon 
it  at  their  earliest  sessions  after  it  shall  have 
passed  this  Congress.  The  Constitution  should 
be  adapted  to  the  condition  of  the  country  where 
the  noble  men  of  the  loyal  States  are  giving  up 
their  lives  and  where  they  have  given  them  up 
by  tliousands.  Their  bones  are  bleaching  upon 
hundreds  of  battle-fields.  They  are  drenching 
with  their  blood  the  soil  over  which  they  are 
moving  with  victory  perching  on  their  banners  and 
killing  out  the  roots  of  slavery  so  that  it  cannot 
exist;  and  we,  as  the  legislative  part  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, should  be  adapting  the  Constitution  and 
all  the  laws  as  speedily  as  we  can  to  tiie  new 
condition  of  the  country  where  our  armies  do 
march  in  triumph,  so  that  we  may  never  see  nor 
feel  again  this  power  that  has  come  so  near  being 
the  end  of  this  nation. 

Mr.  KALBFLEISCH.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  shall 
not  attempt  to  wander  over  the  road  traveled  by 
the  gentleman  who  preceded  me,  [Mr.  Higby,] 
but  will  endeavor  to  take  a  comnfion-sense  view 
of  the  subject,  and  in  plain  language  strive  to  give 
expression  to  the  sentiments  I  entertain  in  regard 
to  the  proposition  now  before  the  House. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  country 
a  serious  attempt  is  about  to  be  made  to  intro- 
duce a  radical  change  in  the  Constitution  under 
which  we  have  enjoyed  the  greatest  amount  of 
earthly  blessings  ever  vouchsafed  to  a  nation. 
The  question  as  to  its  propriety  is  therefore  a 
grave  one,  beset  with  many  perils,  and  its  con- 
sideration should  be  approached  with  the  greatest 
care  and  conducted  with  the  most  serious  delib- 
eration. Indeed,  the  necessity  for  such  a  change 
should  first  be  made  clearly  manifest,  and  placed 
beyond  all  doubt,  before  its  consideration  at  all 
should  be  allowed  seriously  to  occupy  our  minds. 

The  subject  embraced  in  the  proposed  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  that  of  prohibiting  in- 
voluntary servitude,  or,  in  other  words,  slavery, 
in  any  State  or  Territory,  is  not  a  new  one  and 
for  the  first  time  agitated.  It  received  the  atten- 
tion of  the  framers  of  that  instrument,  and  was 
exhaustively  debated  and  thoroughly  considered 
by  them.  Tliey  were  not  unmindful  of  the  fact 
that  the  time  might  arrive  when  it  would  require 
the  gi-eatest  forbearance  on  ti>e  one  side  and  the 
utmost  caution  on  the  other  to  avoid  a  crisis  like 
that  in  which  the  nation  is  now  plunged.  They 
settled  the  distracting  question  for  themselves  by 
mutual  concession  on  the  part  of  conflicting  in- 
terests and  views,  and  then  provided  for  the  per- 
manency of  that  settlement  by  the  adoption  of  a 
clause  in  the  Constitution  providing  that  amend- 
ments to  it  should  be  made  only  with  the  assent 
of  three  fourths  of  the  parties  to  the  compact. 
They  feared  that  at  some  future  time  an  attempt 
might  be  made  to  tamper  with  the  Constitution  in 
order  to  unjustly  benefit  or  interfere  with  an  espe- 
cial interest  or  a  particular  section  of  country  at 
the  expense  of  anotlier,  and  established  what  tliey 
believed  to  be  an  impassable  barrier  to  any  such 
attempt.  They  sought  to  place  the  glorious  result 
of  their  labors  upon  as  it  were  a  rock,  against 
which  the  fluctuating,  surging  tides  of  evanescent 
popular  majorities  and  the  stormy  waves  of  mere 
partisan  strife  should  be  impotent  to  endanger  its 
permanence.  ■•  And  there  in  that  firm  position  it 
has  remained  invulnerable,  if  not  unassailable,  to 
the  present  time,  an  illustration  and  embodiment 
of  human  wisdom  the  most  sublime  ever  reared 
by  the  mind  of  man. 

Revering  the  Constitution  as  I  do,  can  it  be 
wondered  at  that  I  should  receivg  the  bare  sug- 
gestion of  amending  it  with  any  other  than  feel- 
ings of  doubt  and  misgiving,  and  that  before 
I  can  give  my  assent  to  any  proposition  for  its 
amendment  even  for  real  aild  apparent  defects, 
still  less  for  fancied  ones,  I  must  be  clearly  con- 
vinced that  it  is  indispensable  to  the  future  well- 
being  of  the  country  .'  I  must  not  only  be  satis- 
fied that  it  will  infallibly  tend  to  restore  peace  to 
the  country  and  harmony  to  the  Union,  but  also 
that  the  present  is  the  proper  and  most  auspi- 


cious moment  for  its  inauguration.  In  examining 
the  proposition  before  us,  with  a  view  to  .satisfy 
my  mind  upon  these  points,  it  will  be  pertinent 
also  to  inquire  into  the  objects  and  motives  of  its 
advocates  here — whether  their  real  desire  is  the 
benefit  of  every  section  of  the  country,  or  only 
that  of  a  particular  locality  tJoupled  with  the  cor- 
rupt purpose  of  perpetuating  the  power  of  the 
party  now  administering  the  Government. 

The  advocates  of  the  proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution  have  endeavored  to  show  by  various 
arguments  that  the  country  could  not  continue  to 
prosper  while  slavery  was  permitted  to  exist  in 
the  Territories  or  States  of  the  Union,  and  that 
therefore  a  clause  prohibiting  the  holding  of  slaves 
within  the  borders  of  the  Republic  should  be  in- 
serted in  that  illustrious  and  venerated  instru- 
ment. How  long,  let  me  ask,  is  it  since  it  was 
discovered  that  the  country  could  not  prosper 
ilnder  our  Constitution .'  Why,  but  a  few  years 
since  to  preach  such  a  doctrine  v/ould  have  sub- 
jected the  party  having  the  hardihood  to  do  it  to 
the  scorn  and  contumely  of  the  people.  Even  the 
noisiest  abolition  brawling  fanatics,  whether  of 
the  slightest  tinge  or  of  the  darkest  hue,  have  in- 
variably acknowledged  that  the  country  was  pros- 
perous, at  least  up  to  and  until  the  outbreak  of 
the  rebellion. 

The  absurdity  of  the  argument  that  the  pro- 
posed amendment  to  the  Constitution  is  necessary 
to  the  prosperity  of  the  country  is  so  manifest 
that  to  me  it  seems  almost  absurd  to  attempt  se- 
riously to  refute  it.  It  is  either  a  crazy  delusion 
or  a  wicked  and  willful  falsehood  on  the  part  of 
those  who  promulgate  it.  No,  sir;  the  prosperity 
of  the  country  has  been  marred  and  its  welfare 
affected,  not  by  the  legitimate  operation  of  the 
Constitution,  but  by  the  efforts  that  have  been 
made  to  interfere  with  and  overthrow  it.  The 
continual  intermeddling  with  and  agitation  of  the 
subject  of  slavery  by  some  of  the  people  of  tlie 
free  States  who  had  become  frantic  upon  tliat 
question,  and  the  use  made  of  that  frenzied  state 
of  mind  by  others  of  them  in  promoting  the  grat- 
ification of  their  inordinate  desire  for  public  office 
and  political  spoils,  may  well  be  regarded  as 
among  the  primary  causes  that  have  hastened,  if 
not  produced,  the  unhappy  condition  in  which  we 
now  find  the  country. 

While  the  Constitution  was  respected  and  en- 
forced, for  three  quarters  of  a  century,  we  were 
happy  and  prosperous;  and  it  was  not  until  a 
miserable  set  of  political  charlatans  sought  to 
blind  the  people  to  their  grasping  for  place  and 
power  by  a  false  issue  that  this  cry  was  raised 
that  the  instrument  was  defective  and  needed 
amendment.  It  was  the  production  of  the  master 
minds  of  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  men  who, 
if  alive  to-day,  would  be  joyfully  intrusted  by 
the  people  with  the  task  of  leading  the  nation  out 
of  the  calamities  into  which  it  has  been  plunged 
by  the  corrupt  and  incompetentimbeciles  to  whose 
hands  the  destinies  of  the  country  are  now  con- 
fided. Is  it  wise,  under  these  circumstances,  to 
discard  their  labors  and  teachings,  and  to  attempt 
a  change  which  may  be  sowing  the  seeds  of  our 
utter  destruction.  The  fate  of  him  who  was  well, 
took  physic  to  make  him  better,  and  died  in  con- 
sequence thereof,  is  an  apt  illustration  of  the  dan- 
gers of  tampering  with  the  Constitution,  under  the 
benign  influences  of  which,  heretofore,  our  na- 
tional health  has  been  so  hearty  and  robust.  It 
needs  no  physic,  and  least  of  all  such  as  now 
offered  us  by  political  quacks  and  mountebanks, 
to  improve  our  condition. 

Where  risks  are  but  small  in  comparison  with 
benefits  anticipated,  there  perhaps  may  be  justi- 
fication in  trying  experiments,  but  the  risk  of  al- 
tering one  line,  nay,  even  a  single  word  of  the 
Constitution,  may  involve  us  in  consequences  so 
fatal  to  the  welfare  and  the  liberties  of  the  people 
that  it  would  be  worse  than  madness  to  attempt 
it.  The  alteration  once  commenced  and  the  peo- 
ple made  familiar  with  the  idea  of  its  mutability, 
and  who  can  tell  how  soon  other  and  more  fan- 
cied grievances  and  wrongs,  or  even  the  reckless 
desire  to  pull  down  everything  that  bears  upon 


2946 


THE  COJSTGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


it  the  least  stamp  of  antiquity,  now  so  prevalent 
among  ns,  may  cause  other  and  more  radical 
changes,  until  in  the  end,  of  the  now  solid  and  per- 
fect structure  which  has  stood  the  test  of  years, 
scarce  a  vestige  will  remain  ?  The  glorious  work 
of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  the  perfection  of 
human  wisdom  as  it  has  often  been  pronounced, 
may  thus  become  a  mere  piece  of  patch-work, 
siuvped  and  transformed  at  the  will  and  caprice  of 
the  parties  in  power  until  at  last  there  shall  re- 
main of  it  but  a  bundle  of  shreds  and  patches  as 
a  mournful  reminder  of  its  former  greatness. 
God  forbid  that  such  a  destiny  shall  await  the 
American  Constitutfon.  1  regard,  sir,  this  prop- 
osition for  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  but 
as  a  part  of  the  scheming  and  agitation  which  re- 
sulted in  the  origin  and  success  of  the  party  now 
controlling  the  Government,  and  brought  forward 
in  the  hope,  vain  I  trust,  of  securing  for  it  a  new 
lease  of  power. 

By  grossly  high  coloring  and  unfairly  exag- 
gerating the  evils  of  slavery,  these  politicians 
succeeded  in  exciting  among  the  people  a  senti- 
mentof  blind  enthusiasticsympathy  forthe  negro, 
of  which  they  artfully  availed  themselves  as  a 
stepping  stone  to  place  and  power.  And  they  now 
seek  by  appeals  to  the  passions  and  prejudices  of 
the  people  stimulated  by  the  events  of  the  war, 
and  by  misrepresentation  and  the  raising  of  false 
issues,  to  perpetuate  their  hold  of  the  position 
which  by  the  means  to  which  I  have  referred 
they  have  succeeded  in  obtaining.  This  propo- 
sition to  amend  the  Constitution  for  the  benefit 
of  the  negro  is,  I  repeat,  but  a  new  dodge  in  their 
game.  The  Democratic  party  are  to  be  abused 
and  maligned  anew  for  daring  to  oppose  them 
in  their  destructive  career,  and  another  agitation 
attempted  to  be  excited,  based  upon  the  plea  of 
justice  to  the  negro.  I  say  their  destructive 
career,  and  I  believe  I  am  fully  warranted  in  using 
the  expression,  because  notwithstanding  all  their 
vaunting  professions  of  extreme  patriotism  and 
loyalty  (the  Jatter  a  phrase  only  properly  appro- 
priate in  countries  where  monarchical  Govern- 
ments prevail)  th'>y  have  perpetrated  many  acts 
which  history  will  pronounce  to  be  subversive 
of  the  best  interests  of  the  nation  and  tending 
still  further  to  widen  the  breach  whicli  we  have 
striven  at  the  cost  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
valuable  lives  and  thousands  of  millions  of  treas- 
ure ineffectually  to  close. 

What  need,  let  me  ask,  have  these  politicians 
foran  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  for  any  ob- 
ject? Have  they  ever  failed,  when  their  purpose 
seemed  to  tliem  to  require  it,  to  disregard  it  both 
in  spirit  and  letter.'  If  those  who  differ  with  me 
shall  answer  this  in  the  negative,  let  them,  if  they 
are  able,  wipe  away  the  stain  of  confiscating  lands, 
in  clear  violation  not  only  of  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution but  of  the  only  liberal  construction  that 
can  be  put  upon  it.  Let  them  account  for  the  dis- 
regard of  its  provisions  in  the  numerous  cases  of 
arbitrary  arrests,  a  power  heretofore  only  exer- 
cised by  military  authority,  under  despotism,  and 
the  creation  of  which  was  never  contemplated  by 
our  forefathers.  Could  theframers  of  our  Magna 
Charta  have  foreseen  that  the  time  would  ever  ar- 
rive when  it  would  be  undertaken  to  suppress  the 
publication  of  newspapers,  and  upon  a  pretext  so 
frivolous  as  that  put  forth  in  the  case  of  the  World 
and  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  they  would  have 
abandoned  their  work  in  despair.  These  are  acts 
in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  which  can 
only  be. perpetrated  by  means  of  military  force. 
Let  us  hope  that  we  shall  have  no  more  of  them, 
and  that  we  are  not  yet  lost  to  all  sense  of  patriot- 
ism and  those  feelings  which  animated  our  fore- 
fathers when  they  declared  themselves  a  free  and 
independent  people,  willing  to  stake  their  lives 
and  sacred  honors  to  maintain  that  declaration. 
Let  us  not  become  forgetful  of  their  sacrifices  and 
the  boon  they  have  conferred  upon  us,  but  resolve 
to  continue  with  a  steady  and  unfaltering  step  to 
travel  the  road  they  have  marked  out  for  us,  and 
which,  always  pursued  by  the  Democratic  party, 
has  under  their  guidance  conducted  the  Republic 
to  happiness,  glory,  and  renown. 

A  part  of  the  game  to  retain  power  and  control 
of  tiie  Government  has  been  to  misrepresent  and 
vituperate  the  Democratic  party.  We  are  charged 
with  opposing  their  proposed  change  in  the  Con- 
stitution simply  with  a  design  to  thwart  the  Gov- 
ernment in  its  purposes  and  action,  and  to  frus- 
trate its  efforts  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union. 


This  is  no  new  charge.  The  Democratic  party 
have  all  along  been  accused  by  these  political 
schemers  of  conduct  tendingto  give  aid  and  com- 
fort to  our  enemies,  and  thereby  assisting  in  de- 
stroying all  hope  of  a  restoration  of  the  Union  to 
its  former  proud  stand  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  when  its  emblem  of  nationality  was  re- 
spected in  every  clime,  the  dread  of  tyrants  and 
the  star  of  hope  of  the  oppressed.  They  are  often 
in  derision  styled  "  copperheads,'-' with  intent  to 
convey  the  idea  of  their  favorable  disposition  to 
the  so-called  southern  confederacy  and  their  op- 
position to  our  own  Government.  These  charges 
and  accusations  need  no  retort  nor  defense.  They 
fall  harmless  at  the  feet  of  the  Democratic  party. 
The  hundreds  of  thousands  of  brave  and  patriotic 
members  of  that  party  who  fill  the  ranks  of  our 
heroic  armies,  and  whose  remains  are  molder- 
ing  beneath  the  battle-fields  of  the  war,  and  the 
pecuniary  contributious  of  thousands  of  their 
brethren  in  civil  life  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  the 
Union,  suffice  to  show  the  proud  position  occu- 
pied by  the  Democratic  party  in  this  controversy. 
Their  acts  speak  more  eloquently  than  words, 
and  the  railing  of  the  blatant  babblers  in  the  ranks 
of  the  Administration  supporters  will  fail  to  blot 
or  obscure  the  glorious  record. 

But  here  let  me  say  that  these  aspersions  upon 
and  misrepresentation  of  the  Democratic  party, 
wanton  and  unjustifiable  as  they  are,  have  tended 
more  to  the  prolongation  of  the  civil  war  than  a 
casual  observation  would  lead  one  to  suppose. 
They  have  tended  to  encourage  the  rebels  in  hold- 
ing out  against  a  return  to  their  allegiance,  and  in 
persisting  i.n  their  vain  effort  to  establish  a 
Government  of  their  own.  This  they  have  done 
by  inducing  them  to  believe  that  there  was  in  the 
States  adhering  to  the  Union  a  party  as  power- 
ful as  is  the  Democratic  party,  sympathizing  with 
their  efforts  and  wishing  them  success.  By  con- 
veying this  impression  and  by  the  everlasting 
cries  of  copperhead,  traitor,  secessionist,  and 
other  opprobrious  and  lying  epithets,  of  late  so 
lavishly  heaped  upon  the  members  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  the  supporters  of  the  Administration 
have,  in  my  candid  opinion,  helped  to  prolong  a 
war  which  should  long  ere  this  have  been  ended. 
And  let  me  ask,  would  it  not  be  a  fair  argument 
for  the  rebels  to  use  to  these  would-be  pure  patriots 
who  are  so  denunciatory  of  the  acts  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  who  differ  with  them  in  opinion,  should 
they,  the  rebels,  say:  "  You  admit  that  you  are 
in  favor  of  a  Government  selected  by  a  majority 
of  the  governed,  and  you  say  that  you  believe 
the  power  of  sovereignty  is  still  vested  in  the 
people,  and  that  they  possess  the  right  to  delegate 
it  to  such  of  their  number  as  a  majority  of  them 
may  select?"  You  will  not  deny  this,  and  the 
rebels  continue:  "  You  allege  that  the  Democrats 
of  the  North  arc  copperheads,  in  favor  of  the 
government  of  one  Jeff.  Davis;  in  short,  that 
they  are  secessionists  in  sentiment;  if  so,  why  do 
you  war  against  us  and  condemn  us  as  rebels  ? 
You  must  admit  that  combined  we  rebels  and 
the  copperheads,  who,  as  you  say,  are  in  favor 
of  our  Government,  constitute  a  large  majority 
of  the  people  North  and  South;  therefore  our 
rebellion,  according  to  your  own  showing,  is 
justifiable  and  becomes  a  revolution,  because  it  is 
based  upon  a  desire  for  a  change  of  Government, 
which,  according  to  the  principle  recognized  by 
us  all,  the  majority  of  the  people  have  an  un- 
questioned right  to  make."  This  is  the  argu- 
ment you  put  in  the  mouths  of  the  rebels,  and 
upon  your  own  premises  I  imagine  you  would 
find  it  exceedingly  difficult  if  not  absolutely  im- 
possible to  confute  it. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  language  I  have  used  may  not 
be  as  eloquent  nor  my  arguments  as  clear  and 
lucid  as  I  could  wish  and  as  others  more  capable 
to  the  task  might  have  given  expression  to;  but 
I  believe  my  idea  of  popular  government  will  be 
understood.  No  one,  I  am  sure,  with  the  least 
particle  of  love  for  the  Union  inspiring  him,  can 
fail  to  see  the  harm  done  to  its  cause  by  our  op- 
ponents, not  only  by  their  unceasing  use  of  lan- 
guage unbecoming  American  citizens,  but  by  the 
commission  of  acts  which  are  disgraceful  in  the 
extreme.  Certain  it  is  that  to  charge  the  Demo- 
cratic party  with  having  brought  about  the  evils 
under  which  the  nation  labors,  and  with  aiding 
and  abetting  in  their  continuance,  does  not  tend 
to  promote  the  fraternal  feeling  which  should 
prevail  among  us,  especially  at  the  present. 


So  much  for  this  charge  that  the  Democrats  are 
the  enemies  of  the  Government.  I  acknowledge, 
sir,  and  here  I  hope  I  may  not  be  misunderstood, 
that  when  I  speak  of  the  Government  I  mean  the 
Government  as  distinct  and  different  from  the  in- 
dividuals who,  for  the  time  being,  administer  it. 
To  further  explain:  I  love  and  venerate  the  Gov- 
ernment and  the  Constitution  defining  its  powers, 
and  I  maintain  a  proper  respect  for  the  authori- 
ties elected  or  appointed  under  it;  but  I  reserve 
the  right  to  examine  into  their  official  conduct  and 
to  express  my  disapproval  of  their  acts  if  they  do 
not  accord  with  my  sense  of  propriety  and  jus- 
tice, even  though  such  acts  may  be  those  of  a  con- 
stitutionally elected  President.  I  say  1  claim  the 
right  to  disapprove,  as  I  do,  of  many  of  the  official 
acts  of  Abraham  Lincoln ,  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  To  this  extent,  no  more,  has  the  Demoi 
cratic  party  sinned;  and  what  sincere  and  candid 
friend  of  free  speech  can  arraign  them  for  that? 

Having,  Mr.  Speaker,  referred  to  these  un- 
founded charges  against  the  Democratic  party,  so 
far  as  I  consider  them  worthy  of  notice,  1  desire 
somewhat  to  examine  the  claims  of  their  oppo- 
nents to  all  the  political  virtues  which  they  so 
boastingly  put  forth.  Let  us  see,  also,  whether 
these  professions  of  desire  to  restore  the  Union  are 
founded  in  truth  or  conceived  in  a  genuine  spirit 
of  patriotism.  They  assert  that  the  institution 
of  slavery  is  the  primary  cause  of  this  war,  and 
that  it  should,  therefore,  be  no  longer  allowed  to 
exist.  A-t  first  blush  the  assertion  appears  to  have 
considerable  force,  and  the  consequence  which 
they  insist  should  attend  seems  to  follow  natu- 
rally enough.  I  deny,  however,  slavery  to  have 
been  the  origin  of  all  our  evils;  buladmitting,  for 
the  sake  of  tlie  argument,  that  it  was, upon  reflec- 
tion it  will  be  found  that  the  question  still  arises, 
is  its  utter  annihilation  at  the  present  time,  and 
in  the  present  condition  of  the  country  and  that 
of  the  negro  race,  the  proper  remedy?  As  well 
might  it  be  contended  that  the  utter  destruction 
of  life  is  the  best  mode  of  relieving  long-con- 
tinued bodily  ailment.  No  sensible  physician 
would  either  in  theory  or  practice  advocate  such 
a  treatment,  and  yet  in  what  respect  do  the  cases 
differ?  The  immediate  abolition  of  slavery  no 
one  will  deny  strikes  a  death-blow  at  the  very 
existence  of  the  communities  whose  people  are 
said  to  be  cursed  with  the  institution.  A  safer 
and  more  certain  method  to  restore  them  to  polit- 
ical health  would  be  a  resort  to  gradual  emanci- 
pation or  some  other  measure  of  a  like  nature. 
It  might  at  least  have  been  allowed  consideration, 
for  it  should  not  be  forgotten  tiiat  the  southern 
people  themselves  are  not  wholly  accountable  for 
the  evil  of  slavery.  Their  brethren  of  the  North 
are  more  responsible  for  its  introduction  among 
them,  and  should  therefore  be  the  last  to  demand 
that  their  title  to  what  has  always  been  recog- 
nized as  property  should  be  destroyed  merely  to 
satisfy  the  inordinate  cravings  of  fanaticism.  For 
one  I  can  never  consent  to  the  adoption  of  a  meas- 
ure which  must  utterly  abrogate  their  former  ac- 
knowledged rights  and  destroy  their  political  ex- 
istence, and  thus  deprive  them  of  a  participation 
in  the  blessings  enjoyed  by  other  portions  of  the 
country  to  whose  birth  and  prosperity  they  have 
so  largely  contributed  by  their  willing  sacrifice 
of  blood  and  treasure. 

But  passing  over  this  question  and  conceding, 
if  you  please,  for  argument's  sake,  the  position  of 
our  opponents,  what  justification  can  they  pos- 
sibly find  -for  their  attempt  to  enact  laws  depriving 
innocent  offspring  of  lands  owned  by  their  fore- 
fathers, and  thus  robbing  them  of  their  lawful  in- 
heritance, to  be  parceled  out  among  these  liber- 
ated slaves  ?  This  is  an  assumption  of  power  in 
direct  violation  of  the  Constitution,  quite  as  much 
so  as  would  be  a  law  for  the  utter  abolition  of 
slavery.  And  yet  we  have  had  not  even  a  hint 
of  a  proposition  to  amend  that  instrument  so  as 
to  permit  of  confiscation.  And  why?  Was  it 
because  that,  unlike  the  slavery  agitation,  there 
was  no  political  capital  to  be  made  from  such  a 
proposition,  and  because  they  feared  that  a  prop- 
osition so  outrageous  might  lead  to  a  more  care- 
ful inquiry  and  scrutiny  into  their  acts  by  the 
people,  and  result  in  the  raising  of  a  whirlwind 
the  effects  of  which  no  political  organization  could 
withstand?     It  would  seem  so,  at  all  events. 

Again,  why  are  we  not  asked  to  amend  tlio 
Constitution  so  as  to  confer  greater  powers  upon 
the  Administration  to  justify  them  in  their  unwar- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2947 


rantabic  arbitrary  arrests?  Is  it  not  because 
they  fear  the  verdict  of  the  people  upon  such  an 
issue  directly  raised?  The  Constitution  ;5ro/M6iis 
the  infliction  of  cruel  and  unusual  punishment 
upon  actually  guilty  parties;  and  what  can  be  said 
in  mitigation  of  the  incarceration  of  citizens  in  a 
dungeon  as  a  punishment  for  a  casual  remark  or 
for  no  conceivable  offense  whatever,  upon  mere 
frivolous  charges  preferred  by  irresponsible  par- 
ties ?  The  Constitution  also  provides  for  the  free- 
dom of  the  press.  Why  are  we  not  asked  to 
amend  it  so  as  to  prohibit  such  freedom?  Will 
they  dare  do  it?  No, and  yet  they  have  not  hesi- 
tated to  set  the  constitutional  guarantee  utterly  at 
naught.  Why,  one  of  the  main  planks  of  the 
platform  upon  which  the  Administration  party 
rode  into  power  was  the  assertion  of  t!ie  freedom 
of  the  press,  and  yet  see  bow  they  have  disre- 
garded their  promises  and  pledges.  Have  we  not 
been  made  the  scorn  and  laughing-stock  of  the 
civilized  world,  from  the  fact  that,  with  all  our 
boasted  freedom,  our  press  is  muzzled  to  an  ex- 
tent scarcely  paralleled  in  any  age  or  country 
since  the  art  of  pririting  was  discovered?  Is  it 
not  on  pain  of  extinction  that  our  public  journals 
are  compelled  to  refrain  from  giving  utterance  to 
their  opinions  and  obliged  to  remain  silent,  while 
stupid  and  stupendous  lies  are  daily  perpetrated 
and  circulated  by  parties  who,  affecting  to  be  par 
txcellence  the  friends  of  the  Union, are  influenced 
by  purposes  of  plundering  or  stock-jobbing  oper- 
ations, or  both?  Has  not  the  suspension  of  the 
two  journals  alluded  to  before, and  known  astlie 
Journal  of  Commerce  and  the  World,  by  order 
of  the  President,  and  placing  a  military  guard  in 
possession  of  the  premises,  presses,  and  printing 
materials,  been  of  a  character  to  alarm  every 
freeman  and  justly  excite  his  apprehension  for 
the  liberty  of  the  press  in  the  future?  Have  the 
American  people  already  become  so  familiar  with 
the  perpetration  of  kindred  acts  that  they  cease 
to  warn  them  of  approaching  danger?  I  hope 
and  trust  the  people  have  not  yet  become  so  in- 
different and  have  so  tamely  submitted  to  these 
attempts  to  trample  upon  or  abrogate  their  sacred 
rights  guarantied  by  the  Constitution  as  to  have 
suffered  them  to  be  taken  away  without  opposi- 
tion, or  have  deservedly  lost  their  title  to  them 
by  default.  The  despotic  theory  that  "  the  king 
can  do  no  wrong"  can  never  be  recognized  by 
Americans  nor  its  practice  tolerated  on  American 
Boil. 

If  the  publication  of  tlie  bogus  proclamation 
was  what  it  is  claimed  to  have  been,  a  criminal 
transgression  of  law,  the  offending  parties  should 
have  been  arrested  on  a  warrant  issued  by  acivil 
magistrate  and  taken  before  him  for  a  hearing, 
been  allowed  an  opportunity  to  answer, and  if  able 
establish  their  innocence  and  show  that  they 
were  not  guilty  of  the  offenses  charged  against 
them.  This  privilege  was  denied,  though  it  was 
soon  discovered  that  tiieydid  not  commit  nor  in- 
tend to  commit  any  wrong,  and  that  they  were 
simply  the  victims  of  a  base  and  fraudulent  im- 
position. Had  these  papers  been  published  in 
the  interest  of  the  Administration  they  might 
not  have  received  such  harsh  treatment.  The 
actually  guilty  party  who  had  committed  the  act 
was  soon  discovered,  arrested,  and  taken  to  that 
celebrated  Government  boarding-house,  "  Fort 
La  Fayette,"  where  he  should  be  kept  for  the 
good  of  the  country  and  the  improvement  of  his 
morals;  but  I  am  informed  he  is  soon  to  be  lib- 
erated and  will  be  once  more  at  large,  free  to 
again  play  his  pranks  at  any  moment  upon  some 
unsuspecting  victim.  Like  the  fox  he  may  lose 
his  hair,  but  I  doubt  if,  like  the  fox,  he  ever  loses 
his  tricks.  He  was  an  attendant  at  Beecher's 
church;  a  prominent  member,  nay,  I  believe  the 
president  of  one  of  the  numerous  loyal  leagues; 
and  if  true,  as  I  am  led  to  believe,  that  it  is  to 
these  circumstances  he  will  owe  his  sp.eedy  lib- 
eration, he  will  prove  to  have  been  much  more 
fortunate  than  other  and,  in  my  opinion,  much 
better  citizens  and  purer  patriots. 
,.,  At  the  time  of  the  suppression  of  the  journals 
jiamed  many  if  not  all  the  employes  of  the  Inde- 
pendent Telegraph  Company  were  deprived  of 
their  liberties,  under  circumstances,  if  possible, 
more  to  be  regretted  by  the  people.  These  men 
were  incarcerated  in  a  dungeon  upon  a  mere  sus- 
picion that  possibly  they  could  have  been  guilty 
of  transmitting  this  notorious  bogus  proclamation 
over  the  wires  of  the  company  in  whose  employ 


they  were.  Their  innocence  was  shortly  after 
established  beyond  even  a  shadow  of  a  doub*, 
and  had  to  be  admitted  by  the  very  [)arties  who, 
under  color  of  authority,  so  ruthlessly  deprived 
them  of  their  liberties.  No  amends  can  be  made 
for  the  injury  done  by  such  unauthorized  assumf)- 
tion  and  exercise  of  arbitrary  power,  and  it 
should,  therefore,  not  be  allowed  to  pass  un- 
noticed, but  be  properly  rebuked,  and  receive  at 
least  the  merited  indignation  of  every  lover  of 
freedom,  and  of  all  those  who  have  any  regard 
for  the  fundamental  law  and  the  observance  of 
its  mandates. 

The  placing  of  a  military  guard  over  the  prop- 
erty of  the  company  and  depriving  them  of  its  use 
forthetime  being,  is  yetanotheract done  v/iihout 
authority  and  in  clear  violation  of  the  Constitution. 
It  may  not  be  as  deplorable  in  its  results;  but  that 
does  not  justify  it  nevertheless.  The  pecuniary 
loss  occasioned  by  these  unlawful  proceedings 
I  admit  can  be  restored,  but  nothing  can  be  done 
to  blot  them  out.  I  am  informed  that  it  is  the 
intention  to  give  the  company  some  of  the  Gov- 
ernment patronage  hitherto  exclusively  bestowed 
upon  their  rivals  in  business.  But  notwithstand- 
ing all  this,  what  a  sad  page  the  recital  of  these 
wrongs  will  fill  in  the  history  of  our  country. 

Let  us  not,  for  Heaven's  sake,  tamper  with  the 
Constitution.  We  have  a  work  of  more  import- 
ance to  perform;  let  us  try  and  do  it;  yes,  do  it 
manfully,  and  not  hesitate;  let  us  see  that  the 
Constitution  is  respected  in  future;  let  us  insist 
upon  the  proper  enforcement  of  its  provisions  at 
all  times  and  in  all  places,  high  or  low;  and  let  us 
not  be  deterred  from  inflicting  condign  punish- 
ment upon  him  who  has  the  presumption  to  dare 
to  violate  or  disregard  it. 

Let  us  talk  no  more  about  amending  the  Con- 
stitution to  attempt  to  free  the  negroes.  Are  we 
not  warned  by  the  signs  of  the  times,  lest  in  so 
doing  we  may  not  only  lay  the  foundation  for 
enslaving  the  white  people  of  this  country,  but 
of  the  whole  American  continent  beyond  redemp- 
tion and  for  all  time  to  come? 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  repeat  that  on  no  occasion  when 
the  purposes  of  those  administering  the  Govern- 
ment have  seemed  to  them  to  demand  it,  have  they 
hesitated  to  infringe  upon  and  disregard  the  Con- 
stitution. Not  only  by  theiracts,  butinnumber- 
less  instances  by  the  teachings  of  those  who  are 
recognized  as  expounders  and  exponents  of  their 
views,  have  they  asserted  that  v^here  the  Constitu- 
tion stood  in  the  way  of  the  carrying  into  effect  of 
their  policy  the  Constitution  mustgive  way.  This 
is  the  doctrine  daily  preached  by  that  pulpit  politi- 
cian, Henry  Ward  Beecher,and  the  worthies  who 
afliliate  with  hirn  in  political  sentimentand  action. 
And  no  one  will  question  that  they  are  the  very 
apostles  of  the  political  faith  of  the  partisans  in 
power.  This  same  Mr.  Beecher,  in  1863,  said  in 
Plymouth  church  in  speaking  of  the  Constitution, 
"  I  know  it  is  said  that  the  President  is  not  the 
Govenmient.  What!"  he  exclaimed,  "asheep- 
skin  parchment  a  Government !"  doubtless  pre- 
suming the  assemblage  to  be  in  unison  with  iitrn 
in  sentiment.  Why,  sir,  this  is  as  much  a  sub- 
stitution of  the  mere  will  of  the  Administration  in 
place  of  the  written  law  as  the  most  arbitrary 
despot  in  history  has  ever  dared  to  exercise. 

It  was  for  no  more  daring  assertion  of  kingly 
prerogative  and  usurpation  of  power  that  Charles 
I  of  England  lost  his  head  upon  the  scaffold. 
Louis  XIV  of  France,  when  he  arrogantly  de- 
clared, "The  State — I  am  the  State,"  and  acted 
upon  that  declaration,  scarcely  went  further  than 
this  new  doctrine,  which  boldly  announces  that 
the  Constitution  may  be  violated  upon  tlie  pre- 
text that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  President,  it  is 
necessary  to  do  so  to  preserve  the  Union.  Louis 
had  the  Bastile,  in  which  by  a  summary  process, 
secretly  and  without  trial,  those  who  dared  to 
criticise  or  oppose  his  policy  were  incarcerated. 
The  Administration  have  Fort  La  Fayette  in 
which,  for  no  greater  offenses,  American  citizens 
have  been  subjected  to  similar  treatment.  History, 
we  are  told,  repeats  itself;  and  the  parallel  I  have 
cited  would  seem  to  be  an  illustration  of  the  truth 
of  the  saying.  Let  those  having  charge  of  the 
Government  beware  that  the  parallel  is  not  carried 
still  further.  LouisPhilippe  restrained  the  freedom 
of  the  French  press,  and  went  so  far  as  to  attempt 
to  prohibit  the  right  of  the  citizens  peacefully  to 
assemble  in  public  meeting,  and  the  result  was 
that  he  was  forced  to  fly  the  country,  not  dis- 


guised in  a  long  military  cloak  and  Scotch  cap,  it 
is  true,  but  in  the  loose  blouse  and  overalls  of  a 
Parisian  hod-carrier.  Let  the  AdminirUration, 
then,  I  repeat,  be  warned  in  time,  for  there  are 
limits  beyond  which  it  is  not  safe  to  trench  upon 
the  rights  even  of  a  people  so  patient  as  those  of 
the  United  States  have  shown  therViselves  to  be. 

Already  the  indignant  mutteringa  of  the  peo- 
ple at  the  repeated  gross  violation  of  freedom  of 
speech  and  discussion  are  to  be  heard  coming  up 
in  tones  that  should  give  most  significant  warn- 
ing that  the  limit  of  endurance  ha.-5  been  reached 

Why  is  there  this  apparent  hesitancy  at  this 
moment  to  treat  the  Constitution  in  regard  to  the 
institution  of  slavery  as  they  have  treated  it  in 
respect  to  the  points  to  which  I  have  referred? 
There  was  no  hesitancy  to  violate  that  sacred  in- 
strument in  the  case  of  the  emancipation  procla- 
mation and  confiscation  acts.  And  why  this  new- 
born delicacy  and  reluctance  manifested  in  the 
present  request  to  go  through  the  form  of  its 
amendment?  Is  it  because  the  old  love  and  rever- 
ence for  the  Constitution  once  so  universal  among 
us  has  been  resuscitated,  or  because  the  majority 
here  repent  of  its  many  wanton  violations  on 
their  part?  No,  sir;  I  can  give  them  credit  for 
no  such  reform  and  repentance.  It  is  an  attempt 
to  replenish  again  their  almost  exhausted  stock  of 
political  ca|iital  by  creating  a  new  issue  based 
upon  the  slavery  question  before  the  people,  in 
the  hope  of  renewing  again  that  agitation  upon 
the  turbulent  waves  of  which  they  were  swept 
into  the  power  which  they  have  so  deplorably 
abused. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Speaker,  permit  me  to  ap- 
peal to  gentlemen  of  the  Opposition  to  pause  and 
reflect.  Let  me  remind  them  that  the  country 
has  little  to  hope  for  the  future  unless  the  war 
and  its  speedy  and  successful  termination  be  not 
made  the  primary  and  unceasing  object  of  all  our 
efforts.  Let  us,  I  beseech  you,  thus  occupy  our 
attention,  and  leave  this  carping  about  consti- 
tutional amendments  and  other  measures  of  like 
character  to  be  disputed  about  and  disposed  of 
hereafter.  Is  not  the  war  still  the  question  of 
all  questions  pressing  upon  our  consideration? 
Alas  I  no  one  can  deny  it.  Let  our  earnest  effort 
then  be  to  unite  in  the  endeavor  to  secure  an 
early  and  honorable  termination  thereof.  Above 
all  let  us  not  be  led  astray  by  a  desire  for  mere 
partisan  success,  and  thus,  through  party  strife, 
place  additional  barriers  in  the  way  of  the  con- 
summation that  our  people  so  fervently  desire. 
Let  our  aim  be  to  restore  the  country  to  its  former 
happy  condition;  but,  if  unsuccessful,  let  us  at 
least  maintain  our  great  charter  inviolate.  Let 
us  heed  the  lesson  which  history  teaches  us,  that 
it  is  wisest  always  to  leave  v/ell  enough  alone. 

Mr.  SHANNON  obtained  the  floor. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  Jersey,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Enrolled  Bills,  reported  that  they  had 
examined  and  found  truly  enrolled  ag  act  (H.  R. 
No.  486)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  pro- 
vide a  temporary  government  for  the  Territory  of 
Idaho,"  approved  March  3, 1863;  and  an  act  (H. 
R.  No.  504)  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  sell  the  marine  hospital  and  grounds 
at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase  a  new  site 
and  build  a  new  hospital;  when  the  Speaker 
signed  the  same. 

The  hour  of  five  o'clock  p.  m.  having  arrived, 
the  House  took  a  recess  until  half  past  seven 
o'clock  p.  m. 

EVENING  SESSION. 
The   House   reassembled   at   half  past  seven 
o'clock  p.  m. 

INDIAN  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  STEVENS,  by  unanimous 
consent,  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  returned 
from  the  Senate  with  amendments,  was  taken 
from  the  Speaker's  table  and  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means. 

WAYS  AND  MEANS. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  ask  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  House  for  an  order  to  have  printed 
some  amendments  which  I  propose  to  offer  to  the 
bill  of  the  House  (No.  515)  to  provide  ways  and 
means  for  the  support  of  the  Government. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  order  to  print  waa 
made. 


2948 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY. 

Tlie  House  then  resumed  the  coiisideraiion  of 
the  joint  resolution  of  the  Senate  proposing 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  on  which  the  gentleman  from  California 
[Mr.  Shannon]  was  entitled  to  the  floor. 

Mr.  WHEELER.  With  the  permission  of 
the  gentleman  from  California  I  desire  to  present 
an  amendment  to  the  resolution,  which  1  shall 
ofFi.'r  at  the  proper  time. 

The  Cleric  read  the  amendment,  as  follows: 

A(!(I  to  tlie  resolution  the  following; : 

Provided,  That  tliis  article  shall  not  apply  to  the  States 
of  KeiitucUy,  Missouri,  Di'laware,  and  Maryland  until  after 
the  expiration  often  years  from  tin;  time  the  same  shall  be 
ratified. 

Mr.  WHEELER.  I  ask  consent  to  print  an 
arj^umcnt  on  this  suL)ject  which  I  am  unable  to 
deliver. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  leave  was  granted. 

[The  speech  wiil  be  publisiied  in  the  Appen- 
dix.] 

Mr.  SHANNON.  Before  proceeding  with  my 
remarks,  I  desire  to  say  that  1  have  given  my 
friend  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Ingersoll]  half  of  my 
time.  He  is  a  new  member,  and  was  not  aware 
that  he  would  have  an  opportunity  to  speak  until 
late  this  evening,  and  could  not  prepare  his  re- 
marks before  to-morrow  morning.  I  trust,  there- 
fore, that  under  these  circumstances  he  will  be 
permitted  to  occupy  half  of  my  time  to-morrow 
instead  of  this  evening. 

There  was  no  objection. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  not  ad- 
dicted to  boring  this  House  with  set  speeches, 
and  nothing  save  the  deep  conviction  I  feel  of  the 
importance  of  the  question  now  pending  would 
induce  me  on  this  occasion  to  occupy  time  in  these 
closing  days  of  the  session.  But,  sir,  I  would 
not  do  justice  to  the  constituency  I  represent  were 
I  not  to  place  upon  the  record  my  protest  and 
their  protest  against  this  rebellion  and  its  unholy 
, cause. 

It  will  not,  I  trust,  be  necessary  in  this,  the 
fourth  year  of  our  struggle,  to  press  upon  this 
Flouse  proof  that  slavery  is  alone  responsible  for 
this  war.  No  man  who  has  read  carefully  the 
history  of  the  past  eighty  years,  whatever  may 
be  his  political  bias,  will,  1  think,  differ  with  this 
Opinion.  It  is  now  our  province  to  inquire 
whether  that  curse  can  be  perpetuated  with  safety 
to  American  freedom  and  national  unity,  and  if 
we  find  tliat  it  cannot,  it  will  then  become  our 
duty  to  see  to  it  that  for  the  future  it  shall  not 
exist  as  an  element  of  disruption  and  disintegra- 
tion in  our  tTiidst. 

Sir,  the  apothegm  "liberty  regulated  by  law" 
expresses  my  idea  of  the  spirit  of  American  in- 
stitutions. It  is  that  condition  of  the  people 
wherein  each  is  at  liberty  to  regulate  his  own  (lo- 
mestic  affairs  according  to  his  own  judgment  or 
caprice,  only  being  careful  that  those  laws  which 
protect  the  rights  of  his  neighbor  from  infringe- 
ment must  not  be  violated.  Slavery  is  inconsist- 
ent with  this  condition;  it  makes  the  many  sub- 
ject to  the  few,  makes  the  laborer  the  mere  tool 
of  the  capitalist,  and  centralizes  the  political 
power  of  the  nation.  Yet,  sir,  this  centralization 
is  not  such  as  that  which  gave  Russia  her  solid- 
ity and  despotic  greatness;  it  is  that  cheaper  arti- 
cle from  which  "  petty  lords  and  feudal  despots" 
spring.  It  draws  around  the  slave-owning  nabob 
all  the  petty  trappings  of  the  feudal  system,  and 
does  not  hesitate  to  assume  like  political  powers. 
Its  slaves  are  numbered  as  people  to  be  repre- 
sented, yet  considered  before  the  law  as  soulless 
beasts  of  burden.  The  man  who  owns  five  luin- 
dred  slaves  figures  in  the  tables  of  representation 
as  the  equal  of  three  hundred  non-slaveholders. 
In  plain  Saxon,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  half-witted 
heir  to  a  plantation  stocked  with  five  hundred 
negroes,  located  in  a  slave  State,  has  just  the 
same  voice  in  this  Hall  as  have  three  hundred  of 
your  constituency,  even  though  my  friends  on 
the  opposite  side  should  move  into  your  district. 
Much  was  said  a  few  years  ago  on  this  floor 
and  elsewhere  about  higher  law,  and  men  were 
branded  witli  every  opprobrious  epithet  who  be- 
lieved that  slavery  should  be  amenable  to  a  law 
higher  than  constitutions  or  human  enactments. 
Sir,  the  statesman  of  the  North  was  not  responsi- 
ble for  that  doctrine;  the  Commonwealth  of  Ken- 
tucky has  adopted  it  as  a  part  of  her  organic  act. 


The  constitution  of  that  State,  adopted  in  1850, 
contains  this  remarkable  sentence: 

"  That  the  rightof  property  is  before  and  higher  than  any 
constitutional  sanction  ;  that  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a 
slave  to  such  slave  and  its  increase  is  the  same,  and  as 
inviolable,  as  the  riglit  of  the  owner  of  any  other  property 
whatever." 

Now,  sir,  any  gentleman  who  will  turn  to 
article  thirteen,  section  three,  of  that  instrument 
will  see  that  I  do  not  misquote  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky when  I  assert  that  with  them  slavery  as- 
sumes to  exist  by  a  "higher  law"  than  the  con- 
stitutions of  our  fathers.  "  He  that  is  not  for 
us  is  against  us."  Slavery  is  by  its  own  decla- 
rations in  antagonism  to  our  Constitution,  and 
for  that  reason,  if  for  no  other,  I  would  oppose 
its  continuance. 

Sir,  slavery  rolls  back  the  car  of  civilization, 
and  brings  us  once  more  to  the  feudal  age,  giving 
us  that  system  with  all  of  its  iniquities,  and  yet 
without  its  claims  to  respectability.  Can  such  a 
system  be  legitimate  fruit  growing  upon  the  tree 
of  liberty  planted  by  our  patriot  fathers  and 
watered  by  their  blood  .'  Is  it  not  rather  a  poison- 
ous parasite  v.'hich  clings  to  the  sidesof  the  tree, 
sucking  up  its  sap,  smothering  its  foliage,  and 
sure  in  the  end  to  destroy  it.'  For  my  own  part 
I  could  never  understand  why  the  owner  of  slaves 
should  be  entitled  to  more  political  weight  than 
the  man  who  earns  his  daily  bread  by  his  daily 
toil. 

I  conceive,  sir,  that  that  nation  is  greatest  the 
largest  proportion  of  whose  people-arc  educated, 
possessed  of  the  comforts  of  life,  and  are  en- 
dowed with  cilizL'nship.  Let  the  voting  masses 
of  any  country  be  composed  of  an  independent 
yeomanry  the  majority  of  whom  are  freeholders 
of  moderate  yet  sufHcient  estate,  let  them  be  fairly 
schooled,  intelligent,  each  one  bearing  a  fair  share 
of  the  responsil)ilitics  of  the  Government,  and 
that  nation  will  be  healthy;  more,  sir,  it  will  be 
great  in  a  nobler  sense  than  Rome  was  great. 

Small  farms,  small  towns,  manufacturing  com- 
munities and  villages,  rather  than  cities  or  large 
estates,  are  among  the  conditions  of  true  national 
greatness.  To  each  of  these  slavery  is  in  an- 
tagonism. It  revels  in  extensive  plantations, 
seeks  to  deprive  those  who  are  not  citizens  of  ed- 
ucation, independence,  and  the  comforts  of  life, 
and  by  increasing  the  proportion  of  slaves  re- 
duces the  number  of  its  citizens  to  the  smallest 
possible  point.  With  it  the  statesmanship  that  la- 
bors to  secure  "  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number"  is  inverted,  and  the  greatestgood  to  the 
smallest  number  is  substituted. 

Slavery  and  barbarism  are  identical.  There 
was  no  enormity  perpetrated  in  the  darkest  age 
or  among  the  rudest  people  which  it  does  not 
sanction.  Every  form  of  incest  is  common  in 
this,  that  assumes  to  be  a  paternal  relation.  Even 
polygamy  is  degraded  by  it  to  promiscuous  pros- 
titution. Now,  sir,  1  love  the  white  race  too 
well  willingly  to  see  their  blood  miscegenating 
with  the  African,  and  must  protest  against  any 
institution,  however  patriarchal,  under  which 
such  things  are  profitable,  and  too  generally,  on 
that  account,  called  respectable. 

It  has  been  asserted,  and  even  in  some  cases 
by  divines  otherwise  respectable,  that  this  thing, 
slavery,  was  of  divine  origin.  I  shall  not  stop, 
nor  have  I  patience,  to  discuss  those  texts  in  holy 
writ  which  are  said  to  favor  this  view,  but  shall 
content  myself  with  remembering  the  one  great 
test  by  which  the  divinity  of  all  doctrines  must 
be  weighed:  "By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know 
them."  Who  will  dare  make,  in  this  enlightened 
age,  the  assertion  that  the  fruits  of  slavery  are 
divine.'  What  divinity,  pray,  in  that  condition  of 
affairs  where  men  and  women  are  compelled  to 
labor  illy  fed,  more  illy  clothed,  and  unpaid,  to 
the  end  that  one,  no  better  before  God,  should 
live  in  ease  and  without  labor.'  What  divinity 
in  whipping  women  for  protesting  when  their 
virtue  is  assailed?  What  divinity  in  tearing  from 
the  mother's  arms  the  sucking  child,  and  selling 
thern  to  different  and  distant  owners?  Where  is 
there  one  fruit  of  this  tree  that  any  man  will  dare 
to  call  divine? 

Mr.  Speaker,  1  have  no  respect  for  clergymen 
who  so  far  forget  the  sacredness  of  their  high 
calling  as  to  give  utterance  to  such  a  dogma. 
The  man  who  preaches  such  stuff  and  believes  it, 
if  there  is  one  such,  I  cannot  help  looking  upon 
as  a  fool;  the  more  intelligent,  the  man  who  gives 


it  utterance,  the  less  do  I  respect  him;  for  a  fool 
may  be  pitied,  a  hypocrite  must  be  despised. 
Slavery  divine,  mdeecl !  Is  its  divinity  attested 
by  its  unbridled  licentiousness,  or  by  its  degra- 
dation ot  labor;  by  its  destruction  of  every  family 
tie,  or  its  prostitution  of  both  races  in  prohibiting 
its  victims  from  acquiring  that  knowledge  which 
would  enable  them  to  read  God's  holy  word? 

Where,  then,  are  the  fruits  of  its  growing 
which  proclaim  it  as  emanating  from  on  high? 
Shame  on  the  blasphemy  which  would  saddle 
such  an  accursed  institution  upon  the  God  of  love 
and  mercy!  Man  could  heap  no  greater  contu- 
mely upon  his  Maker  than  to  attribute  so  unholy 
a  thing  to  Heaven. 

But,  sir,  some  of  these  learned  churchmen  who 
find  it  profitable  to  advocate  the  divinity  of  sla- 
very may  conceive  that  this  thievish  rebellion  is 
a  bud  of  hope  suggestive  of  a  coming  confederacy 
that  shall  prove  to  be  a  divine  fruitage.  Perhaps, 
sir,  the  grand  dream  of  a  confederacy  whose  cit- 
izens should  be  above  the  vulgar  necessity  of  toil? 
and  who  should,  every  man  of  them,  luxuriate  in 
the  enjoyment  of  a  fat  office,  or  rejoice  in  the 
possession  of  a  princely  revenue,  would  prove 
the  disease  which  gave  birth  to  the  Utopian  dream, 
as  being  born  of  Heaven. 

A.  H.  Stephens  declared  that  the  confederacy 
had  slavery  for  its  corner-stone.  Mad  brains  had 
conceived  the  idea  that  a  nation  could  be  builded 
up  all  of  v/hose  citizens — not  all  of  its  people — 
should  be  free  gentlemen  and  ladies,  free  not  only 
to  act  as  their  own  refined  instincts  might  dictate 
in  their  intercourse  with  each  other,  but  the  male 
portion,  at  least,  free  to  follow  those  same  in- 
stincts into  the  descending  cycle  where  the  dusky 
damsels  who  are  an  integral  part  of  this  corner- 
stone might  pander  to  their  laziness  and  lust.  It 
was  to  be  a  government  whose  citizens  should 
not  degrade  themselves  with  the  vulgar  cares  of 
life;  they  were  to  leave  such  things  to  their  slaves, 
and  they  rule.  Some  would  be  soldiers,  that  is, 
wear  the  shoulder-straps;  some  would  fill  the  va- 
rious official  positions  of  civil  government;  others 
would  condescend  to  grace  the  various  liberal 
professions  by  their  presence.  There  should  be 
no  non-producers  who  were  not  slaves  in  fact, 
no  producers  among  the  governing  class.  The 
poor  white  man  should  be  made  a  common  sol- 
dier, a  sailor,  a  petty  officer,  or  a  patrolman ,  whose 
duty  it  should  be  to  keep  the  slave  population  in 
proper  subjection.  For,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  a  fact 
which  those  who  believe  slavery  divine  and  the 
normal  condition  of  the  black  man  must  wonder 
at,  that  these  so-called  happy  slaves  have  so  poor 
an  appreciation  of  the  joys  of  their  condition  as 
to  be  constantly  pining  for  freedom  to  that  ex- 
tent that  they  will  skedaddle  from  their  comfort- 
able quarters  to  seek  refuge  among  the  abolition 
barbarians  of  the  frigid  North  whenever  they 
chance  upon  an  opportunity,  and  instances  are 
not  wanting  where  they  have  even  risen  upon 
their  kind  and  indulgent  masters  and  struck  with 
terrible  courage  for  that  liberty  so  sweet  to  all 
men.  The  poor  whites,  however,  were  to  pro- 
tect their  wealthy  neighbors  from  all  such  terrible 
contingencies.  This  employment  of  the  poor 
white  would  leave  no  poor  idle,  hence  no  dan- 
gerous class  in  the  community;  it  would  all  be 
absorbed  and  its  interest  made  identical  with  the 
interest  of  the  wealthy  class.  The  conditions  of 
master  and  slave  were  alone  to  exist,  the  third 
class  being  a  mere  adjunct  of  the  latter. 

This  institution  necessarily  establishes  three 
conditions  of  society  where  it  prevails:  the  mas- 
ter, the  slave,  and  that  most  degraded  condi- 
tion of  all,  the  middle-man,  or  the  poor  white 
trash,  whose  vocation  is  pander  and  pimp  to  the 
vices  of  both  master  and  slave,  and  ultimately 
dependent  on  both,  having  no  recognized  condi- 
tion, and  enjoying  none  of  the  privileges  of  the 
governing  or  governed  class,  but  an  outcast  from 
both  and  despised  by  both. 

Now  let  it  never  be  forgotten  that  our  mission 
also  is  to  elevate  and  disinthrall  that  most  in- 
jured and  dependent  class  of  our  fellow  white 
men  from  their  downtrodden  and  degraded  con- 
dition, that  they  too  may  be  men,  and  enjoy  the 
independence  and  rights  of  manhood.  And ,  Mr. 
Speaker,  that  Utopia  was  much  nearer  its  reali- 
zation three  years  ago  than  most  of  us  dreamed. 
Why,  sir,  subsisted  by  these  slaves,  every  well 
man  among  the  citizens  of  the  slave  States  has 
been  able  to  become  a  soldier.    In  the  North  two 


1864. 


THE  co:n^gressional  globe. 


2949 


thirds  of  the  able-botlicd  men  are  required  in  the 
pniducdon  of  food  and  all  those  articles  required 
for  ihe  subsistence  of  our  wives,  our  children,  and 
our  armies. 

Our  enemies  leave  all  this  work  to  the  slaves, 
and  the  slaves  are  all  productive;  male  and  female, 
old  and  young,  all  go  into  the  field.  The  planter 
and  producer  is  not,  as  with  us,  limited  to  the 
number  of  able-bodied  men  upon  the  plantation. 
With  him  a  woman  is  a  full  hand.  She  does,  and 
is  expected  to  do,  the  same  work  with  the  men. 
Little  children  are  not  required  to  attend  school, 
as  school  bills  for  colored  children  form  no  part 
of  the  plantation  expenses.  Tlie  little  fellows  of 
six  summers  are  quarter  hands,  at  twelve  are  re- 
quired to  do  half  the  work  of  a  man,  and  at  six- 
teen are  full  hands.  Decrepit  age  and  tender  youth 
alike  are  made  to  produce  subsistence  for  the 
armies  and  the  people  of  the  South.  It  is  this 
system  which  calls  out  all  the  bone  and  sinew  of 
the  South  in  aid  of  their  cause  which  has  made 
the  once  celebrated  anaconda  system  of  war- 
fare a  failure.  Sir,  all  the  cries  of  starvation  we 
have  imagined  ourselves  to  be  hearing. from  our 
"  erring  brethren"  have  been  but  theories  wrung 
from  the  poor  creatures  engaged  in  gathering  their 
abundant  harvests.  And  unless  those  cries  are 
heard  and  heeded  by  this  Government  we  can 
never  hope  to  succeed  in  crushing  the  rebellion, 
and  never  ought  to.  We  must  deprive  them  of 
their  producers;  we  must  by  our  action  ih  this 
Hall  demoralize  every  slave  leftbeyond  the  reach 
of  our  armies  by  guarantying  to  him  his  freedom 
beyond  contingency;  for,  depend  upon  it,  the  ac- 
tion we  take  upon  tiiis  bill  will  be  known  to  every 
black  man  and  woman  in  the  South  in  a  very 
Bhort  time. 

In  1860  a  period  was  reached  which  had  been 
predicted  by  very  many  of  thefounders  of  the  Re- 
public, and  which  had  been  foreseen  by  that  advo- 
cate of  State  rights,  Thomas  Jefferson.  It  was 
a  period  in  which  was  to  be  solved  a  problem  of 
vital  i.mportance  to  the  American  people.  Jeffer- 
son wrote  in  1798  that  the  State  and  General  Gov- 
ernments were  "  coordinate  departments  of  one 
simple  and  integral  whole;"  and  in  a  letlerto  one 
of  his  friends  said,  "  The  enlightened  statesman, 
therefore,  will  endeavor  to  preserve  the  weight  and 
influence  of  every  [lart,  as  too  much  given  to  any 
member  of  it  would  destroy  the  general  equilib- 
rium." And  to  another  friend  he  expressed  the 
fear  that  "a  conflict  would  arise  between  State 
rights  upon  the  one  hand  and  Federal  rights  upon 
the  other,  the  one  encroaching  upon  the  other  to 
that  extent  as  to  produce  a  collision."  Sir,  that 
collision  has  come,  and  now  we  must  decide  for 
ourselves  and  for  those  who  come  after  us  whether 
the  one  or  the  other  shallbe  maintained;  whether 
the  Republic  as  a  whole  is  worth  more  than  a 
system  of  petty  nations,  each  independentof  the 
other,  and  each  powerless  to  protect  its  citizens 
from  attacks  from  without  or  dissensions  within. 

Tlie  idea  of  a  confederation  of  States  had  been 
tried  and  the  experiment  found  not  worth  repeat- 
ing; hence,  on  the  formation  of  the  present  Con- 
stitution, it  had  been  decided  to  "  form  a  more 
perfect  Union"  by  the  action  of  the  people  of  the 
States  themselves,  through  their  delegates  to  the 
Convention.  That  Convention  represented  the 
people  of  the  several  Slates,  and  their  action  was 
afterwards  indorsed  by  a  vote  of  the  people  of 
the  several  States.  Sir,  the  people,  acting  through 
that  Convention,  ordained  that  this  Government 
should  have  power  to  declare  war,  make  peace, 
regulate  the  currency,  and  be  in  fact  a  supreme 
Government,  "a  more  perfect. Union;"  one  in 
which  the  people  of  the  several  States  could  find 
repose  undisturbed  by  foreign  attacks,  or  the 
machination  of  factionists  within  their  own  bor- 
ders. The  men  of  I860,  swelled  up  with  the  lust 
of  slavery  and  blinded  by  its  specious  reasonings 
in  favor  of  what  it  was  pleased  to  call  the  rights 
of  the  States,  unfortunately  have  proved  too  weak, 
too  unpatriotic,  to  maintain  unsullied  the  inherit- 
ance of  freedom  left  them  by  their  sires.  To  these 
men  the  doctrine  of  State  rights  was  a  cry  under 
which  slavery  with  all  its  attendant  evils  was  to 
be  fostered. 

Slavery  had  been  suffered  to  remain  in  our  sys- 
tem at  first  by  men  who  were  anxiously  count- 
ing the  days,  the  time,  whenitcouid  be  abolished, 
as  they  believed,  without  peril  to  the  country. 
They  argued  that  it  was  weak,  and  the  sense  of 
justice  which  they  believed  was  inborn  in  the 


American  heart  would  soon  lead  to  its  final  and 
utter  abolition.  In  fact,  our  fathers  v/ere  aboli- 
tionists. A  provision  was  incorporated  into  the 
Constitution  by  which  no  new  additions  were  to 
be  made  to  the  stock  of  slaves  then  in  the  country, 
and  it  was  believed  that  gradually  and  without  a 
jar  to  the  Federal  system  it  would  become  ex- 
tinct; Our  fathers  were  mistaken.  Slavery  was 
not  waning.  Every  year  but  added  strength  and 
gave  vigor  to  the  accursed  tree,  and  eighty  years 
after  it  is  found  to  have  grown  so  much  as  to 
number  more  victims  than  was  the  entire  popula- 
tion of  the  Republic  in  the  days  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. Waning,  indeed!  Why,sir,  to-day  it  claims 
more  territory  than  our  fathers  aspired  to  possess 
for  the  whole  nation,  and  fights  this  war  to  enable 
it  to  wrench  more-  domain  from  the  grasp  of  free- 
dom. This  mistake,  leaving  to  the  people  of  the 
several  States  the  right  and  authority  to  establish 
and  regulate  the  crime  of  human  slavery,  has 
well-nigh  proved  a  vital  one.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  trace  the  progress  of  the  slave  power.  Every 
page  of  our  nation's  history  records  it.  Every 
school-boy  is  familiar  with  it.  From  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana  and  from  the  passage  of  the 
Missouri  compromise  to  the  breaking  out  of  the 
rebellion,  every  year's  legislation  embodied  some 
new  concession  to  slavery,  and  the  pill  was  al- 
ways labeled  "  compromise."  It  was  continually 
making  aggressions  upon  freedom,  and  still  claim- 
ing that  it  was  only  securing  to  itself  rights  guar- 
antied to  it  by  the  Constitution. 

Assuming  that  the  Government  wag' a  partner- 
ship of  the  States,  the  adherents  of  slavery  finally 
attempted  to  dissolve  it  unless  the  reins  of  power 
were  delivered  into  their  hands.  It  would  rule, 
sir,  or  it  would  ruin.  The  issue,  then,  was  re- 
duced to  this:  we  must  have  the  Union  with 
the  Government  in  the  hands  of  the  slave  oli- 
garchy or  submit  to  its  dissolution.  We  consented 
to  neither,  but  trusting  to  the  God  of  battles  and 
the  patriotism  of  our  people  we  dared  the  fight, 
and  as  sure  as  Heaven  is  just  we  will  succeed. 

Now,  sir,  what  is  this  institution  of  slavery 
that  has  sought  to  assume  the  reins  of  Govern- 
ment in  this  land  of  freedom.'  What  is  slavery, 
sir.'  It  is  "  the  sum  total  of  all  villainies."  It  is 
the  destroyer  of  every  virtue,  public  as  well  as 
private,  because  it  encourages  promiscuous  and 
unbridled  licentiousness,  and  renders  null  the 
marriage  relation.  It  is  the  enemy  of  all  religion, 
insomuch  as  it  has  caused  to  be  enacted  in  every 
slave  State  laws  making  it  a  felony  to  teach  men 
and  women  whose  skins  are  black  to  read  even 
the  Bible,  and  places  restrictions  about  their  as- 
sembling themselves  together  to  worship  God. 
It  destroys  all  thrift,  energy,  and  good  citizen- 
ship among  the  ruling  classes,  teaching  them  to 
depend  upon  the  labor  of  others  for  support  when 
God  has  ordained  to  man  that  by  the  sweat  of  his 
brow  he  should  eat  his  bread.  Slavery  is  pagan- 
ism refined,  brutality  vitiated,  dishonesty  cor- 
rupted; and,  sir,  we  are  asked  to  retain  this  curse, 
to  protect  it  after  it  has  corrupted  our  sons,  dis- 
honored our  daughters,  subverted  our  institu- 
tions, and  slied  rivers  of  the  best  blood  of  our 
countrymen. 

Sir,  the  time  has  passed  for  concessions  to  the 
slave  power.  Slavery  has  risked  all  to  gain  all, 
and  now  it  must  abide  by  the  cast  of  its  own  die; 
and  to  us  there  is  but  one  issue,  dissolution  and 
a  recognition  of  the  confederacy,  or  the  utter  and 
immediate  abolition  of  slavery.  There  is  now  no 
middle  ground.  I  believe  now  that  since  the  days 
of  Calhoun  there  has  never  been  a  middle  ground. 
We  have  tried  tenderness  long  enough.  For 
eighty  years  we  have  been  compromising;  we 
have  coaxed  and  petted;  it  has  availed  us  noth- 
ing. We  have  given  the  South  the  high  places  in 
our  national  synagogue,  our  kindness  has  never 
faltered,  but,  sir,  it  has  been  our  ruin.  We  said 
to  the  South,  we  will  not  interfere  with  your  pet 
snake  while  you  keep  it  in  the  den  you  have  pro- 
vided for  it;  we_  will  not  fight  your  nefarious  in- 
stitution so  long  as  you  keep  it  at  home.  Sla- 
very shall  not  be  interfered  with  in  any  State  where 
by  local  law  it  exists.  We  would  even  permit 
the  snake  to  crawl  into  and  establish  for  itself  a 
den  in  Territories  common  to  both;  but  because 
we  insisted  that  it  should  not  invade  with  its  slime 
our  own  homes  and  take  to  itself  every  foot  of 
the  common  inheritance  it  has  rebelled.  Why, 
sir,  even  as  late  as  I860  we  of  the  North  were  a 
nation  of  compromisers,  and  after  the  ordinances 


of  secession  had  been  passed  in  several  States,  it 
is  a  question  whether  we  would  not  have  b(;en 
willing  to  accede  to  all  the  demands  of  the  South. 
Even  the  old  abolition  party  had  men  in  its  ranks 
who  were  willing  to  make  some  arrangement  by 
which  the  widening  breach  might  be  bridged. 

Mr.  Speaker, at  that  time  few  men  in  the  North 
were  found  so  radical  as  to  be  unwilling  to  com- 
promise upon  some  basis,  and  a  still  smaller 
number  who  would  insist  upon  no  terms  short  of 
full  emancipation. 

But,  sir,  as  the  history  of  the  past  might  have 
warned  us,  every  pacific  overture  was  rejected, 
and  no  alternative  was  left  to  the  freemen  of  the 
North  but  war.  How  sternly  that  war  has  been 
prosecuted  upon  both  sides  history  will  bear  tes- 
timony. And  shall  we  be  willing  to  end  the 
struggle  now  until  sufficient  guarantees  are  se- 
cured that  our  people  and  their  successors  shall 
live  for  all  future  time  without  a  constant  fear 
that  the  smothered  flame  shall  again  leap  forth 
and  burn  with  tenfold  fury?  No,  sir,  we  must 
end  this  war  now,  end  it  for  all  coming  time;  and 
we  can  only  end  it  as  we  desire  by  so  amending 
our  organic  act  that  slavery  can  never  again  be 
an  clementof  discord  among  our  people.  Mem- 
bers upon  this  floor  who  fear  that  their  constit- 
uency will  not  sustain  them  in  voting  for  this 
measure  should  remember  that  they  have  a  con- 
stituency coming  after  those  whom  they  now  rep- 
resent,aconstituency  who  will  hold  them  to  a  more 
strict  account  of  their  stewardship  than  will  the 
partial  friends  of  to-day,  and  the  execrations  of 
that  constituency  will  be  heaped  upon  the  man 
who  now  hesitates  to  aid  in  wiping  out  this  stain 
and  curse  that  has  disgraced  us  so  long.  We 
want  no  timid  men  now.  Our  brothers  and  sons 
have  poured  out  their  blood  upon  fields  made 
memorable  by  their  bravery,  and  shall  fear  that 
some  of  us  will  not  be  returned  to  seats  in  this 
House  lead  us  to  hesitate  in  doing  justice  to  our 
country  in  this  the  crisis  of  her  destiny? 

Mr.  Speaker,  there  can  be  no  reunion  with 
slavery — the  day  when  such  a  thing  was  possible 
haspassed.  Sir,  let  us  for  one  moment  try  to  re- 
alize such  a  reunion.  The  first  thing  to  be  done 
under  such  a  condition  would  be  to  enforce  the 
fugitive  slave  law.  But,  sir,  thousands  of  the 
slaves  we  would  be  called  upon  to  return  would 
be  soldiers  in  the  Union  Army,  men  who  had  been 
engaged  in  fighting  our  battles.  Our  faith  as  a 
people  is  pledged  to  those  men  for  freedom.  They 
would  be  the  wives,  sisters,  mothers  and  daughters 
of  soldiers,  and  dare  we  submit  to  the  rendition  of 
that  class?  The  fugitives  who  have  foUowedour 
armies  from  the  plantations  of  the  South  have 
been  the  only  loyal  men  and  women  it  found  in 
its  track,  and  shall  we  be  asked  in  the  day  of  our 
triumph  to  punish  these  our  friends  with  one 
hand  while  with  the  other  we  reward  the  red- 
handed  assassins  who  have  endeavored  to  strike 
down  our  liberties  ?  Sir,  I  can  never  bring  my- 
self calmly  to  contemplate  the  possibility  of  a  re- 
union with  the  South  which  shall  tolerate  the  fur- 
ther existence  of  slavery,  much  less  one  that  shall 
restore  it  to  its  former  assumed  privileges.  No, 
sir,  we  must  either  abolish  slavery,  or  consent  to 
see  the  Union  of  our  fathers  destroyed ,  its  hitherto 
proud  name  become  a  hissing  and  a  reproach, 
and  its  people  no  longer  free. 

Sir,  there  is  but  one  compensation  we  can  render 
to  this  country  for  the  terrible  sacrifices  she  has 
been  called  upon  to  endure  in  this  struggle;  that 
compensation  is  the  entire  abolition  of  the  curse 
of  slavery;  otherwise  the  blood  of  our  country- 
men is  shed  in  vain.  We  have  seen  it  lurking 
and  rankling  in  the  veins  of  our  body-politic  for 
eighty  years,  until  it  has  culminated  at  last  in  this 
terrible  war,  the  most  gigantic,  and,  upon  the  part 
of  the  South,  the  most  brutal  the  world  ever  saw. 
Shall  we  now  be  willing  to  give  it  a  new  lease  of 
power,  new  strength  to  renew  its  attacks?  No, 
sir,  we  cannot,  we  dare  not  consent  to  such  a 
thing.  Were  we  to  so  far  forget  the  lessons  of 
the  past  as  to  entertain  so  base  a  proposition,  we 
would  be  disgraced  in  our  own  sight  and  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world  and  of  God. 

But,  sir,  if  we  are  to  make  emancipation  effect- 
ive and  adequate  to  our  national  disease,  we  must 
adopt  it  boldly,  resolutely,  and  at  once.  We  must  • 
not  only  emancipate  the  slaves  in  the  seceded 
States, but  we  mustinclude  theslaves  of  the  border 
States,  leaving  no  root  of  the  accursed  tree  to 
spring  up  for  the  future  to  the  peril  of  the  country. 


2950 


THE  CO^N-GRESSION^AL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


And,  sir,  the  measure  now  pending  seems  to  me 
to  be  the  only  one  adequate  to  the  emergency. 

Mr.  JMARCY.  iVIr.  Speaker,  I  have  sought 
this  opportunity  to  address  the  House  for  the 
purpose  of  expressing  somegeneral  views  on  the 
state  of  the  country.  In  tlie  expression  of  my 
sentiments  I  shall  not  be  sustained  with  the  hope 
that  my  counsels  will  be  heeded  by  the  Admin- 
istration party  in  power  in  this  House,  but  if  my 
remarks  go  out  to  the  country,  it  is  more  proba- 
ble that  the  righteous  aversion  existing  in  the 
heart  of  the  people  to  this  Administration  may 
receive  strength.  The  foundations  on  vi^hich  our 
national  liberty  rests  were  deliberately  settled  by 
the  illustrious  statesmen  of  the  R.evolution;  every- 
thing that  was  felt  to  be  a  necessity  for  a  free 
people  was  carefully  provided  for;  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty  was  surrounded  with  safeguards; 
the  cause  and  the  Government  which  the  heroes 
of  the  Revolution  fought  for  received  the  bless- 
ings of  Heaven;  the  Constitution  was  a  perfect 
work,  and  so  long  as  the  Administration  of  the 
Government  under  it  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Democratic  party,  so  long  did  it  meet  the  wants 
of  the  whole  country,  but  the  moment  the  great 
disloyal  abolition  party  assumed  to  direct  the 
affairs  of  the  nation,  from  that  moment  the  safe- 
guards of  liberty  were  broken  down,  the  founda- 
tions of  the  nation's*  strength  were  undermined, 
time-honored  landmarks  were  blotted  out,  the 
purity  and  sacredness  of  the  ballot-box  were  vio- 
lated,and  now, emboldened  by  success,  the  Execu- 
tive of  the  nation  proclaims  to  a  bewildered  people 
that,  as  he  understands  his  oath  to  support  and 
preserve  the  Constitution,  it  calls  on  him  to  do 
what  in  his  judgment.is  indispensable  to  its  pres- 
ervation, whether  such  means  are  constitutional 
and  according  to  its  letter  or  not. 

1  address  myself  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  President's  position  as  a  plain, 
honest  man,  seeking  for  what  i?the  best  for  the 
whole  country,  and  as  a  man  free  from  all  preju- 
dices, free  from  fanaticisms,  and  free  from  the 
mortal  sin  of  ever  having  by  word  or  deed  pro- 
moled  and  fostered  haired  between  the  two  sec- 
tions of  the  country.  When  visiting  the  splendid 
agricultural  regions  of  the  South,  and  doing  busi- 
ness there,  and  when  at  home  amid  the  busy 
marts  of  New  England  industry,  I  have  invariably 
cherished  one  and  the  same  national  sentiment 
Fraternity  and  equalily  are  the  guides  of  all  true 
Americans.  The  Constitution  in  plain  and  unmis- 
takable terms — so  plain  that  a  wayfaring  man 
though  a  fool  and  a  joker  need  not  err  therein — 
defines  and  limits  the  President's  use  of  means 
and  measuYes  in  the  exercise  of  his  duty  in  its 
protection  and  defense.  His  oath  confines  him 
to  the  use  of  the  means  which  the  Constitution 
provides.  When  he  knowingly  violates  the  sa- 
cred instrument,  instead  of  either  protecting  or 
defending  it,  he  destroys  it;  he  commits  a  high 
crime  against  the  American  people,  and  registers 
in  heaven  theaclof  his  perjury;  and  all  his  aiders 
and  accessories  to  the  crime  in  this  Congress,  and 
all  that  portion  of  the  wicked,  disloyal  abolition 
party  who  sustain  the  President  in  his  infractions 
on  the  Constitution,  are  joint  heirs  with  him  to 
the  inheritance  of  eternal  infamy. 

If  the  President  has  the  right  to  overleap,  or,  in 
the  language  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  [Mv. 
Garfield,]  "override"  the  Constitution  and  to 
substitute  liisown  views  for  the  written  law  of  the 
land,  he  can  justify  himself  by  showing  wherein- 
the  Constituiion  gives  him  that  right.  He  says 
he  does  it  to  preserve  the  nation.  How  would 
you  like  a  physician  to  preserve  your  life  by  cut- 
ting your  heart  out;  the  Constitution  is  the  heart 
of  the  nation.  Oaths  are  of  no  consequence  when 
those  who  take  them  are  allowed  discretion  as 
to  when  and  for  what  purposes  they  can  be  vio- 
lated. In  time  of  peace  the  Constitution  cannot 
become  obsolete.  In  time  of  war,  for  still  more 
obvious  reasons,  it  cannot  be  laid  aside.  It  is  a 
living  code;  no  part  of  it  can  die;  every  line  is 
operative  everywhere  throughout  the  country, 
and  atall  times.  It  is  bindingon  every  American, 
and  he  who  has  once  sworn  to  support  it  and 
then  perjures  himself,  he  is  a  traitor. 

We  are  not  to-day,  Mr.  Speaker,  where  my 
voice  can  reach  the  erring  and  misguided  South; 
if  we  were  1  should  entreat  them  to  return  to  their 
allegiance,  to  come  back  within  the  fold  of  the 
Union  and  once  more  cross  their  hands  in  friend- 
ehip  with  us.     If  they  would  listen,  the  great 


loyal  Democratic  party  would  guaranty  to  them 
the  pure  administration  of  the  law  of  the  land, 
they  should  enjoy  without  further  molestation 
their  full  and  equitable  rights  under  the  Consti- 
tution. If  the  disloyal  abolition  party  would 
humble  itself  in  dust  and  ashes,  and  purge  itself 
from  its  monstrous  iniquities  and  v/ash  away  the 
stains  which  disfigure  its  infamous  brow,  and 
swear  that  from  this  time  henceforth  and  forever 
it  would  never  seek  to  interfere  with  the  admin- 
istration and  regulation  of  the  internal  police  of 
the  southern  States  or  of  any  State,  and  act  with 
the  Democratic  party,  peace  would  once  more  re- 
turn to  bless  the  land  and  to  seal  with  the  bene- 
diction of  divine  love  the  nuptials  of  a  reunited 
country.  Shall  we  see  that  glorious  day  ?  The 
abolition  party  do  not  wish  td  have  the  Union 
restored.  I  challenge  any  one  of  them  to  rise  in 
his  seat  and  say  that  he  is  in  favor  of  the  Union 
as  it  was  and  the  Constitution  as  it  is.  When- 
ever such  a  ble^ing  is  hoped  and  prayed  for  they 
universally  deride  and  mock  the  sentiment;  all 
expressions  for  the  Union  as  it  was  turn  to  ashes 
on  their  lips. 

At  the  time  the  Constitution  was  adopted  it 
saved  us  from  impending  anarchy  and  sought  to 
secure  liberty  to  posterity.  But  the  history  of 
this  Republic,  like  that  of  all  others,  has  taught  us 
that  virtue  among:  the  rulers  and  the  people  can 
alone  preserve  and  protect  the  forms  of  Govern- 
ment. The  powerof  minute  local  administration 
was  given  to  each  State.  It  was  made  a  very 
prominent  feature;  the  people  of  each  State  were 
allowed  to  make  their  own  laws,  to  govern  their 
own  institutions.  From  1792  to  1860  the  country 
for  the  greater  part  of  the  time  was  under  Demo- 
cratic rule.  It  ascended  in  the  scale  of  nations  to 
the  first  rank,  and  was  theequal  of  the  four  great 
Powers  of  the  earth ;  the  American  people  became 
the  pride  and  boast  of  the  world.  All  this  was 
accomplished  because  the  great  code  between  the 
States  was  respected.  The  party  in  power  novv 
seem  as  ready  to  overthrow  this  glorious  Consti- 
tution as  our  fathers  were  to  shed  their  blood 
to  obtain  it.  Our  fathers  broke  the  yoke  of  tyr- 
anny, and  a  degenerate  portion  of  their  sons  are 
ready  to  place  their  necks  in  it  again. 

Why  are  they  ready  to  resume  it,  Mr.  Speaker.' 
When  for  a  moment  reason  is  allowed  to  resume 
its  sway  the  question  is  easily  answered.  We  are 
engaged  in  putting  down  a  great  rebellion.  That 
was  the  ostensible  purpose  of  the  war.  Whether 
it  has  degenerated  into  a  crusade  to  overthrow  the 
institution  of  slavery  at  the  expense  of  all  the 
available  blood  and  treasure  of  the  North  is  an 
open  question ;  but  I  asked  the  question ,  why  does 
a  portion  of  the  country  seem  ready  to  put  on 
the  yoke  of  despotism  ?  It  Is  because  they  meekly 
sit  by  and  see  established  forms  of  Government 
swept  av/ay,  and,  either  in  their  ignorance  or  in 
their  willingness  to  see  the  Government  destroyed, 
aid  and  abet  the  nefarious  crime.  Nothing  can 
be  more  unfortunate  in  any  country  than  the  ne- 
cessity or  the  rashness  which  blots  out  an  estab- 
lished constitution  beforeasubstiluteisprepared. 
We  hear  every  day  now,  in  addition  to  open  in- 
fractions of  the  Constitution,  of  schemes  for  a 
different  form  of  Government.  Change  it  in  the 
slightest  manner  and  the  form  of  Government  is 
changed.  If  the  Constitution  should  be  altered 
to  suit  the  infractions  that  have  been  made  on  it, 
what  would  become  of  us  while  the  change  was 
going  on.'  How  many  fanatical  theorists,  filled 
with  only  the  idea  of  the  black  man,  would  come 
forward  and  obtrude  theirill-digested  notions  upon 
the  public'  Despotism  and  its  minions  would  lie 
in  wait  to  take  advantage  of  the  hazards  by  which 
the  Constitution  would  be  surrounded.  Breaking 
the  Constitution  is  like  breaking  the  golden  cord: 
when  once  the  mischief  is  done  you  cannot  ex- 
pect it  to  be  repaired ;  rulers  and  people  are  alike  un- 
restrained by  authority;  but  while  there  is  enough 
of  the  Constitution  left  to  keep  a  remembrance  of 
what  it  was,  I  shall  not  lose  all  confidence  that  its 
condition  will  be  beyond  hope  when  it  again  falls 
into  the  hands  and  care  of  the  loyal  Democratic 
party. 

Mr.  Speaker,  as  I  proceed  in  my  remarks  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  speak  more  particularly  of 
some  of  the  infractions  of  the  Constitution.  I 
have  said  so  much  in  a  general  way  for  the  pur- 
pose of  expressing  to  this  House  the  absolute 
convictions  of  my  constituents  as  well  as  my  own, 
that  by  disregarding  constitutional  obligations  the 


warning  admonition  of  Vv''asliington,  and  the  wise 
counsels  of  all  the  most  eminent  patriots  of  the 
land,  past  and  present,  the  country  has  been  in- 
volved in  the  horrors  of  a  terrible  and  devastating 
civil  war.  My  constituents,  with  me,  believe  that 
the  Constitution,  as  framed  by  the  fathers  of  our 
country,  is  sufficient  for  all  emergencies,  and  we 
utterly  repudiate  the  doctrine  that  in  time  of  war, 
or  -at  any  time,  it  can  be  suspended  or  enlarged 
in  its  powers  beyond  the  letter  and  true  meaning 
of  that  sacred  instrument.  It  is  to  us,  as  it  was  to 
our  fathers,  the  only  hope  of  a  perfect  Union,  to 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  pro- 
mote the  general  v/elfare,  and  secure  the  blessings 
of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  and  if 
observed  in  its  letter  and  spirit  is  amply  su^cient 
to  secure  to  us,  as  it  did  to  them,  these  inesti- 
mable blessings.  And  as  a  Representative  in  Con- 
gress, I  am  instructed  by  my  constituents  to  unite 
with  all  true  Union  men  everywhere  in  the  sup- 
port of  the  Federal  Government,  and  to  seek  to 
preserve  the  Constitution  as  it  is  and  to  restore 
the  Union  as  it  was. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  patriotic  and  eloquent  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  [Mr.  Voorhees]  has  told 
us  how,  under  its  present  custodians,  the  Con- 
stitution has  been  used  to  establish  justice,  in- 
sure domestic  tranquillity,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty.  The 
remembrance  of  that  speech  must  still  be  fresh  in 
the  minds  of  the  guilty  party  who  have  murdered 
the  Constitution  by  piecemeal.  My  constitu- 
ency do  not  believe  in  war  as  a  remedy  for  the 
tremendous  evil  with  which  our  country  is  af- 
flicted. They  regard  the  history  of  the  three 
years  of  the  immediate  past  asone  of  mourning, 
shame,  and  sorrow,  and  humiliation;  they  look 
upon  it  as  a  fratricidal  strife  which  wise  states- 
manship might  have  avoided;  they  look  upon  the 
terrible  and  frightful  slaughter  as  so  many  lives 
uselessly  sacrificed;  they  think  the  mourning 
which  the  fate  of  war  has  carried  to  so  many 
homes  a  dear  price  to  pay  for  the  military  glory 
we  have  won;  they  look  upon  the  immense 
amount  of  property  which  has  been  destroyed  as 
a  reckless  and  wanton  waste;  they  assume  the 
gigantic  load  of  taxes  which  has  been  placed  upon 
their  shoulders  with  a  spirit  of  heroism  that  may 
be  equal  to  the  task,  but  praying  that  they  may 
be  spared  additional  weight;  they  look  upon  the 
mighty  pyramid  of  our  national  debt  and  its  pros- 
pective increase,  and  cry  out,  "Not  unto  the 
third  and  fourth  generation  shall  our  children 
suflfer  for  their  fathers' sins,  but  all  our  posterity, 
throughout  all  the  coming  ages  of  the  endurance 
of  this  nation,  must  feel  the  burden  of  heavy  tax- 
ation to  pay  even  its  interest.'"  My  constituents 
are  a  thinking,  reasoning  people.  They  bow 
down  to  no  idols  and  worship  no  false  gods; 
their  politics  consists  of  pure  Democracy,  and 
their  religion  of  patriotism  and  devotion  to  the 
whole  country.  They  do  not  believe  that  the 
black  man  is  equal  to  the  white.  They  are  not 
imbued  either  with  any  false  philanthropy  or 
false  notions  concerning  the  blaclc  man's  true  po- 
sition. They  would  not  disturb  the  equilibrium 
of  States  and  plunge  the  country  into  a  desola- 
ting war  on  the  negro's  account,  but  would  leave 
each  State  to  regulate  its  own  internal  affairs  as 
guarantied  by  the  Constitution.  If  there  is  sin 
in  slavery,  they  would  leave  it  wholly  to  the  con- 
science of  the  southern  people  and  to  their  God. 

By  what  principle  of  right  can  any  man  justify 
the  breaking  up  of  our  form  of  government  to  se- 
cure freedom  to  the  slaves?  Gentlemen  on  the 
other  side,  do  not  disguise  your  true  position,  do 
not  deceive  yourselves  any  longer;  look  into  the 
mirror  of  present  events  and  see  the  reflection  of 
your  own  image;  if  it  is  not  more  frightful  than 
any  ever  seen  in  Babylon,  and  more  terrible  than 
the  apocalyptic  Beast,  then  I  have  not  seen  the 
colossal  and  iniquitous  image  in  its  true  light. 
"  Better  a  thousand  times  the  old  Union  as  it  was 
should  perish  and  rebellion  triumph  than  ever  to 
witness  its  restoration,"  is  the  wicked  sentiment 
of  the  Republican  party.  It  is  fastened  on  them 
like  the  poisoned  shirt  of  Ncssus.  Could  the 
war  stop  to-morrow  by  the  restoration  of  the 
Union  as  it  was,  how  many  votes  could  the  meas- 
ure getfrom  gentlemen  who  charge  this  side  of  the 
House  with  disloyalty  ?  Could  the  war  stop  to- 
morrow by  the  resurrection  of  the  hopeless  slain 
to  return  to  the  bosom  of  their  families,  and  to 
bless  with  their  presence  the  bereaved  and  stricken 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2951 


mourners,  how  many  disloyal  and  crazy  fanatics 
would  give  up  their  schemes  for  their  loved  nejjro 
to  help  on  such  a  bright  and  glorious  day?  Not 
one,Mr.Speaker;inmy  judgment,  not  one;  if  there 
be  any  such  who  would,' let  him  spealc  for  himself. 

Havel  offended?  But,  gentlemen,  your  career 
is  fast  drawing  to  a  close.  God,  in  His  mercy, 
will  not  impose  upon  the  free  American  people 
another  four  years  of  your  dreadful  misrule;  four 
years  in  the  fiery  furnace,  four  years  groping 
in  the  valley  and  shadow  of  death,  four  years  of 
the  blind  leading  the  blind,  four  years  amid  the 
sulphurous  flames  of  the  pit  that  is  bottomless,  I 
thinlt  will  satisfy  even  divine  vengeance;  and 
when  the  administration  of  the  Government 
passes  into  the  hands  of  the  conservative  party, 
our  abolition  friends  must  emigrate  to  the  place 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Washburne] 
so  often  mentions,  Abyssinia,  and  into  the  heart 
of  Africa,  or  be  content  with  the  four  years  of 
miscegenetic  beatitude  they  have  so  hugely  en- 
joyed. The  Government  instituted  for  white 
men  will  again  become  popular.  The  bleeding 
Treasury  will  be  rescued  from  the  grasp  of  re- 
lentless speculators,  and  will  become  virtuous 
loo;  and  the  fairy  tales  that  render  it  so  disrepu- 
table will  cease  to  exist. 

1  approach  now,  sir,  the  consideration  of  two  or 
three  of  the  subjects  which  Iiave  claimed  much  of 
the  attention  of  the  country,  and  done  much  to  ex- 
cite that  deep  and  overwhelming  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  Administration  which  is  so  manifest 
in  all  the  States.  One  of  the  resolutions,  sir, 
passed  at  the  convention  which  nominated  me  for 
Congress  was  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  Tliattlie  arbitrary  arrest  and  imprisonment  of 
citizens  for  political  offenses,  and  the  suspension  of  the 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  loyal  States,  are  gross  violations 
of  our  national  and  State  constitutions,  and  tyrannical  in- 
fractions of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  American  citizens, 
which  cannot  be  tolerated  in  a  free  country;  and  that  tlie 
people  cainiot,  and  will  not,  allow  the  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press,  that  great  safeguard  of  civil  liberty,  to  be 
put  down  by  unwarranted  and  despotic  exercise  of  power 
from  whatever  source." 

Among  the  articles  of  our  present  faith  we  find 
the  following:  we  do  not  believe  the  Adnninis- 
tration  is  engaged  exclusively  in  putting  dov;n 
the  rebellion;  we  believe  it  is  employing  our  vast 
armies  to  sustain  acts  which  have  the  strongest 
tendency  to  overthrow  the  framework  of  our 
Government.  We  believe  the  Army  has  been 
used  in  loyal  States  to  carry  elections,  and,  above 
all,  Mr.  Speaker,  how  was  it  in  Florida  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  up  a  bogus  State  government 
in  favor  of  the  President,  and  how  has  the  Army 
been  used  by  Banks  for  the  purpose  of  enriching 
cotton  speculators?  Are  these  things  fresh  in  the 
minds  of  Republicans,  or  are  they  not?  Are  the 
immense  losses  in  the  material  of  war  and  the 
lives  of  thousands  uselessly  sacrificed  to  Moloch 
and  Mammon  passed  forgotten  into  the  history 
of  your  nameless  crimes?  The  true  purpose  of 
the  people  in  furnishing  the  sinews  of  war  is 
comprehensively  stated  in  a  general  order  issued 
by  General  McClellan,  August  9,  1862.  The 
order  is  as  follows: 

"The  general  commanding  takes  this  occasion  to  remind 
theoffieers  andsoldiersof  this  army  that  we  are  engaged  in 
supporting  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  in  suppressing  rebellion  againsttheirauthority ;  that  we 
are  not  engaged  in  a  war  of  rapine,  revenge,  or  subjugation; 
that  this  is  not  a  contest  against  populations,  but  against 
armed  forces  and  political  organizations;  that  it  is  a  struggle 
carried  on  within  the  United  States,  and  should  be  conduct- 
ed by  us  upon  the  highest  principles  known  to  Christian 
civilization." 

But  I  pass  on  to  the  resolution  first  quoted.  I 
know  not  how  many  times  Mr.  Seward  has  rung 
his  bell  since  he  has  been  prime  minister,  and 
consequently  I  know  not  how  many  citizens  have 
been  unceremoniously  locked  up  in  military  dun- 
geons without  an  opportunity  of  trial  by  a  jury  of 
their  countrytrien;  but  we  do  know  the  number 
is  legion,  and  that  in  every  instance  it  was  done  in 
absolute  violation  of  the  established  law  of  the 
land.  No  special  pleading  can  convince  lis  to  the 
contrary;  when  the  people  are  robbed  of  their  lib- 
erties they  know  it.  Among  the  dearest  of  their 
rights  is  that  of  trial  by  jury.  The  people  will 
not  be  trifled  with  any  longer;  the  great  consti- 
tutional arguments  on  this  subject  1  leave  for  the 
able  lawyers  on  this  side  of  the  House  to  discuss. 
I  simply,  state  the  broad  facts  as  stated  by  the 
Constitution  and  as  they  are  understood  by  the 
people  at  large,  who  are  now  awaking  to  a  sense 
of  their  true  condition. 


The  President  has  had  a  majority  of  both. 
Houses  of  Congress  in  his  favor;  hence  whatever 
radical  measure  he  has  wished  to  carry  has  been 
accomplished  without  the  slightest  difficulty. 
The  direct  and  only  object  of  a  majority  of  these 
measures  has  been  to  secure  a  firm  foothold  for 
approaching  despotism,  coming  on  with  equal 
steps  with  every  unconstitutional  act.  Is  it  any 
exaggeration  to  assert  that  the  military  prisons 
have  been  filled  with  citizens  from  the  loyal  States 
who  are  political  opponents  of  this  Ad  ministration, 
and  have  they  not,  in  their  wretchedness,  become 
prematurely  old,  and  has  not  the  affliction  with 
many  of  them  been  so  great  as  to  lead  to  suicide 
and  to  the  lunatic  asylum  ?  After  they  have  been 
confined  for  many  weary  months,  vainly  seeking 
for  the  cause  of  their  arrest  and  for  a  trial, 'have 
tliey  not  been  released  without  one,  or  even  so 
much  as  an  excuse  given  for  the  horrible  outrage 
inflicted  upon  them  ?  Any  man  of  influence  known 
to  be  opposed  to  this  Administration  is  in  danger 
all  the  time  of  having  his  most  sacred  rights  vio- 
lated, of  being  torn  from  the  bosom  of  his  family 
and  incarcerated  in  a  loathsome  dungeon.  The 
whole  country  is  filled  with  spies  and  eavesdrop- 
pers to  report  to  the  Bakers  whatever  can  be  tor- 
tured into  anything  like  opposition  to  the  tyranny 
seeking  to  plant  itself  upon  a  throne.  By  the 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  the  Gov- 
ernment oflicials  are  enabled  to  seize  and  imprison 
any  offensive  person.  How  long  will  such  a  state 
of  things  last?  Just  so  long  as  a  foolish  people 
will  permit  it. 

P4y  constituents  understand  this  question,  and 
woe  be  to  the  man  who  attempts  among  them  to 
execute  the  mandates  of  tyrants.  My  friends  are 
also  in  favor  of  free  speech  and  a  free  press. 

Mr.  Speaker,  during  the  ever-to-be-memorable 
trial  of  the  distinguished  Representative  from 
Ohio  [Mr.  Long]  for  words  spoken  in  debate,  I 
was  painfully  struck  with  the  following  remark 
from  the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Orth,] 
namely: 

"A  man  is  free  to  speak  so  long  as  he  speaks  for  the  na- 
tion ;  when  lie  speaks  against  it  he  shall  not,  with  my  con- 
sent, do  so  with  impunity  on  the  floor  of  this  House." 

Who  is  to  be  the  Judge  when  I  am  speaking 
whether  I  am  speaking  for  the  nation  or  not — the 
gentlernan  frcrm  Indiana  [Mr.  Orth]  or  myself? 
Is  his  judgment  so  faultless  that  he  can  decide 
better  than  his  peers  what  is  constitutional  and 
within  the  scope  of  legitimate  debate?  Has  it 
come  to  this  in  his  judgment,  that  he  can  rise  and 
dictate  what  we,  with  "  bated  breath  and  whis- 
pering humbleness,"  may  say  ?  Dare  he  stand 
up  in  Congress  ami  seek  to  lock  the  mouths  of 
the  Representatives  of  a  free  people  whose  every 
right  is  as  sacred  as  his  own  ?  I  tell  the  gentleman 
and  all  of  his  way  of  thinking  that  I  shall  utter 
upon  the  floor  of  this  House  whatever  I  wish 
concerning  the  crimes,  the  follies,  and  the  out- 
rages of  this  Administration;  whatever  I  wish 
concerning  its  turpitude,  its  sins,  and  deformity. 
I  quote  from  Story  on  the  Constitution: 

'•  In  some  foreign  countries  even  to  this  day  it  is  a  crime 
to  speak  on  any  subject,  religious,  philosophic,  or  politi- 
cal, what  is  contrary  to  the  received  opinions  of  the  Gov- 
ernment; or  even  to  speak  upon  the  conduct  of  public  men, 
of  rulers  or  representatives,  in  terms  of  the  strictest  truth 
and  courtesy,  lias  been  and  is  now  deemed  a  scandal  upon 
the  supposed  sanctity  of  their  stations  and  character,  sub- 
jecting the  party  guilty  of  it  to  the  severest  punishments." 

The  gentleman  and  his  friends  had  better  at 
once  find  those  genial  climes.  They  are  just  suit- 
ed to  the  tastes  of  despots  and  aristocrats.  But 
the  right  of  free  speech  is  a  plant  of  indigenous 
growth  in  this  country,  and  can  not  be  eradi- 
cated. The  freedom  of  the  press,  Mr.  Speaker, 
receives  no  protection  from  the  present  guardians 
of  the  people's  rights.  I  now  ask  for  information: 
is  there  an  instance  on  record  where  Government 
officials  have  exerted  their  power  and  authority 
to  prevent  the  destruction  of  newspaper  offices? 
Is  there  an  instance  on  record  where  the  strong 
arm  of  the  law  has  been  interposed  and  upheld 
by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  save  newspaper 
property  from  a  lawless  mob?  I  know  of  none, 
sir,  and  1  do  not  think  there  is  one;  it  has  seemed 
rather  a  holiday  pastime  than  otherwise,  and 
thought  as  lightly  of  as  any  other  infraction  of 
the  Constitution.  It  has  remained  for  the  histo- 
rian to  refresh  our  memories  with  the  fact,  while 
comparing  this  country  with  others,  that 

"  In  some  countries  the  press  has  been  shackled,  and  com- 
pelled to  speak  only  in  the  timid  language  whicli  the  cring- 


ing courtier  of  the  capricious  inquisition  should  license  for 
publication." 

Sir,  how  well  do  his  words  apply  to  the  state 
of  things  now  in  our  own  unhappy  country.  Let 
the  people  ponder  well  these  facts  before  the  glory 
of  our  nation  is  entirely  gone;  before  it  stands 
only  as  the  shadow  of  the  imperial  name  it  once 
had;  before  it  is  seen  only  as  a  broken  and  crum- 
bling monument  of  its  heroic  history;  before  Iclia- 
bod  is  written  all  over  its  shattered  temples.  • 

In  this  hasty  review  I  must  avail  myself  of  the 
privilege  to  notice  other  acts  of  this  Administra- 
tion, which  have  m&terially  helped  to  strengthen 
and  prolong  the  rebellion,  and  to  swell  tlie  army 
of  tax-gatherers  and  the  processions  of  wretched 
mourners  in  all  our  streets. 

On  the  22d  of  September,  1862,  the  President 
gave  notice  that  on  the  1st  of  January,  1863,  he 
should  issue  a  proclamation  of  emancipation  to 
all  the  slaves  in  the  districts  seeking  for  independ- 
ence. Three  months'  notice  was  given  to  the 
southern  men  to  prepare  for  the  event.  During 
this  tiptne  the  abolition  press  was  in  ecstacies,  the 
rebellion  was  about  to  receive  its  final  blow,  the 
colored  millennium  was  to  be  ushered  in.  Greeley, 
at  the  head  of  nine  hundred  thousand  mort^,  prom- 
ised to  moveimmediatelyupon  theenemy's  works 
under  the  influence  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord.  At 
the  tread  of  their  conquering  march  the  confed- 
eracy was  to  tremble  and  totter  to  its  fall.  But 
how  have  all  those  bright  visions  vanished  I  Time 
has  demonstrated  the  wisdom  of  the  country's 
true  friends.  That  proclamation  had  the  identical 
effect  which  statesrnen  foresaw.  Not  one  single 
slave  haa  been  liberated  thereby.  Wherever  the 
armies  have  pi^netrated  slaves  have  been  received 
and  protected  within  thcv  lines  of  the  Federal 
forces.  The  same  was  the  case  before  the  proc- 
lamation was  issued. 

Mr.  Speaker,  while  General  McClellan  was  in 
command  he  received  and  protected  every  negro 
who  came  within  his  lines.  He  never  refused 
one,  and  never  returned  one  to  slavery.  Eat  it 
was  not  his  idea  to  employ  the  armies  of  tlie 
Union  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  their  prop- 
erty, liberating  slaves;  the  Army  had  with  him  a 
higher  and  holier  destiny.  Under  his  leadership 
his  soldiers  knew  that  the  grand  object  of  the  war 
was  to  preserve  the  Constitution  and  restore  the 
unity  of  the  States.  After  the  proclamation  was 
made,  instead  of  having  the  effect  to  fill  up  the  de- 
pleted ranks  of  the  Army  with  a  million  of  willing 
troops,  conscription  and  princely  bounties  was 
the  resort.  On  the  other  hand  it  broke  the  spirit 
of  thousands  of  loyal  men  struggling  to  be  loyal. 
They  saw  their  property  about  to  be  swept  away 
from  them  at  a  single  stroke;  it  may  have  been 
nothing  but  a  weakness  of  theirs,  but  it  was  more 
than  they  could  stand.  They  joined  the  ranks  of 
the  confederates,  and  interposed  a  line  ofgleaming 
bayonets  between  their  property  and  those  who 
would  take  itaway;and  beyond  all  that,  itkindled 
into  a  flame  seven  times  fiercer  than  ever  felt  be- 
fore the  mortal  enmity  of  the  southern  heart. 
This  may  have  been  wise  and  judicious.  I  beg 
leave,  however,  to  differ.  In  my  judgmentan  over- 
reach of  the  Constitution  to  proclaiin  freedom  to 
millions  of  blacks  affords  staple  for  the  dema- 
gogue; consequently  the  misery  and  wretchedness 
the  country  endures  on  account  of  it  are  of  no 
earthly  account. 

For  an  explanation  of  the  additional  burdens 
imposed  upon  the  white  laboring  classes  at  the 
North  to  support  this  folly  of  follies,  I  refer  the 
other  side  to  the  able  and  exhaustive  speech  of 
my  distinguished  friend  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Hol- 

MAN.] 

Leaving  the  proclamation  to  slumber  in  the 
charnel  house  where, shrouded  in  the  habiliments 
of  death  repose  the  brains  of  the  Republican  party, 
let  us  pass  on  to  the  act  approved  July  17,  1862, 
to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  &c. 
This  act  provides  for  the  immediate  seizure  of  all 
the  estate  and  property,  ttioney,  stocks,  credits, 
and  effects  of  those  who  were  at  the  time  of  the 
passage  of  the  act  holding  high  olKce,  civil  and 
military;  and  in  section  six  this  act  provides  that 
the  property  of  any  person  engaged  in  the  rebel- 
lion shall  suffer  confiscation,  including  estates, 
money,  stocks,  and  credits,  unless  within  sixty 
days  after  the  proclaination  of  the  President, 
which  is  provided  for  in  the  act,  such  persons 
shall  return  to  their  allegiance. 

On  the  25lh  of  July,  1862,  the  President  issued 


2952 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


his  prochimntion  of  warning  to  all  persons  liable 
to  be  fiffi'Cted  by  the  act. 

Nearly  two  years  have  passed,  sir,  since  this 
act  went  into  operation.  In  a  few  places  and  on 
the  borders  of  two  or  three  States  the  act  of  con- 
fiscation lias  lind  a  practical  effect;  estates  have 
beer)  seized  and  confiscated;  slight  revenues  to  the 
Government  have  thereby  gone  into  the  national 
Treasury;  a  few  persons  have  been  turned  out, 
houseless  and  homeless  into  the  streets;  the  greed 
of  the  officers  charged  with  the  execution  of  the 
law  has  been  partially  satisfied;  the  radical  hu- 
manitarian and  Utopian  theorist  have  enjoyed  the 
partial  fulfillment  of  their  dreams  of  dividing  up 
and  realizing  easy  profits  fiom  the  large  estates  of 
the  South.  But,  sir,  if  possible  it  gave  additional 
incentives  to  the  owners  of  landed  property  South 
to  oppose  with  all  their  might  the  military  power 
of  the  North,  which  alone  is  the  only  power  that 
can  enforce  the  provisions  of  the  law.  From  these 
two  distinguished  acts  of  the  Administration  noth- 
ing but  misery,  bloodshed,  and  desolation  have 
followed  in  their  train;  by  them  the  war  has  been 
prolonged,  millions  on  millions  have  been  added  to 
the  national  debt;  thousands  of  the  bravest  and  best 
of  our  citizen  soldiery  have  lost  their  lives  in 
consequence.  In  the  idea  of  emancipation  and 
confiscation  the  great  and  only  legitimate  object 
of  the  war  has  been  lost  sight  of,  and  they  have 
led  directly  to  the  adoption  of  the  theories  of  sub- 
jugation and  extermination. 

The  Union,  as  presented  to  the  South  by  the 
abolition  party,  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the 
acceptance  of  a  master  who  is  to  prescribe  their 
laws  and  regulate  their  internal  police. 

Forcible  arguments  have  now  been  put  into  their 
mouths  to  resist,  step  'by  step,  force  with  force, 
the  encroachments  of  an  Administration  which, 
in  its  blind  zeal  to  gratify  the  lunacy  of  fanatics, 
throws  down  all  constitutional  barriers  and  leaps 
headlong  into  the  whirlpool  of  anarchy  and  mis- 
rule. Time  would  fail  me  to  specify  one  half  of 
the  radical  mistakes  Mr.  Lincoln  has  made.  I 
have  no  heart  to  go  over  the  list;  they  are  before 
the  American  people.  The  whole  bill  of  indict- 
ments is  being  drawn  by  the  accused  himself. 
The  trial  of  Abraham  Lincoln  will  not  prove  a 
farce,  and  no  packed  jury,  armed  by  bayonets, 
will  be  able  to  acquit  him.  I  may  reason  wrong; 
but  I  believe  the  name  of  the  President  will  go 
down  to  posterity  along  with  the  deep  execra- 
tions of  all  who  revere  and  love  the  Union  as  our 
fathers  gave  it  to  us. 

Our  soldiers  in  the  field  deserve  and  have  ever 
received  from  this  side  of  the  House  the  warmest 
sympathy  and  support.  Their  own  individual 
interests  have  and  ever  will  be  among  our  most 
sacred  trusts.  They  went  out  to  defend  the  flag 
of  their  country,  and  to  bring  back  under  the  Cori- 
stitution  the  seceded  States.  They  have  illus- 
trated on  every  battle-field  the  valor  and  prowess 
of  American  arms.  They  could  do  no  more. 
They  have  done  enough  to  accomplish  the  true 
object  of  the  war,  and  would  have  done  more  but 
for  the  interference  of  ambitious,  selfish,  and  de- 
signing politicians. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  flag  of  our  country  is  dear 
to  me.  I  have  carried  it  all  over  the  world,  and 
beneath  that  sacred  emblem  of  our  nation 's  power 
I  have  in  every  foreign  land,  among  civilized  and 
uncivilized  nations,  realized  the  influence  of  its 
protection.  I  have  never  felt  that  it  was  de- 
signed for  the  benefit  of  any  State  or  section,  but 
that  under  it  all  werealikc  equal.  That  flag  I  still 
intend  to  uphold  and  defend.  I  see  in  it  nothing 
to  warrant  oppression  orcommitment  of  crime  in 
the  sacred  name  of  liberty.  As  has  been  well  said 
by  the  able  patriot  from  the  city  of  New  York, 
[Mr.  Brooks,]  traitors  to  the  Constitution  are 
those  who  violate  it;  those  who  depart  from  it 
are  like  the  mariner  at  sea  without  a  compass,  and 
although  the  truly  loyal  men  stand  as  lights  all 
over  the  country  to  keep  the  ship  of  State  away 
and  free  from  the  rocks  and  shoals  whither  it  is 
drifting,  ourgood  iiUentionsarc always  disregard- 
ed and  often  treated  with  contempt. 

More  than  oner,  sir,  1  have  ridden  on  the  mount- 
ain waves  of  the  ocean,  clinging  to  a  portion  of 
the  wreck  of  my  noble  ship;  ihe  small  boat,  some 
friendly  plank  or  sjmr,  has  been  the  means  of 
saving  my  life.  So,  sir,  amid  the  general  wreck 
of  States,  atid  floating  about  as  we  are  on  the 
waves  of  this  tiMn|i(\sliious  ocean  of  civil  war,  I 
will  cling  to  the  Constitution  as  my  only  hope  of 


refuge  and  safety.  To  refuse  its  aid  would  be 
madness. 

Mr.  COFFROTH.  Mr.  Speaker,  when  I  en- 
tered this  Hall  at  the  opening  of  this  session,  ( 
had  determined  not  to  participate  in  any  general 
debate.  It  was  my  intention  to  be  a  listener  and 
not  a  talker.  This  resolve  would  have  been  faith- 
fully kept  had  it  tiot  been  for  the  extraordinary 
legislation  that  has  been  pressed  upon  the  House 
— legislation,  in  my  opinion,  v/hich  is  not  only 
subversive  of  the  interests  of  the  people,  but  which 
erects  an  insurmountable  barrier  to  the  restoration 
of  the  Union.  The  resolution  before  us  proposes 
to  amend  the  Constitution,  made  by  the  patriots  of 
the  Revolution, so  as  to  abolish  slavery  through- 
out the  United  States.  It  proposes  to  set  free  four 
million  ignorant  and  debased  negroes  to  swarm 
the  country  with  pestilential  effect.  It  is  to  carry 
out  the  design  of  the  bad  and  wicked  men  whose 
fanatical  teaching  has  produced  the  terrible  blood- 
shed and  destruction  of  life  through  which  we 
are  now  passing.* 

Sir,  we  should  pause  before  proceeding  any  fur- 
ther in  this  unconstitutionaland  censurable  legis- 
lation. The  mere  abolition  of  slavery  is  not  my 
cause  of  complaint,  i  care  not  whether  slavery 
is  retained  or  abolished  by  the  people  of  the 
States  in  which  it  exists — the  only  rightful  au- 
thority. The  question  to  me  is,  has  Congress  a 
right  to  take  from  the  people  of  the  South  their 
property;  or,  in  other  words,  having  no  pecuni- 
ary interest  therein,  are  we  justified  in  freeing 
the  slave  property  of  others?  Can  we  abolish 
slavery  in  the  loyal  State  of  Kentucky  against 
her  "will.'  If  this  resolution  should  pass,  and 
be  ratified  by  three  fourths  of  the  States — States 
already  free — and  Kentucky  refuses  to  ratify  it, 
upon  what  principle  of  right  or  law  would  we  be 
justified  in  taking  this  slave  property  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Kentucky }    Would  it  be  less  than  stealing ? 

This  legislation  has  a  tendency  not  only  to 
create  discord  amongthe  people  of  the  North,  but 
has  a  power  so  immense  the  mind  cannot  calcu- 
late its  weightin  giving  strength  and  force  to  the 
rebellion.  It  fulfills  all  the  prophecies  of  the  South 
concerning  the  North.  They  have  been  bolster- 
ing up  and  maintaining  their  Army  by  asserting 
that  the  people  of  the  North  intended  to  confis- 
cate their  homes  and  rob  them  of  their  slave  prop- 
erty. The  one  has  already  been  put  in  force  by 
an  unconstitutional  enactment,  and  you  now  pro- 
pose to  do  the  other  by  the  same  process  of  ille- 
gality. These  acts  constitute  the  propelling  power 
which  has  filled  southern  armies.  The  fanatical 
legislation  of  this  Congress  has  been  of  more 
value  to  the  South,  in  giving  them  large  armies, 
than  all  the  conscriptions  they  have  passed  or 
bounties  they  have  paid.  Men  who  wereattached 
to  the  old  Union,  but  placed  under  circumstances 
to  be  of  little  service  to  it,  and  who  have  been 
waiting  with  beating  hearts  to  be  again  sheltered 
under  the  old  flag,  are  now  forced,  not  only  into 
sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  but  into  hearty  co- 
operation. They  have  no  other  resort.  To  re- 
main idle  now  is  to  lose  all  they  have.  In  their 
opinion,  to  sustain  the  rebellion  retains  to  them 
their  property. 

If  slavery  is  to  be  abolished, allow  itto  be  done 
according  to  the  principles  of  common  justice. 
Allow  the  people  in  each  State  the  inalienable 
right,  through  their  legally  constituted  authori- 
ties, to  control  their  own  domestic  institutions  in 
their  own  way.  This  was  the  doctrine  held  by 
statesmen  whose  passions  and  prejudices  did  not 
blind  them  to  a  correct  idea  of  rigiit. 

President  Harrison  saw  the  disunion  purposes 
of  the  abolitionists  and  slavery  agitators  at  an 
early  day,  and  expressed  the  following  opinion: 

"  I  am,  and  have  been,  for  many  years,  so  nnicli  opposed 
to  slavery,  that  I  will  never  live  in  a  slave  Stale.  JJut  I 
believe  the  Constitution  lias  given  no  power  to  the  General 
Government  to  interfere  in  thitj  matter,  and  that  to  have 
slaves  or  no  slaves  depends  upon  the  people  in  each  Slate 
alone.  But  besides  the  constitutional  objection,  I  am  per- 
suaded that  Ihe  obvious  tendency  of  such  interference  on 
the  part  of  ihe  States  which  have  no  slaves  with  the  prop- 
erty of  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  others,  is  to  produce  a 
state  of  discord  and  jealousy,  that  will,  in  the  end,  prove 
fatal  to  the  Union.  I  believe  that  in  no  oiIkt  State  are 
such  wild  and  dangerous  sentiments  entertained  on  this 
subject  as  in  Oliio." 

Sir,  I  do  not  deny  the  right  of  Congress  to 
amend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  for 
the  benefit  of  the  people,  but  I  do  deny  the  right 
of  Congress  to  ameiui  the  Constitution  to  the  de- 
struction of  the  right  of  the  people  to  hold  prop- 


erty. It  never  was  intended  by  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution,  nor  by  any  of  the  great  men 
who  ruled  this  countiy,  that  the  dominant  party, 
blinded  by  prejudice,  should  alter  or  amend  the 
Constitution  to  the  injury  of  the  weaker  section. 
If  the  North  has  the  power  to  take  from  the  South 
their  property,  it  follows  that  if  the  South  ever 
gets  the  power,  she  would  have  the  same  right  to 
take  our  property,  and  the  result  would  be  that 
instead  of  the  Constitution  protecting  the  people 
it  would  be  turned  into  a  power  to  oppress  them. 
The  Democratic  party  has  been  exerting  its 
power  to  restrain  legislation  to  its  proper  chan- 
nel, and  for  this  it  is  daily  stated  upon  this  floor 
and  elsewhere  that  the  Democrats  are  in  sympa- 
thy with  the  rebellion.  What  a  libel  upon  that 
great  party!  Its  great  principles,  its  pure  devo- 
tion to  the  country,  and  its  never-dying  fealty  to 
the  doctrine  of  man's  capacity  for  self-govern- 
ment, can  receive  these  shocks  of  vituperation 
with  as  little  effect  as  the  mighty  oak,  that  has 
planted  its  roots  deep  into  the  mountain  side,  re- 
ceives the  peltings  of  the  storm.  Let  history 
speak  for  the  Democratic  party.  Under  its  con- 
trol this  nation  grew  from  thirteen  penniless  col- 
onies to  thirty-four  mighty  States.  Under  its 
control  the  forests,  where  the  red  man  roamed  un- 
molested, have  been  felled,  and  mighty  cities  have 
sprung  up,  with  their  spires  piercing  the  clouds. 
Under  its  control  the  old  road  wagon  had  scarcely 
pulverized  the  stones  of  the  macadamized  pikes 
upon  the  mountains,  until  the  iron  horse  flew 
with  lightning  speed  through  their  bowels.  It  was 
under  its  control  the  sails  of  our  vessels  whitened 
every  navigable  stream  in  the  world  and  the  flag 
of  our  country  protected  American  citizens  in 
every  clime.  Under  its  control,  when  foi-eign 
nations  were  suffering  for  food,  the  old  ocean 
was  made  to  groan  beneath  the  weight  of  provis- 
ions sent  to  a  starving  people.  Uiider  its  control 
science,  agriculture,  and  the  mechanical  arts  be- 
came so  perfect  and  harmonious  that  the  Old  World 
wondered  in  amazement  at  the  scientific  advance- 
ment of  our  people.  Under  its  control  the  people 
of  all  climes  and  countries  were  invited  to  make 
this  their  home,  where  they  might  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  Qwn  conscience, 
and  under  their  own  "  vine  and  fig-tree."  It  was 
under  the  control  of  this  same  Democratic  party 
that  vast  and  boundless  territory  was  acquired. 
The  great  Northwest  was  molded  by  the  hand  of 
the  Democracy.  That  beautiful  country,  which 
was  once  a  wild  and  waving  prairie,  is  now  dotted 
with  habitations  as  the  stars  dot  the  heavens  above 
us,  and  her  cattle  are  feeding  lipon  a  thousand 
hills.  It  was  under  Dpnocratic  control  that  "em- 
pire marched  onward  until  the  flag  of  our  coun- 
try was  placed  upon  the  highest  peaks  of  the 
Rocky  mountains, 

"  Whose  vast  walls 

Have  pinnacled  in  clouds  their  snowy  scalps. 

And  throned  eternity  in  icy  hails 

Of  cold  sublimity." 

Under  Democratic  rule  the  monster  harriers  of 
the  Rocky  mountains  proved  no  impediment  to 
the  onward  march  of  American  civilization  and 
constitutional  government,  and  the  adjoining 
valley  was  acquired,  whose  loveliness  and  beau- 
ty are  described  as  rivaling  the  magnificence  of 
the  garden  of  Eden.  The  Democi-atic  party  not 
content  with  even  all  these  splendid  acquisi- 
tions took  the  "  empire  onward"  and  crossed  the 
Sierra  Nevada  mountains,  and  planted  the  flag 
of  the  free  upon  the  golden  soil  of  California 
and  gave  us  a  "  domain  of  more  than  imperial 
grandeur.  Its  valleys  teem  with  unbounded 
fertility,  and  its  mountains  are  filled  with  inex- 
haustible treasures  of  mineral  wealth.  The  nav- 
igable rivers  run  hundreds  of  miles  into  the  in- 
terior, and  the  coast  is  indented  with  the  most 
capacious  harbors  in  the  world.  The  climate  is 
more  healthful  than  any  other  on  the  globe,  the 
vegetation  is  more  vigorous,  and  the  products 
more  abundant;  the  face  of  the  earth  is  more 
varied,  and  the  sky  bends  over  it  with  a  lovelier 
blue.  Everything  in  it  is  made  upon  a  scale  of 
magnificence  which  a  man  living  in  such  a  com- 
monplace region  as  ours  can  scarcely  dreum  of, 

" '  Which  his  eyes  must  see 
To  know  how  beautiful  this  world  can  be.' " 

No  political  organization  of  any  countvy  or  age 
can  show  so  glorious  a  record,  so  free  from  blun- 
ders and  crimes,  and  so  rich  in  valuable  achieve- 
ments.    The  unexampled  progress  of  the  country 


1864. 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2953 


in  wealth  and  power,  and  its  peaceful,  prosperous, 
and  happy  condition  before  tills  war,  were  there- 
suit  of  tiie  wise  and  patriotic  policy  of  the  Dern^ 
ocratic  party.  Can  the  Democratic  party  in  this 
the  hour  of  thecountry'tidesolationforgetits  past 
history  ?  The  shouts  of  fifteen  hundred  thousand 
Democrats  answer  no.  The  mission  of  the  De- 
mocracy is  to  save  our  wrecked  and  divided  coun- 
try, and,  with  the  help  of  God,  relying  upon  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  we  will  unite  this  distracted 
country  in  bonds  so  strong  that  future  causes  will 
never  bring  upon  us  a  separation. 

The  man  who  with  this  record  before  him 
charges  the  Democratic  party  with  disloyalty 
I  looic  upon  as  either  a  madman  or  a  knave. 
When  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Grinnell] 
uttered  in  debate  the  startling  announcement  that 
he  "  would  rather  say  a  thousand  times  let  the 
country  be  divided,  the  South  go  their  way,  all 
slave,  and  the  North  all  free,  than  see  the  coun- 
try once  more  under  Democratic  rule,"  I  was  not 
surprised.  The  history  of  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  is  consistent  with  this  treasonable  language. 
He  declared  in  a  speech  he  made  in  Iowa  that  he 
would  as  soon  see  his  daughter  marry  a  negro  as 
a  Democrat.  It  well  becomes  a  man  of  such  re- 
fined education  and  exquisite  taste  to  belch  forth 
his  bitterness  against  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
country. 

Looking  at  the  great  progress  and  power  of  our 
people,  tiie  mind  naturally  asks  the  question, 
what  has  caused  the  afflicting  and  severe  troubles 
that  hang  over  us;  what  has  caused  this  beauti- 
ful land  to  be  drenched  in  blood,  and  brother  meet 
brother  in  deadly  conflict?  I  will  not  attempt  to 
answer  this  question  myself,  but  will  give  the 
warning  voice  of  some  of  the  great  men  who  lived 
before  us.  The  prophecy  they  then  made  is  now 
being  literally  fulfilled,  and  we  are  reaping  the  bit- 
ter fruits  of  our  disobedience  to  their  advice. 

General  Washington,  in  his  Farewell  Address, 
thus  admonishes  the  people  : 

"My  countrymen,  frown  indignantly  upon  every  attempt 
to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest,  lim- 
WARE  or  SECTIONAL  ORGANISATIONS  !  of arraying  tlic  Norlli 
against  the  Soutli  ortiic  Soutli  against  tlie  Nortli.  In  tlie 
end  it  will  prove  fatal  to  our  liberties." 

GeneralJackson  had  the  reputation  of"  seeing 
through  a  man  at  a  glance."  He  has  left  his  sage 
counsels  for  us  to  ponder  over.  In  hisT^arewell 
Address  he  says: 

"  Wtiat  have  you  to  gain  by  divisions  and  dissensions  ? 
Delude  not  yourselves  with  the  hope  that  the  breach  once 
made  would  be  afterwards  easily  repaired.  If  the  Union 
is  once  severed,  the  separation  will  grow  wider  and  wider, 
and  the  controversies  which  are  now  debated  and  settled 
in  the  hails  of  legislation  will  be  tried  in  tlic  field  of  baltl'e 
and  determined  by  the  sword.  Neither  should  you  deceive 
yourselves  with  the  hope  that  the  first  line  of  separation 
would  be  the  permanent  one."  *  *  *  *  "Lo- 
cal interests  would  still  be  found  there  and  unchastened 
ambition.  If  the  recollection  ofcominon  dangers,  in  which 
the  people  of  the  United  States  have  stood  side  by  side 
against  the  common  foe,  the  prosperity  and  happiness  they 
have  enjoyed  under  the  present  Constitntioii— if  all  these 
recollections  and  proofs  of  common  interests  are  not  strong 
enough  to  hind  us  together  as  one  people,  .what  tie  will 
hold  united  the  warring  divisions  of  empire,  when  those 
bonds  havebeen  broken  and  the  Union  dissolved?  The  first 
line  of  separation  would  not  last  long;  new  fragments 
would  be  torn  off;  new  leaders  would  spring  up,  and  this 
glorious  Republic  would  soon  be  broken  into  a  multitude  of 
petty  States,  armed  for  mutual  aggressions;  loaded  with 
taxes  to  pay  armies  and  leaders;  seeking  aid  against  each 
other  from  foreign  Powers  ;  insulled  and  tramjilcd  upon  by 
the  nations  of  Europe,  until,  harassed  with  conflicts  and 
humbled  and  debast^d  in  spirit,  they  would  be  willing  to 
submit  to  adomination  of  any  military  adventurer,  and  sur- 
Teniler  their  liberty  for  the  sake  of  repose." 

Henry  Clay,  in  a  speech  in  Congress  as  early 
as  1839,  warned  his  countrymen  against  the  fa- 
naticism of  the  abolitionists  in  the  folio  wing  words: 

"  Abolitionism  should  no  longerbe  regarded  as  an  imagin- 
ary danger.  Tlie  abolitionists,  let  me  suppose,  succeeded 
in  their  present  aim  of  uniting  the  inhabitants  of  the  free 
States  as  one  man  against  the  inhabitants  of  the  slave 
States.  Union  upon  one  side  will  beget  union  on  the  other, 
and  this  process  of  reciprocal  consolidation  will  be  attended 
wit  I  all  the  violentprejudices,  embittered  passions,  and  im- 
placable animosities  which  ever  degraded  or  deformed  hu- 
man nature."  *  *  *  *  "One  section  will  stand  in 
menacing  and  hostile  array  against  the  other.  The  col- 
lisions of  opinion  will  be  quickly  followed  by  the  clash  of 
arms.  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  scenes  which  now 
happily  lie  concealed  from  our  view.  Abolitionists  them- 
selves would  shrink  back  in  horror  at  the  contemplation  of 
desolated  fields,  conflagrated  cities,  murdered  inhabitants, 
and  the  overthrow  of  the  fairest  fabric  of  human  govern- 
ment that  ever  rose  to  animate  the  hopes  of  civilized  man." 

In  addition  to  these  warnings  and  prophecies 

.  might  be  added  like  opinions  from  all  the  great 

statesmen  of  the  country^  This  advice  has  been 

disregarded,  and  a  party  was  built  up  in  the  North 


whose  aim  was  to  destroy  the  institution  of  sla- 
very, either  out  of  hatred  to  the  people  of  the 
South  or  false  ideas  of  humanity.  They  appealed 
to  the  passions  of  men,  and  labored  to  array  the 
North  against  the  South,  and  to  alienate  one  sec- 
tion from  the  other.  The  friendly  relations  of  the 
North  and  South  were  broken;  strife  begat  strife. 
The  unjustifiable  intermeddling  with  the  institu- 
tions of  the  South  fed  the  bad  passions  of  men 
until  that  section  of  our  once  happy  country  has 
taken  up  arms  to  destroy  the  fairest  fabric  of  hu- 
man government  that  ever  rose  to  animate  the 
hopes  of  civilized  men. 

Sir,  I  need  not  quote  the  treasonable  utterances 
of  the  opponents  of  the  Democratic  party,  nor 
their  threats  of  violence  to  the  South.  I  need  not 
repeat  how  they  exasperated  the  people  of  one 
section  against  another;  how  they  attempted  to 
murder  and  did  murder  citizens  of  the  South  in 
a  wild  attempt  to  abolish  slavery;  how  manyjack- 
leg  itinerant  preachers  have  gone  to  the  South  like 
the  wolf  in  sheep's  clothing  to  stir  up  servile  in- 
surrection, to  incite  the  slave' to  murder  his  mas- 
ter, and  slay  the  first-born.  Sir,  this  is  the  his- 
tory of  the  fanatical  party  that  was  the  inception 
and  cause  of  the  rebellion.  While  I  do  not  justify 
the  rebellion,  while  I  pronounce  those  engaged 
in  it  guilty  of  treason,  yea,  worse  than  treason, 
if  there  be  such  a  crime,  in  truth  and  justice  1 
must  equally  condemn  that  party  which  furnished 
them  theexcusefor  the  rebellion.  During  all  the 
agitation  preceding  and  attending  secession,  the 
southern  conspirators  considered  the  abolitionists 
their  best  friends.  Governor  Adams,  of  South 
Carolina,  said  of  them: 

"  The  abolitionists  are  our  best  friends.  Thank  Gon  for 
what  they  have  already  done;  and  for  the  inestimable  bless- 
ings they  were  about  to  confer,  they  were  entitled  to  our 
warmest  gratitude.  Their  assaults  have  been  unceasing, 
but  all  for  our  good.  They  have  furnished  lis  a  justifica- 
tion for  dissolving  our  connection  with  them." 

In  three  particulars  the  abolitionists  were  the 
best  friends  of  the  southern  conspirators.  First, 
by  furnishing  them  with  the  means  to  excite  the 
southern  mas.ses  into  rebellion.  Second,  by  ad- 
vocating the  policy  of  "  letting  them  go  in  peace," 
and  thus  aiding  them  to  establish  an  "empire 
founded  on  slavery."  Third,  by  pushing  the 
Government  into  an  extreme  policy  of  emancipa- 
tion and  confiscation,  uniting  the  South,  dividing 
the  North,  and  in  effect  doubling  the  relative 
strength  of  the  rebellion. 

Slavery  is  denounced  as  the  cause  of  the  rebel- 
lion; I  deny  this,  though  it  may  be  the  occasion, 
as  money  is  the  occasion  of  larceny,  robbery,  or 
burglary.  If  bad  men  did  not  covet  their  neigh- 
bors' money  and  lay  felonious  hands  upon  it  and 
carry  it  away,  such  a  crime  as  larceny  would  not 
be  known  to  the  law.  If  the  unjustifiable  and  un- 
lawful intermeddling  with  slavery  had  never  oc- 
curred there  would  havebeen  no  rebellion;  the 
deadly  conflict  which  is  now  convulsing  the  coun- 
try from  center  to  circumference  would  not  have 
occurred;  no  fields  and  beautiful  farms  devas- 
tated; no  loss  of  thousands  of  free  and  happy 
people; 'no  graveyards  extending  from  the  Poto- 
mac to  the  Mississippi;  no  people  in  mourning 
for  lost  friends  who  fell  in  battle.  We  lived  four- 
score years  in  peace  and  prosperity,  and  the  clash 
of  arms  in  intestine  war  was  not  heard  and  never 
would  have  been  had  the  people  been  true  to 
themselves  and  their  country,  by  discountenancing 
and  condemning  the  fanaticism  of  the  abolition- 
ists. 

This  nation  has  been  a  nation  of  compromises. 
From  its  foundation  and  through  its  growth  all 
its  difficulties  and  its  dissensions  have  ended  in 
mutual  concessions.  The  spirit  of  our  genius  and 
the  brilliancy  of  our  destiny  have  always  led  us 
heretofore  to  compromise.  When  this  nation  was 
in  the  throes  of  dissolution,  before  secession  had 
to  any  extent  cajDtivated  the  southern  heart,  we 
might  have  prevented  this  unnatural  war.  If 
the  Crittenden  amendments  had  been  adopted 
the  South  would  have  remained  in  the  Union,  and 
to-day  all  would  be  peace.  Fanaticism  had  tri- 
umphed at  the  polls,  and  the  Presidentelect,  for- 
getting his  country  and  remaining  true  only  to  his 
sectional  platform  and  party,  stood  a  mute  ob- 
server of  the  great  events  which  were  passing. 
His  party  triumph  was  dearer  to  him  than  the 
interests  of  his  country.  His  country  was  for- 
gotten, and  while  on  his  way  to  assume  the  pres- 
idential chair  he  dealt  in  the  slang  phrase  "no- 
body is  hurt  "    Hud  he  been  possessed  of  the 


patriotism  of  a  Clay  or  a  Webster  he  would  have 
done  as  they  did  in  1850,  forget  his  party  devo- 
tion and  kneel  at  the  altar  of  his  country  and  there 
pour  the  "oil  upon  the  troubled  waters,"  and 
thus  allay  the  tlireatening  storm.  This  he  could 
have  done.  He  had  power  and  influence  overhia 
own  party,  and  at  his  suggestion  his  frienda  would 
have  adopted  a  compromise  which  would  have 
prevented  secession  and  riveted  the  chains  which 
Dound  this  Union  together  in  indissoluble  bonds. 
Was  it  unbecoming  or  degiading  to  the  party 
coming  into  power  to  have  adopted  the  Crittenden 
compromise?  Flear  the  reasonable  and  just  pro- 
visions of  that  preserver  of  our  peace: 

"Art.  I.  In  all  the  territory  of  the  United  ^ates  now 
held,  or  hereafter  acquired,  situated  north  of  latluidc  36° 
'30',  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punish- 
ment for  crime,  is  prohibited  while  such  territory  shall  re- 
main under  territorial  government.  In  all  the  territory  now 
held,  or  hereafter  acquired,  south  of  said  line  of  latitude, 
slavery  of  the  African  race  is  hereby  recognized  as  exist- 
ing, and  shall  not  be  interfered  witli  by  Congress,  bulshall 
be  protected  as  property  by  all  the  departments  of  the  ter- 
ritorial government  during  Its  continuance  ;  and  when  any 
Territory  north  or  south  of  said  liite,  within  such  bounda- 
ries as  Congress  may  prescribe,  shall  contain  the  population 
requisite  for  a  member  of  Congress  according  to  the  tlx'U 
Federal  ratio  of  representation  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  it  shall,  if  its  formof  government  be  republican,  be 
ndmiltcd  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  witli  the  ori- 
ginal States  with  or  williout  slavery,  as  the  constitution  of 
such  new  Slates  may  provide. 

"Art.  II.  Congress  shall  have  no  powerto  abolish  slavery 
in  places  under  its  exclusive  jurisdiction,  or  within  tlie 
limits  of  States  that  permit  the  holding  of  slaves. 

"Art.  III.  Congress  shall  have  no  power  to  abolish 
slavery  within  the  District  of  Columbia,  so  long  as  it  exists 
in  the  adjoining  States  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  or  either, 
nor  without  the  consent  of  tlie  inhabitants,  nor  without 
just  compensation  first  made  to  said  owners  of  slaves  as 
do  not  consent  to  such  abolishment.  Nor  shall  Congress^ 
at  any  time  prohibit  officers  of  the  Federal  Govermneut 
or  members  of  Congress,  whose  duties  require  them  to  be 
in  said  District,  from  bringing  with  them  their  slaves,  and 
holding  them  as  such  during  the  time  their  duties  may  re- 
quire them  to  remain  there,  and  afterwards  taking  them 
from  the  District. 

"Art.  IV.  Congress  shall  have  no  power  to  prohibit  or 
hinder  the  transportation  of  slaves  from  one  State  to  an- 
other, or  to  a  Territory  in  which  slaves  are  by  law  per- 
mitted to  be  held,  whether  lliat  transportation  be  by  land, 
navigable  rivers,  or  by  sea. 

"Art.  V.  That  in  addition  to  the  provisions  of  the  third 
paragraph  of  the  second  section  of  the  fonrlh  article  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Congress  shall  have 
power  to  provide  by  law,  and  it  shall  be  its  duty  so  to  pro- 
vide, that  the  United  States  shall  pay  to  the  owner  who 
shall  apply  for  it  the  full  value  of  his  fugitive  slave  in  all 
cases  where  the  marslial.or  other  officers,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  arrest  said  fugitive,  was  prevented  from  so  doing  by  vio- 
lence or  intimidation,  or  when  after  said  arrest  said  I'ugitivo 
was  rescued  by  force,  and  the  owner  thereby  prevented  and 
obstructed  in  the  pursuit  of  his  remedy  for  the  recovery  of 
his  fugitive  slaves  under  the  said  clause  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof.  And  in  such 
cases  when  the  United  States  shall  pay  for  such  fugitive 
they  shall  have  the  right  in  their  own  name  to  sue  the  county 
in  which  such  violence,  intimidation,  or  rescuewas  com- 
mitted, and  to  recover  from  it,  with  interest  and  damages, 
the  amount  paid  by  them  for  said  fugitive  slave.  And  the 
said  county,  after  it  has  paid  said  amount  to  the  United 
States,  may,  for  its  indemnity,  sue  and  recover  from  the 
wrong-doers  or  rescuers,  by  whom  the  owner  was  prevented 
from  the  recovery  of  his  fugitive  slave,  in  like  manner  as 
the  owner  himself  might  have  sued  and  recovered. 

"Art.  VI.  No  future  amendment  of  the  Constitution 
shall  afl^ect  the  five  preceding  articles,  nor  the  third  para- 
graph of  the  second  section  of  the  first  article  of  the  Consti-' 
tution,  nor  the  tliird  paragraph  of  the  second  section  of  the 
fourth  article  of  said  Constitution,  and  no  amendment  shall 
be  made  to  the  Constitution  wliich  will  authorize  or  give 
to  Congress  any  power  to  abolish  or  interfere  with  slavery 
in  any  of  the  States  by  whose  laws  it  is  or  may  be  allowed 
or  permitted." 

If  these  amendments,  IVIr.  Speaker,  would  have 
satisfied  the  South  and  saved  the  Union,  the  peo- 
ple who  bear  the  burden  of  the  war,  who  pay 
heavy  taxes,  and  whogive  their  sons  to  the  Army, 
will  ask  what  party  is  responsible  for  their  de- 
feat? I  will  answer  by  quoting  from  the  votes 
and  proceedings  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
where  this  cotnpromise  originated.  On  the  3d  of 
March,  1861,  the  Crittenden  amendments  were 
voted  upon,  and  the  following  is  the  vote: 

"Yeas  —  Messrs.  Bayard,  Bigler,  Blight,  Crittenden, 
Douglas,  Gwin,  Hunter,  Johnson,  Kennedy,  Lane,  La- 
tham, Mason,  Nicholson,  Polk,  Pugh,  Rice,  Sebastian, 
Thomson,  and  Wigfall— 19. 

"Nays — Messrs.  Anthony,  Bingham,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Dixon,  Doolittle,  Durkee,  Fesscnden,  Foot,  Foster, 
Grimes,  Harlan,  King,  Morrill,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyek,  Trum- 
bull, Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wilson— 20." 

Of  the  nineteen  who  voted  ijea,  seventeen  were 
Democrats  and  two  southern  Americans.  The 
twenty  who  voted  ?iat/  were  all  Republicans.  If 
the  Republicans  had  voted  yea,  the  country  would  _ 
have  been  saved,  and  no  war  with  all  its  desola- 
ting effects  would  have  been  inaugurated.  But 
party  predominated. 


2954 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


It  has  often  been  asserted  by  the  Opposition 
that  the  Crittenden  amendments  would  not  have 
saved  the  country  from  war.  I  will  not  rest  tlie 
solution  of  this  question  upon  my  own  opinion. 
I  appeal  to  the  proceedings  in  the  Senate  for  a 
correct  estimats  cf  their  value.  Senator  Pugh,  of 
Ohio,  has  put  on  record  the  following  testimony 
as  to  what  could  have  been  done  under  a  proper 
desire  to  save  the  Union: 

"  The  Criltciideii  proposition  has  been  indorsed  by  the 
almost  unanimous  vote  of  tlie  Legislature  oftfcntucky.  It 
lias  been  indorsed  by  the  Legislature  of  the  noble  old  Com- 
monwealth of  Virginia.  It  has  been  petitioned  for  by  a 
larger  number  of  electors  of  the  United  States  than  any 
proposition  that  was  ever  before  Congress.  I  believe  in 
my  heart  to-day  that  it  would  carry  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  tHe  people  of  my  State ;  ay,  sir,  and  of  nearly 
every  State  in  the  Union.  Before  the  Senators  from  the 
State  of  Mississippi  left  this  Chamber  I  heard  one  of  them, 
wlio  assumes  at  least  to  be  president  of  the  southern  con- 
federacy, propose  to  accept  it  and  maintain  the  Union  if 
that  proposition  could  receive  the  vote  it  ought  to  receive 
from  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber.  Therefore,  all  of  your 
propositions,  of  all  your  amendments,  knowing  as  J  do,  and 
knowing  that  the  historian  will  write  it  down,  at. any  time 
before  the  1st  of  January,  a  two  thirds  vote  for  the  Critten- 
den resolution  in  this  Chamber  would  have  saved  every 
State  in  the  Union  but  South  Carolina.  Georgia  would  be 
liere  by  her  Representatives  and  Louisiana,  those  two  great 
States  which  at  least  would  have  broken  the  whole  column 
of  secession." — Glohe,  second  session,  Thirty-Sixth  Con- 
gress, page  1390. 

To  show  that  yielding  would  have  saved  us, 
we  quote  the  lamented  Douglas  at  an  early  period: 

"The  Senator  [Mr.  Pugh]  has  said  that  if  the  Critten- 
den proposition  could  have  passed  early  in  the  session  it 
would  have  saved  all  the  States  except  South  Carolina.  I 
firmly  believe  it  would.  While  the  Crittenden  proposition 
was  not  in  accordance  with  my  cherished  views,  I  avovced 
my  readmess  to  accept  it,  in  order  to  save  the  Union  if  we 
could  unite  upon  it.  I  can  confirm  the  Senator's  declara- 
tion, that  Senator  Davis  himself,  when  on  that  committee 
of  thirteen,  was  ready  at  all  times  to  compromise  on  the 
Crittenden  proposition.  I  will  go  further  and  say  that  Mr. 
Toombs  was  also." — Globe,  second  session,  Thirty-Sixth 
Congress,  page  1391. 

Judge  Douglas  said  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate, 
January  3,  1861: 

"  I  address  the  inquiry  to  the  Republicans  alone,  for  tbe 
reason  that,  in  the  committee  of  thirteen  a  few  days  ago, 
every  member  of  the  South,  including  those  from  the  cotton 
States,  [Messrs.  Toombs  and  Davis,]  expressed  their  readi- 
ness to  accept  tlic  proposition  of  jny  venerable  friend  from 
Kentucky  [Mr.  Crittenden]  as  a  finalsettlementof  the  con- 
troversy, if  tendered  and  sustained  by  Repuhlican  mem- 
bers. Hence  the  sole  responsibility  of  our  disagreement. 
The  only  difficulty  in  the  way  of  amicable  adjustment  is 
with  the  Republican  party." 

Judge  Douglas  has  so  often  been  quoted  on 
this  floor  as  authority,  I  scarcely  think  any  one 
will  deny  what  he  said.  Then,  sir,  the  present  Ad- 
ministration and  its  friends  are  responsible  for  the 
non-settlement  of  our  difficultiesj  and  are  equally 
chargeable  with  the  secessionists  for  every  drop 
of  blood  which  has  been  shed.  The  very  acts  of 
the  Opposition  prove  they  did  not  desire  to  have 
peace  and  tranquillity  reign,  but  preferred  blood- 
shed at  the  risk  of  national  ruin  and  bankruptcy. 
Hear  the  present  Secretary  of  the  Treasury: 

Washington,  February  9,  1861. 

Dear  Sir  :  Thanks  for  your  note  and  explanation  of  that 
vote.  It  may  be  useful.  There  is  a  Greater  disposition  to 
compromise  than  I  like  to  see.  But  I  hope  the  best.  Half 
a  dozen  of  the  border  State  gentlemen  have  been  in  our 
room  to-night:  Etheridgeand  Stokes,  of  Tennessee ;  Adams 
and  Cristovv,  of  Kentucky ;  Gilmer,  of  North  Carolina,  and 
others.  I  really  sympathize  with  the7n,  hut  see  no  reason 
why  we  should  sacrifice  permanently  a  large  power  to  help 
them,  for  the  purpose  oi gaining  temporarily  a  little  one. 

Yours,  cordially,  S.  p.  CHASE. 

"There  is  a  greater  disposition  to  compromise 
than  1  like  to  see,"  says  Mr.  Chase.  Certain 
southern  gentlemen  had  been  in  his  room  asking 
for  compromise.  He  really  sympathized  with 
them,  but  his  party  fealty  held  him  against  a  set- 
tlement. 

We  hearit  frequently  asserted  that  the  respons- 
ibility of  not  quelling  the  rebellion  in  its  infancy 
rests  with  President  Buchanan.  If  there  ever  was 
a  clear  and  satisfactoiy  defense  for  any  public 
man  in  times  of  great  national  danger,  that  de- 
fense undoubtedly  belongs  to  Mr.  Buchanan. 
That  he  exercised  rare  qualities  of  statesmanship 
and  a  most  exalted  patriotism  is  a  proposition 
which  I  regard  as  beyond  allcontrovei-sy.  It  is 
true  that  he  was  of  all  men  in  the  country  the 
most  anxious  that  our  difficulties  should  be  set- 
tled without  a  resort  to  ar.ns — 

"  For  the  field  of  the  dead  rushed  red  on  his  sight." 
In  the  Gulf  States  the  excitement  ran   high. 
-Southei-n   men,  who,  as  Mr.  Douglas  testifies, 
vveic  willing  and  anxious  for  a  settlement,  en- 
treated him  to  exert  his  influence  with  the  north- 


ern men  to  meet  them  on  equal  grounds.  His 
days  were  spent  in  unavailing  attempts  to  have 
them  appreciate  the  danger.  They  listened  not 
to  his  admonitions,  and  when  he  brought  the  sub- 
ject to  their  attention  by  his  message  of  January 
8,  1861,  and  urged  upon  them  the  necessity  of 
either  compromising  the  difficulties  or  giving  him 
power  to  raise  the  requisite  forces,  they  scorned 
his'counsel  and  refused  hirn  the  power.  Congress 
contented  itself  with  preparing  and  listening  to 
angry  speeches,  still  more  exciting  the  public 
mind.  The  peace  convention  was  broken  up  by 
Republicans.  Yet  through  all  these  dark  days 
Mr.  Buchanan  safely  carried  this  Government 
and  handed  it  over  in  full  vigor  to  Mr.  Lincoln. 
That  he  should  have  done  so  well,  standing  as  he 
did  between  two  parties  bent  on  the  destruction 
of  the  country,  will  be  the  great  wonder  of  our 
children.  It  is  a  most  fitting  commentary  upon 
the  policy  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  administration  that 
Mr.  Lincoln,  for  six  long  weeks  after  his  inaugu- 
ration, followed  precisely  in  the  footsteps  of  his 
predecessor.  This  fact  speaks  more  for  the  wis- 
dom of  Mr.  Buchanan's  policy  than  all  the  praise 
of  his  most  ardent  friends. 

I  repeat  it,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  history  will  sus- 
tain me  in  the  declaration,  that  the  same  breath 
which  casts  calumny  upon  Mr.  Buchanan  for 
an  alleged  inefficiency  must  cover  with  unspeak- 
able shame  the  man  who,  with  that  experience 
before  him,  chose  to  walk  in  the  same  path.  Mr. 
Lincoln  well  knew  that  up  to  the  day  that  Port 
Sumter  was  fired  upon  the  prospect  for  a  settle- 
ment had  not  faded  away.  The  three  great  States 
of  Virginia,  Tennessee,  and  North  Carolina  still 
stood  fast  for  the  Union,  and  he  himself  had  but 
a  short  time  before  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
Union  sentiment  predominated  in  every  southern 
State  except  perhaps  South  Carolina.  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan acted  upon  the  belief  that  the  American 
people  could  never  be  guilty  of  such  gross  folly 
as  to  lash  themselves  to  pieces  in  a  civil  war. 
Had  Fort  Sumter  been  fired  upon  during  his  term 
of  office,  force  would  have  been  met  by  force. 
General  Dix  in  a  speech  made  not  long  since  bears 
this  testimony  to  Mr.  Buchanan 's  resolution ;  and 
he,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  ought  to  know  what  he  affirms. 

War  is  upon  us;  what  shall  we  do.'  Shall  we 
resign  ourselves  to  the  fate  of  a  dismembered  re- 
public, or  will  we  spring  up,  giant-like,  to  a  new 
hope  of  a  speedy  peace  and  i-estoration  of  the 
Union .'  Under  this  Administration  we  never  can 
have  it.  I  take  it,  sir,  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the 
Opposition  to  have  peace  until  every  negro  is  free. 
If  this  was  not  their  object  the  Administration 
in  power  would  have  faithfully  adhered  to  the 
resolution  adopted  by  Congress  with  unparalleled 
unanimity  on  the  22d  of  July,  1861,  "  that  this 
war  is  not  waged  on  their  part  in  any  spirit  of 
oppression,  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or  sub- 
jugation, or  purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfer- 
ing with  the  rights  or  established  institutions  of 
the  States,  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the swpj'em- 
acy  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  preserve  thi  Union 
with  all  the  dignity,  equality,  and  rights  of  the  sev- 
eral States  unimpaired. "  They  will  free  the  slaves* 
of  the  South  and  enslave  their  own  children  in 
the  most  galling  yoke  k.iown  to  mankind,  thatof 
enormous  taxation  to  pay  an  immense  public  debt. 

I  charge  it  upon  the  Opposition — 

That  they  are  not  in  favor  of  a  restoration  of 
this  Union;  that,  in  the  event  of  the  election  of 
a  Democratic  President  in  November  next,  they 
will  be  in  favor  of  the  recognitioi)  of  the  south- 
ern confederacy. 

That  the  war  has  been  made  a  pretext  and  apol- 
ogy for  the  usurpation,  by  the  President,  of  pow- 
ers unwarranted  by  the  Federal  Constitution, and 
totally  irreconcilable  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of 
our  institutions. 

That  the  war  has  been  conducted  to  buildup  a 
party  at  the  expense  of  blood  and  treasure  and 
time,  and  at  the  hazard  of  permanent  separation 
of  the  States. 

That  the  conduct  of  the  war  has  been  character- 
ized by  corruptions  unprecedented  in  the  history 
of  any  people,  for  which  the  President  has  in 
many  instances  declared  himself  responsible. 

That  the  present  Administration  has  commit- 
ted itself  to  doctrines  which  elevate  the  military 
above  the  civil  power,  aff'ect  the  purity  of  the  bal- 
lot-box, and  endanger  the  personal  liberty  of  the 
citizen. 


That  the  policy  now  declared  is  fatal,  not  merely 
to  all  ideas  of  a  legal  reunion  of  the  States,  but  fore- 
shadows future  bankruptcy,  constant  agitation, 
the  establishment  of  a  large  standing  army,  and, 
in  atime  not  remote, a  military  centralization  such 
as  to-day  exists  in  France. 

If  we  are  prepared  for  all  this;  if  we  close  our 
eyes  and  shut  our  mouths,  and  do  not  raise  our 
voices  against  the  infringement  that  is  now  being 
made  upon  our  rights,  and  we  permit  the  present 
Administration  to  remain  in  power,  we  should 
bow  our  necks  to  the  yoke  of  tyranny  without  a 
murmur.  But  if  we  intend  to  secure  to  ourselves 
the  imperishable  boon  to  speak,  to  act  as  a  free 
people,  and  to  enjoy  liberty  and  preserve  our 
rights,  we  must  retrace  our  steps  to  a  strict  ob- 
servance of  the  laws  and  the  Constitution.  The 
question  is  with  the  people  to  decide.  "  Where 
there  is  a  will  there  is  a  way."  No  bristling 
bayonets,  no  threats  or  executive  influence  can 
tame  the  will  of  a  people  wha  love  liberty.  Their 
fires  will  be  kindled  upon  every  mountain  side, 
until  the  valleys  are  lurid  with  the  burning  insense 
upon  the  altar  of  liberty,  and  their  shouts  will  be 
heard  above  the  din  of  battle: 

"To  arms,  my  friends.    And  let  no  sword  be  sheathed 
Until  our  land  from  cliff  to  lake  is  free  ! 
Free  as  our  torrents  are  that  leap  our  rocks. 
Or  as  our  peaks,  that  wear  their  caps  of  snow 
In  the  very  presence  of  the  regal  sun !  * 

A  country  is  never  lost  that  hath  one  man 
To  wrestle  with  the  tyrant  who  would  enslave  her!" 

The  liberty  of  speech,  the  freedom  of  the  bal- 
lot-box, and  the  inalienable  rights  of  the  citizen 
are  worth  preserving.  If  defending  them  on  this 
floor  makes  this  side  of  the  House,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  gentlemen  on  the  other  side,  sympathizers 
with  the  rebellion,  we  know  we  do  our  duty,  and 
that  unborn  generations  will  rise  to  bless  the 
memory  of  the  men  who  have  preserved  for  them 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  their  fathers. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  Mr.  Speaker, 
I  have  had  no  time  to  prepare  remarks  for  this 
occasion  that  would  be  worthy  of  a  subject  of 
such  importance  to  the  people  of  this  country  as 
that  which  we  have  now  before  us;  but  I  cannot 
avoid  expressing  my  opinions  and  feelings  on 
this  question, and,  standing  here  for  my  constitu- 
ents, to  declare  in  their  behalf  my  desire  that  the 
amendment  of  the  Constitution  which  this  bill 
contemplates  shall  finally  prevail. 

There  are  so  many  reasons  and  so  many  ar- 
guments that  might  be  urged  in  behalf  of  this 
measure  that  I  hardly  know  where  to  begin.  It 
seems  to  me  that  our  prosperity  as  a  paople,  our 
progress  in  civilization,  and  our  duty  to  man- 
kind, demand  such  an  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution, and  that  if  we  evade  it  we  shall  be  guilty 
of  treason  to  human  liberty  and  human  rights. 

The  American  Revolution  of  1776  was  the 
great  event  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  in  my 
opinion  the  greatest  event  of  the  last  eighteen 
hundred  years,  and  one  even  of  more  importance 
than  any  other  that  has  taken  place  in  the  civil- 
ized world.  It  was  not  because  it  severed  the 
connection  of  the  thirteen  colonics  with  the 
mother  country  and  erected  them  into  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  but  because  the  result  of  that 
Revolution  was  the  establishment  of  a  Govern- 
ment based.upon  principles  not  recognized  in  any 
other  in  all  the  history  of  the  past.  It  was  an 
atteiTipt  to  create  political  institutions  that  should 
harmonize  in  practice  with  the  great  cardinal  prin- 
ciples of  Christianity  as  taught  by  Christ  and 
His  apostles,  principles  which  I  believe  are  yet 
to  prevail  universally  and  make  their  way  to  the 
dominion  of  the  world.  They  were  new  in  the 
history  of  nations,  for  they  taught  the  duty  of 
protecting  the  poor  and  succoring  the  oppressed, 
and  enjoined  the  deliverance  of  all  men  from 
the  bondage  of  body  or  soul  and  the  education 
and  consequent  elevation  of  the  race. 

Mr.  Speaker,  they  are  well  expressed  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  which  affirms  that 
all  men  are  created  equal  and  possessed  of  rights 
wh  ich  are  inalienable;  that  Govern  men  ts  can  right- 
fully exiat  only  with  the  consentof the  governed, 
and  that  they  are  established  for  the  protection 
of  the  humblest  as  well  as  the  most  exalted  mem- 
ber of  the  body-politic,  and  to  secure  them  in  the 
enjoyment  of  those  rights  with  which  God  en- 
tlowed  them  when  He  gave  them  existence. 

It  was  a  belief  in  the  possibility  of  such  a  Gov- 
ernment that  caused  tfee  American  Revolution 
and  carried  our  ancestors  successfully  through 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2955 


it.  They  had  a  conviction  that  these  principles 
must  finally  prevail,  and  their  faith  sustained 
them  in  a  most  unequal  contest  till  they  were 
finally  victorious,  and  won  for  themselves  a  name 
and  place  among;  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

But  their  trials  did  not  end  with  the  advent  of 
peace,  and  something  more  must  be  done  if  they_^ 
would  secure  the  political  blessings  for  wliicir 
they  had  sacrificed  so  much  blood  and  treasure. 
The  partial  union  of  the  States  under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  enabled  them  to  achieve  their 
independence,  but  the  Government  it  created  pos- 
sessed so  little  power  that  it  could  not  provide 
for  the  payment  of  the  public  debt  nor  command 
the  respect  of  the  people.  It  was  apparent  to  all 
that  it  was  necessary  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union 
andestablish  a  Government  with  sufficient  powers 
for  the  emergency  which  called  it  into  being, 
and  to  preserve  the  liberties  and  tire  national  in- 
dependence which  had  been  so  dearly  won.  In 
this  crisis  of  our  history,  when  wise  men  knew 
not  what  to  do,  George  Washington,  our  great 
leader  in  the  struggle  for  independence,  who  I 
devoutly  believe  was  raised  up  by  God  for  this 
occasion,  called  together,  for  consultation,  his 
illustrious  associates  in  the  Revolution, in  the  hope 
that  they  might  by  their  united  wisdom  accom- 
plish what  the  people  so  ardently  desired. 

They  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  where  Con- 
gress first  proclaimed  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, to  devise  a  way  to  give  force  and  eifect  to 
its  provisions,  and,  after  months  spent  in  solemn 
deliberation  and  discussion,  they  succeeded  in 
framing  a  Constitution  so  perfect  in  all  its  parts 
that  it  seems  almost  the  work  of  inspiration. 

The  object  of  this  Constitution  was  admirably 
expressed  in  its  preamble,  which  declares  that — 

"  We,  tlie  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  forma 
more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tran- 
quillity, provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  gen- 
eral welfare,  and  secure  tiie  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution 
for  the  United  States  of  America." 

Itestablished  a  national  Government,  with  am- 
ple powers  for  all  purposes,  and  promising  every 
blessing  to  the  people;  it  was  approved  and 
adopted  by  them,  and  thus  became  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land.  The  statesmen  and  philosophers 
of  the  Old  World  admired  it;  the  prosperity  of  the 
American  people  for  thi-ee  quarters  of  a  century 
testifies  its  worth;  and  we  all  feel  and  believe  that 
it  is  the  grandest  work  of  human  genius  and 
human  wisdom  the  world  has  ever  known.  But 
while  it  was  adapted  to  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try at  that  time,  the  great  men  who  devised  it 
saw  that  some  change  might  be  necessary  in  the 
future,  and  wisely  provided  a  way  for  its  amend- 
ment so  difficult  an  accidental  majority  could  not 
effect  it,  yet  easily  accomplished  when  it  was 
plainly  the  wish  of  the  people.  Several  amend- 
ments have  been  made  already,  and  no  one  has 
questioned  their  wisdom  or  doubted  their  utility. 
But  the  one  which  we  propose  is  more  important 
than  any  that  has  been  offered  in  the  past  or  that 
is  likely  to  be  presented  in  the  future.  Its  adop- 
tion is  necessary  if  we  wish  to  carry  out  the  ob- 
jects of  the  Constitution  itself  as  set  forth  in  the 
preamble,  and  remove  the  only  cause  of  discord 
and  contention  from  our  midst.  We  propose  to 
insert  an  article  prohibiting  slavery  throughout 
the  Republic;  and  unless  this  is  done  I  fear  we 
shall  experience  greater  calamities  in  the  future 
.  than  we  have  suffered  ali'eady. 

I  am  aware  that  many  in  this  House  object  to 
this  amendment,  and  1  confess  I  am  amazed  at 
the  o'pposition  to  a  measure  of  such  vital  import- 
ance to  our  country.  We  are  told  that  slavery  is 
dead,  that  the  war  has  destroyed  it,  and  this  pro- 
vision in  the  Constitution  is  unnecessary;  but  I  do 
not  believe  it. 

If  the  rebels  should  lay  down  their  arms  to-day 
and  submit  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States  slavery  would  still  exist  and  con- 
tinue to  exist  increasing  in  influence  and  strength 
with  each  succeeding  year  until  it  would  plunge 
us  into  greater  difficulties  than  we  are  involved  in 
now.  If  they  believe  it  is  dead  why  object  to 
making  it  certain,  why  not  render  its  resurrection 
impossible  and  set  the  public  mind  at  rest  on  this 
question  forever.' 

I  was  surprised  to  hear  it  asserted  on  this  floor 
that  we  had  no  right  to  amend  the  Constitution 
in  the  absence  of  those  who  are  mainly  affected 
by  the  provision  we  would  adopt.  What,  sir! 
Have  we  no  right  to  change  the  organic  law  of 


the  land  when  we  act  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  itself,  obeying  it  io 
the  very  letter.'  If  the  southern  States  ai-e  not 
represented  it  is  not  our  fault,  but  theirs.  Their 
Representatives  left  these  Halls  voluntarily,  with- 
out any  cause  whatever,  and  if  we  sit  here  as  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  in  obedience  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  what  right  have  they 
to  complain  of  our  action  however  it  may  affect 
them ' 

We  are  told, too, that  this  is  an  interference  with 
the  rights  of  the  people  of  the  slave  States,  rights 
which  were  solemnly  guarantied  to  them  by  the 
Constitution.  Sir,  what  rights  have  rebels  under 
a  Constitution  which  they  have  set  at  naught.' 
What  rights  under  laws  they  refuse  to  obey.' 
What  rights  under  a  Government  they  declare 
their  determination  todestroy?  Sir,I  cannotun- 
derstand  the  logic  of  these  gentlemen,  nor  do  I 
believe  them  to  be  serious  in  their  objection. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  people  demand  that  this  shall 
be  done.  There  is  more  unanimity  among  them 
in  favor  of  this  measure  than  any  other  on  which 
we  are  called  to  act.  The  men  of  the  country 
who  are  determined  to  preserve  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union,  and  who  are  pouring  out  their 
blood  so  freely  in  their  defense  are  everywhere 
in  favor  of  this  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
and  intensely  anxious  to  see  it  adopted  by  this 
Congress  and  submitted  to  the  States  for  their 
approval. 

Gentlemen  who  sit  on  this  floor  as  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  will  vote  as  they  think 
best,  and  in  accordance,  no  doubt,  with  their  views 
of  duty,  but  I  believe  that  those  who  vote  against 
this  measure  will  find  it  difficult  to  justify  them- 
selves to  their  constituents,  and  be  compelled  to 
relinquish  their  seats  to  men  of  different  views 
hereafter. 

Mr.  Speaker,  wliat  is  there  in  the  institution  of 
slavery  as  it  exists  in  this  country  that  should 
make  us  feel  so  tender  and  forbearing  toward' it? 
I  cannot  imagine  a  single  reason  that  can  be  urged 
in  its  favor.  It  is  a  social,  political,  and  moral 
evil,  without  a  single  redeeming  feature,  and  its 
immediate  abolition  would  be  the  greatest  bless- 
ing that  could  be  conferred  upon  our  country  or 
even  upon  the  States  where  it  now  exists.  The 
laws  enacted  for  its  protection  are  more  wicked 
and  barbarous  than  the  statutes  and  decrees  of 
any  despot  in  the  civilized  world.  It  fosters  igno- 
rance, inculcates  a  hatred  of  the  principles  of  lib- 
erty, and  sanctions  customs  and  practices  of  the 
most  revolting  chai'acter.  Before  the  war  broke 
out  the  principal  exports  of  some  of  the  States 
were  human  beings,  who  were  daily  sold  in  the 
markets  of  the  South.  The  people  of  Viiginia 
have  sold  men  and  women  enough  within  the  last 
fifty  years,  who  were  born  and  raised  in  their 
midst,  to  pay  for  all  the  real  estate  and  personal 
property  they  were  possessed  of  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  rebellion.  It  was  the  business  of  many 
of  them  to  breed  human  beings  for  sale  and  live 
on  the  proceeds,  as  the  farmers  of  the  West  live 
and  grow  rich  by  raising  herds  of  cattle  and  driv- 
ing them  to  market.  What  cared  theyfor  the  suf- 
ferings of  families  whom  they  separated,  or  the 
anguish  of  those  whom  they  sold  from  their  homes 
to  the  planters  of  the  South .'  It  was  a  trade  that 
was  sanctioned  by  public  sentiment  and  the 
churches  of  the  country,  and  protected  by  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  the  State  and  the  nation 
also;  and  why  not,  since  it  was  part  and  parcel 
of  the  system  and  necessary  to  its  existence .'  If 
we  had  prohibited  the  exportation  oPslaves  from 
Virginia  we  should  have  destroyed  slavery  in 
that  State  immediately  by  making  it  unprofitable. 
We  see  then  that  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  ai-e 
inseparable,  and  while  we  have  the  one  we  must 
the  other. 

Sir,  I  do  not  wonder  that  some  meaare  unable 
to  speakof  this  organized  system  of  iniquity  with 
calmness  and  composure.  Its  cruelty  and  v/ick- 
edness  are  enough  to  fill  the  soul  with  horror  and 
send  reason  reeling  from  her  thi-one. 

We  have  called  John  Bi'own  a  fanatic;  we  have 
said  that  he  was  crazy,  and  I  should  not  wonder 
if  he  was.  He  was  a  man  who  had  a  clear  per- 
ception of  the  wickedness  of  slavery,  and  was 
so  aflfected  by  it  that  he  could  think  of  nothing 
else.  "  Here,"  said  he,  "  are  millions  of  human 
beings  whom  God  made  and  Christ  died  for,  who 
are  robbed  of  every  right  by  a  people  professedly 
Christian.     They  are  men,  but  they  must  not 


read  the  word  of  God;  they  have  no  right  to  any 
reward  for  their  labor;  no  right  to  their  wives;  no 
right  to  their  children;  no  right  to  themselves! 
The  law  makes  them  property  and  aflfords  them 
no  protection,  and  what  ai-e  the  Christian  people 
of  this  country  doing  about  it?  Nothing  at  all ! 
Congress  is  discussing  another  compromise  wh  ich 
if  adopted  will  perpetuate  this  infernal  system  a 
century  longer.  Bishops  and  doctora  of  divinity 
are  preaching  in  its  favor,  the  press  is  rallying  to 
its  support,  and  our  great  cities,  the  centers  of 
trade  and  commerce,  will  not  suffer  it  to  be  dis- 
turbed; but  I  cannot  endure  it  any  longer,  and  I  ' 
will  utter  my  protest  against  it  in  such  a  way 
that  the  world  shall  hear  me  if  I  die  the  next 
moment."  And  he  did  die;  but  his  death  woke 
up  the  nation,  and  1  trust  we  shall  never  sleep 
again  on  this  subject  till  we  have  swept  the  last 
vestige  of  slavery  from  the  land. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
[Mr.  Coffroth]  who  preceded  me  says  slavery 
was  not  the  cause  of  the  rebellion;  but  I  do  not 
agree  with  him.  I  know  the  leading  men  of  the 
South  had  been  conspiring  against  this  Govern- 
ment for  twenty-five  years,  and  were  resolved  to 
establish  another  of  a  different  character  alto- 
gether. But  what  caused  this  conspiracy  against 
the  best  Government  that  ever  existed  ?  What  but 
slavery  itself  and  its  influejice  upon  them?  It 
taught  them  to  love  absolute  power,  imbued  them 
with  a  hatred  of  democratic  ideas  and  institutions, 
and  a  love  for  those  social  and  political  distinc- 
tions in  society  which  prevailed  in  the  Govern- 
ments of  the  Old  World.  De  Bow,  in  his  Review," 
the  acknowledged  organ  of  southern  sentiments, 
affirms  that  republican  institutions  are  a  failure, 
and  that  an  aristocratic  form  of  government  is 
the  best  for  any  people.  True,  said  he,  if  you 
have  an  aristocracy  you  must  have  paupers,  but 
better  have  it,  notwithstanding.  They  would  de- 
grade the  laboring  classes  to  a  condition  below 
that  of  the  peasarUry  of  Europe  and  render  it 
impossible  for  them  to  rise  in  society.  The  atro- 
cious sentiment  that  it  was  better  for  society  that 
the  capitalists  of  the  country  should  own  the 
laborers,  whether  white  or  black,  found  ready 
advocates  among  them.  In  the  government  they 
wished  to  establish  in  the  place  of  one  founded  by 
Washington  they  would  have  but  two  classes, 
masters  and  slaves. 

Who  does  not  see  that  civil  war  was  inevitable 
under  such  circumstances,  and  that  slavery  was 
the  cause  of  it?  The  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania thinks  we  might  have  prevented  it  by  adopt- 
ing a  conciliatory  course  toward  the  South,  but 
he  offers  no  evidence  in  support  of  the  assertion. 
I  was  here  when  the  rebellion  broke  out,  and  I  do 
not  believe  the  adoption  of  the  Crittenden  com- 
promise, so  called,  would  have  postponed  the  war 
for  a  single  week.  Southern  Senators  laughed  at 
the  idea  of  being  satisfied  in  such  a  way.  They 
were  determined  to  dissolve  the  Union  and  estab- 
lish a  separate  government  in  conformity  with 
their  ideas,  and  they  firmly  believed  that  we 
would  allow  them  to  do  so.  They  had  a  supreme 
contempt  for  the  people  of  the  North,  and  never 
dreamed  of  the  difficulties  in  the  way  or  the  oppo- 
sition they  were  to  encounter.  They  had  made 
up  their  minds  to  do  as  they  pleased,  and  set  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  at  defiance.  It 
was  the  last  great  effort  of  slavery  for  the  control 
of  this  continent,  and  will  end  in  its  annihilation. 
Heaven  and  earth  are  arrayed  against  it,  and 
what  can  save  it  now  ?  God  made  the  human  race 
subject  to  the  law  of  progress,  and  all  the  slave- 
holders of  the  country  and  their  friends  and  ad- 
vocates in  this  House  or  elsewhere  will  fail  to  put 
any  brakes  on  the  chariot  wheels  of  Almighty 
God  and  prevent  the  onward  march  of  all  man- 
kind toward  that  liberty  and  independence  which 
He  has  promised  them  at  some  period  in  the  far- 
off  future. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  regret  that  any  one  should  be 
found  on  the  floor  of  either  House  who  would 
propose  peace  on  terms  which  are  degrading  to 
every  American  citizen,  and  which  would  destroy 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  A  day  or 
two  since  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  Sen- 
ate [by  Mr.  Davis,  of  Kentucky]  calling  upon 
the  President  to  take  steps  to  secure  peace  at  any 
price,  and,  if  necessary,  to  consent  to  the  recog- 
nition of  the  rebel  government  rather  than  con- 
tinue the  war.  Such  an  act  on  our  part  would 
bring  upon  us  the  contempt  of  the  whole  world 


2956 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBK 


June  14, 


and  the  curses  of  our  posterity.  If  the  South 
became  an  independent  nation  they  would  form 
alliances  with  France  and  England,  and  be  ready 
in  a  few  years  to  renew  the  war.  Let  no  one  sup- 
pose wo  should  be  able  to  live  long  in  peace  with 
them,  or  that  n  pretext  would  be  wanting  on  their 
part  for  a  rupture.  A  confession  of  our  inability 
to  vanquish  them  would  increase  their  contempt 
for  us,  and,  burning  witli  a  desire  to  avenge  tlicir 
fancied  wrongs,  they  would  seize  the  first  occa- 
sion to  involve  us  in  a  war  more  desolating  than 
we  are  engaged  in  now.  Better  fight  this  out  no  w, 
for,  come  what  will,  we  cannot  consent  to  adisso- 
lution  of  the  Union;  that  would  be  the  greatest 
calamity  that  could  befall  us. 

The  opponents  of  the  Government  who  belong 
to  the  peace-at-any-price  party  are  anxious  to 
convince  the  people  that  they  cannot  carry  on  this 
war  much  longer  because  of  the  expense  involved 
in  it,  and  that  national  bankruptcy  and  financial 
ruin  are  inevitable.  One  of  my  colleagues,  who 
I  am  sorry  to  say  is  not  a  friend  of  the  Adminis- 
tration ,  fixes  the  liabilities  of  the  national  Govern- 
ment on  the  1st  day  of  July  next  at  $3,000,000,000. 
The  people  in  his  opinion  cannot  pay  the  interest 
on  this  debt  much  longer;  but  if  he  is  a  friend  of 
the  Union,  as  he  assures  me  that  he  is,  I  am  con- 
fident that  he  will  thank  me  for  showing  him 
that  he  is  mistaken.  The  entire  indebtedness  of 
the  nation  at  the  clofee  of  the  fiscal  year  in  July 
next  will  not  exceed  $1,800,000,000,  and  should 
the  war  continue  a  year  longer,  it  will  not  reach 
the  amount  which  he  asserts  is  due  already.  We 
have  ample  means  for  the  payment  of  this  debt 
were  it  much  larger  than  it  ever  will  be.  In  1850 
our  national  wealth  amounted  in  round  numbers 
to  $7,000,000,000.  In  1860  it  had  reached  thesum 
of  $16,000,000,000;  and  should  it  continue  to  in- 
crease in  the  same  ratio  for  the  next  forty  years 
it  will  amount  to  more  than  $400,000,000,000.  Our 
population  will  soon  be  double  what  it  now  is, 
and  the  debt  we  incur  in  suppressing  the  rebel- 
lion will  not  be  large  in  comparison  with  our  re- 
sources. Our  taxes  may  be  burdensome  for  a 
while,  but  tlie  people  are  willing  to  pay  them. 
They  know  what  this  Government  is  worth  and 
they  will  not  suffer  it  to  be  destroyed. 

But  we  are  told  that  we  cannot  conquer  the 
South .  Sir,  if  we  do  not  conquer  them  they  will 
conquer  us.  One  side  or  the  other  must  be  subdued. 
There  is  no  escaping  that  result  and  no  peace  to 
be  had  on  any  otiier  terms.  Those  who  have 
watched  the  progress  of  the  great  commander 
whose  army  is  now  thundering  at  the  gates  of 
Richmond  believe  he  will  be  successful,  and  that 
no  matter  how  bravely  the  rebels  may  fight,  no 
matter  what  skill  and  genius  they  may  display 
in  the  handling  of  their  armies,  no  matter  how 
despair  may  nerve  their  arms,  their  defeat  is 
inevitable,  and  they  will  have  to  submit  at  last  to 
the  armies  of  the  Union. 

Fresh  troops  are  pouring  in  from  every  part  of 
the  country,  and  the  northwestern  States  alone 
have  furnished  one  hundred  thousand  m6n  in  the 
last  thirty  days  for  the  reinforcement  of  our 
armies. 

Ohio  tendered  thirty-five  thousand,  and  the 
most  of  them  were  ready  to  march  as  soon  as  they 
were  accepted.  They  were  ordered  to  man  the 
forts  and  defenses  of  the  frontier,  but  when  they 
saw  our  wounded  heroes  borne  back  from  the 
battle-field  they  besought  the  President  to  order 
them  to  the  front,  that  they  too  might  prove  their 
devotion  to  their  country  and  peril  their  lives  in 
its  defense.  iVIichigan  has  furnished  more  than 
her  quota  of  men  for  every  campaign  since  the 
commencement  of  the  war.  Thousands  of  her 
sons  have  fallen  in  battle  and  sleep  on  southern 
soil,  but  I  trust  when  the  last  trumpet  sounds 
they  will  rise  under  the  same  flag  that  waved 
over  them  when  they  fell. 

While  our  armies  are  fighting  our  battles  the 
people  have  nominated  our  worthy  President  for 
another  term,  and  intend  to  elect  him  by  an  over- 
whelming majority.  They  have  confidence  in 
his  patriotism  and  ability,  and  laugh  at  the  silly 
charges  of  our  enemies  that  he  will  rob  them  of 
their  liberties  and  despoil  them  of  their  rights. 
They  will  sustain  him  in  whatever  he  may  do  at 
this  time  for  the  salvation  of  the  Union.  Sir,  it 
is  not  the  friends  of  the  Government,  not  those 
who  desire  its  preservation,  nor  those  v/ho  love 
liberty  and  hate  despotism,  who  complain  of  ihe 
E.Yccutive  or  feel  aggrieved  at  atiything  he  may 


do.  It  is  your  half-way  traitor,  the  sympathizer 
with  treason,  who  will  do  all  he  can  in  behalf  of 
the  enemies  of  the  Union  and  escape  conviction 
under  the  laws.  These  are  the  men  who  are  pra- 
ting about  tyranny,  talking  about  arbitrary  ar- 
rests, and  denouncing  those  who  would  save  the 
country  at  any  hazard  whatever. 

Sir,  the  Constitution  confers  sufficient  power 
upon  the  President  to  enable  him  to  put  down 
this  rebellion,  and  the  people  expect  he  will  use 
it  against  the  enemies  of  the  Republic,  whoever 
they  may  be. 

The  able  statesman  whom  we  have  selected  for 
the  second  place  in  the  people's  gift  resides  in  the 
South;  but  those  who  have  listened  to  his  denun- 
ciations of  treason,  and  who  know  his  hatred  of 
slavery,  his  love  of  liberty,  and  his  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  human  rights,  rejoice  that  he  has 
been  chosen  for  a  post  of  such  importance,  and 
will  give  him  their  hearty  and  undivided  support. 

Mr.  Speaker,  we  cannot  magnify  the  import- 
ance of  the  issues  involved  in  this  conflict  for  the 
supi-emacy  of  the  Government  and  the  integrity 
of  the  nation.  Our  cause  is  that  of  the  whole 
family  of  man,  and  every  lover  of  liberty  in  the 
Old  World  is  watching  the  progressof  this  strug- 
gle with  intense  solicitude.  Never  since  the  Son 
of  God  expired  on  Calvary  has  any  event  trans- 
pired upon  earth  in  which  every  human  being  is 
so  deeply  interested  as  in  the  result  of  this  con- 
test. It  will  settle  the  question  of  man 's  capacity 
for  self-government  and  settle  it  forever. 

If  this  Republic  is  destroyed  no  other  will  rise 
upon  its  ruins,  but  if  we  are  successful  other  na- 
tions will  follow  our  example,  till  liberty  is  uni- 
versal. 

Sir,  my  trust  is  in  the  intelligence  and  patriot- 
ism of  the  people,  and  may  God  help  us  to  pre- 
serve our  liberties  and  institutions,  and  transmit 
them  unimpaired  to  our  posterity. 

Mr.  ROSS.  Mr.  Speaker,  occupying  the  po- 
sition of  a  new  member,  without  congressional 
experience,  I  have  refrained  from  participating  in 
the  discussion  of  public  affairs;  but  in  view  of  the 
extraordinary  assumptions  indulged  in  by  lead- 
ing members  of  the  party  in  power  in  arrogating 
to  themselves  to  be  the  exclusive  Union  party, 
and  hurling  their  anathemas  of  disloyalty  against 
the  Democratic  party,  I  deem  it  due  to  my  con- 
stituency and  myself  to  probe  their  pretended 
Unionism,  to  answerand  repel  the  grave  calumny. 
Perhaps  the  radical  members  from  Maryland  and 
Ohio  [Messrs.  Davis  and  Schenck]  have  been 
the  most  arrogant  in  their  assumptions  and  vitu- 
perative in  their  aspersions,  while  smaller  craft 
have  followed  in  their  wake. 

As  evidence  to  sustain  the  slanderous  imputa- 
tion, reference  is  made  to  certain  resolutions  of- 
fered in  the  Legislatures  of  Illinois  and  other  States, 
and  votes  cast  for  Democratic  nominees  for  Gov- 
ernor. Now,  sir,  the  resolutions  of  said  States, 
and  the  views  of  said  candidates  for  Governor, 
may  be  submitted  to  the  severest  test  of  scrutiny, 
and  the  most  unscrupulous  mendacity  cannot 
show  a  word  or  sentiment  which  does  not  breathe 
the  purest  patriotism  and  exhibit  the  most  ex- 
alted devotion  to  the  best  interest  of  the  country. 
I  profess  to  have  some  knowledge  of  this  party, 
having  for  thirty  years  been  an  humble  member 
within  the  pale  of  its  organization,  aiding  and 
rejoicing  in  its  triumphs,  and  sorrowing  over  its 
defeats.  A  party  has  never  existed  more  national 
in  its  principles,  conservative  in  its  action,  or 
patriotic  in  its  impulses  than  the  old  Democratic 
guard.  Sir.-iit  has  a  clear  record  and  an  untar- 
nished history,  which  will  live  in  the  affections  and 
memories  of  the  people  as  long  as  personal  liberty 
and  free  constitutional  government  shall  endure. 

Permit  me  to  call  attention  to  a  few  significant 
historical  facts:  the  Democratic  party  made  the 
Government,  they  laid  broad  and  deep  its  solid 
foundations  and  built  the  magnificent  superstruc- 
ture. From  its  organization,  with  few  and  short 
exceptions,  they  have  held  and  governed  it.  For 
over  sixty  years  it  exercised  its  functions.  Under 
its  auspices  and  wise  legislation  we  increased  from 
three  or  four  millions  to  over  thirty  millions  of 
population,  from  thirteen  to  thirty-four  States; 
under  the  aegis  of  our  flag  our  commerce  floated 
upon  every  sea,  honored  and  respected  through- 
out the  world,  without  large  armies  or  navies  or 
a  national  debt  to  paralyze  industry,  exhaust  the 
substance,  or  fester  in  the  flesh  of  the  people; 
they  carried  us  safely  and  triumphantly  through 


the  war  of  1812  and  with  Mexico;  they  added 
large  accessions  of  territory  to  the  national  do- 
main; the  rights  and  liberties  of  citizens  were 
protected  and  defended  at  home  and  abroad,  on 
the  land  and  the  sea;  Government  securities  were 
eagerly  sought  and  commanded  a  premium  in 
coin;  the  people  were  happy,  prosperous,  and 
contented;  the  public  mind  was  securely  at  rest 
in  the  abiding  faith  that  the  experiment  of  iVce 
government  had  proved  a  success,  that  they  had 
built  upon  a  rock,  and  the  gates  of  hell  should 
not  prevail  against  it. 

These,  sir,  are  some  of  the  trophies  scattered 
along  the  highway  of  our  national  greatness,  ac- 
quired under  the  auspices  of  that  party  now 
charged  with  disloyalty  by  these  newly  fledged 
Unionists.  In  behalf  of  my  constituency  and  the 
Democracy  of  the  country  I  pronounce  the  charge 
a  willful,  malicious  slander,  and  hurl  the  imputa- 
tion back  in  the  teeth  of  the  calumniators  with 
merited  scorn  and  indignant  contempt. 

Having  said  thus  much  in  vindication  of  the 
Democracy,  suppose  we  carry  the  warinto  Africa 
and  feel  the  strength  of  the  enemy.  And  you 
are  a  Union  party,  are  you  ?  Pray  tell  us  when, 
where,  and  how  you  got  to  be  a  Union  party.' 
Surely  it  was  not  in  1860,  when  with  taunts  and 
jeers  you  sneeringly  called  us  "  Union-savers." 
Many  of  these  latter-day  Unionists  are  from  the 
old  Federal  stock,  lineal  descendants  from  the 
Tories  of  the  Revolution,  enemies  to  the  Union, 
the  Constitution,  and  our  form  of  government 
from  the  beginning.  Disciplesof  the  Adams-Ham- 
iltonian-Federal  theory,  they  wanted  a  stronger, 
more  consolidated  system;  they  held  it  unsafe  to 
confer  general  political  powers  into  the  hands  of 
the  people,  they  distrusted  their  capacity  to  gov- 
ern themselves,  and  would  have  modeled  our  or- 
ganic law  more  after  the  British  form;  but  Madi- 
son, Jefferson,  and  their  compeers  thwarted  their 
machinations.  Since  then  they  have  been  rest- 
less for  a  change,  ever  ready  to  coalesce  with  any 
party  or  faction  to  extirpate  the  Democratic 
theory  and  change  the  form  of  government;  and 
although  the  names  are  legion  by  which  this 
Federal  scion  has  been  known,  they  never  before 
had  the  presumption  or  unblushing  impudence  to 
call  themselves  a"  Union  party."  They  a  Union 
party!  No,  sir;  they  are  the  most  wily,  danger- 
ous enemies  the  Union  has  ever  encountered; 
their  pretended  devotion  is  only  to  enable  them 
more  effectually  to  undermine  the  Government 
and'filch  from  the  people  their  liberties.  Judas 
saluted  his  master  with  a  kiss  that  he  might  be- 
tray him  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  our  Union  and  Constitution  may 
survive  the  deadly  embrace  and  hypocritical  kiss 
of  these  latter-day  Judases,  who,  less  scrupulous 
than  their  prototype  who  exacted  coin  as  the  price 
of  innocent  blood,  are  willing  to  take  pay  in  con- 
tracts, cotton,  or  greenbacks. 

Sir,  this  fungus  "Union  party"  came  into 
power  with  treason  in  its  iieart  and  perjury  upon 
its  lips;  they  took  upon  themselves  a  solemn  oath 
to  support  and  maintain  the  Federal  Constitu  tion , 
and  at  the  same  time  held  and  promulgated  the 
treasonable  doctrine  that  our  form  of  government 
had  proved  a  failure,  and  could  not  endure,  al- 
though for  over  three  quarters  of  a  century  we 
had  lived  beneath  its  aegis,  enjoying  the  blessings 
of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  such 
as  had  never  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  people 
in  the  world 's  history.  How  could  it  be  expected 
that  they  would  successfully  administer  a  Gov- 
ernment which  in  advance  they  had  declared  a 
failure?  Our  revolutionary  fathers  made  it  to  en- 
dure as  long  as  time  should  last.  They  little 
thought  in  laying  the  solid  foundations  for  future 
empire  that  it  would  cease  to  endure  and  crumble 
into  fragments  within  the  first  century.  It  did  en- 
dure, answering  all  the  purposes  of  a  perfect  Gov- 
ernment for  over  eighty  years,  and  in  our  simpli- 
city, except  for  the  teachings  and  practices  of  this 
new  Union  partj',  we  would  never  have  doubted 
its  stability  or  endurance.  Thanks  to  an  over- 
ruling Providence  and  the  virtue,  patriotism,  and 
wisdom  of  our  fathers,  it  has  so  far  successliilly 
endured  the  assaults  of  open  enemies  and  the  cov- 
ert embrace  of  pretended  friends;  it  has  endured 
and  outlived  every  danger  except  four  j'cars'  rule 
of  the  party  in  power,  and  that  is  truly  hard  to 
endure;  and  although  the  aspect  of  our  national 
affairs  looks  dark,  gloomy,  and  portentous  of 
evil,  let  us  never  despair  of  tlie  Republic,  but 


18(34 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2957 


tnkc  cournge  and  still  hope  that  wo  may  weather 
the  Blorm  of  fanaticism  and  passion,  and  live  and 
endure  to  overcome  and  consign  to  the  grave  of 
oblivion,  amidst  the  exultant  shouts  of  a  disen- 
thralled people,  its  last,  most  dangerous,  insidious 
enemy. 

In  the  present  exigency  of  our  national  affairs, 
the  practical,  important  question  which  should 
demand  the  thoughtful  and  dispassionate  consid- 
eration of  the  country  is  how  it  is  to  be  extricated 
from  its  present  sad,  humiliating  condition;  how 
the  fell  spirits  of  secession  and  abolitionism, 
"  twill  relics  of  barbarism"  and  discord,  may  be 
securely  and  effectually  buried  with  the  national 
approbation  in  acommon  grave,  and  "  the  public 
mind  rest  secure  in  the  belief  that  they  arc  in.pro- 
cess  of  ultimate  extinction." 

Three  alternatives,  looking  to  a  solution  of 
pending  difficulties,  are  being  considered  and  can- 
vassed by  the  people. 

The  first  looks  to  a  continued  prosecution  of 
the  war,  involving  the  overthrow  of  State  insti- 
tutions and  governments,  and  the  entire  subjuga- 
tion or  extermination  of  the  insurgents. 

The  second  contemplates  "  letting  the  wayward 
sisters  go  in  peace,"  division  of  the  country  and 
recognition  of  their  independence,  with  offensive 
and  defensive  treaty  stipulations  and  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  third  and  lastalternative  is  by  means  of  an 
armistice  to  cease  hostilities,  call  a  national  con- 
vention, with  a  view  of  amicably  settling  and 
adjusting  all  our  differences  upon  the  basis  of  the 
Constitution  as  it  is  and  the  Union  as  it  was. 

Perhaps  neither  of  these  plans  are  exempt  from 
objection,  but  if  they  are  the  only  alternatives 
left  us  we  should  manfully  face  the  difficulties, 
calmly  and  dispassionately  canvass  them,  and  se- 
lect the  least  objectionable.  History  and  our  own 
sad  ex[ierience  should  admonish  us  that  war, 
especially  a  civil  war,  is  a  fearful  calamity,  and 
should  be  accepted  only  for  the  most  imperative 
considerations,  after  all  hope  of  honorable,  peace- 
ful adjustment  had  failed.  I  do  not  hold  that  war 
is  never  justifiable;,  by  no  means.  After  the 
exhaustion  of  all  peaceful  remedies,  as  the  last 
alternative,  with  all  its  train  of  evils,  rather  than 
submit  to  national  dishonor,  insult,  or  disintegra- 
tion, we  should  accept  the  arbitrament  of  arms. 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  however,  that  in 
my  judgment  the  sanguinary  fratricidal  conflict 
in  wliich  our  country  is  now  involved  might  by 
wi«e  and  prudential  means  on  the  part  of  those 
temporarily  charged  with  the  administration  of 
public  affairs  have  been  honorably  avoided;  that 
there  has  been  a  wanton  and  unnecessary  sacri- 
fice of  blood  and  treasure,  and  that  the  war  should 
cease  whenever  and  just  as  soon  as  peace  can  be 
secured,  with  a  disintegrated  Government,  and 
the  constitutional  rights  and  powers  of  the  Fed- 
eral and  State  Governments  unimpaired. 

The  second  alternative  of  separation  and  rec- 
ognition has  been  espoused  and  plausibly  sus- 
tained by  leading  politicians  and  journals  of  both 
political  parties;  but  there  are  to  my  mind  serious 
if  not  insuperable  objections  to  the  proposed  sep- 
aration. A  treaty  based  upon  recognition  and 
independence  would,  1  fear,  amount  to  nothing 
more  enduring  than  a  truce;  that  the  sanguinary 
conflict  would  be  renewed  along  our  extended 
borders, aggravated  and  intensified  by  heart-burn- 
ings and  animosities  until  protracted, exhausting 
wars  would  lead  to  foreign  alliance.  I  hope  we 
may  never  be  subjected  to  the  humiliation  of 
being  vassals  and  dependents  to  the  despotisms  of 
the  Old  World.  Separation  affords  no  adequate 
remedy  for  existing  evils.  There  is  not  room 
enough  on  the  Tforth  American  continent  for  two 
independent  Governments.  Give  me  rather  the 
gilded  hope  of  my  youthful  fancy,  an  ocean-bound 
Republic,  with  the  adjacent  islands  shining  stars 
in  the  effulgent  galaxy  of  the  national  constella- 
tion,,each  harmoniously  moving  in  its  appropriate 
orbit  around  their  common  center.  Hence  I  con- 
clude that  the  best  interests  of  both  sections  and 
the  whole  country  require  that  we  should  now 
and  forever  abandon  all  thought  of  despoiling  our 
inheritance  and  jeopardizing  our  liberti'es  by  the 
suicidal  policy  of  disintegration. 

This  brings  me  to  the  consideration  of  the  third 
and  last  alternative,  to  wit,  peace  and  a  restored 
Union  by  means  of  mutual  concessions  and  a  fair 
and  just  compromise.  This,  I  am  frank  to  say, 
1  regard  with  more  favor  than  either  of  the  pre- 


ceding alternatives.  It  at  once  affords  a  full  so- 
lution of  all  our  differences  in  the  spirit  and  upon 
the  basis  of  the  original  compact.  It  has  the  u^i- 
proving  sanction  of  precedents,  and  the  high  au- 
thority of  the  distinguished  patriots  and  states- 
men whose  places  we  unworthily  fill.  It  has  the 
advantage  of  a  continued  and  perpetuated  union 
of  the  States  by  consent  and  not  by /orce.  It  stops 
any  farther  sacrifice  of  the  lives  of  our  brave  men, 
and  the  accumulation  of  national  debt.  It  is  more 
in  harmony  with  the  sublime  teachings  of  our 
divine  Master,  who  said,  "  Blessed  are  the  peace- 
makers." It  willplaceus  beyond  the  contingency 
of  danger  from  foreign  intervention  or  molesta- 
tion. It  is,  sir,  the  true  remedy,  the  infitllible 
specific  for  the  ills  by  which  we  are  encompassed. 
It  is  the  road  our  fathers  trod;  let  us  "  keep  step 
to  the  music  of  the  Union,"  and  follow  in  their 
footsteps.  Perhaps  the  inquiry  may  be  suggested, 
how  are  we  to  attain  so  desirable  a  result?  I  am 
wedded  to  no  specific  plan;  if  there  is  a  will  a 
way  will  readily  be  found.  Permit  me,  however, 
to  suggest  that  we  first  agree  upon  an  armistice, 
then  send  commissioners  to  meet  on  the  4th  of 
July  at  Mount  Vernon,  around  the  grave  of 
Washington,  when  the  soul-stirring  inspiration 
of  the  day,  the  grandeur  of  the  place,  and  the 
solemnity  of  the  occasion  would  still  and  subdue 
every  selfish  ambition  and  unholy  emotion,  and 
rekindle  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  love  of  country 
in  the  hearts  of  degenerate  sons.  Let  the  com- 
missioners fix  upon  a  time  and  place  for  holding 
a  national  convention  to  finally  settle  and  adjust 
in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  mutual  concession  all 
our  differences;  then  unite  and  consolidate  the 
national  forces,  North  and  South, into  one  grand 
invincible  army  of  the  Republic,  and  vindicate 
the  honor  and  insulted  dignity  of  the  nation  by 
reaffirming  the  inviolability  of  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine, reinstatingfree  institutions  wherever  foreign 
despots  have  intervened  for  their  overthrow  on 
this  continent. 

But  am  tasked,"  Suppose  all  efforts  to  compro- 
mise fail,  whatdo  youthen  propose?"  Thisis  im- 
possible; it  must  not,  cannot  be.  I  will  not  suffer 
my  self  to  raise  the  curtain  and  contemplate  the  dim 
vista  lying  beyond  all  hopes  of  settlement.  This 
unnatural,  cruel  conflict  is  sustained  and  procrasti- 
nated by  passion,  prejudice,  and  hatred.  Patriot- 
ism, nationality,  self-interest,  civilization,  human- 
ity, and  Christianity  all  prompt  a  settlement. 
Political  fanaticism,  like  all  other  virulent  conta- 
gious diseases  to  which  frail  humanity  is  subject, 
will  run  its  course.  If  the  patient  survive,  reason 
will  be  restored,  it  may  be  with  a  shattered  and 
broken  constitution,  with  heavy  unliquidated  lia- 
bilities, with  a  mere  skeleton  of  former  greatness 
and  power;  but  still  the  patient  lives. 

We  are  now  passing  the  crucible,  the  fiery  or- 
deal of  this  malignant  disease;  the  hectic  flush 
mantles  the  cheek,  the  pulse  beats  quick  and 
wiry,  but  there  are  still  hopes  ,  by  a  change  of 
doctors  and  treatment,  and  careful  nursing,  the 
patient  may  survive.  If  I  had  power  to  reach  the 
mind  and  touch  the  heart  of  the  nation,  I  would 
beseech  my  countrymen  everywhere,  North  and 
South,  to  stay  their  hands  and  cease  this  self-de- 
struction before  it  be  forever  too  late.  Why  per- 
sist in  destroying  the  best  form  of  government  ever 
devised  by  the  wisdom,  virtue,  and  patriotism  of 
man?  Why  blot  out  the  world's  last  hope  of  free 
constitutional  liberty?  The  despots  of  the  Old 
World  have  no  love  for  our  free  institutions  and 
democratic  form  ofgovernment;  they  have  marked 
with  a  jealous  eye  our  growing  greatness  and 
power;  they  are  pleased  with  the  manner  in  which 
we  are  executing  a  job  for  them  which  they  dare 
not  undertake  thernselves.  If  we  continue  to 
gratify  them  by  procrastinating  our  civil  war  un- 
til our  armies  are  destroyed  and  our  finances  col- 
lapse, they  will  be  ready  to  grasp  the  exhausted 
giant  by  the  throat,  and  furnish  Maximilians  to 
rule  over  us.  1  would  implore  the  country  to 
pause  and  reflect;  this  question  of  self-preserva- 
tion, of  maintaining  our  liberties  and  free  institu- 
tions, rises  infinitely  above  all  party  considera- 
tions. Save  the  country  though  political  parties 
crumble  into  atoms  like  a  rope  of  sand.  We  must 
not  suffer  this  mental  aberration,  this  quasi  insan- 
ity to  run  on  until  the  epitaph  of  suicide  is  in- 
scribed on  the  national  monument. 

These  suggestions  in  favor  of  an  amicable  adjust- 
ment will  not  be  likely  to  meet  the  approbation 
of  the  cabinets  or  their  special  adherents  at  Wash- 


ington or  Richmond.  The  first  would  pi^ril  the 
nation  with  its  thirty  million  Anglo-Saxons  for 
the  supposed  benefit  of  three  or  four  million  Af- 
rican slaves;  they  would  extirpate  slavery  at 
whatever  cost  or  sacrifice  of  blood  and  treasure; 
they  would  brush  Federal  and  State  constitutions 
out  of  their  way  like  cobwebs;  they  would  over- 
run and  subjugate  the  South  and  exterminate  the 
people;  they  would  encourage  servile  insurrec- 
tion, and  arm  the  slave  against  his  master;  they 
would  make  war  on  and  starve  non-combatants, 
women  and  children;  they  would  devastate  and 
desolate  the  land  with  fire  and  sword  and  make  it 
ahowliiig wilderness;  confiscate  real  and  personal 
property;  place  the  negro  as  to  civil  and  political 
rights  on  an  equality  with  the  v;^hites;  execute  or 
banish  the  rebel  leaders;  exclude  all  others  en- 
gaged in  the  rebellion  from  the  rights  of  citizens; 
place  the  freed  negroes  under  the  control  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  to  be  worked  and  managed  by 
Government  overseers;  keep  the  people  in  sub- 
jection by  means  of  a  standing  army,  and  to  rule 
and  govern  the  country  by  civil  and  military  offi- 
cers appointed  by  the  President.  Now  I  submit 
whether  a  war  prosecuted  for  such  purposes  and 
in  such  a  manner  can  reasonably  be  expected  to 
terminate  short  of  extermination? 

On  the  other  hand,  the  rebel  leaders  and  cab- 
inet at  Richmond  would  prosecute  the  war  to  dis- 
integrate the  Union,  subvert  the  Constitution,  and 
destroy  the  Government,  under  the  metaphysical 
so[ihisiry  that  a  State  has  the  constitutional  right 
to  secede  from  the  Union.  This  subtle  theory 
cannot  be  sustained.  It  is  a  reproach  to  the  wi.s- 
doin  and  sagacity  of  the  patriotic  statesmen  who 
molded  and  fashioned  our  organic  law  to  suppose 
a  State  could  at  will  .secede  and  destroy  the  whole 
system.  Again,  they  say  they  will  continue  to 
wage  this  war  because  a  party  is  in  power  pledged 
to  overthrow  the  institutions  of  their  States.  Sup- 
pose it  be  admitted.  They  aided  in  bringing 
about  the  result,  and  are  therefore  particeps  crim- 
inis.  Let  them  remember  the  schism  they  caused 
in  the  Democratic  party  at  Charleston  and  Balti- 
more, and  the  encouragement  they  gave  to  John- 
son, Dickinson,  Butler,  and  others  of  their  tools 
and  allies,  to  defeat  the  election  of  the  Democratic 
nominee  and  thereby  aid  the  election  of  the  party 
in  power;  they  should  be  quiescent  at  a  result  to 
which  they  contributed.  If  there  is  a  sectional 
'parly  in  power  hostile  to  their  institutions  they 
so  willed  it;  they  said  they  preferred  Lincoln  to 
Douglas,  and  got  their  choice;  it  is  to  be  hoped 
they  are  satisfied,  and  will  be  satiated  with  iiia 
Administration;  I  think  the  North  is  already. 
Now,  while  these  two  war  parties  would  con- 
tinue its  prosecution  for  entirely  dissimilar  pur- 
poses, they  concur  in  saying  that  there  is  no  other 
alternative  but  to  fight  on.  It  cannot  be  possible 
we  are  in  any  such  extremity.  If  the  politicians 
liad  been  out  of  the  way  the  people  would  have 
settled  our  difficulties  long  ago.  But  unfortu- 
nately for  the  peace  of  the  country,  the  political 
caldron  in  its  effervescence  had  spawned  to  the 
surface  a  brood  of  political  tricksters  and  fanat- 
ical demagogues;  the  scum  rose  to  the  top,  and 
floated  into  positions  of  honor  and  trust;  without 
capacity  or  patriotism  to  parry  the  threatened 
danger,  they  recklessly  involved  the  country  in 
civil  war. 

These  wiseacres  tell  us  that  peace  is  a  myth 
not  to  be  thought  of,  that  we  must  fight  on,  kill 
and  slaughter,  give  up  the  last  man  and  the  last 
dollar;  that  the  country  must  meekly  and  silently 
submit  to  having  our  gallant  young  men,  the 
flower  and  hope  of  the  country,  pitted  against 
each  other  in  deadly  combat,  and  glory  in  die 
slaughter.  The  greedy  Moloch  of  sectionalism 
is  not  satiated,  through  dripping  with  the  blood 
fresh  t'rom  the  hecatomb  of  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  human  sacrifices  ofi'ered  upon  its  crimsoned 
altars.  And  still  a  confiding  people  are  told  there 
is  no  other  way,  no  alternative  left  but  to  fight 
on,  and  on,  and  on.  How  long,  0  God!  how  long 
is  this  bleeding,  dying  people  to  be  deceived  and 
duped  by  political  quacks  and  speculators  in  the 
suffering  and  life's  blood  of  the  nation?  How 
long  are  the  bulls  and  edicts  emanating  from  Rich- 
mond and  Washington  to  be  potential  to  coerce 
the  free  people  of  this  country  to  sacrifice  their 
lives  at  their  behest?  In  the  parlance  of  the 
sportsman, they  skillfully  andadroitly  "  play  into 
each  other's  hands"  for  the  pverthrow  of  the  con- 
stitutional rights  and  liberties  of  the  people;  thera 


2958 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


is  a  most  singularly  marked  coincidence  in  their 
views  in  relation  to  public  policy.  They  agree 
that  written  constitutions  and  the  solemn  obliga- 
tions of  oaths  have  but  little  binding  weight  in 
time  of  war.  The  freedom  of  speech  and  the 
press  has  been  stricken  down.  The  people's 
writ  oC habeas  coi-pus  has  been  suspended,  and  its 
right  denied  to  the  citizen.  The  judicial  ermine 
has  been  invaded,  judges  forcibly  dragged  from 
their  courts  and  imprisoned  for  judicial  decisions. 
The  elective  franchise  has  been  abridged,  and  the 
voters  driven  from  the  polls  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  Martial  law  has  been  declared  over 
districts  of  country  not  in  rebellion,  and  the  mili- 
tary placed  above  the  civil  authorities.  Free 
citizens,  not  belonging  to  the  military  or  naval 
service,  have  been  arrested  without  process,  tried, 
and  sentenced  by  drum-head  courts-martial  with- 
out counsel  or  jury,  and  exiled  or  incarcerated  in 
military  bastiles.  These  gross  and  flagrant  in- 
fractions upon  the  liberties  and  clearly-defined 
constitutional  rights  of  the  people  have  been  un- 
blushingly  perpetrated  under  the  free  institutions 
of  the  United  States,  in  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  under  the  despotic  plea  of  mili- 
tary necessity.  0  degenerate,  subjugated  sons 
of  a  glorious  ancestry,  whose  cheek  does  not 
tinge  and  mantle  with  shame  at  the  humiliating 
reflectiot)  ? 

Now,  I  submit  to  the  House  and  the  country 
whether  the  people  had  not  better  dispense  with 
the  services  of  officials  who  in  the  brief  space  of 
three  years  have  reduced  the  country  to  its  pres- 
ent humiliating  condition.  Power  was  tempora- 
rily placed  in  their  hands  to  administer  the  Gov- 
ernment, not  to  subvert  it,  or  wrest  from  the 
people  their  liberties.  They  are  the  servants  of 
the  people  to  execute  their  will,  not  their  masters 
to  lord  it  over  and  oppress  them;  let  them  take 
due  and  timely  notice  and  govern  themselves  ac- 
cordingly. They  contemplate,  no  doubt,  by  means 
of  the  purse  and  the  sword  and  the  vast  patronage 
which  they  wield,  to  disregard  the  will  of  the 
people  and  perpetuate  their  power.  If  they  suc- 
ceed in  establishing  themselves  in  power  by  such 
means,  the  liberties  of  the  country  are  irretriev- 
ably lost.  It  is  time  that  the  people  were  aroused 
to  the  magnitude  and  importance  of  the  issues 
involved  in  the  approaching  contest. 

For  the  purpose  of  rescuing  the  Government 
from  theirhands,  preserving  the  Constitution, and 
maintaining  the  Union  and  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  let  us  for  the  time  being,  if  need  be,  ig- 
nore party  names  and  alliances,  and  unite  with 
Union-loving,  conservative  men  everywhere,  to 
preserve  and  transmit  as  a  precious  boon  the  leg- 
acy of  free  government.  The  honest,  confiding 
masses  should  not  be  deceived  or  lulled  into  false 
security;  the  greedy  swarnjs  of  Federal  officers, 
contractors,  and  placemen,  who  are  hoarding 
their  ill-gotten  wealth  at  the  expense  of  the  toil 
and  sweat  of  the  laborer,  will  be  active  and  un- 
scrupulous. I  fear  they  have  selfish,  ambitious, 
traitorous  designs  upon  the  liberties  of  the  coun- 
try. 

By  rejecting  all  propositions  looking  to  a  peace- 
ful adjustment  they  have  involved  the  country 
in  the  most  terrible,  gigantic  civil  war  the  world 
has  ever  witnessed.  The  Douglas,  Crittenden, 
Kellogg,  and  border  State  propositions  were  all 
rejected.  The  leading  representative  men  of  the 
South  offered  to  accept  the  Crittenden  compro- 
mise as  a  finality,  if  tendered  in  good  faith  by  the 
party  in  power.  When  the  peace  congress  was 
in  session  in  this  city,  fearing  that  they  might  be 
thwarted  in  their  cherished  design  of  precipita- 
ting the  couniry  in  civil  war,  they  wrote  and  tel- 
egraphed to  the  Governors  of  the  States,  "Send 
us  stiff-backed  men  or  none;"  "Ohio,  Indiana, 
and  Rhode  Island  are  cavingin,  and  there  is  some 
danger  of  Illinois;"  "  For  God's  sake  come  to  the 
rescue  and  save  the  Republican  party  from  rup- 
ture;" "  Without  a  little  blood-letting  the  country 
will  not  be  worth  a  curse."  Now,  this  shows 
most  clearly  that  they  were  opposed  to  compro- 
mise, and  were  willing  to  involve  the  country  in 
war  to  save  the  Republican  party  from  "  rup- 
ture." 

As  further  evidence  of  their  premeditated  de- 
signs to  have  war,  I  submit  the  testimony  of 
Judge  Douglas.     He  said: 

"Tlie  South  would  take  my  proposition  if  the  Repub- 
licaiia  would  agree  to  it."  "  Many  of  the  Repulilican  lead- 
ers desire  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  urge  war  ns  a 


means  of  accomplishing  disunion."  "We  have  now 
reached  a  point  where  a  compromise  on  the  basis  of  mu- 
tual concessions  or  disunion  and  war  are  inevitable.  I 
prefer  a  fair  and  just  compromise." 

And  again,  on  February  2,  1861, he  said: 

"  They  are  striving  to  break  up  the  Union  undcrthe  pre- 
tense of  unbounded  devotion  to  it.  They  are  struggling  to 
overthrow  the  Constitution  while  professing  undying  at- 
tachment to  it  and  a  willingness  to  make  any  sacrifice  to 
maintain  it.  They  are  trying  to  plunge  the  country  into 
civil  war  as  the  surestmeansofdestroyingthe  Union, upon 
the  plea  of  enforcing  the  laws  and  protecting  the  public 
property.  If  thoy  can  defeat  every  kind  of  adjustment  or 
compromise  by  which  the  points  at  issue  may  be  satisfac- 
torily settled,  and  keep  up  the  Irritation  so  as  to  induce  the 
border  States  to  follow  the  cotton  States,  they  will  feel 
certain  of  the  accomplishment  of  their  ultimate  design. 

"  Nothing  will  gratify  them  so  much  or  contribute  so 
successfully  to  their  success  asthe  secession  of  Tennessee 
and  the  border  States.  Every  State  that  withdraws  from 
the  Union  increases  the  relative  power  of  northern  aboli- 
tionists to  defeat  a  satisfactory  adjustment,  and  to  bring  on 
a  war,  which,  sooner  or  later,  must  end  in  final  separation 
and  recognition  of  the  independence  of  tlie  two  contending 
sections." 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  true  and  faithful  ex- 
position of  the  animus  of  the  party  in  power, 
drawn  by  a  master  hand;  may  it  give  them  "  the 
power  to  see  themselves  as  others  see  them." 
They  refused  to  permit  the  people  to  be  heard 
upon  the  question  of  compromise,  for  fear  they 
would  decide  in  favor  of  peace  and  thereby 
thwart  their  cherished  schemes  of  war  and  dis- 
union. By  reference  to  the  Journals  oftheFIouse 
of  January  7, 1860,  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Clem- 
ens proposed  to  submit  the  Crittenden  compro- 
mise to  a  vote  of  the  people  for  adoption  or  re- 
jection; (see  resolutions  offered  by  him;)  this 
proposition  they  rejected  by  a  party  vote,  many 
of  the  honoi-able  members  over  the  way,  includ- 
ing the  honorable  Speaker,  voting  against  it. 
This  refusal  to  permit  the  people  to  be  heard  on 
the  question  of  peace  or  war  shows  a  premedi- 
tated intention  to  precipitate  the  country  in  civil 
war.  And  since  they  have  succeeded  in  inaugur- 
ating their  treasonable  machinations  against  the 
liberties  of  the  country  nothing  so  rouses  the  irre- 
pressible ire  of  these  disunionists  per  se  as  to  men- 
tion peace;  they  dread  it  as  the  devil  does  holy 
water.  With  swaggering,  blubbering  gasconade 
they  vociferate  traitor, copperhead, disloyal.  This 
stop-thief  cry  of  criminals  lacks  the  merit  of  origi- 
nality. They  would  divert  attention  and  cover 
their  tracks  by  charging  upon  others  the  foul  and 
infamous  treason  under  which  their  own  seared 
and  lacerated  conscTences  are  writhing.  But  the 
transparent  trick,  the  gauzy  texture  will  not  con- 
ceal from  the  searching  scrutiny  and  withering 
rebuke  of  the  country  the  gross  iniquity  and  dark 
perfidy  of  their  crimes.  The  peojjlc,  indignant 
at  the  imbecility  and  treachery  of  those  charged 
with  tlie  administration  of  the  Government,  are 
being  aroused  to  impending  danger.  The  rum- 
bling ground-swell  from  the  disabused  masses  is 
heard  in  the  dim  distance;  its  audible  mutterings 
fall  like  the  sound  of  a  death-knell  upon  the  ears 
of  the  guilty  plotters  of  treason.  The  "  wolves 
in  sheep's  clothing"  will  be  disrobed,  and  their 
naked  deformity  exposed  to  the  indignant  scrutiny 
of  a  deceived  and  outraged  people,  so  that "  they 
may  be  known  and  read  of  all  men."  Theirday 
of  reckoning  is  drawing  near.  In  the  midst  of 
their  public  plunder,  bloody  carnival  and  baccha- 
nalian revelings  their  hearts  quake,  knees  tremble, 
and  cheeks  blanch  as  they  read  the  handwriting 
on  the  wall,  "Thou  art  weighed  in  the  balance 
and  found  wanting." 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  sad,  humiliating  spectacle  is 
presented  to  the  country  of  its  liberties  being  cru- 
cified and  put  to  an  ignominious  death  in  the  house 
of  its  pretended  friends.  They  insist  on  giving 
the  last  dollar  and  the  last  man,  but  exhibit  pru- 
dential caution  that  their  dollar  is  the  last  one 
taken,  and  they  the  last  men  to  go.  They  do  not 
want  the  southern  States  in  the  Union,  conse- 
quently take  care  to  prosecute  the  war  in  such  a 
manner  and  for  such  purposes  as  to  prevent  their 
return;  its  continuance  is  their  political  capital 
stock,  and  they  would  procrastinate  it  as  long  as 
they  can  hold  the  offices,  get  fat  contracts,  and 
speculate  in  the  blood  and  suffering  of  the  coun- 
try. When  the  war  is  stopped  there  will  be 
§2,000,000  per  day  less  tax  for  the  people  to  pay; 
consequently,  minus  that  amount  to  lavish  among 
the  fawning  minions  of  power,  the  peculation, 
fraud,  and  plunder  of  the  public  Treasury  would 
have  to  cease;  the  Mississippi  river  would  be 
opened  to  navigation;  the  railroad  monopolies 


could  no  longer  extort  from  the  farmer  of  the  West 
half  the  value  of  his  production  for  transporta- 
tion to  market.  This  war  has  been  a  godsend  to 
monopolists,  peculators,  shoddy  contractors.  Gov- 
ernment thieves,  and  public  plunderers  general- 
ly; they  are  amassing  princely  fortunes,  rolling 
in  wealth,  reveling  in  their  ill-gotten  gains;  you 
may  set  them  dov/n  for  th^  war;  they  "  will  go 
to  the  last  dollar  and  to  the  last  man."  These 
Shylocks  will  hold  mortgages  in  the  shape  of  Gov- 
ernment bonds  on  the  property  and  industry  of 
the  couniry;  a  bill  of  sale  on  the  sweat  and  toil 
of  honest  labor  for  unborn  generations. 

Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  not  marvelous  that  New 
England  is  for  the  war.  By  means  of  her  railroad 
monopolies,  fishing  bounties,  and  high  tariffs  she 
impoverishes  the  balance  of  the  country,  and  its 
v/ealth  flows  into  the  lap  of  her  pampered  aris- 
tocracy; she,  as  a  matter  of  course,  favors  a  vig- 
orous prosecution  of  the  war.  Did  you  ever 
know  the  universal  Yankee  nation  to  let  up  with 
their  hands  to  the  elbows  in  the  pockets  of  the 
people  .'  The  history  of  this  peculiar  people  fur- 
nishes no  such  example;  they  are  still  true  to 
their  nature  and  their  instincts.  Perhaps  I  should 
notice  the  oft-repeated  charge  from  the  other  side 
of  the  House  that  the  Democratic  party  are  hos- 
tile to  the  soldiers.  No  aspersion  could  be  more 
groundless  or  ungenerous.  It  is  true  they  sought 
and  advised  peace  rather  than  to  have  the  country 
scourged  with  a  devastating  civil  war;  they  would 
that  this  bitter  cup  might  have  passed,  and  tlie 
country  not  be  compelled  to  drink  it  to  its  bitter 
dregs;  but  when  their  counsels  were  rejected  and 
the  conflict  upon  us  there  was  no  factious  oppo- 
sition interposed  to  the  party  in  power  trying 
their  plan;  money  and  men  were  voted  without 
stint;  Democrats  vied  with  Republicans  in  filling 
the  ranks  until  the  first  call  of  seventy-five  thou- 
sand has  swelled  to  over  two  million,  a  full  half 
from  the  Democratic  party.  Such  is  the  case  in 
my  own  State,  which  has  always  been  ahead  of 
all  calls.  It  is  true  there  is  a  deficit  from  the  Re- 
publican districts;  but  ihey  have  been  more  than 
filled  by  the  excess  from  ours,  and  in  case  of 
emergency  they  can  easily  "  stamp  flaminggianta 
from  the  earth"  to  fill  up  their  quotas. 

When  the  tocsin  of  war  v/as  sounded  the  peo- 
ple rallied  around  the  flag  of  the  country  under 
the  assurance  that  it  was  necessary  to  preserve 
the  Government,  and  that  it  was  to  be  prosecuted 
to  enforce  the  laws  and  suppress  the  rebellion, 
and. not  to  interfere  with  or  overthrow  the  insti- 
tutions or  independence  of  the  States.  I  am  frank 
to  say  I  did  not  rely  upon  these  assurances,  but 
have  no  fault  to  find  with  those  having  more  faith 
than  myself  who  deemed  it  their  duty  to  enter  the 
service,  and  cheerfully  award  to  them  the  meed 
of  patriotic  self-sacrificing  devotion  to  what  they 
deemed  the  best  intereet  of  the  country,  and  they 
are  justly  entitled  to  our  respect,  sympathy,  and 
support;  recognizing  to  its  fullestextentthis  duty 
and  obligation,  I  have  uniformly  voted  supplies, 
increase  of  pay,  and  pensions  for  our  soldiers. 
But,  sir,  when  and  in  what  way  have  the  party 
in  power  exhibited  their  kind  regard  for  the  wel- 
fare of  our  soldiers?  Is  it  in  the  reckless  and 
wanton  sacrifice  of  their  lives  to  the  Moloch 
of  abolition.''  Is  it  in  their  fanatical,  radical 
measures  which  have  obliterated  the  Union  senti- 
ment of  the  South  and  united  their  people  against 
us?  Is  it  by  colonizing 'the  North  with  the  de- 
graded Africans  from  the  South,  so  that  the  sol- 
dier on  returning  home  will  have  to  work  by  lii.s 
side,  and  compete  with  him  for  place  and  pay  ?  Is 
it  by  placing  the  cor;)  iVJifiique  upon  an  equality 
with  them  in  the  ranks,  and  thereby  humiliating 
their  pride  and  wounding  their  honor?  If  their 
lovefor  the  soldier  had  been  anything  more  than 
hollow-hearted  pretense  why  did  they  remain  in 
session  over  five  months  without  reporting  a  bill 
to  increase  their  pay?  They  knew  that  since  our 
soldiers  left  home  the  expense  of  living  had  greatly 
increased;  that  their  families  had  to  pay  double 
the  ordinary  price  for  the  necessaries  of  life;  that 
labor  at  home  was  commanding  from  a  dollar  and 
a  quarter  to  three  dollars,  per  day.  Why,  then, 
should  the  soldier  be  expected  to  endure  the  hard- 
ships and  dangers  incident  to  war  for  less  com- 
pensation than  his  services  would  command  at 
liome?  These  exclusive  friends  of  the  soldier 
have  reduced  his  rations,  and  in  their  munificent 
generosity  and  fullness  of  heart  have  actually  in- 
creased his  pay  ten  cents  per  day,  up,  up  to  the 


1864. 


THE  OONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2959 


prodigal  sum  of  fifty-three  and  a  third  cents  a 
day.  This  lavish  increase  of  ten  cents  will  en- 
able them,  if  judiciously  expended,  to  purchase 
from  one  quarter  to  one  third  of  a  yard  of  calico 
or  brown  domestic  to  clothe  their  families  at  home, 
and  as  for  such  luxuries  as  tea  and  coffee,  ihey 
are  not  to  be  thought  of;  "  rye  coffee  is  good 
enough  if  the  negroes  can  be  free." 

Unfortunately  for  this  side  of  the  House,  our 
estimable  no-party  Speaker  has  failed,  inadvert- 
ently no  doubt,  to  assign  us  any  such  position  on 
committeesas  would  enable  us  to  exercise  any  con- 
trolling influence  for  the  benefitof  the  soldier  or  the 
country.  I  believe  the  only  chairman  awarded  us  is 
that  on  mileage,  over  which  my  distinguished  col- 
lea"^ue,  [Mr.  Robinson,]  honored  with  six  years' 
congressional  experience,  presides.  But  thank- 
ful for  small  favors  in  our  humble  sphere,  at  the 
tail  end  of  committees,  we  have  done  the  best  we 
could.  Early  in  the  session,  at  my  instance,  a 
resolution  was  adopted  directing  the  Military 
Committee  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  in- 
creasing the  pay  of  our  officers  and  soldiers,  but 
their  attention  has  been  so  exclusively  engrossed 
in  miscegenation  projects  for  the  benefit  of  "Amer- 
ican citizens  of  African  descent"  that  little  time 
was  left  to  devote  to  the  secondary  interests  of 
mere  white  soldiers.  Becoming  impatient  after 
waiting  several  months  for  a  report,  I  offered  an- 
other resolution  instructing  the  committee  to  re- 
port a  bill  at  an  early  day  increasing  the  pay  of 
officers  and  soldiers  at  least  thirty-three  percent. 
This  presented  a  dilemma;  if  it  passed  a  bill  would 
have  to  be  reported ;  if  they  voted  it  down  it  would 
disclose  to  the  soldiers  and  the  country  their  hy- 
pocrisy. In  their  extremity  they  brought  to  the 
rescue  the  fertile  resources  and  parliamentary  skill 
of  the  distinguished  member  from  Pennsylvania, 
[Mr.  Stevens;]  in  a  crisis  he  is  their  reliance  to 
furnisli  brains.  He  arose  and  gravely  announced 
a  desire  to  debate  the  resolution;  this,  under  the 
rules,  passes  it  over  without  a  vote;  a  complacent 
smile  passes  over  their  anxious  countenances  at 
the  success  of  their  tactician.  The  honorable 
Speaker  has  never  yet  been  able  to  reach  the  res- 
olution. When  the  Military  Committee  intro- 
duced their  bill  to  reduce  the  rations  and  increase 
the  soldier's  pay  ten  cents  per  day,  I  appealed  to 
the  chairman  to  permit  an  amendment  to  be 
made  inserting  twenty  dollars  in  lieu  of  sixteen 
dollars  per  month;  this  he  peremptorily  refused, 
but  demanded,  and  the  House  sustained,  the  pre- 
vious question,  thereby  cutting  off  all  amendments 
and  debate.  Again,  when  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee of  conference  on  the  military  bill  was  under 
discussion,  I  moved  to  recommit  the  bill  with  in- 
structions to  report  it  back  with  an  increase  of 
pay  to  the  soldier  of  at  least  twenty  dollars  per 
month.  This  proposition,  at  the  instance  of  a 
member  of  the  committee,  [Mr.  Farnsworth,] 
was  ruled  by  tiie  Speaker  to  be  out  of  order. 

I  submit,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  above  facts  that  the 
country  may  determine  who  are  the  true  friends 
of  the  soldier.  They  may  well  ask  to  be  delivered 
from  such  friends. 

Honorable  members,  over  the  way  tell  us  they 
have  been  doing  a  nice  thing  for  the  soldiers  by 
the  bill  of  this  session  in  dividing  and  parceling 
out  between  them  and  the  negroes  the  plantations 
of  the  South,  and  granting  them  homesteads  by 
robbing  other  people  of  the  fruits  of  their  labor 
and  converting  them  to  their  own  use.  I  think 
they  have  greatly  mistaken  and  underrated  the 
character  and  pluck  of  our  citizen  soldiers  if  they 
suppose  they  entered  the  service  for  purposes  of 
pillage  and  plunder;  they  are  not  homeless  free- 
booters to  be  seduced  from  the  paths  of  honor 
by  "  beauty  and  booty;"  they  left  homes  ac- 
quired by  honest  industry,  and  domestic  associ- 
ations more  endearing  and  tempting  than  the 
eteal-yourself-a-home,  negro-equality  doctrine 
tendered  by  the  party  in  power.  Hence  I  con- 
clude that  these  loud-mouthed  professions  of  love 
for  the  soldier  and  the  Union  are  off  of  the  same 
piece,  siack-twisted,  badly  wove,  and  not  large 
enough  to  cover  their  nakedness.  The  patent 
truth  is  they  are  not  for  the  Constitution  or  the 
Union,  but, wishing  to  subvert  them,  oppose  peace 
and  urge  war;  they  say  that  a  little  blood-letting 
is  liealthful  for  the  body-politic;  that  the  tree  of 
liberty  must  be  watered  with  the  blood  of  her 
citizens;  that  there  is  no  remission  for  sins  but 
by  the  shedding  of  blood;  that  we  must  cry  havoc 
and  let  slip  the  doga  of  war;  that  all  great  nations 


have  had  civil  wars,  and  the  time  has  come  for 
ours.  Sir,  in  an  evil  hour  these  counsels  pre- 
vailed. Still  they  hesitated  to  startle  the  country 
by  fully  showing  tlieir  purposes.  In  ninety  days, 
with  seventy-five  thousand  men,  th^  job  was  to 
be  completed  and  the  breakfast  spell  over.  We 
have  now  reached  the  fourth  year  of  the  war, 
and  they  modestly  ask  us  to  extend  the  time  that 
they  may  continue  to  "peg  away"  for  four 
years  longer.  Two  millions  of  our  young  men, 
the  hope  and  flower  of  the  country,  have  gone 
into  the  service;  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
lives  have  been  sacrificed ;  as  many  more  with  shat- 
tered and  broken  constitutions  and  with  maimed 
and  mutilated  persons  still  lijiger  in  our  midst, 
objects  of  the  nation's  bounty  and  sympathy.  A 
fearful  responsibility  rests  upon  the  guilty  au- 
thors of  this  suffering  and  sacrifice  of  life.  The 
full  measure  of  just  punishment  would  be  too 
terrible.  May  neither  their  daily  meditations  nor 
nightly  visions  be  haunted  by  sepulchral  spec- 
ters of  departed  spirits. 

"  Thou  canst  not  say  I  did  It :  never  shake 
Tliy  gory  locks  at  me." 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  life  of  the  nation  is  in  immi- 
nent peril;  the  agonizing  throes  and  death-rattle 
admonish  us  of  approaching  dissolution;  but 
while  there  is  life  there  is  still  hope.  As  the  ship- 
wrecked mariner  seizes  with  dying  hope  to  the 
last  floating  spar,  so  let  the  people  rally  around 
and  cling  to  the  Constitution  as  the  sheet-anchor 
of  our  hope.  Their  duties  and  responsibilities 
are  fearfully  great  and  cannot  be  ignored.  They 
owe  it  to  their  sires,  the  wives  of  their  bosoms, 
the  innocent  prattlers  that  dandle  upon  their  knees, 
to  unborn  generations,  and  to  their  own  man- 
hood, to  preserve  free  government  and  transmit 
constitutional  liberty  as  the  most  invaluable  leg- 
acy. The  Federal  Constitution  with  all  its  limit- 
ations and  just  balances  must  be  maintained;  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States  and  the  people  pro- 
tected; the  union  of  the  States  must  be  preserved 
and  perpetuated;  the  personal  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  citizen  must  be  upheld  and  defended;  free 
speech,  a  free  press,  and  a  free  ballot,  cannot  be 
surrendered, by  a  free  people;  these  inalienable, 
clearly-defined,  expressly  guarantied  constitu- 
tional rights,  invaluable  to  freemen,  formidable 
only  to  tyrants,  must  be  protected,  maintained, 
and  defended  from  any  and  every  assault,  from 
whatever  source  or  under  whatever  pretext  made, 
by  every  lawful  means,  peaceably  if  they  can,  but 
forcibly  if  they  must.  To  slavishly  surrender 
their  priceless  liberties  would  show  them  to  be 
craven-hearted  cowards  unworthy  to  enjoy  them. 
The  State  of  Illinois  has  furnished  from  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  thousand  of  her 
brave  sons  to  suppress  treason  in  front,  and  could, 
if  necessary,  duplicate  the  number,  and  still  has 
left  a  Democratic  reserve  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  home  guards  of  true,  reliable  men,  who 
have  never  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal,  able  and 
willing,  if  it  should  become  necessary,  to  protect 
and  defend  the  constitutional  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  people  against  any  fire  in  the  rear  by  home 
traitors. 

One  of  the  most  humiliating  reflections  which 
forces  itself  upon  the  country  is  its  barrenness  of 
able  statesmen.  The  national  councils  are  filled, 
with  but  few  exceptions,  (which,  of  course,  in- 
cludesthis  Congress,)  withmen  woefully  dwarfed 
in  intellect  and  patriotism,  the  scum  that  rises  and 
floats  to  the  surface  during  the  simmering  blub- 
bering of  the  political  caldron. 

In  view  of  this  patent  deficiency  there  was  an 
aptness  and  pertinence  in  the  supplication  recently 
offered  up  with  great  unction  and  pathos  by  the 
Chaplain  of  the  Senate,  which  is  said  to  run  as 
follows:  "  0  Lord ,  give  us  more  brains  we  beseech 
Thee;  m.ore  brains.  Lord,  more  brains.  Thou 
knowest  our  destitution  andjieed  of  more  brains. " 
The  President  should  without  delay,  by  procla- 
mation, make  the  matter  of  "more  brains"  a 
special  subject  of  prayer.  Surprise  has  been  man- 
ifested in  some  quarters  at  the  House  selectingas 
their  spiritual  teacher  a  Chaplain  who  repudiates 
the  evangelical  Trinity  and  denies  the  divinity 
of  our  Saviour,  but  bear  in  mind  we  live  in  a  pro- 
gressive age.  By  the  new  standard  of  orthodoxy 
supplications  for  war  and  negro  equality  super- 
sede the  gospel  of  peace;. the  elastic  consciences 
of  the  party  in  power  are  not  to  be  hampered  by 
the  obsolete  old-fogy  doctrines  of  the  old  Consti- 
tution and  the  old  Bible. 


At  a  time  like  the  present  the  utility  or  good 
taste  of  indulging  in  crimination  and  recrimina- 
tion may  be  .seriously  questioned.  It  can  scarcely 
be  sanctioned  in  the  way  of  retaliation,  but  to 
refrain  under  such  provocation  would  have  sub- 
jected the  meekness  of  Moses  to  a  severe  test. 

Now,  permit  me  to  suggest  that  party  and  per- 
sonal asperities  be  dropped,  and  we  apply  our- 
selves to  the  higher  and  nobler  objects  of  saving 
the  country.  With  this  purpose  in  view,  will 
honorable  members  over  the  way  consent  for  the 
time  being,  at  least,  to  abjure  the  partisan  and 
assume  the  stature  of  statesmen  .''  It  requires  an 
effort  on  your  part  to  sever  party  ties  and  breast 
the  dashing  waves  of  fanaticism;  there  is  more 
ignoble  ease  in  floating  with  the  rubbish  in  the 
current,  and  pandering  to  the  passion  and  preju- 
dice of  the  hour.  You  have  distinguished  prece- 
dents for  breasting  the  tide,  by  resisting  popular 
passion  and  sectional  fanaticism.  In  1850  our 
argus-eyed  statesmen  descried  in  the  dim  distance 
a  small  dark  spot,  no  larger  than  a  man's  hand, 
lowering  over  our  political  horizon,  gathering  in 
volume  and  blackness;  they  snuffed  the  dangerin 
the  tainted  breeze.  Behold  Kentucky's  gifted 
orator  and  distinguished  statesman  as  he  leaves 
again  the  endearments  of  home  and  enters  the 
arena  of  his  former  glory.  For  four  decades  his 
clarion  voice  had  been  the"  tallsmanic  wand  that 
stirred  into  quicker  pulsations  and  thrilled  the 
national  heart;  crowded,  spell-bound  Senates 
hung  in  wonder  upon  his  words,  entranced  and 
electrified  by  the  magic  inspiration  of  his  burning 
eloquence.  He  had  retired  from  tlie  stormy  tur- 
moil of  political  strife  to  enjoy  coveted  quiet  amid 
the  ambrosial  shades  of  his  own  beloved  Ashland. 
At  the  call  of  an  imperiled  country  his  stooping 
form  becomes  erect,  his  dim  eye  brightens.  He 
again  enters  the  Senate;  party  spirit  and  strife  is 
hushed  into  silence.  By  common  consent  he  is 
awarded  the  distinction  of  chairman  of  the  con- 
ference committee  of  thirteen,  composed  in  equal 
proportionsof  the  distinguished  men  of  both  par- 
ties. For  months  they  labored,  vying  with  each 
other  to  avert  the  gathering  storm,  and  sustaining 
their  venerable  chairman. 

Illinois'  favorite  statesman ,  the  lamented  Doug- 
las, exhibited  in  a  remarkable  degree  the  moral 
greatness  and  heroism  to  stem  the  tide  and  breast 
the  dashing  waves  of  fanaticism  as  its  angry  bil- 
lows beat  around  the  old  ship  of  State,  threatening 
to  ingulf  th.e  hopes  of  the  nation  within  its  yawn- 
ing vortex.  For  his  action  in  sustaining  the  com- 
mittee he  was  denounced, persecuted, and  vilified, 
but  with  the  bitterest  acrimony  at  his  own  home 
in  Chicago;  here  the  city  council  and  clergy  openly 
arrayed  theniselves  against  the  measures  of  paci- 
fication adopted  by  Congress,  and  the  popular 
frenzy  was  so  great  that  lie  said  he  could  travel 
through  that  part  of  the  country  by  the  light  of 
his  own  burning  effigies.  Nor  was  Massachu- 
setts' illustrious  statesman  exempt  from  the  ma- 
lignant obloquy  of  the  viperous  tongue  for  at- 
tempting to  stay  and  roll  back  the  flowing  tide  of 
political  fanaticism  engendered  in  the  hot-house 
ofabolitionisminhisown  State;  when  he  returned 
to  his  constituents  from  the  Congress  in  which  he 
had  taken  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  sustaining  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850,  his  action  was  so 
obnoxious  to  the  vitiated  sectional  sentiments  that 
he  could  not  have  been  elected  a  justice  of  the  peace 
in  any  township  in  Massachusetts;  he  sought  to 
vindicate  his  course  before  his  constituents,  but 
they  tried  to  stifle  and  suppress  freedom  of  speech. 
The  city  authoritiesof  Boston,  to  their  shame  and 
reproach  be  it  spoken,  refused  to  permit  him  to 
speak  in  Faneuil  Hall;  its  doors  were  shut  against 
the  defender  of  the  Constitution,  the  man  who 
had  done  more  than  auy  other  to  give  a  name  and 
character  to  New  England.  Oh,  shame  on  the 
base  ingratitude,  the  dark  perfidy,  the  bitter  ma- 
lignity of  sectional  fanaticism  !  The  great  Web- 
ster never  loomed  up  in  such  grand  and  godlike 
proportions;  excluded  from  liberty's  consecrated 
halls,  the  people  assemble  in  Boston  common ,  and 
there,  beneath  the  azure  arch  and  starry  canopy 
of  heaven,  he  bares  his  frosted  locks  and  mas- 
sive brow  to  the  free  rustling  breezes;  the  pure 
water  gushes  from  the  smitten  rock  in  terse  An- 
glo-Saxon words,  thatshould  be  written  in  letters 
ofgold,  appealing  to  the  fanaticism  of  New  Eng- 
land to  learn  to  subdue  their  passions. 

These  truly  great  men  could  soar  above  passion 
and  prejudice  and  sever  the  iron  shackles  of  party. 


mmm 


2960 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  14, 


In  1852,  through  the  national  conventions  of  the 
two  great  political  parties,  the  country  ratified  and 
indorsed  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  as  a 
finality. 

Mr.  Chairman,  may  we  not  learn  wisdom  by 
the  examples  and  experience  of  the  past.''  I  would 
implore  honorable  members  to  abjure  party  for 
the  paramount  interest  of  our  common  country, 
and  respectfully  commend  to  their  favorable  con- 
sideration these  illustrious  examples  as  eminently 
woithy  of  their  noblest  and  most  exalted  aspira- 
tions. Their  names  and  memories  will  live  green 
and  fresh  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  revered  and 
venerated- by  the  friends  of  personal  and  consti- 
tutional liberty  thioughout  the  world,  while  the 
fomenters  of  civil  war,  the  bloodthirsty  Marats 
and  Robeepierres,  like  their  prototypes,  will  be  a 
reproach  and  hissing,  a  byword  and  stench  in 
the  nostrils  of  honest  men. 

This  side  of  the  House  is  powerless  to  give  re- 
lief to  our  bleeding,  dying  country.  Its  destinies 
for  weal  or  woe,  with  all  its  glorious  memories  of 
the  past  and  precious  hopes  of  the  future,  hang 
tremblingly  in  the  balance  in  your  hands.  Will 
you  save  us  our  liberties,  and  preserve  us  our 
blood-boughtiiiheritance  .'  This  boon  we  demand 
at  your  hands;  we  demand  it  in  behalf  of  thirty 
million  free-born  Anglo-Saxons,  whose  throb- 
bing hearts  implore  and  wistful  eyes  are  anxious- 
ly turned  toward  this  capital.  This  you  can  still 
do.  Will  you  do  it?  We  do  not  expect  you  to 
relieve  us  from  the  burdens  of  the  $3,000,000,000 
of  national  debt  created  by  this  war;  this  is  not 
in  your  power.  You  cannot  expiate  for  nor 
breathe  new  life  into  the  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  brave  men  wantonly  sacrificed,  I  fear,  by 
your  war  policy.  You  cannot  restore  them  to 
their  stricken  and  disconsolate  friends,  nor  fill 
the  aching  void  that  palls  these' bereft  and  deso- 
late hearthstones.  You  cannot  close  the  gaping 
wounds  nor  ease  the  piercing  agony  of  a  hundred 
thousand  brave  men  languishing  on  the  field  and 
in  the  hospitals.  You  cannot  bind  up  the  broken 
heart  nor  stay  the  gushing  tear  of  the  inconsola- 
ble widow.  You  cannot  meliorate  the  piteous 
condition,  soothe  the  plaintive  wail,  nor  hush  the 
unhid -sob  of  the  moaning,  heart-stricken  orphan. 
These  things  you  cannot  do.  But  you  can  yet 
give  us  back  a  free,  independent  judiciary ,  the 
writ  of  habeas  corpus,  n  free  ballot',  free  speech, 
and  a  free  press.  Give  us  back  the  old  Constitu- 
tion of  our  fathers,  with  all  its  sacred  memories 
and  cherished  associations;  tiiough  torn  and  rent 
and  perverted  as  it  has  been,  we  love  it  still;  strong 
arms  will  uphold  and  warm  hearts  cluster  and 
nestle  around  it.  Give  us  back  as  it  was  the  old 
Union  of  our  fathers,  without  a  star  erased  or 
stricken  from  the  bright  galaxy  of  its  effulgent 
constellation,  with  the  old  flag  of  our  fathers  with 
all  its  ample  folds  still  floating  proudly  in  triumph 
above  us. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  reluctant 
to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  House  at  this  late 
moment,  but  I  desire  to  present  briefly  my  views 
on  the  pending  question.  This  bill,  having  passed 
the  Senate  by  a  constitutional  majority,  only 
awaits  the  approval  of  this  House.  '  It  proposes 
to  introduce  into  the  political  contest  of  the  pres- 
ent year  a  measure  of  great  public  concern.  It 
presents  the  question,  shall  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  be  amended.'  In  view,  sir,  of 
the  present  condition  of  the  country,  no  graver 
question  has  ever  challenged  the  attention  of  the 
American  Congress.  The  merits  of  the  amend- 
ment are  of  comparatively  little  moment.  The 
more  serious  question  is,  shall  the  Constitution 
be  amended  at  all.'  Are  the  times  propitious  for 
the  consideration  of  such  a  question  ?  Is  it  a  time 
to  weaken  in  the  public  mind, already  in  a  state  of 
revolution,  the  authority  of  established  principles 
by  innovation  and  change.'  I  cannot  butexpress 
my  earnest  regret  that  this  new  element  of  discord 
has  been  forced  upon  the  country.  Of  all  of  the 
measures  of  this  disastrous  Administration,  each 
in  its  turn  producing  new  calamities,  this  attempt 
to  tamper  with  the  Constitution  threatens  the 
most  permanent  injury.  I  speak,  sir,  without  ref- 
erence to  the  merits  of  the  amendment.  If  it 
wore  ever  so  wise  in  the  abstract  the  presentcon- 
dition  of  the  country  would  demand  its  postpone- 
ment. The  bitter  experience  of  three  years  and 
a  half  of  uninterrupted  misfortune  ought  to  have 
taught  the  Republican  party  the  fallibility  of  their 
judgment,  fatality  of  their  policy;  but  the  more 


fatal  their  measures  the  more  reckless  their  exper- 
iments. What  a  series  of  promises  and  failures  ! 
The  act  of  confiscation  was  to  terrify  the  South 
and  more  than  supply  the  expenses  of  the  war. 
Yet  it  only  impoverished  the  Treasury  by  hosts 
of  new  oflicers,and  swelled  the  ranks  of  the  rebel 
army. 

The  proclamation  of  the  President  emancipa- 
ting the  slaves  alike  of  the  loyal  and  disloyal  in 
ten  States  of  the  South  was  to  strike  an  irresist- 
ible blow.  The  promise  was  fulfilled,  but  the 
blow  fell  upon  us,  and  its  effect  was  to  unite  a 
divided  South  and  divide  the  public  opinion  of  the 
North.  But  the  arming  of  the  African  would 
create  an  irresistible  army  eager  to  redress  the 
servitude  of  ages;  but  it  only  deepened  and  em- 
bittered, if  it  were  possible,  the  contest;  confirmed 
the  wavering  in  their  disloyalty,  and  exhausted 
the  public  Treasury;  withdrew  the  negro  from 
effective  labor  in  your  service,  and  has  failed  to 
add  the  tithe  of  a  hair  to  the  effective  force  of  your 
army.  Your  pet  system  of  finance  would  sustain 
the  public  credit  for  indefinite  years;  and  if,  at  the 
command  of  Hamilton,  dead  public  credit  rose  to 
its  feet.  Secretary  Chase  was  to  accomplish  more; 
yet  even  now  the  system  totters  to  its  fall.  Capital 
riots  in  excessive  gains;  the  wealth  of  the  coun- 
try rapidly  centralizes,andlabor  already  feels  the 
weight  of  oppression.  Over  the  united  judg- 
ment of  your  opponents,  and  in  the  favoritism  of 
wealth  you  ingrafted  the  principle  of  commuta- 
tion in  the  act  for  the  conscription  of  citizens  in 
the  Army,  and  after  certain  States  of  the  East 
have  obtained  its  benefits  you  propose  its  repeal. 
The  measure  was  a  crime  or  a  mistake  in  the  be- 
ginning, but  its  repeal  would  excite  a  just  and  an 
indignant  resistance,  it  may  be  even  to  violence, 
because  its  enactment  and  ultimate  repeal  would 
create  an  unendurable  inequality  in  the  burdens 
of  the  war  between  the  States  of  the  East  and 
the  West. 

But  why  enumerate.'  What  measure  of  this 
Administration  has  failed  to  be  fatal.'  Every 
step  in  your  progrevss  has  been  a  mistake.  I  use 
the  mildest  term  of  censure.  While  you  leave  the 
fundamental  principles  of  the  Republic  unchanged 
we  may  submit,  but  how  can  we  consent  that  the 
ephemeral  politicans  of  the  hour  shall  assume  the 
task  of  revising  the  grand  work  of  the  grand  old 
master  workmen  .'For  sixty  years  the  Constitution 
has  remained  untouched  and  unchanged.  Not  one 
of  the  vital  principles  has  ever  been  impaired  ex- 
cept, indeed,  by  recent  usurpation.  The  twelve 
amendments  made  by  the  men  who  formed  the 
Constitution  were  adopted  in  the  same  spirit  that 
presided  over  their  original  counsels,  were  but 
stronger  guarantees  against  the  Federal  power; 
stronger  guarantees  of  the  domestic  sovereignty 
of  the  States,  and  gave  such  perfection  to  the  noble 
instrument  that  for  sixty  years  it  has  commanded 
the  veneration  of  the  American  people  and  excited 
the  admiration  of  the  world;  and  through  all  of 
this  period  the  eloquence  of  the  wisest  and  purest 
statesmen  has  been  exhausted  in  impressing  its  ex- 
cellence and  the  duty  of  maintaining  it  on  the  suc- 
cessive generations  of  the  American  people.  And 
how  have  the  people  illustrated  in  this  desperate 
contest  their  devotion  to  this  Constitution  !  It  has 
inspired  a  heroism  the  most  exalted,  an  enthusi- 
asm as  fervid  and  self-denying  as  religious  faith. 
It  has  called  into  the  field  a  countless  army  of 
citizens,  and  sanctified  the  grave  of  every  hero  who 
has  fallen  in  its  defense.  It  is  this  instrument 
and  its  sacred  power  over  the  public  mind  that 
you  would  impair.  Itis  a  partof  thenew  gospel 
that  you  preach.  Your  deity  condemns  with  a 
fanatic  voice  all  that  is  sacred  and  venerable,  and 
a  filial  remembrance  of  our  fathers  and  an  imita- 
tion of  their  example  in  their  duty  to  God  and 
their  country  become  impiety  and  treason. 

The  mariner  whosp  gallant  vessel  is  driven  by 
the  storm  on  an  inhospitable  coast  looks  out  with 
eager  solicitude  to  catch  the  warnings  of  the  bea- 
con's light.  If  the  firm  rock  on  which  the  beacon 
stands  can  resist  the  rage  of  the  elements,  lie  may 
outride  the  tempest,  but  if  the  beacon  light  is 
overwhelmed,  the  gallant  sliip  is  left  to  the  mercy 
of  the  storm,  and  must  perish.  The  Constitu- 
tion, the  serene  light  of  the  past,  with  all  of  the 
sacred  memories  of  the  past  ages  clustering 
around  it,  sanctified  by  tradition  and  history,  is 
the  only  power  under  God  that  can  save  this  Re- 
public. Its  serene  wisdom,  its  sublime  princi- 
ples, refuting  the  mad  fanaticism  of  the  hour,  is 


the  only  power  that  will  lead  us  back  into   the 
[lath  of  safety. 

The  fanaticism  of  the  North  and  the  madness 
and  treason  of  the  South  have  controlled  the  pub- 
lic mind  but  a  few  years.  The  fall  of  the  great 
statesmen  of  the  last  generation  was  seized  upon 
as  a  favored  moment  for  the  reign  of  faction,  and 
its  reign  has  been  terrible,  intensified  by  all  that 
fanaticism  could  suggest  and  ambition  inspire; 
and  fearful,  sir,  as  is  now  the  condition  of  our 
prostrate  country,  I  cannot  yet  believe,  sir,  that 
these  mad  elements  are  destined  to  totally  over- 
throw this  once  noble  Republic.  I  cannot  be- 
lieve, sir,  that  four  years  of  pitiless  and  destruc- 
tive war,  terrible  as  it  is,  will  destroy  the  strong 
foundations  of  this  Republic;  the  fiery  rage  of 
fanaticism  must  burn  itself  to  cinders.  Ambition 
must  expose  its  base  aspirations  to  its  deluded 
followers.  The  youth  and  vigor  and  intelligence 
of  the  American  people  must  sooner  or  later  as- 
sert their  power  for  humanity  and  justice  and 
peace.  Four  years  of  anarchy  and  ruin  cannot 
obliterate  the  memory  and  tradition  of  ages.  If 
fortunately  the  Constitution  shall  be  left  unim- 
paired, and  in  a  favored  moment  under  a  wiser 
administration  of  our  affairs  it  shall  be  brought 
forward  as  presenting  the  basis  and  conditions  of 
reunion  and  of  peace,  who  shall  say,  sir,  that  this 
monument  of  the  wisdom  of  our  fathers,  this  sol- 
emn guarantee  of  equity  and  justice,  will  not  re- 
unite the  bleeding  fragments  of  the  Republic?  If, 
sir,  this  Union  is  ever  restored,  it  must  and  will 
be  under  this  Constitution.  If  under  the  prompt- 
ings of  vengeance  or  passion,  or  instigated  by  the 
fierce  fanaticism  of  the  hour  you  amend  this  Con- 
stitution, you  render  desperate  the  attempt  to  re- 
store the  Union.  The  subjugation  of  armies  will 
not  avail;  you  must  obtain  the  voluntary  submis- 
sion of  the  people.  They  may  submit,  I  have  ever 
believed  they  would  submit  to  the  old  Govern- 
ment of  their  fathers.  If  you  change  that  Gov- 
ernment by  constitutional  amendment,  what  hope 
have  you  in  the  light  of  human  experience  of  a 
voluntary  submission? 

To  submit  to  the  Constitution  would  be  to  sub- 
mit to  a  Government  once  revered  by  them  as  by 
us;  to  submit  to  a  Constitution  remodeled  by  your- 
selves is  submission,  not  to  a  common  Constitu- 
tion, but  to  you.  It  would  be  madness  to  over- 
look the  pride  of  character  that  pervades  and 
controls  every  part  of  the  American  people.  If 
you  amend  the  Constitution  simply  to  render  it 
hostile  to  the  institutions  of  the  South,  you  will 
not  restore  the  Union.  However  fortunate  you 
may  be,  subjugation  is  all  that  is  left,  and  subju- 
gation implies  a  standing  army,  a  military  repub- 
lic, vaulting  ambition,  despotism.  But  in  this 
march  of  events,  with  the  sanctity  of  the  old  Con- 
stitution impaired  and  weakened  in  the  public 
mind  by  innovation,  what  disintegration  will  oc- 
cur, what  frightful  chasms  will  open,  through  that 
broad  country  now  loyal  to  the  Constitution.  Sir, 
all  the  experience  of  history  warns  us  against  this 
suicidal  act.  All  changes  in  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  government  are  perilous.  A  wise  states- 
man will  never  attempt  them  except  upon  the 
most  deliberate  consideration,  and  then  only  when 
imperatively  demanded  and  the  danger  more  than 
counterbalanced  by  the  manifest  benefits.  Cha- 
rondas,  the  Locrian  legislator,  enacted  that  he 
who  proposed  a  change  in  the  laws  of  the  repub- 
lic should  do  so  in  the  midst  of  the  people  with 
a  rope  around  his  neck;  that  if  the  change  he  pro- 
posed should  be  rejected  he  should  be  instantly 
hanged;  and  for  two  hundred  years  Locria  was  a 
prosperous  republic.  The  rash  temerity  that 
would  seize  upon  the  moment  of  a  nation's  weak- 
ness to  change  the  principles  of  government  to 
gratify  the  insane  passions  of  the  hour  would  be 
lightly  punished  by  the  Locrian  law.  This  prop- 
osition is  brought  forward  as  a  measure  of  war. 
I  well  remember,  sir,  when,  on  the27tliday  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1861,  a  proposition  to  submit  an  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution  to  a  direct  vote  of  the 
whole  people  was  brought  before  this  House,  a 
measure  of  peace,  when  it  was  manifest  that  no 
other  measure  would  disarm  the  ambitious  con- 
spirators of  the  South  by  quieting  the  apprehen-  - 
sions  of  the  southern  people.  1  refer  to  the  Crit- 
tenden compromise.  It  was  brought  forward  as 
a  compromise.  It  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  vote 
of  the  whole  people.  It  was  the  belief  of  its  ven- 
erable author  that  it  would  prevent  civil  war.  I-t 
was  brought  before  this  House  by  a  distinguished 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIYES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 

gentleman  from  Virginia.  The  measure  was  de- 
feated by  80  votes  in  the  affirmative  to  113  in  the 
negative.  Every  negative  vote  was  given  by  a 
Republican,  except  that  of  Thomas  C.  Hindman, 
now  a  general  in  the  rebel  army.  Fourgentlemen 
are  still  upon  this  floor  who  voted  in  the  affirma- 
tive, S.  S.  Cox,  of  Ohio;  Robert  Mallory,  of 
Kentucky;  James  C.  Robinson,  of  Illinois;  and 
William  S.  Holman,  of  Indiana.  Among  the 
southern  votes  in  its  favorare  John  A.  Gilmer,  of 
South  Carolir)a,  then,  and  I  believe  still,  an  earnest 
friend  of  the  Union;  John  S.  Millson,  the  pure 
and  virtuous  Ref)resentative  from  Virginia,  still 
loyal  to  his  country ;  Zebulon  B.  Vance,  the  pres- 
ent Governor  of  North  Carolina;  and  Tliomas  S. 
Bocock,  of  Virginia. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  to 
ask  the  gi/ntleman  from  Indiana  what  position 
Thomas  S.  Bocock  now  holds.  Is  he  not  speaker 
of  the  rebel  congress? 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  He  is  speaker  of  the  rebel 
congress.  It  is  a  striking  fact,  however,  sir,  that 
Bucii  men,  drifting  ultimately  into  rebellion,  on 
the  27th  of  February,  1861,  were  eager  to  avoid 
t4)e  terrible  calamities  of  war  by  voting  in  favor 
of  submitting  these  propositions  to  the  people, 
while  my  loyul  friend  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Wash- 
BURNE,]  then  voting  against  that  measure  of  peace 
because  it  was  a  proposition  to  amend  the  Con- 
Blitution,  now  proposes  to  amend  the  Constitution 
as  a  measure  of  war.  The  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois offered  a  resolution  in  that  same  connection, 
from  the  committee  of  thirty-three,  that  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  did  not  need  to  be 
amended  but  to  be  obeyed. 

Sixteen  gentlemen  are  still  upon  this  floor  who 
voted  in  the  negative;  one  of  them,  at  least,  ac- 
cording to  his  declaration  that  the  Constitution 
required  to  be  obeyed,  not  ametided.  But  that 
was  a  measure  of  compromise  and  of  peace,  this 
is  a  measure  of  war,  of  disintegration,  of  ruin. 
The  voice  of  humanity  and  peace  pleaded  for  the 
one;  fanaticism  clamors  for  the  other.  In  behalf 
of  peace  and  the  Union,  you  would  not  even  per- 
mit the  people  to  vote  on  the  question  of  con- 
Btitutional  amendment.  We  shall  see  whether, 
in  behalf  of  disunion  and  war,  you  will  press  this 
amendment  upon  a  distracted  country.  I  have 
said,  sir,  that  in  the  formation  and  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  and  its  amendments,  the  last  of 
which  was  adopted  on  the  25th  day  of  September, 
1804,  there  was  an  extraordinary  unity  of  public 
counsel  and  a  state  of  profound  peace.  Upon  ques- 
tions so  grave  and  important  party  and  faction 
were  silent,  and  statesmen  of  diverging  views,  in 
the  spirit  of  compromise,  directed  the  counsels  of 
the  people.  But  this  amendment  is  brought  for- 
ward as  a  mere  parly  measure.  It  is  the  attempt 
to  consummate  the  policy  of  sectional  domina- 
tion which  formed,  and  has  ever  controlled,  the 
Republican  parly,  the  policy  which  armed  the 
southern  conspirators  with  the  power  by  which 
they  forced  their  people  into  revolution.  You 
propose  to  effect  this  amendment  by  the  power  of 
parly,  by  the  strength,  not  of  deliberate  public 
will,  but  of  parly  organization.  You  make  it  a 
plank  in  your  political  platform.  The  danger  of 
attempting  so  grave  a  measure  througl^a  party 
organization  is  well  illustrated  by  the  farewell  ad- 
dress of  the  illustrious  citizen  whom  it  was  once 
our  pride  to  call  the  Father  of  his  Country.  Alas  ! 
what  a  country  now  since  his  counsels  have  been 
spurned  and  forgotten  I     He  says: 

"  1  have  already  intimnted  to  you  the  danger  of  parties 
In  the  Slate,  with  particuhir  reference  to  the  founding  of 
them  oil  geographical  discriminations.  Let  me  now  take 
a  more  conipreliensive  view,  and  warn  you,  in  tlie  most 
Bolemn  manner,  against  the  baneful  effecu  of  the  spirit  of 
party  generally." 

*********** 
"  The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  another, 
sharpened  by  the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to  party  dissen- 
sion, which,  in  different  ages  and  countries,  has  perpetrated 
the  most  horrid  enormities,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism. 
But  this  leads  at  length  to  a  more  formal  and  permanent 
despotism.  Tlie  disorders  and  miseries  which  result  grad- 
ually incline  the  minds  of  men  to  seek  security  and  repose 
in  the  absolute  power  of  an  individual;  and,  sooner  or 
later,  the  chief  of  some  prevailing  faction,  more  able  or 
more  fortunate  than  his  «oiaptttitOJ«>  turns  thl«  dispoajtioa 

186 


THURSDAY,  JUNE  16,  1864. 

to  the  purposes  of  liis  own  elevation  on  the  ruins  of  public 
liberty. 

"  Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this  kind, 
(which,  nevertheless, ought  not  to  bn  entirely  outof  sight,) 
the  common  and  continual  mischiefs  of  the  spirit  of  party 
are  sufficient  to  make  it  the  interest  and  duty  of  a  wise 
people  to  discourage  and  restrain  it." 

Sir,  if  the  noble  figure  which  adorns  this  Hall 
upon  your  right,  and  which  now  looks  down  so 
calmly  upon  us,  with  a  sheathed  sword  by  iUssido, 
and  its  hand  resting  on  "the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States"  of  America  could  be  fnra  moment 
animated  by  the  patriot  spirit  of  him  it  repre- 
sents, how  would  that  calm  eye  flash  upon  this 
House!  What  words  of  fiery  indignation  would 
overwhelm  the  party  tricksters  who,  having 
brought  his  country  to  the  brink  ofruin,nowin 
the  rage  of  party  spirit  assail  the  Constitution 
signed  by  his  immortal  name,  theproudcst  monu- 
ment of  his  wisdom  and  of  that  of  his  illustrious 
comrades  !  Sir,  as  his  eye  surveyed  the  men  who, 
holding  the  destiny  of  his  country  in  their  hands, 
have  betrayed  their  trust,  and  now  prepare  to  con- 
summate this  parricidal  act,  how  would  its  fiery 
luster  terrify  and  alarm  !  Sir,  he  "  would  look  on 
them  but  to  blast,  he  would  speak  but  to  curse." 
He  would  speak  as  Washington  alone  could  speak, 
"  Lay  not  your  hand  upon  the  Constitution.  It 
is  the  only  anchor  of  hope  that  is  left  for  you  and 
for  your  children.  It  was  f«.)rmed  in  the  spiriiof 
fraternal  concession.  It  embodies  the  inatured 
wisdom  of  the  Revolution.  Its  spirit  would  have 
preserved  my  country  in  prosperity  and  peace. 
You  have  rejected  its  wisdom  and  my  country  is 
in  ruins.  Lay  not  your  hand  upon  it.  It  is  all 
that  is  left  of  the  rich  legacy  of  the  past;  traitors 
assail  it  with  open  violence  and  you  by  a  more 
deadly  because  secret  assault.  You  would  ex- 
tinguish its  vital  power  on  the  miserable  pretense 
of  reform.  Letitalone;  itmayagain  underwiser 
counsels  revive  and  redeem  my  country.  How 
flare  you  attempt  its  amendment,  you  who  have 
neither  the  patriotism  to  comprehend  nor  the  virtue 
to  ad  minister  it  in  the  spirit  of  its  authors  !"  Such, 
sir,  would  be  the  words  of  Washington  if  he 
could  speak  to  this  House. 

But  independent,  sir,  of  the  agitation  of  tlie 
public  mind  and  the  vicissiludes  of  war,  are  not 
the  limes  inauspicious  for  the  work  of  constitu- 
tional amendment,  comparing  the  era  when  the 
Constitution  was  adopted  and  the  present?  In  the 
development  of  the  nobler  attributes  of  man- 
kind the  era  of  the  Revolution  is  the  most  re- 
markable in  history.  Patience,  forbearance,  and 
self-denial  were  the  common  virtues.  It  was  the 
era  of  elevated  public  and  private  virtue,  of  fra- 
ternity, conciliation,  concession,  and  over  all  a 
patriotism  in  which  individual  interests  were  for- 
gotten, and  all,  all  sacrificed  to  the  public  good. 
Armies  poorly  clad  fought  without  pay,  private 
citizens  exhausted  their  estates  in  the  public  ser- 
vice, and  generals  and  ofRccrs  of  every  grade, 
following  the  example  of  their  illustrious  leader, 
spurned  the  thought  of  compensation  beyond  ac- 
tual expenses  incurred  in  the  line  of  duty,  and 
the  unworthy  citizen  who  sought  to  coin  fortune 
out  of  the  grief  of  iiis  country  sank  under  the 
universal  scorn.  Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  age 
which  gave  us  the  Constitution.  And  what,  sir, 
of  the  age  which  would  amend  it?  It  is  an  age, 
sir,  in  which  the  masses  of  the  people  emulate 
the  virtues  of  their  fathers,  but  in  which  organ- 
ized party  with  the  insolence  of  a  braggart  and 
the  arrogance  of  a  tyrant  usurps  the  supremacy 
of  the  public  will.  It  is  an  era  of  venality  and 
selfishness;  the  leaders  of  public  opinion  sacri- 
fice their  country  for  private  end  even  to  the  base- 
ness of  self-aggrandizement,  coining  into  private 
fortune  the  life-blood  of  the  Republic,  and  the  very 
statutesof  public  law  look  to  the  aggrandizement 
of  the  rich  and  the  oppression  of  the  poor;  an 
age ,  sir,  of  truckling  subserviency  to  power,  when 
men  are  found  base  enough  to 

"  crook  the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee, 
Where  thrift  may  follow  fawning;" 

when  the  venal  courtier  with  blasphemous  words 

dares  to  compare  the  first  citizen  of  the  Republic, 

i  but  first  only  in  position,  the  dispeHser  of  mil- 


New  Series No.  186. 

lions  of  patronage,  light  and  airy  in  the  niidstof 
the  general  grief,  partaking  in  the  gay  and  fes- 
tive scenes  of  the  capital,  while  the  wail  of  grief 
swells  up  from  countless  fields  of  battle,  to  the 
immortal  Washington  who  suffered  in  every  grief 
of  his  bleeding  country,  and  on  his  bended  knees 
in  the  simple  majesty  of  prayer  stormed  the  very 
gates  of  heaven  in  her  behalf.  The  one,  sir,  is 
the  offspring  of  a  reckless  and  fanatic  party,  the 
mere  instrument  of  party  power;  the  other,  sir, 
was  a  gift  of  God  to  mankind.  Washington, 
sir,  was  a  type  of  his  period,  Abraham  Lincoln 
is  a  type  of  his  parly.  Is  such  a  lime  auspicious 
to  revise  the  work  of  the  patriot  fathers? 

But  as  to  the  merits  of  the  proposed  amend- 
ment. You  propose  to  invade  the  domestic  pol- 
icy of  States  so  solemnly  guarantied  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  without  which  the  Union  would 
never  have  been  formed, and  abolish  African  sla- 
very, a  subject  foreign  to  the  Constitution,  for  it 
has  no  relation  to  domestic  concerns  of  a  Slate. 
Its  purpose  was  to  unite  the  States,  while  each 
as  to  domestic  government  was  still  a  sovereign, 
as  parts  of  one  nation  each  subordinate  to_  the 
Federal  head.  You  now  propose  to  abolish  Af- 
rican slavery  throughout  the  United  States.  I 
am,  sir, a  firm  advocate  of  the  rights  oftlie  Stales. 
I  would  Maintain  these  rights  with  the  same  fidel- 
ity that  I  would  the  rights  of  Federal  Govern- 
ment. I  am  neither  the  advocate  nor  the  apolo- 
gist of  slavery.  In  a  war  for  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union  I  would  not  have  slavery  vveigli  a 
feather  against  the  progress  of  our  arms.  If  it 
went  down  in  such  astruggle,even  the  loyal  men 
of  the  South  could  not  complain.  But,  sir,  the 
Federal  Constitution  is  in  no  sense  responsible 
for  slavery,  ll  is  not  for  slavery  nor  against  sla- 
very, as  it  is  not  for  or  against  any  other  domestic 
institution  of  the  States.  It  has  not  the  remotest 
connection  with  such  questions,  and  even  the 
clause  for  the  return  of  fugitives  from  justice  and 
labor  is  but  a  measure  of  comity  to  preserve  the 
friendly  relations  of  the  States.  The  change  you 
propose  is  afundamental  change  of  your  Govern- 
ment never  contemplated  by  its  founders. 

But,  sir,  what  are  you  to  gain  by  the  amend- 
ment? In  Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Virginia,  at 
least  to  the  extent  of  the  recognized  powers  of 
these  States,  slavery  is  already  ifbolished.  The 
President's  proclamation,  solemnly  indorsed  by 
yourselves  and  the  validity  of  which  you  assert, 
has  declared  slavery  abolished  in  every  State  in 
rebellion  except  Tennessee.  Tennessee,  then,  a 
Stale  full  of  loyal  citizens,  and  the  loyal  State  of 
Kentucky,  with  sixty  thousand  Union  soldiers 
in  the  field,  are  the  only  States  to  be  affected,  ac- 
cording to  your  own  theory.  The  slaves  of  the 
disloyal  in  those  States  have  already  been  imr 
pressed  into  your  employment,  so  thai  upon  your 
own  theory  this  provision  will  only  affect  loyal 
citizens  who,  through  every  misfortune,  havead- 
hered  to  the  cause  of  their  country.  Sir,  will  this 
act  of  violence,  this  usurpation  of  a  majority  un- 
der the  spur  of  party  organization,  increase  the 
loyalty  of  those  whose  rights  you  impair?  Is 
your  condition  such,  after  the  terrible  effects  of 
your  policy  on  this  subject,  to  justify  you  in  still 
further  impairing  your  cause  in  the  southern 
States?  Are  you  so  strong  and  irresistible,  lay- 
ing aside  all  questions  of  justice  and  good  failh, 
that  you  can  afford  to  provoke  new  and  perma- 
nent causes  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  men  now 
loyal  to  the  Union  ?  So  far  as  this  measure  affects 
the  interests  of  your  citizens  in  the  slaveholding 
States  it  can  only  provoke  indignation  and  bitter- 
ness. If  Kentucky  wishes  to  abolish  African 
slavery  itis  well.  I  should  rejoice  toknow  thatshe 
regarded  such  to  be  her  true  policy.  It  is  her  own 
domestic  institution;  in  good  faith  and  justice  it  is 
a  measure  beyond  your  power.  If  consummated, 
it  is  but  an  act  of  violence.  If  in  the  reckless 
arrogance  of  political  power  you  assume  to  annul 
rights  guarantied  by  your  fiuhers  and  enjoyed 
for  ages — the  rights  of  domestic  government — and 
provoke  to  a  just  indignation  a  loyal  people,  lise 
result  of  the  folly  should  fall  upon  your  own 
heails;  but  instead  of  that  you  will  attempt  to 


2962 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


meet  the  consequences  by  new  drains  upon  the 
manliood  of  the  North.  But  I  warn  gentlemen 
that  tlieieis  some  limit  to  the  duty  of  forbearance. 
But  what  will  be  the  effect  on  the  negroes  thus 
to  be  enfranchised?  Will  they  increase  your 
military  power.'  Why,  sir,  by  your  policy  you 
are  now  availing  yourselves  of  the  services  of 
every  negro  within  the  lines  of  your  Army.  In 
spite  of  proclamations  and  laws  three  and  a  half 
millions  remain  passively  withivi  the  rebel  lines. 
You  only  reach  them  as  your  army  advances, 
and  then  subject  them  to  any  service  you  desire. 
You  never  dream  of  consulting  their  wishes.  As 
to  them  your  past  experience  proves  that  this 
amendment  would  be  a  nullity.  It  would  only 
affect  the  temper  and  spirit  of  men  still  loyal  to 
your  cause.'  It  may  do  more;  it  may  confirm  in 
the  public  mind  the  belief  that  the  war  in  the  se- 
cret Councils  of  your  ruling  cabal  is  not  for  the 
Union;  that  if  the  Union  cannot  be  restored  with 
slavery  abolished  the  separation  shall  be  eternal. 
1  charge,  indeed,  that  such  is  the  purpose  of  lead- 
ing men  in  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party. 

But,  sir,  the  amendment  goes  further.  It  con- 
fers on  Congress  the  power  to  invade  any  State 
to  enforce  the  freedom  of  the  African  in  war  or 
peace.  What  is  the  meaning  of  all  ihati"  Is  free- 
dom the  simple  exemption  from  personal  servi- 
tude.'' No,  sir;  in  the  language  of  America  it 
means  the  right  to  participate  in  government, 
the  freedom  for  which  our  fathers  resisted  the 
Eritrsh  empire.  Mere  exemption  from  servitude 
is  a  miserable  idea  of  freedom.  A  pariah  in  the 
State,  a  subject,  but  not  a  citizen,  holding  any 
right  at  the  will  of  the  governing  power.  What 
is  this  but  slavery?  It  exists  in  my  own  noble 
State.  Then,  sir,  this  amendment  has  some  sig- 
nificance. Your  policy,  directed  in  its  main  pur- 
pose to  the  enfranchisement  of  a  people  who  have 
looked  with  indifference  on  your  struggle,  who 
have  given  their  strength  to  your  enemies,  and 
then  the  constitutional  power  to  force  them  into 
freedom,  to  citizenship.  If  such  be  your  purpose, 
why  deceive  a  noble  and  confiding  people?  Your 
purpose  in  this  amendment  is  not  to  increase  the 
efficiency  of  your  Army  or  to  diminish  the  power 
of  your  enemies.  No,  sir;  you  diminish  the  one 
and  increase  the  other.  You  run  the  hazard  of 
all  that  to  gratify  your  visionary  fanaticism,  the 
elevation  of  the  African  to  the  august  rights  of 
citizenship.  The  Federal  power  to  invade  the 
States  for  this  purpose,  as  proposed  by  this  amend- 
ment, strikes  down  tlie  corner-stone  of  the  Re- 
public, the  local  sovereignty  of  tha  States,  the 
only  resistance  this  day  to  a  central  despotism, 
the  event  foreseen  and  thus  guarded  against  by 
our  fathers.  Not  only  then ,  sir,  the  time,  the  con- 
dition of  the  country,  the  distracted  state  of  the 
public  mind,  the  actualdanger  which  it  must  pro- 
voke, the  absence  of  any  promised  benefit  to  our 
arms;  not  only  all  these  plead  in  the  voice  of  a 
supplicating  and  bleeding  country  against  this 
new  act  of  folly  and  madness,  but  the  fatal  change 
it  proposes  in  the  relation  of  the  States  to  the  Fed- 
eral Government  cries  out  against  it.  This  act, 
sir,  if  it  shall  have  any  effect  at  all,  must  be  fatal; 
fatal  to  the  very  life  of  the  Constitution,  fatal  to 
the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Republic,  the 
right,  the  irrepressible  right  of  the  States  to  do- 
mestic government.  Policy  and  prudence  con- 
demn it;  and  if  it  were  possible,  sir,  the  very 
ashes  of  the  Revolution  would  cry  out  against 
this  subordination  of  the  States  in  domestic  af- 
fairs to  the  Federal  power. 

We  entered  upon  this  war,  sir,  with  a  united 
North  and  a  divided  South,  with  overwhelming 
advantages  in  all  the  sinews  of  war,  more  than 
twenty  to  one.  With  a  patriotism  never  surpassed 
the  people  have  given  you  every  power  you  de- 
manded both  of  men  and  money.  You  have  had 
the  whole  vast  resources  of  the  country  under 
your, control.  Congress,  almost  without  a  dis- 
senting voice,  and  without  a  moment's  delay,  has 
passed  every  measure  yoM  have  requiretl;  the 
courage  and  spirit  of  yourgallantarmies  has  been 
all  that  a  patriot  could  desire;  and  yet,  sir,  such 
has  been  the  imbecility  and  fanaticism  of  your 
policy  that  you  have  united  the  South,  you  have 
divided  the  public  opinion  of  the  North, and  torn 
the  country  into  factions;  you  have  sacrificed  a 
half  a  million  of  the  very  flower  of  our  youth, 
you  have  imposed  upon  the  country  the  most  ap- 
palling debt,  a  debt  which  will  crush  labor  for 
ages  to  come;  all  of  this  in  three  years  and  a 


half;  and  yet,  sir,  what  have  you  accomplished  ? 
By  directing  these  mighty  energies  to  one  end, 
the  overthrow  of  the  armed  rebellion,  with  the 
rights  of  the  States  and  of  the  masses  of  the  South 
unimpaired,  a  year  and  a  half  of  war  would  have 
seen  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  reestab- 
lished. Now  wh&  can  predict  the  issue?  Your 
policy  will  not  save  but  will  ruin  the  country,  and 
this  constitutional  amendment  suggests  the  danger 
that  you  already  propose  to  abandon  the  Union 
as  you  have  virtually  done  by  your  bill  for  re- 
construction, if  your  policy  with  reference  to  the 
African  shall  ultimately  fail.  This  Administration 
is  weighed  in  the  balance  and  found  wanting; 
it  inspires  no  further  hope;  under  God  the  salva- 
tion of  the  Republic  rests  only  in  the  hands  of 
the  people. 

But  I  will  not  despair  of  my  country.  The 
Constitution,  though  trampled  upon,  is  still  un- 
changed. I  trust  in  God  it  will  stand  to  illumin- 
ate with  the  serene  light  of  the  past  the  darkness 
that  gathers  around  us,  that  a  people  worthy  of 
the  Republic  and  worthy  to  be  freewill  snatch  it 
from  the  hands  of  its  enemies  and  cling  to  it  as 
the  only  foundation  of  hope. 

And  then,  on  motion  of  Mr.  ELIOT,  (at  half 
past  eleven  o'clock,  p.  m.,)  the  House  adjourned. 


IN  SENATE. 
Wednesday,  June  15,  1864. 
Prayer  by  the  Chaplain,  Rev.  Dr.  Bowman. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  WILSON,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent,  the  reading  of  the  Journal  was  dis- 
pensed with. 

PETITIONS' AND  MEMOEIALS. 

Mr.  MORGAN  presented  a  petition  ofcitizens 
of  Ulster  county,  Nev/  York,  praying  for  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill  (  H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  per- 
sons in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  homesteads  on  confiscated  or  forfeited 
estates  in  insurrectionary  districts;  which  was  re- 
ferred to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  two  petitions  ofcitizens 
of  Vermont,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mili- 
tary and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates;  which 
were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  SUMNER  presented  six  petitions  of  men 
and  women  of  the  United  States,  praying  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit  its  ex- 
istence in  any  portion  of  the  Union;which  were 
referred  to  the  select  committee  on  slavery  and 
freed  men. 

Mr.  POMEROY  presented  the  memorial  of 
Henry  Charles  d'Ahna,  praying  that  certain 
moneys  alleged  to  have  been  placed  by  him  in  the 
hand softhe  Government  may  be  refunded;  which 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Claims. 

JUAN  MIRANDA." 

Mr.  CARLILE.  Yesterday  when  the  bill  (S. 
No.  238)  for  the  settlementof  private  land  claims 
in  the  State  of  California  was  before  the  body  on 
a  motion  for  its  indefinite  postponement,  anxious 
as  I  have  shown  myself  to  be  not  to  delay  the 
business  of  the  Senate,  I  did  not  discharge  prob- 
ably my  duty  by  making  a  statement  to  the  Senate 
in  relation  to  it;  I  feel,  therefore,  that  it  is  due  to 
myself  to  appeal  to  some  member  of  the  majority 
who  voted  for  the  indefinite  postponement  to  move 
a  reconsideration  of  that  vote.  The  Senator  from 
California,  [Mr.  Conness,]  who  differs  with  me 
in  opinion  about  it,  will  at  least  bear  me  witness 
that  I  have  endeavored  to  accommodate  my  ac- 
tion to  suit  his  convenience;  and  I  should  be  glad 
if  the  vote  postponing  the  bill  should  be  recon- 
sidered, so  that  1  could  make  a  statement  and  pre- 
sent it  to  the  Senate  in  the  light  in  which  it  has 
appeared  to  me.  Then  let  the  Senate  act  upon  it. 
1  will  not  interfere  with  the  business  of  the  Sen- 
ate by  calling  it  up  at  an  unreasonable  hour  if  it 
should  be  reconsidered  and  allowed  to  remain. 

Mr.  FOOT.  I  will  answer  to  that  appeal  so 
far  as  to  move  the  reconsideration  under  the  state- 
ment of  the  Senator  from  Virginia. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Shall  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  v^as  indefinitely  postponed  be 
reconsidered? 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  should  prefer  on  this  mo- 
tion to  reconsider  to  hear  whatever  the  Senator 


has  to  say  additionally  on  the  measure.  I  have 
of  course  the  hope  that  the  Senate  will  not  recon- 
sider the  vote.  I  forbore  saying  to  the  Senate 
all  that  I  desired  to  say  v/hen  the  bill  was  under 
consideration,  in  deference  to  what  I  knew  to  be 
the  wishes  of  the  Senate,  and  also  with  regard  to 
what  I  knesv  to  be  the  nearapjiroach  of  the  term- 
ination of  the  session,  knowing  how  valuable  time 
was. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  The  Senator  will  allow  me 
to  interrupt  him.  Let  the  vote  be  reconsidered, 
and  I  will  promise  it  shall  not  be  called  up  until 
it  suits  the  convenience  of  the  Senator.  I  do  not 
wish  now  to  interfere  with  the  morning  business. 
It  is  suggested  that  it  is  unusual  to  make  a  state- 
ment on  a  bare  motion  to  reconsider.  If  he  will 
just  allow  the  reconsideration  to  be  had,  I  will 
confer  with  him  as  to  the  time  when  we  can  dis- 
cuss it,  and  I  promise  him  I  shall  content  myself 
with  a  bare  statement. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  do  not  know  any  reason 
why  the  motion  to  reconsider  may  not  be  entered 
as  it  is  now;  and  when  a  motion  is  made  to  take 
it  up,  then  the  statement  of  the  Senator  may  be 
made.  This  question  is  one  of  great  importance 
to  the  State  that  I  in  part  represent  here.  I  have 
already  caused  to  be  read  to  Senators  from  the 
desk  of  this  body  the  concurretit  resolutions  of  the 
sovereign  State  of  California  after  duly  and  fully 
considering  this  subject.  It  is  a  question  that  af- 
fects, so  far  as  the  assertion  of  title  is  concerned, 
the  interests  of  over  seven  thousand  people  in  the 
State  that  I  represent. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  If  the  Senator  will  allow  me, 
1  understand  there  are  some  reports  to  be  made. 
Let  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  entered, and  when 
we  have  leisure  I  will  call  it  up. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     I  have  no  objection  to  that. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  It  will  leave  it,  then,  in  the 
position  in  which  it  was. 

The  PRESIDENT  po  tempore.  The  motion 
to  reconsider  has  been  made,  and  it  will  be  laid 
aside  to  be  taken  up  at  some  other  time. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  have  no  objection  to  that 
course. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  It  is  not  that  I  desire  it,  but 
only  to  accommodate  myself  to  the  wishes  of  the 
Senate. 

REPORTS  FROM  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  WILSON,  from  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  was  re- 
ferred the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  281)  to  amend  the  six- 
teenth section  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act  to  de- 
fine the  pay  and  emoluments  of  certain  officers 
of  the  Army,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved 
July  17,  1862,  reported  it  without  amendment. 

Mr.  FOSTER,  from  the  Committee  on  the  Ju- 
diciary, to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (S.  No. 
271)  relating  to  civil  actions  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  reported  it  with  an  amendment. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL,  from  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary,  to  whom  was  referred  a  petition  of 
citizens  of  Florida  praying  that  the  salary  of  the 
United  States  district  judge  for  the  northern  dis- 
trict of  that  State  may  be  increased,  asked  to  be 
discharged  from  its  further  consideration;  which 
Mras  agreed  to. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  a  resolution  relative  to  an  arrange- 
riient  made  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
VVar  with  Major  Generals  Schenck  and  Blair  to 
receive  from  them  temporarily  the  resignation 
of  their  commissions  to  enable  them  to  take  their 
sefits  as  members  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, siAmitted  a  report  accompanied  by  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: 

Resolved,  That  an  ofTicer  of  the  United  States  whose 
resignation  has  been  duly  accepted  and  taken  efl'ect,  or 
who  liaving  been  elected  a  member  of  eitiier  House  of 
Congress  qualifies  and  enters  on  the  discharge  of  llie  du- 
ties of  a  member,  is  thereby  in  either  case  out  of  the  oiiice 
previously  held,  and  cannot  be  restored  to  it  without  a  new 
appointment  in  tiie  manner  provided  by  the  Constitution. 

The  resolution  lies  over  for  consideration,  and 
the  report  was  ordered  to  be  printed. 

MICHIGAN  JUDICIAL  DISTRICTS. 
Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  513)  to  detach  the  counties  of  Calhoun  and 
Branch  from  the  western  judicial  district  and  an- 
nex the  same  to  the  eastern  district  of  Michigan, 
have  instructed  me  to  report  it  back  and  recom- 
mend its  passage.  It  is  merely  to  detacli  two 
counties  from  one  judicial  district  and  transfer 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2963 


them  to  the  other.     I  ask  that  the  bill  be  acted 
on  flow. 

By  unanimous  consent  the  bill  was  considered 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  reported  to  the 
Senate,  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  read  the  third 
time,  and  .passed. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

A  messag:e  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  IVIr.McPHERsoN,  it  Clerk,  announced  that  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  had 
signed  the  following  enrolled  bills;  which  there- 
upon received  the  signature  of  the  President  pro 
tempore: 

A  bill  (S.  No.  293)  to  empower  the  Superannu- 
ated Fund  Society  of  the  Maryland  Annual  Con- 
ference to  hold  property  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, and  to  take  a  devise  under  the  will  of  the 
late  William  Doughty; 

A  bill  (H.R.  No.  149)  concerning  certain  school 
lands  in  township  forty-five  north,  range  seven 
east,  in  the  State  of  Missouri; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  the  Army  for  the  year  ending 
the  30th  June,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  383)  to  incorporate  the  Home 
for  Friendless  .Women  and  Children; 

A  joitit  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  55)  granting  cer- 
tain privileges  to  the  city  of  Des  Moines,  in  the 
State  of  Iowa; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  486)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  provide  a  temporary  government  for 
theTerritory  of  Idaho, "approved  March  3, 1863; 
and 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  504)  to  authorize  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  to  sell  the  marine  hospital 
and  grounds  at  Chicago.,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase 
a  new  site  and  build  a  new  hospital. 

MILITARY  INTERFERENCE  WITH  ELECTIONS. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  move  that  all  prior  orders 
be  postponed  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  the  bill 
(S.  No.  37)  to  prevent  officers  of  the  Army  and 
Navy,  and  other  persons  engaged  in  the  military 
and  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  from  inter- 
fering in  elections  in  the  States. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  have  not  the  slightest  objection 
to  the  consideration  of  the  bill;  but  I  think  we 
ought  to  have  the  morning  hour  for  morning 
business;  and  I  shall  vote  against  it  until  we  get 
through  the  morning  business.  If  the  motion  is 
persisted  in,  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  the  Senate  will  now 
take  up  and  act  upon  this  bill.  I  have  made  some 
dozen  meffectual  efforts  to  get  it  up.  It  was  dis- 
cussed for  three  or  four  days;  and  all  I  desire  now 
is  to  have  a  vote  upon  it.  I  will  agree  to  make 
no  speech  about  it.  I  wish  to  suggest  one  very 
important  amendment  and  then  take  the  vote. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  hope  at  this  late  period  of 
the  session  this  bill  will  not  be  taken  up  for  fur- 
ther consideration.  I  do  not  think  any  public 
interest  requires  it. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  6,  nays  26;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Carlile,  Davis,  Nesmith,  Powell,  Rich- 
ardson, and  Saulsbury — 6. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown, -Clark,  Conness, 
Di.\on,  Uoolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Hale,  Harlan, 
Harris,  Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Morgan, 
Morrill,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Van  Win- 
kle, Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson— 26. 

ABSENT  —  Messrs.  Buckalew,  .Chandler,  Collamer, 
Cowan, Grimes,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Johnson, 
Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougall,  Pomeroy,  Riddle,  Sprague, 
Trumbull,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 17. 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FOOT.  I  take  this  occasion  to  say  that 
my  coHeague  [Mr.  Collamer]  is  detained  from 
attendance  on  the  Senate  in  consequence  of  some- 
what severe  indisposition. 

REPEAL  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 

The  bill  (H.  R.  No  512)  to  repeal  the  fugitive 
slave  act  of  1850,  and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts 
for  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  was  read  twice 
by  its  title. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  bill  will 
be  referred  to  the  select  commitee  on  slavery 
and 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  am  instructed  by  the  com- 
mittee on  slavery  and  freedmen  to  move  the  im- 
mediate passage  of  that  bill.  The  Senate  un- 
dcistands  it;  the  House  of  Representatives  has 
already  acted  on  it;  there  is  no  need  of  debate; 
and  1  iisk  to  have  it  voted  upon  at  once. 


Mr.  HALE.  1  object;  I  want  the  morning 
hour  for  morning  business. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  move  the  reference  of  the 
bill  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  propose  to  amend  that 
motion  by  moving  its  reference  to  the  committee 
which  during  this  session  has  had  charge  of  the 
subject,  to  which,  on  the  motion  of  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  it  has  been 
already  referred  during  this  session — the  select 
committee  on  slavery  and  freedmpn. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  opinion  that  the  motion  is  not  amendable,  and 
the  motion  to  refer  to  a  standing  committee  takes 
precedence.  The  question,  therefore,  is  on  the 
motion  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  to  refer  the 
bill  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

Mr.  POWELL  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
atid  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  14,  nays  21;  as  follows: 

YEAS  — Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Davis,  Harris,  Hen- 
dricks, Hicks,  Johnson,  liane  of  Indiana,  Nesmith,  Pow- 
ell, Richardson,  Saulsbury,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey — 14. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Ulark,  Conness,  Di.x- 
on,  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Grimes,  Hale, Harlan,  How- 
ard, Lane  o4  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Ramsey,  Sherman, 
Sumner,  Ten   Eyck,  Wade,  and  Wilson— 21. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Chandler,  Collamer,  Cowan,  Fos- 
ter, Harding,  Henderson,  Howe,  McDougall,  Pomeroy, 
Riddle,  Sprague,  Trumbull,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 14. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
now  is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts to  refer  the  bill  to  the  select  committee 
on  slavery  and  freedmen. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PAY  OF  COLORED  TROOPS. 
The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  take  this  occasion  to  announce  that  he  has 
appointed  as  the  committee  of  conference  on  the 
part  of  the  Senate  upon  the  disagreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments  to  the  bill 
(S.  No.  145)  to  equalize  the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the 
United  States  Army,  Messrs.  Wilson,  Grimes, 
and  Nesmith. 

REPEAL  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 
Mr.  SUMNER.  The  select  committee  on 
slavery  and  freedmen,  to  whom  was  referred  the 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  512)  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave 
act  of  1850,  and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  for  the 
rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  have  directed  me  to 
report  the  same  back  to  the  Senate  with  a  recom- 
mendation that  it  pass,  and  I  ask  now  for  imme- 
diate action. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  object  to  that  kind  of  busi- 
ness. We  know  that  this  committee  has  not  been 
in  session  since  that  bill  was  referred.  No  mem- 
ber of  the  committee  has  approached  the  Senator, 
and  he  has  not  approached  one  of  them,  since  the 
bill  was  referred.  We  want  the  committee  to 
consider  it.  There  is  a  member  of  the  commit- 
tee who  sits  near  me,  [Mr.  Buckalew,]  and  I 
know  he  has  not  been  consulted  about  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Will  the  Senator  who  sits 
near  you  answer  whether  he  has  been  consulted.' 
Mr.  POWELL.  The  Senator  a  moment  ago 
said  you  had  no  right  to  make  the  report  in  that 
way.  I  happened  to  overhear  him,  and  that 
caused  me  to  make  the  objection.  I  object  to 
that  kind  of  a  report  being'  made. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  opinion  that  it  is  not  a  question  for  the  Chair 
to  decide  upon  the  propriety  of  the  report  or  the 
action  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  object  to  its  present 
consideration. 

•The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Objection  being 
made,  the  report  must  lie  over. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  suppose  a  committee  is 
under  no  obligation  to  go  into  a  committee-room 
to  consult  on  a  bill. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  1  move  that  that  report  be  not 
accepted. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  In  the  opinion 
of  the  Chair  the  report  lies  over  for  action  until 
to-morrow. 

BILLS  INTRODUCED. 
Mr.  HALE  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent 
obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  308) 
repealing  so  much  of  "An  act  to  supply  defi- 
ciencies in  the  appropriations  for  the  service  of  the 
fiscal  year  ending  the  30lh  of  June,  1864,  and  for 
other  purposes,"  approved  March  14,  1864,  as 
appropriates  |25,000  for  erecting  naval  hospital 
at  Kittery,  Maine;  which  was  read  twice  by  its 


title,  and  referred. to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Af- 
fairs. 

Mr.  ANTHONY  asked,  and  by  unanimous 
consent  obtained,  leave  lo  introduce  a  joint  resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  66)  providing  for  adjustment  of  the 
accounts  of  Henry  W.  Diman;  which  was  read 
twice  by  its  title,  and  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Naval  Affairs. 

DISPOSAL  OF  COAL  LANDS. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  move  that  the  prior  orders 
be  postponed,  and  that  we  proceed  to  the  con- 
sideration of  Senate  bill  No.  264,  for  ihe  disposal 
of  coal  lands  and  of  town  property  on  the  public 
domain. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  consider- 
ation of  the  bill  was  resumed  as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  Tiiis  bill  has  been  read 
through,  and  I  suppose  itis  not  necessary  to  read 
it  again  unless  it  be  desired. 

Several  Senators.     What  is  the  bill } 

Mr.  HARLAN.  It  provides  for  the  survey 
and  sale  of  town  sites  that  may  be  located  on  the 
public  domain ;  and  also  for  the  sale  of  coal  lands 
on  the  public  domain. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Has  that  bill  been  read  in  the 
Senate  .' 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
understands  that  it  was  before  the  Senate  on  the 
3d  of  June,  and  was  then  read. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a 
third  reading,  and  was  read  the  third  tiine,  and 
passed. 

MILITARY  ROAD  IN  WISCONSIN. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  move  to  take  up  the 
House  bill  granting  lands  to  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin to  build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Superior. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  hope  the  Senator  will  not 
press  that  bill  this  morning.  We  have  had  land 
bills  or  something  about  Wisconsin  up  almost 
every  morning  for  many  days.  I  am  anxious  to 
take  up  another  bill. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  think  there  will  be  no 
debate  about  this  bill.  It  is  precisely  in  the  lan- 
guage of  one  passed  the  other  morning  to  grant 
lands  for  a  wagon  road  in  Michigan.  They  are 
word  for  word  the  saine.  This  bill  was  reported 
by  the  Senator  from  Iowa,  and  I  think  tlaue  can 
be  no  objection  to  it. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  fejM^Jore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  247)  granting  lands  to  the  State  of  Wiscon- 
sin to  build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Superior  was 
considered  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  The  Committee  on  Public 
Lands  reported  an  amendment  to  this  bill  to  strike 
out  all  after  the  enacting  clause  and  insert  a  sub- 
stitute. I  suppose,  therefore,  the  original  bill 
need  not  be  read. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  amend- 
ment alone  will  be  read  unless  some  Senator  calls 
for  the  reading  of  the  original  bill. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment,  which  was 
to  strike  out  all  of  the  original  bill  after  the  enact- 
ing clause  and  in  lieu  thereof  to  insert  the  follow- 
ing: 

That  there  be,  and  is  hereby,  granted  to  the  State  of 
Wisconsin,  to  aid  in  the  construciion  ota  military  wagon 
road  from  Wausaw,  Marathon  county,  Wisconsin,  follow- 
ing the  Wisconsin  river  as  far  as  Skonowang,  and  from 
thence,  on  the  most  feasible  and  direct  route,  to  a  point 
on  the  State  line  between  the  States  of  VVisconshi  and 
Michigan,  in  a  direction  leading  to  Ontonagon,  on  Lake 
Superior,  every  alternate  section  of  public  land,  not  min- 
eral, designated  by  odd  numbers,  for  three  sections  in  width 
on  each  side  of  said  road.  But  in  case  it  shall  appear  that 
tl^  United  States  have,  wnenthe  line  or  routeof  said  road 
is  definitely  fixed,  sold,  reserved,  or  otherwise  disposed  of 
any  section,  or  any  part  thereof,  granted  as  aforesaid,  or 
that  the  right  of  preemption  or  homestead  settlement  has 
attached  to  the  same,  then  it  shall  he  the  duty  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior  to  set  apart  from  the  public  lands  of 
the  United  States,  as  hereinbefore  described,  designated 
by  odd  numbers,  as  near  to  said  even  section  aforesaid  as 
may  be,  and  the  same  shall  be  located  within  si.x  miles  of 
said  road,  so  much  land  as  sjiall  be  equal  to  such  lands  as 
the  United  States  have  sold  or  otherwise  appropriated,  or 
to  which  the  right  of  preemption  or  homestead  settlement 
has  attached  ;  which  lands,  (thus  selected  in  lieu  of  those 
sold,  reserved,  or  otherwise  ap|iropriated,  and  to  which  the 
right  of  preemption  or  liomestead  settlement  has  attached 
as  aforesaid,)  together  wilii  the  sections  and  parts  of  sec- 
tions designated  by  odd  numbers  as  aforesaid,  and  approved 
as  aforesaid,  shall  be'  held  by  the  State  of  Wisconsin  for 
tlte  nse  and  purpose  aforesaid :  Provided,  That  the  lands 


296^ 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  1^ 


hereby  giaiited  shall  be  exclusively  applied  in  the  con- 
struction ol  that  road  lor  and  on  account  of  which  such 
lands  are  hereby  granted,  aild  shall  be  disposed  of  only  as 
the  work  progresses,  and  the  same  Fhall  be  applied  to  no 
otlnr  purpose  whatever:  Provided  further,  That  any  and 
all  lands  heretofore  reserved  to  the  United  States  by  any 
act  of  Congress,  or  in  any  other  manner  by  competent 
authority,  lor  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  any  object  ot  inter- 
nal improvement,  or  for  any  other  purposes  whatsoever, 
be,  and  the  same  are  hereby,  reserved  to  the  United  States 
from  the  operation  of  this  act,  except  so  far  as  it  may  be 
found  necessary  to  locate  the  route  of  said  road  through 
such  reserved  lands,  in  which  case  the  right  of  way  only 
shall  be  granted. 

Sec.  2.  Jind  he  it  further  enacted,  That  the  said  lands 
hereby  grant*!  to  the  said  State  shall  be  subject  to  the  dis- 
posal ol  the  Legislature  thereof,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid 
and  no  other;  and  the  said  road  shall  be  and  remain  a  pub- 
lic highway  for  the  use  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  free  from  tolls  or  other  charge  upon  the  transporta- 
tion of  any  property,  troops,  or  mails  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  3.  .^nd  he  it  further  enacted,  Tiiat  the  lands  hereby 
granted  to  said  State  shall  be  disposed  of  only  in  tlie  fol- 
lowing UKinner,  that  is  to  say ;  when  the  said  Governor 
shall  certify  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  that  any  ten 
consecutive  miles  of  said  road  have  been  completed  under 
the  provi-iinns  of  this  act,  and  in  accordance  with  the  fourth 
.■(ection  of  this  act,  stating  definitely  where  said  completed 
section  of  road  commsnces  and  wiiere  it  terminates,  it  shall 
be  the  duly  of  the  said  Secretary  to  cause  patents  to  issue 
to  said  State  for  three  sections  of  land  for  each  mile  of  road 
thus  completed  as  aforesaid,  and  so  on  until  the  whole  of 
said  road  is  completed  :  Provided  further ,  That  no  patents 
shall  be  given  for  any  of  the  aforesaid  lands  before  tlie  com- 
pletion of  ten  consecutive  miles  of  road,  or  for  any  road, 
or  for  any  part  of  any  road  made  before  the  passage  of  this 
act,  or  for  any  greater  quantity  than  thirty  sections  for  each 
ten  miles  completed  according  to  the  provisions  of  this  act ; 
and  if  said  road  is  not  oomi)leted  within  five  years  no  fur- 
ther sales  shall  be  made,  and  the  lands  unsold  shall  revert 
to  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  Jlndbe  it  further  enacted,  That  said  military  road 
shall  be  constructed  under  the  direction  of  such  agents  or 
commissioners  as  the  Governor  of  said  State  may  appoint, 
and  where  it  passes  through  timbered  lands  shall  be  chopped 
out  a  uniform  width  of  at  least  six  reds.  The  road-bed 
proper  to  b;:  not  less  than  thirly-two  feet  wide,  and  con- 
structed with  ample  ditches  on  both  sides,  so  as  to  afford 
sufficient  drains,  with  good  and  substantial  bridges  and 
proper  culverts  and  sluices  where  necessary.  All  stumps 
and  roots  to  be  thoroughly  grubbed  out  between  the  ditches 
the  entire  length  of  said  road;  the  central  portion  of  which 
to  be  sufhciently  raised  to  afford  a  dry  road-bed  by  means 
of  drainage  from  the  center  to  the  side  ditches;  the  hills 
to  be  leveled  and  valleys  raised  so  as  to  make  as  easy  a 
grade  as  practicable. 

Ml-.  SHERMAN.  I  certaitily  cannot  be  qharged 
with  being  illiberal  to  the  western  States;  but  I 
think  this  is  going  a  little  furlhe^r  than  we  have  ever 
gone  before.  It  is  a  proposition  to  granllandsfor 
the  construction  of  ordinary  hfghways  in  the  State 
of  Wisconsin.  I  believe  something  like  that  was 
done  in  one  case.  Those  who  were  advocating 
a  grant  of  land  for  a  sonnewhat  similar  purpose 
to  the  State  of  Michigan  came  to  me  and  said 
there  were  peculiar  circumstances  connected  with 
the  construction  of  tliat  road;  that  it  was  abso- 
lutely important  for  military  purposes  that  we 
should  open  a  road  to  Lake  Superior  in  the  win- 
ter time  when  the  mail  cannot  be  carried  there, 
and  there  was  no  chance  of  granting  aid  for  the 
making;  of  that  road  except  by  a  grant  of  lands, 
and  in  that  way  a  road  would  be  obtained  be- 
tween Chicago  and  the  upper  settlements  on  Lake 
Superior.  1  thought  the  circumstances  were  pe- 
culiar; and  I  voted  for  the  bill  introduced  by  the 
Senator  from  Michigan.  Now,  it  is  proposed  to 
grant  lands  for  the  construction  of  an  ordinary 
highway  through  one  of  the  new  States.  It  seems 
to  me  it  is  carrying  the  joke  a  little  too  far.  1 
would  rather  at  once  vote  to  grant  all  the  lands 
within  the  organized  States  to  the  States,  and  be 
done  with  them. 

,  There  is  one  peculiar  feature  in  this  grant  which 
Senators  may  not  have  noticed.  If  the  lands  have 
been  heretofore  granted,  or  have  been  sold  orare 
occupied  by  preiimptors,  so  that  the  country  is 
rich  ejiough  to  make  its  own  roads,  as  we  did  in 
Ohio,  then  instead  of  taking  the  land  that  is  thus 
settled  by  preemptors,  land  may  be  taken  three 
miles  further  off  by  the  State  of  Wisconsin  to  alft 
in  making  the  road.     We  give  the  land  to  the 

Ereijmptors  under  the  homestead  law,  and  then 
y  this  bill  we  give  the  alternate  sections  of  land 
within  six  miles  to  make  a  road  for  them.  It 
Beems  to  me  that  is  carrying  the  operation  of  these 

f  rants  further  than  ever  has  been  done  before, 
n  all  the  grants  to  railroad  companies  we  have 
reserved  the  alternate  sections  and  doubled  the 
price,  and  in  that  way  we  have  recovered  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Governntient  some  portion  of  the 
value  of  the  lands.  But  this  bill  does  not  propose 
to  do  that;  it  leaves  the  alternate  sections  open  to 
purcha.su  at  ^l  23  an  acre,  and  open  for  entry 
under  the  honoesklead  act, 


Since  we  passed  the  homestead  law,  a  wise 
law,  I  think  we  ought  not  to  have  granted  any 
public  lands  either  to  States  or  to  railroad  com- 
panies. We  ought  to  have  rested  upon  the  sys- 
tem that  no  land  should  be  set  apart  for  any  pur- 
pose except  for  actual  settlement.  I  have  been 
enough  in  the  new  States,  and  I  have  been  familiar 
with  the  organization  of  the  new  States,  to  know 
that  all  sales  of  land  to  corporations,  to  States, 
and  to  individuals,  except  for  actual  settlement, 
are  a  great  injury  to  the  new  States.  If  I  had  it 
in  my  power  I  would  not  sell  any  public  land 
for  any  purpose  but  actual  settlement.  I  would 
allow  it  to  be  preempted  by  actual  settlers  and 
saved  for  actual  occupation.  Every  other  sale  of 
the  public  lands  is  a  detriment  to  the  nation  and 
is  a  detriment  to  the  neighborhood  in  which  the 
land  lies. 

It  seems  to  me  that  unless  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  can  show  that  there  is  some  absolute 
military  necessity  for  the  construction  of  this 
road,  we  ought  not  to  carry  the  grants  of  lands 
any  further  and  apply  them  to  the  construction 
of  ordinary  wagon  roads. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  Before  the  Senator  from  Ohio 
takes  his  seat,  I  ask  him  to  refer  again  to  that  part 
of  the  bill  which  he  considers  peculiar  or  new  in 
its  character. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  In  case  land  within  three 
miles  on  either  side  has  been  sold,  or  is  occupied 
by  preemptors,  this  bill  allows  the  State  to  go 
outside  of  the  limit  of  three  miles  on  either  side 
to  take  public  land. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  But  within  the  limit  of  six 
miles. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Now,  suppose  that  all  the 
land  along  the  river  Wisconsin — because  this 
road,  I  believe,  is  to  be  built  near  the  banks  of 
the  river — is  preempted, as  it  probably  is  by  pre- 
emptors, and  settlements  have  sprung  up  there. 
It  seems  to  me  that  these  preemptors,  settlers, 
having  received  from  the  United  States  their  land 
free  of  cost,  ought  at  least  to  build  their  own 
roads,  build  their  own  school-houses,  make  their 
own  improvements,  and  not  call  upon  us  to  ap- 
propriate land  to  make  improvements  for  them. 
After  a  while  they  will  want  land  to  build  their 
school-houses,  and  to  build  their  barns,  &c. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  will  make  this  suggestion 
in  relation  to  this  point:  immense  amounts  of 
land  warrants  have  been  located  in  the  western 
country  by  gentlemen  living  East;  a  very  large 
number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Ohio  have  located 
land  warrants  in  Iowa,  and  do  not  now  occupy 
lands.  I  do  not  doubt  this  is  true  on  the  line  of 
this  road.  Those  land-owners  living  abroad  of 
course  will  not  invest  their  money  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  road;  and  if  the  idea  suggested 
by  the  Senator  from  Ohio  should  be  carried  out, 
it  would  prevent  the  opening  up  of  the  wilderness 
part  of  the  country,  as  it  is  hoped  will  be  done 
by  the  passage  of  this  bill.  If  the  land  shall  have 
been  thus  taken  up  by  non-residents,  the  State 
r.,ay  go  beyond  the  location  of  thoselands,  where 
there  are  vacant  lands  within  the  limit  of  six  miles, 
and  take  an  equal  quantity,  and  the  amount  is 
only  to  be  applied  as  the  road  proceeds.  They 
will  not  be  able  to  go  in  advance  of  the  construc- 
tion of  the  road  to  secure  lands,  but  as  the  road 
progresses  they  take  the  vacant  lands  within  six 
miles  on  each  side,  and  thus  proceed  until  the 
whole  road  shall  be  completed. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Is  there  any  difficulty  in 
the  local  authorities  and  State  authorities  laying 
taxes  for  road  purposes  .'  I  know  the  non-resi- 
dents, complained  of  so  much  in  the  new  States 
generally,  have  to  pay  three  or  four  times  as  much 
taxes  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  their  lands  as 
residents,  some  way  or  other. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  The  constitution  of  Iowa, 
and  I  suppose  of  Wisconsin,  provides  that  the 
lands  of  non-residents  shall  not  be  taxed  higher 
than  those  of  residents. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  That  is  the  provision  in  all 
th*e  new  States,  but  in  some  way  or  other  they  do 
always  assess  the  land  of  non-residents  higher 
than  that  of  residents,  and  they  ought  to  do  so. 
My  impression  is  that  a  non-resident  owner  of 
land,  who  does  not  occupy  it,  does  not  go  on  it, 
ought  to  be  discriminated  against  by  legislation, 
and  I  would  give  the  new  States  that  power. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  The  Senator  from  Oh  io  has 
not  looked  on  the  map  to  see  where  this  road  is  lo- 
cated; and  probably  he  is  not  very  familiar  with 


Wisconsin.  It  begins  at  a  point  called  Wausaw, 
which  is  away  up  on  the  Wisconsin  river,  and 
goes  through  from  there  to  Lake  Superior.  It  is 
comparatively  an  entirely  uninhabited  region  of 
country;  it  is  a  region  of  timber,  and  a  region 
which  has  never  yet  been  surveyed  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, a  good  portion  of  it,  and  it  will  not  be 
surveyed  orever  brought  into  market  unless  there 
is  a  road  opened  up  through  there;  and  it  is  for 
the  purpose  of  opening  up  that  road  that  we  have 
asked  the  grant  of  these  lands. 

Now,  let  me  say  to  Senators  who  are  not  fa- 
miliar with  the  bills  which  have  been  passed  at 
the  present  session,  that  the  other  day  there  was 
one  passed  to  aid  the  State  of  Michigan  to  build 
two  just  such  roads  through  the  timber  wilderness 
region  of  Michigan,  one  on  the  right-hand  side  and 
the  other  on  the  left-hand  side,  nearly  twice  the 
distance  of  this  road.  It  would  be  strange  in- 
deed, if,  having  granted  land  to  Michigan  to  aid 
roads  through  her  wilderness  region,  we  should 
not  do  the  same  thing  for  Wisconsin.  The  Uni- 
ted States  is  the  great  landholder  in  that  section. 
It  now  holds  in  our  State  millions  of  acres  of  un- 
surveyed  lands.  This  road  runs  right  through 
that  region,  and  helps  to  develop  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  said  a  word  or  two  the 
other  day  on  the  subject  of  the  public  lands  by 
way  of  comment  on  a  bill  then  pending  which  I  did 
not  fully  understand,  which  made  a  grant  of  lands 
for  several  hundred  miles  of  road.  I  felt  that  I 
ought  to  apologize,  and  I  did  apologize  to  the 
Senate,  being  an  eastern  man,  for  saying  a  word 
on  such  a  subject.  It  seems  the  matter  is  extend- 
ing a  little.  First,  we  made  grants  for  railroads. 
The.policy  of  the  country  was  settled  on  that  sub- 
ject, and  it  has  been  very  well  followed  up,  to 
grant  everything  that  was  required  in  the  shape 
of  aid  for  railroails.  We  have  had  a  considerable 
number  of  such  bills  during  this  session.  I  have 
not  a  word  to  say  about  them.  I  presume  them 
to  be  all  right. 

It  seems  we  begin  a  new  system,  and  are  to 
grant  th^  public  domain  for  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing ordinary  roads.  It  is  done  I  believe  by  call- 
ing them  "  military  roads."  I  do  not  know  what 
military  purpose  is  to  be  subserved  by  a  road 
from  Wausaw  to  Lake  Superior.  Will  my  friend 
from  Iowa  explain  to  me  what  the  military  pur- 
pose is  of  a  road  from  Wausaw  to  Lake  Superior.' 

Mr.  HARLAN.  To  enable  troops  and  muni- 
tions of  war  to  be  transported  through  that  wil- 
derness to  our  fortifications. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Is  there  no  other  way  to 
get  there .' 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  understand  there  is  no  other 
way  to  get  there  but  by  the  lake,  and  in  winter 
time  when  the  lake  is  frozen  up  there  is  no  possi- 
ble way  of  reaching  them. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Is  it  to  reach  any  par- 
ticular military  post.' 

Mr.  HARLAN.     1  understandso. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     What  one.' 

Mr.  HARLAN.  Some  fortifications  on  the 
Straits,  as  I  understand.  The  Senators  from  that 
State  are  more  familiar  with  the  locality. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  do  not  rise  here  for  the 
purpose  of  opposing  the  bill;  I  should  not  think 
of  doing  such  a  thing;  and  I  am  astonished  at  the 
rashness  of  my  friend ,  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  who 
suggested,  in  the  mildest  tones  in  the  world  that 
could  possibly  be  'used,  some  doubt  or  perhaps 
even  an  inquiry.  1  am  rather  in  favor  of  it  for 
this  simple  reason:  we  need  a  military  road  down 
in  Maine  very  much;  we  are  there  right  on  the 
frontier,  and  we  have  been  exposed  to  considera- 
ble danger  already,  and  it  is  very  difficult*to  get 
from  the  central  parts  of  our  State  to  the  frontier, 
and  we  want  a  military  road. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  1  will  most  cheerfully  vote 
for  an  appropriation  of  public  lands  within  the 
State  of  Maine  for  the  construction  of  such  a  road. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Exactly.  I  was  about 
to  ask,  if  it  is  for  military  purposes,  what  would 
be  the  impropriety  of  granting  us  some  lands  out 
West .' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  would  inquire  of  the  Sena- 
tor from  Maine  if  he  does  not  think  the  $450,000 
we  appropriated  yesterday  for  fortifications  in 
Maine  would  be  a  fair  offset.' 

Mr.  FESSEiNDEN.  That  is  on  the  coast.  Itia 
very  true  that  appropriation  was  made;  but  I  am 
not  talking  about  the  State  of  Maine  particularly, 
butabout military  dofenses.  I  goforfortificationa; 


im^ 


TSE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBK 


2965 


I  go  for  military  roads;  and  if  this  is  shown  to 
me  to  be  for  military  purposes,  for  the  defense  of 
the  country,  I  have  no  objection,  and  I  stated  I 
did  not  rise  to  oppose  it  in  any  shape  or  form.  1 
only  wanted  to  say  that  wc  needed  a  military 
road  down  Hi  Maine  very  much,  and  we  had  no 
public  lands,  and  to  suggest  to  my  friend  from 
Iowa  that  perhaps  he  would  be  willing,  as  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands,  to  bring 
us  in  a  bill  granting  us  some  lands  out  West  for 
that  purpose. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Will  the  Senator  inform  me 
whether  the  Government  did  not  at  the  national 
expense  build  a  national  road  from  Bangor  to  the 
frontier  some  years  ago.' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  believe  they  did  a  long 
while  ago,  and  it  has  been  very  useful;  but  there 
is  no  military  post  in  that  region  now.  We  want 
the  road  in  another  direction. 

Mr.  HOWE.  Would  it  not  be  satisfactory  to 
them  if  we  would  changfe  the  direction  of  the  fish- 
ing bounties  and  apply  them  to  building  the  road  .' 
[Laughter.] 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  another  question 
altogether.  [Laughter.]  We  settled  that  the  other 
day,  and  very  decidedly. 

Now,  I  want  to  suggest  thatby  and  by  we  shall 
come  here — and  really  I  am  serious  about  it,  be- 
cause it  has  been  contemplated  and  I  have  been 
urged  to  move  in  the  matter,  but  I  have  been  so 
pressed  with  other  business  that  I  have  not  been 
able  to  attend  to  it — to  ask  an  appropriation  of 
public  lands  to  aid  in  constructing  a  military  road 
in  Maine.  We  are  right  on  the  border,  as  gen- 
tlemen know,  liable  to  attack,  and  something  of 
that  sort  is  necessary.  With  regard  to  open- 
ing roads,  we  have  lands  there  of  our  own,  and 
our  mode  is  if  they  want  roads  to  have  the  county 
lay  out  the  road  and  assess  the  expense  of  build- 
ing it  upon  the  owners  of  land. 

I  do  not  wish  my  friend  from  Iowa  or  my 
friend  from  Wisconsin  to  misunderstand  me.  I 
do  not  mean  to  oppose  this  bill;  I  only  wish  to 
give  notice  that  I  shall  appeal  to  the  well-known 
generosity  of  my  friend  from  Iowa,  particularly 
in  reference  to  these  things,  for  I  think  we  have 
a  cargo  of  bills  from  his  committee  granting  lands 
for  all  purposes,  that  he  shall  extend  these  grants 
for  military  purposes  to  some  other  section  of  the 
country  by  and  by  when  the  time  comes.  Our 
military  stations  are  quite  as  definite  as  they  are 
on  Lake  Superior.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  HARLAN.  Perhaps  I  ought  to  state  as 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands  that 
no  bills  have  been  reported  from  that  committee 
at  this  session  making  appropriations  of  land  that 
are  not  in  strict  accordance  with  the  principles 
that  have  been  adopted  by  Congress  heretofore. 
The  PRESIDENT  pro  iem;jore.  It  becomes  the 
duty  of  tlie  Chair  to  arrest  the  debate  and  call  up 
the  special  order,  which  is  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  51) 
to  establish  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's  Affairs,  the 
pending  question  being  on  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Delaware,  [Mr.  Saulsbury,]  upon 
which  the  yeas  and  nays  have  been  ordered. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  1  hope  the  Senator  hav- 
ing charge  of  that  bill  will  allow  us  to  vote  on  this 
question.  We  can  do  so  without  further  discus- 
Bion. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  am   perfectly  willing  that 

the  special  order  shall  be  passed  overinformally. 

The   PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     The  Chair 

hears  no  objection.     The  special  order  will  be 

passed  over  informally. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  should  like  to  know  how 
much  Wisconsin  has  got  of  the  public  lands  by 
legislation  during  the  present  session;  and  besides 
the  amount  of  public  lands  which  she  may  have 
received,  if  I  recollect  aright  she  received  a  pretty 
large  amount  of  public  moneys  the  other  day  from 
the  Treasury,  to  which  she  said  she  was  entitled. ' 
It  is  difficult  I  know  for  the  honorable  member 
from  Wisconsin  to  give  a  precise  answer  as  to  the 
number  of  acres  of  public  lands  that  she  has  got, 
because  the  grants  have  been  made  of  sections  of 
lands  on  either  side  of  the  roads  that  are  to  be 
made,  and  if  I  understand  the  legislation  they  are 
long  roads,  just  as  long  as  they  think  proper  to 
make  them,  and  with  as  many  branches  as  they 
think  proper  to  construct,  and  they  get  upon  the 
main  stem  so  to  speak  of  their  roads  and  upon  all 
the  collateral  branches  sections  of  land;  it  may 
amount  to  hundreds  of  thousands,  it  may  be  mil- 
lions of  acres.    I  rather  think  that  if  the  legisla- 


tion which  is  now  proposed  shall  pass,  that,  with 
the  legislation  which  has  already  occurred,  if 
Wisconsin  is  as  diligent  in  carrying  out  this  legis- 
lation as  her  Senators  upon  this  floor  have  been 
diligent  in  getting  the  legislation  passed,  it  will  ab- 
sorb nearly  all  the  public  land  in  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin. What  is  true  of  Wisconsin  is  true  in  a 
great  measure  of  the  other  States  in  which  public 
lands  are.  If  therefore  the  honorable  member 
from  Maine  contemplates  gettingan  appropriation 
from  those  lands  for  the  purpose  of  constructing 
a  military  road  in  Maine,  I  would  advise  him  to 
get  it  at  once. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  My  friend  will  allow  me  to 
make  a  suggestion.  I  believe  (I  should  like  to 
have  the  information  for  our  benefit  from  the 
honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Public 
Lands)  that  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad  Com- 
pany is  chartered  by  the  State  of  Maine,  and  that 
we  are  about  to  pass  a  bill  giving  that  company 
some  fifty  million  acres.  Surely  that  would  be 
a  military  road  connecting  the  State  of  Maine  with 
the  Pacific  ocean.  I  do  not  see  but  that  Maine 
is  going  to  take  away  the  largest  portions  of  land 
of  any  State  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  honorable  member  did 
not  understand  me  as  saying  that  the  State  of 
Maine  was  suffering  very  much  for  want  of  ap- 
propriations. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  No.  It  does  not  appear  that 
she  is. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  But  as  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  Maine  contemplated,  as  he  said,  getting 
an  appropriation  of  public  lands  for  the  purpose 
of  making  a  military  road  in  Maine,  I  advised 
him  that  he  had  better  begin  at  once  or  he  would 
be  too  late,  the  lands  will  all  be  gone.  And  what 
is  true  of  the  State  of  Maine,  (for  she  will  not 
have  as  much  before  we  adjourn  as  she  is  entitled 
to,)  is  true  of  the  other  States  upon  the  Atlantic. 
Maryland  has  none,  Pennsylvania  has  none,  and 
the  other  States  north  of  Pennsylvania  have  none 
that  I  know  of  except  it  be  Maine;  and  yet  these 
lands  belong  to  the  whole.  All  the  States  to  which 
I  have  just  adverted  have  been  liberal,  and  the 
legislation  of  Congress  has  been  liberal  enough 
to  the  new  States.  We  were  willing  to  give  to 
these  new  States  all  the  land  that  was  necessary 
to  improve  the  States,  when  the  effect  was  to  im- 
prove the  value  of  what  was  left;  but  as  far  as 
that  ground  of  legislation  is  concerned  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  stand  upon  it  in  the  future  when 
we  are  not  able  to  stand  upon  it  in  relation  to  the 
present  legislation,  because  there  will  be  nothing 
left.  We  cannot  say  that  we  give  to  Wisconsin 
a  million  of  acres  alongside  of  these  contemplated 
roads  because  to  do  so  will  add  to  the  value  of  a 
million  that  we  have  on  either  side  of  the  roads, 
because  we  shall  have  none  on  either  side  of  the 
roads;  it  will  all  belong  to  the  State  of  Wisconsin. 
If  the  policy  of  the  Government,  as  it  would  seem 
to  be,  is  that  all  these  lands  are  to  be  appropriated 
for  the  benefit  exclusively  of  the  States  where 
they  lie,  let  us  give  all  the  lands  to  the  States  at 
once  to  deal  with  just  as  they  think  proi^er.  But 
before  that  policy  is  adopted  it  is  well  for  the  pub- 
lic councils  to  reflect  upon  the  financial  condition 
in  which  the  country  now  is  and  is  certain  to  be 
in  the  end.  The  debt  v/ill  be  an  enormous  one; 
and  with  the  emigration  that  is  flowing  in  upon 
us,  and  with  the  natural  increase  of  population  in 
these  great  western  States,  enterprising,  success- 
ful, prosperous  now,  and  yet  to  be  prosperous 
from  hour. to  hour,  they  will  be  able  to  pay  a 
pretty  considerable  price  for  these  lands  to  go 
into  the  public  Treasury  to  meet  the  public  debt. 
That  debt  may  be  $2,000,000,000  before  we  are 
done,  and  perhaps  more;  and  if  the  whole  of  it  is 
to  be  met  by  taxation,  although  I  have  no  doubt 
we  shall  be  able  to  meet  it,  it  will  require  an  effort 
and  a  patriotic  effort  to  ineet  it;  whereas,  if  we 
have  these  public  lands  under  our  control  we  can 
sell  them,  benefiting  us  by  the  sale,  and  benefiting 
the  purchaser  just  as  much  as  he  should  be  bene- 
fited. 

Mr.  HOWE.  Will  the  honorable  Senator  al- 
low me  to  make  a  suggestion.' 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  have  said  all  I  propose  to 
say. 

Mr.  HOWE.  Ifthe  Senator  will  just  step  and 
look  at  the  map  which  my  colleague  has,  and  see 
the  isolated  community  that  this  road  is  intended 
to  accommodate,  and  if  then,  considering  the  large 
tract  of  country  which  the  United  States  own, 


unsettled,  untraversed  by  any  track  between  that 
settlement  on  the  lake  and  the  settlements  in  the 
State  of  Wisconsin,  he  thinks  that  the  United 
States  cannot  afford  to  give  this  quantity  of  land 
to  open  a  highway  up  there  to  these  people,  he 
will  not  give  it;  that  is  all.  It  is  not  for  the 
State.  It  is  an  American  community  that  has 
gone  up  by  the  lakes  and  settled  on  the  borders 
of  the  lakes;  they  have  a  good  highway  in  the 
summer  time,  but  in  the  winter  they  are  isolated 
from  the  whole  world,  and  you  own  all  the  lands 
between  them  and  the  nearest  settlement  in  Wis- 
consin. The  exact  distance  I  do  not  recollect; 
the  map  will  show  at  a  single  glance  just  what  is 
asked. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  That  is  not  the  fault  of  the 
United  States.  How  long  has  this  population 
been  there  in  this  isolated  condition.' 

Mr.  HOWE.     Ever  since  they  went  there. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Of  course.  But  how  long 
is  that.' 

Mr.  HOWE.  I  am  utterly  unable  to  answer 
that  question.  In  point  of  fact  they  did  not  all 
go  at  the  same  moment  of  time,  nor  on  the  same 
steamer,  nor  in  the  same  year. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  know.  I  will  put  my 
question  in  a  different  way.  How  long  has  there 
been  a  population  there  sufficiently  large  to  re- 
quire that  the  Government  should  malke  roads 
for  them — this  isolated  population.' 

Mr.  HOWE.  It  has  been  constantly  increas- 
ing for  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  •They  got  along  ten  years 
ago  pretty,  well.  But  it  strikes  me  that  that  is  a 
new  ground  upon  which  to  ask  a  gift  of  the  pub- 
lic lands.  These  emigrants  went  there  and  they 
settled  on  the  lands,  and  bought  them,  and  paid 
for  them;  they  knew  what  they  were  about,  and 
they  got  more  than  dollar  for  dollar  in  exchange. 
After  they  got  there  and  got  lands  that  were 
worth  a  great  deal  more  than  they  paid  for  them, 
they  say,  or  their  representatives  say  for  them, 
"  Now  give  us  millions  and  millions  of  acres  of 
land  to  enable  us  to  make  roads  over  which  we 
may  travel  from  one  end  of  the  State  to  the 
other."  I  am  speaking  of  it  now  as  a  mere  ques- 
tion of  justice.  There  are  considerations  of  pol- 
icy, I  admit,  that  are  to  govern  us.  They  are  a 
people  whom  we  are  bound  to  provide  for  in 
every  way,  if  we  can  do  it  with  justice  to  all  the 
other  people;  but  if  they  have  gone  there  impru- 
dently when  they  could  have  settled  this  side  of 
the  point  where  they  now  stand  isolated,  it  is 
their  fault,  and  not  ours. 

But  all  that  I  meant  to  say  was  that  we  ought 
to  come  to  some  decided  policy  on  the  question, 
"  What  shall  we  do  with  the  public  lands.'"  If 
they  are  all  to  be  given  away  in  the  name  of  in- 
ternal improvements,  I  am  for  giving  them  away 
at  once;  and  the  only  objection  I  have  to  giving 
them  away  for  the  purpose  for  which  this  bill 
proposes,  to  have  a  share  of  them  appropriated 
or  for  giving  them  away  at  once  in  the  gross,  is 
the  existing:  public  debt,  now  very  large,  and  to 
be  still  larger  before  we  are  through. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  question  is  asked 
how  much  lands  the  State  of  Wisconsin  has  al- 
ready received.  I  grant  that  she  has  received  very 
handsome  donations  from  the  General  Govern- 
ment, but  I  do  not  think  that  should  defeat  this 
grant.  The  Committee  on  Public  Lands  has 
adopted  a  very  liberal  policy  at  this  session,  and 
I  believe  it  has  at  former  sessions  of  the  Senate, 
and  I  think  that  policy  in  respect  to  the  north- 
western States  can  be  well  vindicated. 

The  Senator  from  Maryland  will  observe  that 
the  State  of  Wiscoi^sin  is  a  very  large  State;  that 
much  of  its  territory  is  in  a  northern  and  rigorous 
latitude;  that  it  is  covered  with  heavy  timber.  It 
is  a  hard  country  to  open,  a  very  hard  country  to 
make  roads  through,  and  it  is  asking  but  Utile  of 
^he  General  Government,  inasmuch  as  she  is  the 
owner  of  a  large  domain  there,  thatshe  shall  help 
the  enterprising  men  who  go  out  into  this  new 
country,  which  is  very  hard  to  open  indeed,  in 
making  the  improvements  that  are  necessary  for 
the  enjoyment  of  these  lands.  And,  sir,  it  cannot 
well  be  asked  by  the  General  Government  how 
much  the  State  has  received.  When  all  the  lands 
of  Wisconsin  that  are  granted  and  all  the  lands 
are  bought  that  will  be  bought  by  the  citizen,  the 
account  will  be  largely  in  favor  of  the  ci'izen  and 
against  the  Government.  Has  the  Senator  taken 
the  trouble  to  estimate  the  cost  to  the  General 


2966 


THE  COJSTGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


Government  of  the  public  lands?  Upon  one  oc- 
casion I  made  this  investigation,  and  found  that 
the  lands,  in  the  extinguishment  of  the  Indian 
titles,  in  making  the  surveys  and  the  expenses  of 
the  sales  cost  a  little  less  than  twenty-two  cents  an 
acre.  That  is  what  it  cost  the  General  Govern- 
ment. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Will  my  friend  allow  me 
to  correct  him?  The  States  of  Ohio  and  Indiana 
yielded  more  money  to  the  General  Government 
from  the  sale  of  public  lands  than  any  of  the  new 
western  States  have  yielded,  and  we  received  less 
grants.  I  know  the  basis  on  which  the  account 
referred  to  was  made  up.  Take  the  new  west- 
ern Slates,  and  I  doubt  very  much  whether  the 
receipts  from  the  sale  of  public  lands  in  the  new 
■western  States  west  of  the  Mississippi  river  and 
north  of  Illinois,  have  paid  the  expenses  of  their 
acquisition,  and  expenses  of  surveys  and  the  In- 
dian grants,  &c.  That  account  is  based  on  the 
idea  of  taking  the  old  sum  received  from  Ohio  and 
Indiana  when  the  lands  sold  at  two  dollars  an 
acre,  when  we  did  not  get  even  three  per  cent,  on 
the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  and  when  there 
was  no  such  thing  as  land  grants.  The  sum  is 
made  up  in  that  way. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  Senator  from  Ohio 
speaks  in  general  terms.  I  was  attempting  to 
give  the  exact  facts  as  I  arrived  at  them  uj^on  an 
investigation  made  some  years  ago  when  1  was  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  In 
extinguishing  the  Indian  titles,  in  surveying  the 
public  lands,  and  in  sellin^the  public  lands,  they 
cost  to  the  Government  about  twenty-one  and  a 
half  cents  an  acre,  and  our  minimum  is  $1  25an 
acre,  so  that  the  man  who  enters  a  quarter  sec- 
tion of  land,  pays  for  it  in  money,  and  makes  his 
settlement,  has  paid  to  the  Government  a  clear 
profit  of  above  one  dollar  on  each  acre  that  he 
pays  for. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Do  you  take  into  account  the 
expenses  of  keeping  up  the  land  offices? 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Yes,  sir.  I  take  into  ac- 
count the  expense  of  selling,  which  involves  the 
expense  of  the  land  offices;  but  I  do  not  take  into 
account  the  annuities  we  pay  to  the  Indians,  nor 
is  that  a  fair  charge  against  the  public  domain. 
'Those  annuities  are  paid  because  we  wish  to  keep 
on  terms  of  peace  with  the  Indians,  and  it  is  a 
part  of  the  war  policy  of  the  Government  to  pay 
the  Indians  annuities,  instead  of  a  part  of  the 
public  land  policy;  therefore  that  charge  is  not 
properly  to  be  made  against  the  public  lands. 

The  agriculturist  of  the  Northwest  for  many 
years,  ever  since  the  adoption  of  the  present  land 
system,  has  paid  to  the  Government  a  profit  of 
above  one  dollar  an  acre  on  the  public  land.  If 
he  pays  for  it  in  money,  it  is  that  much  clear 
profit.  If  he  pays  for  it  in  a  bounty  land  war- 
rant, it  is  a  discharge  to  the  Government  of  the 
obligation  she  assumed  to  the  soldier  for  his  ser- 
vices in  the  field.  No  odds  whether  it  is  paid  in  the 
one  way  or  the  other,  it  is  a  profit  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  we  maygive  away  onehalfofthe  lands 
in  Wisconsin  to  aid  in  the  development  of  that 
hard  country,  and  still  the  agriculturists  of  Wis- 
consin will  be  on  the  credit  side  of  the  account 
between  her  and  the  General  Government.  I  do 
not  listen  with  the  greatest  patience  possible  to 
tiiis  balancing  of  accounts  and  saying  that  the 
northwestern  States  are  indebted  to  the  General 
Government  for  these  grants.  The  agricultural 
interest  of  the  Northwest  has  been  taxed  more 
heavily  in  the  purchase  of  the  public  lands  than 
any  other  interest  in  the  Government.  No  other 
interest  pays  five  hundred  per  cent,  upon  any  ori- 
ginal cost  that  the  Governmetit  has  incurred.  We 
foster  other  interests,  but  we  charge  a  large  spec- 
ulative price  to  the  settler  upon  the  public  land. 
What  speculator  in  public  land  expects  to  make 
five  hundred  per  cent.,  expects  upon  an  invest- 
mentoftwenty-oneandahalfcentsto  raake^l  03? 
This  bill,  I  think,  is  a  fair  one.  It  tends  to  the 
development  of  a  wry  hard  country  in  a  very 
northern  and  rigorous  latitude,  covered  with  dense 
forests,  very  hard  to  open  indeed,  and  1  think  it 
is  but  fair  to  make  the  grant. 

I  desire  to  make  a  verbal  amendment  to  the 
amendment  of  the  committee.  After  the  words 
"United  States,"  in  the  lliirty-sixth  line  of  the 
first  section  of  the  amendment  of  the  committee,  I 
propose  to  add  the  words  "  or  granted,"  so  as  to 
make  the  purpose  of  the  committee  clear. 
TJreamendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 


Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Another  verbal  amend- 
ment I  think  is  proper.  I  move  to  strike  out  of 
the  fortieth  and  forty-first  lines  the  words  "  to 
the  United  States, "and  to  insert  "and  excluded," 
so  as  to  read,  "  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  re- 
served and  excluded  from  the  operation  of  this 
act." 

The  amend  ment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 
The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  agreed  to. 
The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  amendment  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed, 
and  the  bill  to  be  read  the  third  time.  The  bill 
was  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  22,  nays  8;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Carlile,  Conness,  Davis,  Dixon,  Doolit- 
tle,  Foot,  Harlan,  Harris,  Hendricks,  Howe,  Jolinson,  Mor- 
gan, Nesimth,Ponieroy,l!,amsey,  Richardson,  Sumner,Ten 
Eyck,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  and  Wilson— 22. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Clark, Grimes, Hicks,  Kiddle, 
Saulsbury,  Sherman,  and  VVilley — 8. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Brown,  Buckalew,  Chandler,  Colla- 
mer,  Cowan,  Fessenden,  Foster,  Hale,  Harding,  Hender- 
son, Howard,  liane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougall, 
Morrill, Powell,  Sprague,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 19. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

treedmen's  bureau. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  re- 
sumed theconsideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  51) 
to  establish  a  Bureau  of  Preedmen's  Affairs,  the 
pending  question  being  on  the  amendmentof  Mr. 
Saulsbury  to  the  amendment  reported  by  the 
select  committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to 
continue  this  debate  if  nothing  further  shall  be  said 
which  shall  call  for  reply,  but  merely  to  notice  a 
little  further  one  objection  which  was  made  yes- 
terday to  my  amendment.  It  was  objected  by  the 
Senator  from  West  Virginia  [Mr.  Willet]  that 
the  amendment  was  not  germane  to  the  bill,  and 
by  the  Senator  from  Maryland  [Mr.  Johnson] 
that  it  was  incongruous.  Now,  sir,  I  wish  to  say 
that  there  is  no  incongruity  about  my  amend- 
ment, because  the  fourth  section  of  this  bill, 
which  is  a  bill  to  establish  a  Freedmen's  Bureau, 
applying  to  negroes,  declares: 

That  the  Commissioner,  under  the  direction  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  shall  have  thegeneral  superintend- 
ence of  all  freedmen  throughout  the  several  departments: 
and  it  shall  be  iiis  iluty  especially  to  watch  over  the  exe- 
cution of  all  laws,  proclamations,  and  military  orders  of 
emancipation,  or  in  any  way  concerning  freedmen,  and 
generally,  by  careful  regulations,  in  the  spirit  of  Uie  Con- 
stitution, to  protect  these  persons  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
Yights,  to  promote  their  welfare,  and  to  secure  to  them  and 
their  posterity  the  blessings  of  liberty. 

That  is  one  section  of  the  bill.  I  have  offered 
an  additional  section  referring  to  the  white  race; 
and  if  there  is  any  incongruity  in  it,  it  is  simply 
because  one  refers  to  white  and  the  other  to  black 
men,  my  amendment  declaring  that  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  white  people  in  the  States  not 
in  revolt  shall  be  respected,  and  that  no  white 
person  within  those  States  shall  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or. property  except  by  due  process  of 
law,  reciting  the  words  of  the  Constitution. 

Now,  sir,  what  is  the  object  of  my  amendment? 
It  is  to  secure  to  a  portion  of  the  people  of  this 
country  the  blessings  of  liberty  which  the  bill 
under  consideration  proposes  to  secure  to  another 
class  of  people.  It  is  to  protect  them  in  the  en- 
joyment of  their  constitutional  rights.  This  bill 
proposes  to  protect  the  negro  race  in  their  rights. 
It  is  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  white  race  that 
my  amendment  is  offered.  This  bill  proposes  to 
promote  the  welfare  of  the  black  race. 

Another  objection  was  made  to  my  amendment, 
that  it  was  confined  to  the  States  not  in  revolt. 
There  is  no  incongruity  in  that,  Mr.  President, 
The  bill  under  consideration  provides,  or  pro- 
fesses to  provide,  for  securing  the  rights  of  the 
black  race  in  certain  sections  of  the  country.  My 
amendment  proposes  to  protect  the  white  race  in 
the  enjoyment  of  their  rights.  There  can  be  no 
incongruity  in  the  fact  that  they  may  apply  to 
different  sections  of  the  country. 

I  think,  therefore,  I  have  removed  the  objec- 
tion raised  by  the  Senator  from  West  Virginia 
arid  the  Senator  from  Maryland  as  to  this  amend- 
ment not  being  congruous  to  the  bill,  and  I  now 
present  it  to  tl)e  Senate  in  this  light:  that  while 
professing  to  prass  a  bill  p^romotive  of  the  rights 


and  the  liberty  and  the  welfare  of  the  black  race 
they  have  an  opportunity  of  adopting  an  amend- 
ment to  secure  to  white  people  tlie  enjoyment  of 
their  rights  and  the  promotion  of  their  welfare, 
and  to  assure  to  them  and  their  posterity  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty. 

Having  removed  this  objection,  I  ask  the  Sen- 
ate to  vote  without  attempting  the  intervention  of 
any  technicality,  because  no  one  will  say  that  it 
is  not  perfectly  competent  for  the  Senate  so  to  vote, 
and  to  vote  directly  upon  the  question  whether 
these  constitutional  rights,  secured  to  us  by  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  land,  are  to  be  respected 
in  future.  I  rejoice  that  there  is  one  portion  of 
what  is  considered  the  dominant  party  in  this 
Governmetit,  the  party  which  now  administers 
the  Government,  although  not  in  my  opinion  nu- 
merically the  strongest  party  in  this  country, 
that  has  recently  proclaimed  to  the  people  of  the 
UnitedStates  that  these  rights  shall  in  the  future  be 
respected.  I  am  glad  that  there  is  a  portion  of  the 
dominant  party  who,after  witnessing  the  violation 
of  these  rights  in  the  past  by  this  Administration, 
have  firmly  resolved  that  in  the  future  they  will 
strike  hands,  at  least  so  far,  with  that  party  which 
has  always  been  faithful  to  the  Constitution',  to 
secure  in  future  permanently  the  advantage  of 
these  constitutional  rights.  I  welcome  any  aux- 
iliaries, however  much  I  may  have  differed  from 
them  in  the  past. 

Mr.  President,  let  the  Senate  adopt  my  amend- 
ment and  it  will  cause  a  thrill  of  joy  throughout 
the  whole  country;  it  will  give  assurance  to  the 
people  of  the  whole  land  that  the  fundamental 
charter  of  their  liberties  is  not  totally  forgotten, 
and  that  however  much  it  may  have  been  infracted 
in  the  past  it  shall  be  respected  in  the  future; 
then  the  patriotic  heart  will  take  hope  again,  and 
we  shall  be  enabled  to  march  forward  to  a  com- 
mon destiny  and  to  a  common  renown. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  As  1  understand  this  propo- 
sition, it  is  a  repetition  of  the  phraseology  of  the 
Constitution  on  the  points  indicated.  If  I  am 
right  in  this,  I  suppose  a  vote  of  Congress  one 
way  or  the  other  will  not  affect  the  subject.  Con- 
gress would  have  no  right  to  repeal  these  provis- 
ions of  the  Constitution ;  and  if  we  attempt  to  in- 
corporate them  into  a  law  and  reiinact  them  it 
will  give  them  no  additional  force.  It  seems  to 
me,  then,  to  be  sheer  folly  to  vote  in  favor  of  a 
proposition  of  this  kind.  It  might  convey  the 
idea  to  the  unthoughtful  that  we  have  a  right  to 
repeal  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and 
I  suppose  the  Senator  does  not  intend  that  any 
such  inference  shall  be  drawn  if  his  proposition 
shall  be  rejected. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  shall  vote,  sir,  for  the 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware  with  a 
great  deal  of  pleasure.  I  do  not  think  there  is  any 
force  in  the  point  which  has  been  made  that  it  is 
not  germane  to  this  bill,  nor  do  I  think  it  inti- 
mates directly  or  indirectly  that  we  can  repeal  the 
Constitution  of  the  country.  It  can  do  no  harm 
to  the  bill  under  consideration  if  the  bill  is  to  be 
passed.  Our  ancestors  saw  fit  to  proclaim  in  the 
Constitution  the  principles  set  forth  in  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Senator  from  Delaware;  and  in  these 
times,  when  these  great  principles  of  civil  liberty 
are  being  trodden  under  foot  by  executive  power 
throughout  the  whole  land,  I  think  we  should  be 
recreant  to  our  duty  if  we  did  not  reaffirm  them 
whenever  they  were  presented.  Our  English  an- 
cestors reaffirmed  over  thirty  times  by  act  of  Par- 
liament the  great  principles  of  liberty  embodied 
in  Magna  Charta;  and  why  should  we  not  now 
here  rebuke  those  in  authority  who  are  putting 
under  their  feet  these  principles  of  civil  liberty 
which  we  all  pretend  so  much  to  cherish  ?  I  think 
the  adoption  of  the  amendment  by  the  Senate  at 
this  time  would  be  a  rebuke,  and  a  just  rebuke,  to 
the  executive  power,  and  that  is  one  reason  why  I 
shall  vote  for  it.  I  will  on  allfit  occasionsgive  my 
vote  to  reaffirm  the  great  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution that  arc  the  very  base,  the  foundation-stone 
of  the  liberties  of  this  people.  It  can  do  no  injury 
to  the  bill  if  it  is  to  be  passed.  I  ain  opposed,  of 
course,  to  the  bill  of  theSeiiator  from  Massachu- 
setts; r  think  it  is  very  odious  in  all  its  features;  and 
I  shall  take  occasion,  perhaps,  before  it  is  put  upon 
its  passage,  to  state  some  of  my  objections  to  it; 
but  I  can  see  no  objection  to  haviog  theoe  great 
principles  that  underlie  our  institutions  reaffirmed 
here  to-day  by  the  solemn  vote  of  the  American 
Senatfe. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2967 


WAR  NEWS. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chnir 
will  lay  before  the  Senate  the  following  dispatch 
from  the  War  Department,  which  will  be  read. 

The  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

War  Department, 
Washington,  June  15,  7  n.  m. 

Sir  :  The  movement  of  the  aiiny  of  the  Potomac  to  ihe 
south  side  of  Richmond,  across  the  Chicliahominy  river 
and  James  river,  has  progressed  far  enough  to  admit  of  the 
puhlicalion  of  some  general  facts  without  danger  of  pre- 
mature disclosure. 

After  several  days'  preliminary  preparations  the  move- 
ment commenced  on  Sundaynight.  The  eighteenth  corps, 
under  command  of  General  Smith,  marched  to  the  White 
House  and  then  embarked  on  transports  for  Bermuda  Land- 
ine.  Wright's  corps  and  Burnside's  moved  to  Jones's 
bridge,  wliere  they  crossed  the  Chiekahominy  and  marched 
thence  to  Charles  City,  on  the  James  river.  Hancock'sand 
Warren's  corps  crossed  the  Chiekahominy  at  Long  bridge, 
and  marched  thence  to  Wilcox's,  on  the  James  river.  The 
James  river  was  to  be  crossed  by  the  army  at  Powhatan 
Point. 

A  dispatch  from  General  Grant,  dated  Monday  evening, 
half  past  five  o'clock,  headquarters  Wilcox's  Landing,  says 
that  the  advance  of  our  troops  had  reached  that  place,  and 
would  commence  crossing  the  James  river  to-morrow, 
(Tuesday;)  that  Smith's  corps  would  commence  arriving 
at  City  Point  that  night,  and  that  no  fighting  was  reported 
during  the  movement  except  a  little  cavalry  skirmishing 
yesterday. 

On  Tuesday  afternoon,  at  one  o'clock,  General  Grant  was 
at  liermuda  Landing.  In  a  dispatch  from  him  dated  there 
of  that  date  he  says  :  "  Our  forces  will  commence  crossing 
James  river  to-day.  The  enemy  show  no  signs  of  yet  hav- 
ing brought  troops  to  the  south  side  of  Richmond.  Our 
movement  from  Cold  Harbor  to  the  James  river  has  been 
made  with  great  celerity,  and  so  far  without  loss  or  acci- 
dent." 

An  official  dispatch  dated  at  General  Butler's  headquar- 
ters, 2.20  p.  m.,  says  that  Smitli's  corps  was  coming  in, 
five  thousand  having  already  landed. 

A  dispatch  from  General  Sherman's  headquarters,  dated 
at  three  o'clock  yesterday  afternoon,  near  Kenesaw,  states 
that  the  General  is  in  front  advancing  his  lines  on  Kene- 
xaw.  Another  unoHicial  dispatch,  dated  at  nine  o'clock 
last  night,  reports  some  advance  to-day;  that  Thomas  has 
gained  ground,  and  that  one  rebel  brigade  is  nearly  sur- 
rounded. It  further  states  that  the  rebel  General  Polk  was 
killed  to-day  and  his  body  sent  to  Marietta. 

In  another  part  of  General  Sherman's  East  Mississippi 
division  our  forces  have  not  met  with  the  success  that  has 
attended  competent  commanders.  General  Washburne, 
at  Memphis,  reports  thatthe  expedition,  consisting  of  three 
thousand  cavalry,  five  thousand  infantry,  and  sixtuen 
pieces  of  artillery,  sent  out  from  there  under  command  of 
General  Sturgis,  encountered  a  large  rebel  force  on  the 
10th  instant,  under  command  of  Forrest,  at  Guutown,  on 
the  railroad  running  south  from  Corinth,  and  after  a  severe 
fight,  in  which  our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  heavy, 
our  tioops  were  worsted,  and  that  at  the  latest  accounts 
Sturgis  was  at  Colliersville,  retreating  toward  Memphis. 
He  further  states  that,  with  the  troops  that  had  lately  ar- 
rived, Memphis  is  safe. 

General  Sherman,  having  received  news  of  Sturgis's  de- 
feat, reports  that  he  has  already  made  arrangements  to 
repair  the  disaster,  and  placed  General  A.  J.  Smith  in 
command,  who  will  resume  the  offensive  immediately. 

No  other  military  intelligence  has  been  received  by  this 
Department  since  my  last  telegram. 

KDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
Hon.  Daniel  Clark,  Prcsirfentyro  tempore  o/iAe  Senate. 

fkeedmen's  bureau. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  re- 
sumed the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  51) 
to  establish  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's  Affairs. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  No  doubt  the  reading  of 
that  dispatch  is  as  gratifying  to  the  Senator  from 
Delaware  as  it  can  possibly  be  to  me,  because  it 
gives  a  further  assurance  that  the  authority  of  the 
Constitution,  the  infraction  of  which  lies  so  near 
his  heart,  is  likely  to  be  maintained  and  the  men 
who  are  guilty  of  its  attempted  destruction  are 
likely  to  be  overcome  and  overwhelmed.  Al- 
though he  has  not  mentioned  the  circumstance 
that  rebels  in  the  South  are  guilty  of  a  viola- 
tion of  this  Constitution,  and  the  whole  burden 
of  his  song  has  been  directed  to  the  violators  of 
it,  as  he  charges,  in  the  North,  still  I  have  not 
the  slightest  doubt  it  brings  the  liveliest  satisfac- 
tion and  joy  to  his  heart  to  learn  that  this  Con- 
stitution thus  violated  and  thus  trampled  upon  is 
likely  to  be  placed  upon  a  sure,  stable,  and  firm 
foundation. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Allow  me  to  interrupt 
the  Senator. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  In  a  moment.  The  Sen- 
ator will  have  an  opportunity  to  reply  when  I 
am  through.  I  often  desire  to  put  a  question 
or  throw  in  a  word  while  a  Senator  is  speaking, 
but  I  always  restrain  my  anxiety  until  he  has 
concluded, and  then  nothing  can  afford  me  greater 
pleasure  than  to  give  way  to  the  Senator.  The 
Senator  from  Delaware  has  frequently  distin- 
guished me  by  proposing  questions.  Now  I  will 


propose  one  to  him,  as  a  legislator,  not  as  a  poli- 
tician. It  is  this:  whether  lie  thinks  the  adop- 
tion of  the  amendment  of  his  upon  this  bill  can' 
be  of  any  practical  importance  one  way  or  the 
other.  As  I  understand  it,  it  is  a  reaffirmance 
of  certain  cardinal  principles  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  which  we  are  all  sworn  to 
support.  If  we  disregard  the  Constitution  and 
our  oaths  also — if  it  be  true  that  there  are  men 
in  the  North  who  do  that  thing — will  we  be  like- 
ly to  reverence  and  respect  an  act  of  Congress 
upon  this  subject?  We  reverence  the  doings  of 
our  ancestors  when  we  pay  but  very  little  heed 
to  the  acts  of  those  about  us — certainly  not  to  as 
great  an  extent  as  the  acts  and  deeds  of  our  fore- 
fathers and  the  men  who  framed  this  charter  of 
our  liberties. 

I  see,  then,  no  practical  use  in  incorporating  this 
declaration  of  wise  and  wholesome  doctrines  in 
this  bill.  But  if  the  object  is  to  make  a  speech,  if 
the  object  is  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  country, 
if  the  object  is  to  arraign  a  pure  and  noble  body 
of  patriots  in  the  North  and  to  impress  upon  the 
public  mind  that  the  Administration  and  its  friends 
are  enemies  to  the  Constitution,  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  to  the  country,  then  I  can  understand 
why  the  Senator  should  propose  this  amendment 
and  make  his  comments,  and  hail  the  boasted  ac- 
cession of  strength  which  he  anticipates  as  being 
on  its  way  to  join  the  true  friends  of  the  Union, 
of  which  the  Senator  from  Delaware  informs  us 
he  is  one.  He  is  welcome  to  all  the  strength  he 
can  secure  from  such  a  source  as  that.  He  can 
boast  in  his  new  friends,  "  woolly  horse"  and  all. 
Sir,  I  could  vote  without  any  difficulty  for  this 
amendment;  but  where  is  the  practical  use  of  it.' 
What  is  the  object  of  it?  I  cannot  impugn  the 
motives  of  the  Senator;  I  cannot  dive  into  the  heart 
of  the  Senator  from  Delaware  and  see  the  motive, 
design,  and  object  that  he  has  in  view;  and  there- 
fore I  cannot  attribute  motives  to  him.  Still,  I 
can  form  my  own  opinions  of  his  designs  and 
purposes;  but  being  in  the  dark  in  relation  to  his 
object  further  than  from  his  declaration  that  his 
amendment  will  bring  a  "  thrill  of  joy "  to  the 
northern  heart,  I  cannot  fully  understand  him. 
But,sir, as  necessity  has  compelled  the  Government 
to  lay  its  hand  on  traitors  and  to  hinder  them 
from  pulling  down  the  fabric  of  our  Government, 
I  can  understand  that  a  thrill  of  joy  might  rush 
through  the  veins  of  these  if  we  should  pass  a  law 
to  fetter  the  action  of  the  Government,  and  to 
restrain  it  from  taking  up  these  violators  of  the 
Constitution.  It  may  bring  a  thrill  of  joy  to  the 
hearts  of  such  men,  but  it  will  bring  sorrow  and 
regret  to  the  hearts  of  patriots  who  are  serving 
in  the  Army,  to  the  hearts  of  patriots  who  have 
lost  sons  and  relatives  in  the  service,  and  whose 
bodies  are  now  festering  in  bloody  graves. 

Sir,  I  shall  vote  against  this  amendment  for  the 
reasons  stated. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  The  honorable  Senator 
from  New  Jersey  has  referred  to  the  joy  that  he 
felt  on  hearing  the  dispatch  from  the  Secretary  of 
War  read .  He  has  expressed  his  opinion — at  least 
he  says  he  has  no  doubt— that  I  felt  the  same 
joy.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  honorable  Senator 
admit  that  at  least  one  portion  of  that  dispatch 
brought  joy  to  his  heart;  for,  sir,  there  was  one 
portion  of  it  that  brought  no  joy  to  mine.  When 
It  was  announced  by  the  Secretary  of  War  that 
General  Sturgis  had  been  defeated  and  with  great 
loss,  and  was  on  his  retreat  to  Memphis,  I  felt  no 
joy;  and  I  do  not  presume  that  it  gave  any  joy  to 
the  heart  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  New 
Jersey.  It  wasa  word  incautiously  said,  not  prop- 
erly weighed.  I  confess  to  the  Senator  that  I 
felt  no  joy  in  hearing  such  an  announcement  upon 
this  floor. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  meant  the  general  prog- 
ress and  success  of  our  arms. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  have  never,  under  any 
circumstances,  in  private  or  in  public,  whatever 
may  be  my  opinion  of  this  warand  of  its  utter  futil- 
ity, felt  any  joy  when  those  who  bore  the  stand- 
aird  of  the  country  in  the  field  have  met  with  dis- 
aster. Sir,  I  was  born  under  that  flag.  I  expect  to 
live  and  die  under  that  flag  and  under  no  other,  pro- 
vided the  friends  of  liberty  can  be  successful  in 
preventing  despotic  power  from  tearing  it  down, 
and  provided  they  can  in  the  future,  as  they  have 
in  the  past,  cause  it  to  be  the  emblem  of  thatcon- 
stitutional  liberty  achieved  for  us  by  patriotic 
aires.     When  that  disaster  shall  come  over  my 


country,  I  shall  not  be  found  among  those  who 
raise  the  standard  of  revolt  against  it;  should  my 
State  suffer  the  humilialion  of  continuing  to  be  a 
.subject  province,  and  her  sons  be  permanently 
denied  the  enjoyment  of  liberty,  I  will  see  whether 
an  asylum  of  liberty  cannot  be  found  upon  some 
distant  shore;  i  will  not  seek  it  where  thut  fhig 
has  been  stricken  down,  but  bidding  farewell  to 
the  graves  of  my  father.s,  I  will  seek  it  across  the 
waters,  where  at  least  I  can  cherish  the  recollec- 
tion that  I  and  my  fathers  were  born  under  it 
and  lived  underit,  until  all  the  principles  of  which 
it  was  once  the  glorious  emblem  have  been  de- 
stroyed. 

The  honorable  Senator  says  I  do  not  refer  to 
those  southern  men  who  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt  against  that  flag.  I  appeal  to  the  records 
of  this  Senate  whether  I  have  had  any  more  par- 
ticipation in  their  movement  than  the  Senator  from 
New  Jersey.  As  I  have  before  said  on  this  floor, 
on  the  day  when  Mr.  Buchanan  sent  in  his  last 
annual  message  and  Mr.  Wigfalland  Mr.  Iverson 
made  their  speeches,  proclaiming  here  in  their 
seats  the  intention  of  the  South  to  retire  from  the 
Union,  though  at  that  time  the  youngest  member 
of  this  body,  scarcely  warm  in  my  seat,  before 
even  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  rose,  1  was 
the  first  man  to  proclaim  that  the  State  of  Dela- 
ware, which  always  has  a  watchful  care,  I  should 
like  to  have  said,  over  New  Jersey,  which  always 
respects  New  Jersey,  having  been  the  first  to  enter 
this  Union  would  be  the  last  to  abandon  it.  We 
have  made  no  attempt  to  abandon  it  even  when 
deprived  of  our  constitutional  rights.  I  have  seen, 
in  violation  of  those  principles  of  the  Constitution 
which  my  amendment  seeks  to  reaffirm,  my  neigh- 
bors and  friends,  four  in  one  day,  snatched  from 
their  helpless  families  and  carried,  by  order  of 
General  Schenck,  to  Baltimore,  denied  a  hearing, 
refused  a  statement  of  the  charge  against  them, 
refused  a  trial,  and  banished  the  same  afternoon 
to  a  hostile  shore.  I  have  seen,  in  violation  of  the 
principles  of  fundamental  law  which  my  amend- 
ment seeks  to  establish,  the  constitutional  rights 
of  my  people  taken  away  of  even  voting  for  those 
who  shall  make  the  laws  under  which  they  shall 
live.  Sir,  the  people  of  my  State  have  witnessed 
all  this,  but  they  have  never  attempted  to  follow 
the  leaders  of  secession.       • 

Sir,  it  is  fruitless  here  to  be  always  denouncing 
the  men  who  have  seceded  from  the  Union.  I  ask 
the  honorable  Senator  what  good  that  can  do? 
He  approves  of  their  course  as  much  as  I  do.  I 
have  but  one  mission  now  during  the  remainder 
of  my  brief  term  in  the  Senate.  My  mission  is 
one  and  single:  the  advocacy  of  civil  liberty,  to 
hold  up  before  my  countrymen  the  example  of 
our  fathers,  and  on  all  fit  occasions,  if  I  possibly 
can,  to  induce  my  associates  here  to  reaffirm  those 
principles  of  civil  liberty  upon  which  were  laid 
the  deep  foundations  of  this  Government.  I  in- 
vite the  cooperation  of  my  honorable  friend  from 
New  Jersey ,  the  patriotic  and  gallant  State  of  New 
Jersey,  whose  Witherspoon  and  other  heroes  and 
sages  of  revolutionary  renown  helped  to  frame 
this  Constitution;  I  invite  him  to  join  me  in  this 
noble  work  of,  reaffirming  what  they  did,  of  say- 
ing now  that  New  Jersey,  in  these  days  when 
these  principles  are  being  constantly  violated,  will 
imitate  the  example  of  New  Jersey's  sons  of  rev- 
olutionary renown,  and  reaffirm  the  principles 
which  they  so  fondly  cherished. 

But  the  honorable  Senator  asks,  what  good  can 
result  from  the  adoption  of  this  amendment?  Sir, 
good  may  result  in  several  respects.  Coming  to 
the  ear  of  the  present  occupant  of  the  White 
House,  who  has  violatedevery  one  of  the  articles 
of  the  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  repeat- 
edly, almost  daily,  it  will  tell  him,  "Sir,  you 
seek  a  reelection  at  the  hands  of  the  Atnerican 
people;  we,  the  representatives  of  the  sovereign 
States  of  this  Union,  say  to  you,  you  must  not 
dare  to  repeat  these  infractions  in  the  future,  be- 
cause if  you  do  you  are  not  above  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States."  It  will  go  forth  also  as  the 
voice  of  the  Senate  to  the  people  of  this  country, 
saying  to  them,  "Those  who  represent  you  in 
the  highest  council  chamber  of  the  nation  intend 
to  take  care  in  the  future  that  your  constitutional 
rights  shall  be  respected,  that  whatever  may  be 
the  termination  of  this  most  unfortunate  war, 
civil  liberty  at  all  events  shall  be  preserved  in  the 
adhering  States."  What  good  will  it  do?  lask 
the  honorable  Senator  whether,  when  the  people 


m^s 


THE  co:n^geessional  globe. 


June  15| 


of  England  demanded  the  reaffirmance  of  Magna 
Cliarta,  it  did  no  good?  It  is  true  the  good  may 
have  been  temporary;  but  when  infracted  again 
they  demanded  a  reaffirmance;  the  king  had  to 
listen;  and,  sir,  our  would-be  Icing  will  have  to 
listen  to  the  voice  of  the  American  Senate  if  you 
adopt  this  amendment. 

The  honorable  Senator  says  it  may  give  joy  to 
the  liearts  of  traitors,  but  not  to  patriots.  What, 
eir,  tlie  reaffirmance  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  give  joy  to  the  hearts  of  traitors 
and  not  to  patriots!  Is  there  any  provision  in 
that  Constitution  of  the  United  States  which  gives 
security  or  protection  to  traitors?  Is  there  any- 
thing in  it  that  a  traitor  loves?  Is  it  not  full  of 
guarantees  for  patriots  ?  Is  there  anything  in  it 
that  the  patriot  heart  will  not  bound  for  joy  to 
hear  reaffirmed?  Sir,  it  was  made  by  patriots. 
What  those  patriots  made  my  amendment  seeks 
to  affirm  and  to  maintain  in  the  future. 

This  talk  about  traitors  has  become  so  com- 
mon, so  stale,  that  sensible  men  know  exactly 
how  to  appreciate  it,  and  he  is  most  apt  to  be 
conscious  of  traitorous  purposes  who  talks  most 
loudly  of  his  own  and  questions  most  often  the 
patriotism  of  others.  It  has  got  to  be  common 
now,  if  a  man  differs  with  you  in  any  matter  of 
party  policy,  if  any  man  dissents  from  this  Ad- 
ministration, to  call  him  a  traitor.  We  heard  it 
avowed  the  other  day  upon  thisfloor  that  all  loyal 
men  were  abolitionists.  Why,  sir,  does  the 
character  of  treason  change  so  suddenly?  Are 
its  elements  so  suddenly  changed  that  what  ten 
years  ago  one  half  of  the  majority  of  this  Cham- 
ber would  have  disowned,  abolitionism,  has  now 
become  the  test  of  patriotism  ?  I  have  heard  some 
of  the  very  gentlemen  belonging  to  the  majority 
on  this  floor  deny  the  charge  of  abolilionisnn,  and 
yet  we  were  gravely  told  the  other  day  that  it  is 
the  test  of  loyalty.  Let  this  Administration  an- 
nounce any  heresy,  however  gieat,  and  imme- 
diately, while  there  may  be  some  who  will  not 
say  that  it  is  a  test  of  loyalty — I  will  not  impute 
anything  to  honorable  Senators — there  will  be 
many  throughout  the  country  who  will  swear  that 
it  is  true  patriotism,  and  that  llie  contrary  is  ar- 
rant treason. 

Mr.  President,  we  shall  settle  this  question  of 
■what  is  treason  and.  what  is  disloyalty  in  a  few 
months.  The  grand  army  of  true  patriots,  the 
men  who  stand  by  the  Constitution  of  their  fathers, 
the  men  who  intend  if  possible  to  preserve  that 
Constitution  with  all  its  guarantees,  are  rallying 
for  the  struggle;  and,  determined  as  they  are  to 
have  s  free  election  this  time,  come  what  shall 
come,  a  free  election  or  a  free  fight,  the  gathering 
hosts  will  constantly  receive  additional  strength 
and  march  on  to  assured  victory. 

The  honorable  Senator  says  he  cannot  dive 
into  the  depths  of  my  heart  to  inquire  into  my 
motives,  but  he  can  form  his  own  opinions.  Free 
thought,  free  speech  is  what  I  seek  to  reaffirm  on 
this  occasion.  The  honorable  Senator  is  free  in 
the  exercise  of  his  thouglit,  and  is  perfectly  free 
in  the  exer'iise  of  his  speech. 

But  it  is  said  these  things  have  only  been  done 
from  necessity.  No  tyrant  ever  _yet  attempted 
to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  a  people  who  did 
not  allege  that  it  was  done  from  necessity.  But, 
sir,  a  once  free  people,  and  a  people  now  determ- 
ined to  be  free  again,  will  sit  in  judgment  upon 
this  tyrant  pica  and  the  tyrant  who  seeks  to  jus- 
tify his  conduct  under  it  very  soon,  when  you 
will  cease  <o  hear,  unless  I  mistake  the  indica- 
tions of  the  times,  outrages  justified  under  the 
pretense  of  necessity. 

_  Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  Perhaps  I  may  claim  the 
indulgence  and  the  patience  of  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  and  the  Senate  for  a  minute  while 
I  reply  to  one  or  two  of  the  points  taken  by  the 
Senator  from  Delaware. 

I  thini<  it  was  rather  an  unfair  application  of 
my  remark  by  the  Senator, from  Delaware,  when 
he  state!  that  he  had  no  joy  in  hearing  the  report 
that  General  Sturgis  had  been  worsted  and  was 
falling  back  on  Memphis.  Why,  sir,  the  joy  I 
felt  was  on  account  of  the  constant  general  suc- 
cess and  progress  of  our  armies,  which,  through 
the  heroism  of  our  noble  troops,  are  like  a  great 
and  mighty  torrent  sweeping  away  all  treason 
airi  rebellion  from  before  them.  1  thouglit  it 
was  a  very  little  point  indeed  for  the  gentleman  to 
eeize  hold  of,  and  by  way  of  escape,  that  he  could 
not  rejoice  at  the  discomfiture  of  Sturgis.    Sir, 


he  did  not  rejoice,  or  at  least  he  did  not  declare 
even  in  his  reply  that  he  rejoiced  in  the  general 
progress  of  ourarms;  and  I  have  never  heard  him 
on  this  floor  or  anywhere  else  express  his  grati- 
fication on  that  account. 

The  Senator  professes,  and  I  do  not  dispute  it, 
that  he  is  a  warm  friend  of  the  Union  and  of  the 
flag  of  the  Union.  He  tells  us  that  his  ancestors 
were  born  under  it;  that  he  was  born  under  it, 
and  that  he  has  lived  under  it.  May  I  ask  the 
Senator  if  he  expects  to  die  under  it?  I  have  not 
heard  of  his  taking  any  step  during  the  five  years 
he  and  I  have  sat  side  by  side  upon  this  floor  to 
maintain  itssupremacy  overthe  length  and  breadth 
of  the  Union  established  by  our  fathers.  If  so, 
in  what  respect?  What  has  he  said,  what  has  he 
done  that  he  might  continue  to  live  under  it,  and 
that  when  the  day  came  for  him  to  close  his  eyes 
in  death,  his  last  faint  gaze  might  rest  upon  the 
emblem  ofoursovereignty  fluttering  in  the  breeze? 
I  do  not  expect  the  Senator  to  go  into  the  field 
and  fight;  his  duties  as  a  Senator  could  better  be 
performed  here  than  elsewhere;  but  when  did  he 
ever  raise  his  voice  in  behalf  of  the  Ai-my  or  the 
Navy,  or  the  prosecution  of  the  war?  What  vote 
did  he  ever  give  to  raise  a  man  and  put  him  in  the 
field,  or  to  raise  a  dollar  to  maintain  and  keep  him 
there?  If  he  has  ever  given  such  a  vote  it  has 
escaped  my  observation. 

The  Senator,  in  the  kindness  of  his  heart,  ie 
willing  to  extend  the  care  of  Delaware  unto  New 
Jersey.  I  thank  the  Senator  for  the  warm  and 
gushing  impulses  of  his  heart.  I  remember  the 
early  history  of  the  "  Blue  Hen'sChickens,"and 
it  is  a  proud  one;  the  record  is  as  proud  as  that 
of  the  early  "  Jersey  Blues;"  but  I  trust  the  Sen- 
ator will  not  undertake  to  indoctrinate  our  people, 
when  he  is  exercising  this  care  over  them,  in  the 
sentiments  he  has  given  utterance  to  upon  this 
floor.  There  are  too  many  men  already  in  the 
State — it  is  with  shame  and  sorrow  that  I  speak 
it — indoctrinated  with  such  sentiments  as  the  Sen- 
ator from  Delaware  utters  here  from  day  to  day. 
Sir,  there  are  a  few  men  there  who  refuse  to  give 
a  dollar  to  sustain  that  flag  to  which  the  Senator 
from  Delaware  has  alluded.  There  are  noble, 
patriotic  hearts  in  Delaware.  We  will  unite  with 
them  in  putting  down  this  fierce  rebellion,  we  will 
spare  with  them  our  last  remaining  man  and  our 
last  dollar  in  this  holy  pupose,  but  fleaven  pre- 
serve us  from  such  friends  as  have  only  praise  and 
sympathy  for  rebellion  and  denunciation  and 
abuse  for  those  who  pass  their  working  days  and 
sleepless  nights  in  noble  efforts  to  maintain  the 
Union  transmitted  liy  our  fathers. 

There  is  but  one  other  point  to  which  I  will 
allude,  and  that  is  the  utility  of  this  amendment. 
The  Senator  thinks  there  is  great  utility  in  reiin- 
acting  the  solemn  declarations  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, that  it  would  bring  joy  to  the  hearts  of  the 
citizens  of  the  North  and  send  a  thrill  throughout 
their  veins.  If  there  be  not  sufficient  loyalty  to 
the  Constitution  and  the  Government  in  the  people 
now  under  the  Constitution,  there  will  be  not 
sufficient  under  any  act  of  Congress  that  you 
may  pass.  I  protest  that  no  such  violation  of  the 
Constitution  has  been  committed  by  those  wlio 
are  charged  with  the  public  service;  and,  by  way 
of  "  excluding  a  conclusion,"  I  will  say  if  such 
has  been  the  case;  if,  under  the  stern  necessity  of 
the  times,  when  this  Government,  so  to  speak,  has 
been  gasping  for  its  breath  beneath  the  bloody 
stabs  of  traitors;  if  under  such  ex  igencies,un  usual, 
undefined,  or  unfamiliar  powers,  which  I  nowise 
admit,  have  been  resorted  to  to  save  the  nation's 
life,  will  the  Senator  from  Delaware  close  his 
eyes  to  the  great  motive,  and  go  howling  through 
the  land  against  the  men  who  may  have  done  this 
thing  to  preserve  the  country  wliile  traitors  and 
traitor  sympathizers  have  striven  to  destroy  it, 
and  that,  too,  be  it  said,  without  rebuke  or  even 
comment  from  the  Senator  from  Delaware? 

Mr.  President,  I  apologize  for  having  taken  up 
so  much  time;  but  it  seemed  to  me  before  this 
vote  was  taken  upon  the  call  of  the  yeas  and  nays, 
it  was  perhaps  proper,  or  at  least  excusable  in 
me,  to  state  why  I  did  not  consider  it  necessary 
on  this  and  every  other  occasion  to  reaffirm  the 
diictrines  of  the  Constitution  framed  over  seventy 
years  ago,  and  which  our  fathers  and  ourselves 
liave  faitlifully  lived  up  to  and  maintained  from 
the  day  of  its  adoption  down  to  the  present  hour. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Mr.  President,  I  shall 
not  continue  this  debate  any  further  than  is  ab- 


solutely necessary  to  take  particular  notice  of 
some  few  remarks  of  the  honorable  Senator  from 
New  Jersey.  With  thegeneral  spirit  which  he  has 
manifested  in  this  discussion  I  am  pleased;  and 
yet  I  have  been  surprised  that  one  so  familiar 
with  the  proprieties  of  debate  sliould  have  been 
found  using  the  words  he  has  uttered  in  this  in- 
stance. He  spoke  of  the  Seiuitor  from  Dela- 
svare  "  professing"  lo  be  a  fricmd  of  the  Union, 
and  of  my  "going  howling  through  the  land." 
The  Senator  is  a  man  of  taste. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  should  like  to  withdraw 
that  declaration.  Sometimes  in  the  hurry  of  de- 
bate we  use  expressions  that  we  would  not  other- 
wise do.     1  did  not  propose  lo  use  that  term. 

Mr.SAULSBURY.  SofarasI  haveconduct- 
ed  this  debate,  in  my  humble  way,  I  have  made  no 
personal  allusions  whatever  to  the  honorable 
Senator.  1  am  not  now  speaking  in  reference  to 
those  expressions.  I  do  not  choose  to  be  put  on 
trial  upon  every  occasion  by  any  Senator  as  to 
the  propriety  or  impropriety  of  liie  course  which 
I  as  a  free  American  Senator  choose  to  pursue  in 
my  judgment  upon  matters.  But  the  Senator 
has  so  far  again  forgotten  what  is  in  issue  be- 
tween him  and  me,  the  discussion  of  principles, 
as  to  refer  to  our  personal  course  since  we  have 
lieen  Senators.  He  asks,  what  has  the  Senator 
t'rom  D.  laware  done  since  the  commencement  of 
these  troubles  ?  and  he  proclaims  to  the  country 
(he  noble  deeds  and  noble  acts  v/hich  he  has  per- 
formed. Sir,  I  need  no  trumpeter  of  what  little 
fame  I  have  got,  and  if  1  needed  one  I  would  not 
be  my  own. 

But,  sir,  the  Senator  has  chosen  to  makeacon- 
trast  between  what  he  has  done  and  what  1  have 
done  upon  this  floor.  The  Senator  and  myself 
were  both  Senators  when  these  troubles  com- 
menced, before  a  gun  was  fired,  before  a  drop  of 
blood  was  shed.  He  cannot  forget  the  scene  that 
transpired  in  these  Halls  then.  He  cannot  forget 
the  anxiety  of  his  countrymen  from  the  lakes  to 
the  gulf  and  from  ocean  to  ocean  that  these  calam- 
ities should  be  spared  to  this  great  people.  He 
cannot  forget  that  from  every  quarter  of  the  land 
there  came  up  in  trumpet  tones  a  prayer  to  him, 
a  prayer  to  me,  a  prayer  to  every  one  intrusted 
with  the  discharge  of  official  duties,  "  Do  what 
you  possibly  can  to  avert  such  a  dire  calamity  as 
war;  do  not  allow  brethren  of  a  common  origin 
and  of  a  common  renown  to  imbue  their  hands  in 
each  other's  blood."  He  recollects  that  respons- 
ive to  that  call  a  great  statesman,  a  link  between 
the  glorious  past  and  the  then  agitated  but  mighty 
present,  a  man  who  had  seen  Washington,  who 
had  been  familiar  with  the  great  men  who  laid 
the  deep  foundations  of  this  Governnient  in  the 
principles  of  constitutional  liberty;  that  man, 
whose  head  was  frosted  with  age  and  trembling 
in  every  limb,  stood  up  in  his  hearing  in  this  coun- 
cil Chamber  and  implored  the  warringseclions  to 
cease  their  strife.  He  offered  an  olive-branch  of 
peace,  which  contained  nothing  but  what  had  been 
judicially  decided  to  be  true  by  the  highest  legal 
tribunal  of  the  country.  The  Senator  saw  thepeo- 
ple  of  one  entire  section  of  the  country,  through 
their  re[n-esentativcs,  willing  to  receive  those 
propositions  of  peace,  and  to  accept  of  that  olive- 
branch  that  peace  might  pie  vail  in  the  land,  that  the 
unity  ofthc  Government  might  be  preserved,  and 
that  constitutional  liberty  might  be  transmitted  to 
their  posterity  forever.  The  Senator  saw  the 
tables  of  many  of  the  Senators  upon  this  floor 
loaded  with  petitions  for  the  establishrnent  of 
tliose  principles  of  peace  so  patriotically  offered. 
He  saw  the  Senator  from  Delaware  persistently 
and  continuously,  when  present  in  the  body,  vot- 
ing to  accept  that  olive-branch  of  peace,  voting 
to  agree  upon  these  common  terms  upon  which 
brethren  should  live.  Although  that  honorable 
Senator  could  not  mistake  the  voice  of  the  people, 
nor  be  indilFerent  to  the  anxiety  of  his  country- 
men, upon  every  occasion,  according  to  my  recol- 
lection, he  )iersistently  voted  against  those  prop- 
ositions. Nothing  but  war,  bloody  war,  a  little 
inore  blood-letting,  in  his  judgment,  could  save 
the  Union.  He  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  entreat- 
ies. He  would  not  heed  even  the  counsels  of  hia 
own  Slate;  for  he  cannot  disguise  the  fact,  and  he 
would  not  disguise  it  if  he  could — for  I  mean  to 
deal  in  no  discourteous  language  toward  him — that 
the  sentiment  of  his  Slate  was  then,u.^  it  is  now, 
in  favor  of  those  principles  of  peace.  He  thought 
that  one  eection  of  this  country,  because  it  was 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2969 


numerically  stronger  tlmn  the  other,  could  resstorc 
this  Union  and  preserve  our  libertiels  by  force  of 
firms.  I,  in  tiic  exercise  of  my  judgment,  never, 
from  the  beginningof  these  troubles  to  the  present 
time,  have  had  any  such  faith.  But  because  I 
could  not  believe  in  the  potency  of  the  means 
wliicli  the  Senator  chose  to  tidopt  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  .Union,  is  that  any  evidence  that  I  am 
less  patriotic  than  he.'  Is  a  difference  in  judg- 
ment as  to  the  means  of  restoring  this  Union  to 
be  evidence  of  the  loyalty— I  beg  pardon  for  using 
the  word — the  patriotism  of  the  one  and  the  want 
of  patriotism  of  the  other.?  I  shall  go  into  no 
vindication  of  my  votes  or  my  record  in  this 
body.  I  believe  that  the  judgment  of  a  large 
majority  of  tlie  people  of  this  country  now,  as  I 
know  it  was  when  these  troubles  commenced,  is 
in  perfect  accord  with  my  own. 

But,  sir,  I  am  surprised  to  hear  the  honorable 
Senator  talk  about  this  war  being  a  war  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Union.  Whatever  was  its 
original  design,  in  view  of  the  bill  under  consid- 
eration, and  another  bill  which  we  have  been  no- 
tified is  to  come  up  for  consideration  on  Friday 
next,  can  the  Senator  believe  that  those  who  are 
prosecuting  this  war — I  mean  those  who  have  its 
management — mean  a  restoration  of  the  Union 
and  the  preservation  of  the  Constitution  ?  1  have 
no  doubt  there  are  hundreds  and  thousands  of 
men  advocating  this  war,  who  are  doing  it  for 
the  honest  purpose,  as  they  think,  of  restoring 
the  Union  and  preserving  the  Constitution;  but, 
sir,  looking  at  the  acts  of  those  intrusted  with 
the  management  of  public  affairs,  the  acts  of  this 
Administration,  does  any  man  believe  it.'  If  so, 
1  ask  how  do  you  reconcile  that  with  the  fact 
that  when  the  gallant  and  noble  State  of  Ken- 
tucky, notwithstanding  her  local  institutions, 
notwithstanding  her  geographical  position,  and 
the  State  of  Maryland  and  the  State  of  Delaware 
and  other  States  geographically  situated  as  they 
were,  came  honestly  to  tell  the  Executive  what 
policy  would  conduce  most  to  enable  their  peo- 
ple to  support  with  cordiality  the  war  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  Union,  he  turned  a  deaf  ear 
to  all  their  entreaties  and  set  up  his  judgment 
against  that  of  those  States  .' 

Sir,  he  had  a  policy  to  pursue,  and  he  has  pur- 
sued it;  and  now  this  bill,  as  a  mean-s  of  restoring 
the  Union,  I  presume,  is  brought  forward  to  es- 
tablish a  Freedman's  Bureau,  to  take  the  lands 
away  from  the  people  whom  you  expect  either  to 
reconcile  or  conquer,  and  divide  them  out  among 
their  slaves  whom  you  denominate  freedmen;  and 
a  bill  is  on  your  table  upon  which  I  shall  have 
Bomething  to  say  when  it  shall  come  up,  because 
in  its  discussion  will  arise  the  great  fundamental 
principles  of  government — the  government  of  what 
was  once  the  United  States — which  proposes  to 
reduce  at  least  eleven  of  the  past  creators  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  to  the  condition  of 
Territories,  excluding  almost  every  white  man 
and  white  boy  in  them  from  any  participation  in 
the  government  and  handing  the  government  of 
these  Territories,  which  are  ultimately  to  be  built 
up  irfto  States,  into  the  hands  of  the  servile  race 
who  are  to  rule  over  the  white  race.  All  this 
is  done  to  preserve  the  Constitution  and  to  restore 
the  Union!  Sir,  the  bare  suggestion  awakens  a 
train  of  thought  and  forces  upon  the  mind  a  flood 
of  ideas  the  elaboration  of  which  would  take 
days  if  not  weeks,  and  I  shall  forbear  from  en- 
tering into  their  further  recital  or  discussion. 

If  the  honorable  Senator,  by  the  policy  which 
he  pursues,  shall  ultimately  restore  the  Union 
and  preserve  the  Constitution — and  I  know  of  no 
Union  except  that  of  which  the  Constitution  is 
the  link,  the  tie,  the  bond — no  person  will  rejoice 
more  than  I  shall.  But,  sir,  against  the  measure 
now  before  the  Senate,  and  such  kindred  meas- 
ures, there  comes  up,  in  my  judgment,  not  only 
the  blood  of  a  murdered  Constitution,  but  there 
comes  up  from  the  grave  of  every  soldier  who  has 
fallen  in  battle  a  solemn  protest.  They  fought 
and  died,  not  for  the  adoption  of  such  measures 
as  this,  not,  in  thelanguageof  the  patriot  Butler— 
who  telegraphed  only  a  few  days  ago  that  he  had 
the  key  to  Richmo)id,  and  who  seems  to  have 
lost  it—"  to  tear  down  the  old  house  and  build  up 
a  new  one  with  all  the  modern  improvements," 
but  to  sustain  the  old  Union  and  the  old  Consti- 
tution. Sir,  I  say  thateven  the  blood  of  the  fallen 
Wave  cries  from  the  ground  against  the  policy 


which  the  Senator  is  advocating  and  the  adoption 
of  these  measures. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  been  led  to  say  thus 
much  from  the  personal  allusions  made  by  the 
honorable  Senator  to  the  course  which  I  have  pur- 
sued in  this  Senate.  My  term  in  this  Senate  is 
brief.  I  have  no  ambition  for  a  new  lease  of  that 
term.  If  I  had  I  am  very  sure  that  the  patriotic 
measures  which  the  honorable  Senator's  Execu- 
tive has  heretofore  put  in  force,  and  which  he  will 
try  again  to  put  in  force,  would  preclude  me  from 
so  high  an  honor.  Whatever  shall  be  my  polit- 
ical fate  in  the  future,  1  shall  retire  from  this  Sen- 
ate Chamber  with  the  consciousness  that,  whether 
mistaken  in  judgment  or  not,  I  have  done  the  best 
I  could,  according  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge, 
faithfully  and  patriotically  to  serve  my  country. 
But  before  that  brief  term  shall  close,  in  the  light 
of  the  experience  which  will  then  be  afforded, 
perhaps  the  honorable  Senator  and  myself  will 
iiave  another  opportunity  to  contrast  records  and 
policies  and  see  which  would  have  been  wisest 
from  the  beginning  to  pursue. 

In  conclusion,  sir,  I  will  say  this:  I  had  de- 
spaired of  the  Republic;  but  from  the  indications 
of  the  present,  to  which  I  before  referred,  that 
there  area  portion  of  the  American  people,  even 
of  the  dominant  party,  who  are  sick  and  tired  at 
heart  of  these  arbitrary  measures  which  the  hon- 
orable Senator  denies  to  have  ever  been  put  in 
execution,  and  from  the  fact  that  I  believe  the 
free  people  of  this  country  mean  in  the  coming 
presidential  election  to  assert  their  rights  at  the 
polls  in  defiance  of  military  interference,  if  such 
should  be  invoked,  I  begin  to  have  a  dream  of  hope 
that  the  ship  of  State  which  his  policy  had  wrecked 
and  stranded  and  almost  caused  to  go  to  pieces 
may  yet  be  taken  from  the  breakers,  and  may 
again  be  placed  upon  the  wave  of  prosperity  and 
happiness;and  that  as  common  brothers,  ignoring 
the  insane  policy  of  this  Administration,  and  not 
only  ignoring  it  but  reminding  our  children  and 
our  children's  children  forever  of  its  utter  folly, 
we  will  safely  cause  it  to  ride  triumphantly  over 
the  tempestuous  billows;  that  Peace,  with  her 
heavenly  wings,  may  be  spread  over  the  whole 
of  what  was  once  a  united  and  happy  country; 
and  that,  instead  of  the  watchword  "the  Consti- 
tution as  it  is  and  the  Union  as  it  was"  being  a 
term  of  reproach  and  an  evidence  of  disloyalty, 
it  may  be  held  as  the  rallying  cry  of  a  happy 
and  united  people;  and  that,  gathering  under  that 
same  old  flag  of  stars  and  stripes,  and  not  of  stars 
and  bars,  they  will  again  throughout  the  whole 
land  recelebrate  an  almost  forgotten  Fourth  of 
July. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  Mr.  President,  I  must  say, 
in  all  kindness,  I  think  I  ought  not  to  have  with- 
drawn the  word  of  which  the  Senator  from  Del- 
aware complained.  From  the  emphatic  manner 
of  his  speech  and  style,  perhaps  I  would  not  have 
been  much  amiss  if  I  said  he  "  shouted"  instead 
of  "  howled;"  but,  sir,  I  wish  to  be  courteous, 
and  avoid  anything  that  looks  like  personal  of- 
fense even  toward  gentlemen  from  whom  I  so 
widely  differ. 

But,  sir,  I  ought  to  say  a  word  in  relation  to 
my  State.  Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  State 
of  New  Jersey;  and  although  I  do  not  care  about 
prolonging  this  discussion  in  its  personal  aspects, 
still  I  should  be  recreant  to  the  State  I  love,  that 
I  regard  with  the  tender  emotions  I  do  the  mem- 
ory of  the  mother  who  bore  me  on  her  bosom,  if 
I  did  not  reply  to  a  declaration  of  the  Senator  in 
relation  to  the  character  of  my  State.  He  says 
"  New  Jersey  was  always  in  favor  of  peace;" 
that  it  was  the  sentiment  of  her  people;  and  that 
the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  has  disregarded  her 
well-known  voice.  Sir,  I  deny  that  that  now  is 
or  ever  v/as  the  sentiment  of  her  people.  I  admit 
that  owing  to  certain  circumstances,  about  the 
time  of  the  commencement  of  this  war  or  a  little 
before,  certain  persons  got  possession  of  seats  in 
the  legislative  councils  of  our  State,  and  held  the 
majority  on  certain  political  questions;  and  they 
did — I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  under  the  care 
or  teaching  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware — pass 
certain  resolutions  in  favor  of  the  Crittenden  com- 
promise so  called,  or  Crittenden  resolutions.  I 
do  not  refer  to  the  resolution,  also  called  the  Crit- 
tenden resolution,  introduced  afterwards  in  the 
Senate  by  Andrew  Johnson,  the  present  candi- 
date for  Vice  President,  and  who,  with  Abraham 


Lincoln,  I  believe  and  trust,  will  be  elected;  but 
I  mean  the  resolutions  introduced  by  the  late  ven- 
erable Senator  from  Kentucky,  one  of  which  was 
designed  to  beat  down  the  division  line  between 
free  and  slave  soil, and  (f|oen  the  free  North  to  the 
slave  power  of  the  South.  In  my  humble  capa- 
city as  a  Senator,  without  professing  to  have  much 
firmness,  and  believing  it  to  be  a  crime  against 
both  God  and  man,  I  voted  against  that  resolution. 
I  would  have  done  it  if  an  impending  blow  deadly 
as  a  flash  from  heaven  had,fullen  on  my  brow  the 
very  moment  that  I  did  it. 

Last  year  the  Legislature  of  my  State  under- 
took to  pass  a  set  of  resolutions  in  favor  of  a 
peace.  I  believe  some  of  them  were  willing  to 
send  commissioners  to  meet  others  from  the  rebel 
States  and  desecrate  the  consecrated  ground  of 
Independence  Square  by  patching  up  a  peace  upon 
that  sacred  spot  with  traitors  and  with  rebels; 
but  there  were  many  worthy  men  in  that  Legisla- 
ture who  denounced  and  utterly  abhorred  the 
thing;  and  the  guilty  authors  of  that  deed  have 
most  of  them  already  heard  the  voices  of  an  out- 
raged people  on  the  subject. 

The  Senator  from  Delaware  says  I  have  been 
individually  opposed  to  peace  and  "  in  favor  of 
blood — of  a  little  more  blood-letting."  Sir,  I  was 
not  so  much  in  favor  of  blood-letting  as  I  was  in 
favor  of  maintaining  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws.  If  it  became  necessary  to  maintain  that 
Constitution  and  the  laws  to  shed  the  blood  of 
traitors,  I  was  ready  for  it,  and  to  carry  on  tho 
war  until  the  last  of  them  succumbed.  That  ia 
the  way  I  stood;  that  is  the  way  I  stand  to-day; 
and  that  is  the  way  I  mean  to  stand,  "  first, last,  i 
and  all  the  time." 

But  the  Senator  says  it  will  be  seen  in  the  fu- 
ture whether  his  policy  would  not  have  been  the 
best  and  wisest  to  pursue,  and  that  the  people  of 
the  country  will  denounce  the  measures  of  this 
Administration.  Sir,  1  am  not  afraid  of  that;  I 
will  accept  that  test. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  will  say,  finally,  without 
reflecting  upon  the  Senator,  that  he  has,  uninten- 
tionally I  hope,  slandered  the  character  of  the 
dead  when  he  says  that  the  soldiers  who  have 
fallen  in  battle,  if  they  could  speak,  would  send 
a  voice  from  the  grave  in  favor  of  peace.  Sir,  it 
is  not  so.  Establish  a  peace  before  obedience  is 
secured  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  and  you 
will  not  only  do  an  act  of  gross  injustice  to  the 
hosts  who  now  are  battling  in  the  front,  and  from 
whom  we  hear  the  shouts  of  victory  day  by  day, 
but  also  an  act  of  gross  injustice  to  the  sacred 
dead  who  have  offered  up  their  precious  lives  a 
sacrifice  to  this  principle.  So  far  from  voices  of 
denunciation  coming  from  the  grave  in  case  you 
do  not  establish  peace  upon  the  terms  the  Senator 
from  Delaware  would  have  it,  establish  peace 
by  surrendering  your  rights,  by  acknowledging 
secession,  and  withoutinflicting  punishment  upon 
criminals  and  rebels,  and  you  will  have  a  voice 
rf  condemnation  coming  from  the  beds  in  hos- 
pitals where  on  yesterday  I  saw  our  heroes  in 
the  cold  embrace  of  death,  others  in  their  last 
gasp,  and  others  suffering  pain  and  agony  with- 
out a  sigh  or  groan.  Sir,  establish  peace  upon 
the  principles  sought  by  the  Senator  from  Dela- 
ware, and  you  would  have,  if  such  a  thing  were 
possible,  the  soldiers  slain  in  battle,  whose  bodies 
lie  upon  the  road  to  Richmond,  rising  from  their 
graves,  bursting  the  crust  of  clay  now  resting  on 
their  bosoms,  stalking  forth  upon  the  earth,  and, 
with  bony  arms  extended,  denouncing  fiercely  all 
that  class  of  men  who  madly  talk  abouta"  peace" 
before  this  fierce  rebellion  is  subdued. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  will  simply  say  that  if 
the  remarks  last  made  by  the  Senator  afford  any 
gratification  to  him,  as  they  contain  nothing  to 
which  I  feel  called  upon  to  reply,  I  will  allow  him 
to  have  the  last  word. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  I  rose  simply  for  the  pur- 
pose of  calling  the  attention  of  Senators  to  the 
fact  that  this  is  the  middle  of  June.  There  is  a 
resolution  upon  the  table  which  has  been  adopted 
by  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  third  one 
of  a  similar  kind,  providing  for  the  adjournment 
ofthisbody.  The  bill  under  consideration  seems 
to  give  rise  to  a  latitude  of  discussion  that  would 
be  likely  to  occupy  the  attention  of  Congress,  if 
it  is  indulged  in,  for  the  rest  of  the  year.  I  pre- 
sume Senators  are  anxious  to  return  to  their 
homes  some  time  before  the  expiration  of  sum- 


2970 


THE  CONGRESSIOKAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


mer;  and  for  the  purpose  of  testing  that  question 
I  shall  before  I  sit  down  submit  a  motion,  in 
order  that  business  indispensable  so  far  as  the 
workings  of  the  Governmentare  concerned,  may 
be  transacted  within  the  period  of  time  prescribed 
in  the  resolution  of  the  House  for  an  adjourn- 
ment. 

I  think  it  was  clearly  shown  yesterday,  by  the 
Senator  from  West  Virginia,  that  the  bill  under 
consideration  is  a  bill  which,  if  it  should  pass 
and  become  a  law,  wHl  have  an  effect  that  I  can- 
not for  a  moment  believe  was  ever  entertained 
by  its  author.  I  cannot  suppose  that  a  Senator 
who  has  expended  almost  the  entire  of  his  pub- 
lic life  at  least  in  an  effort  to  liberate  the  African 
would  be  the  first  in  this  body  to  introduce  a 
proposition  to  reenslave  those  whom  he  believes 
have  been  liberated  by  action  to  which  he  was 
somewhat  at  least  a  party.  That  that  will  be  the 
effect  of  the  bill  I  think  was  clearly  shown  by 
the  Senator  from  West  Virginia.  If  the  title 
which  he  suggested  yesterday  should  not  be 
adopted  by  the  Senate  to  the  bill,  if  it  should  be- 
come a  law,  I  will  suggest  one  which  I  think  will 
equally  well  define  its  character;  and  that  is,  "A 
bill  to  take  from  the  individual  owners  all  Afri- 
can slaves  in  the  slaveholding  States  their  right 
of  property  therein,  and  transfer  the  same  to  the 
United  States. "  The  bill  evidently  merely  trans- 
fers the  ownership  of  these  slaves;  and  if  the  sys- 
tem proposed  by  it  is  carried  out,  with  no  interest 
on  the  part  of  those  who  are  to  have  the  manage- 
ment and  care  of  these  people  such  as  the  owners 
have  now,  it  will  perpetuate  a  much  more  bar- 
barous system  of  slavery  than  the  one  which  the 
Senator  desires  to  get  rid  of.  Instead  of  the 
slave  belonging  to  an  individual,  and  being  the 
slave  of  one  man,  he  becomes  the  slave  of  every 
man  in  the  community  who  is  liable  to  be  se- 
lected by  the  head  of  this  particular  bureau  as 
his  overseer  or  superintendent. 

I  do  not  believe  that  such  was  the  intention  of 
the  author  of  this  bill.  In  order,  therefore,  that 
he  may  have  time  to  prepare  such  a  proposition 
as  will  carry  out  his  philanthropic  views,  I  will 
move  to  postpone  the  further  consideration  of  this 
bill  until  the  first  Monday  in  December  next. 
If  that  motion  shall  be  agreed  to,  tlie  time  of  the 
Senate  at  this  session  will  not  be  taken  up  in  its 
consideration,  and  we  shall  probably  be  enabled 
in  December  next  to  dispose  of  it  properly. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  On  that  motion  I  call  for 
the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  13,  nays  23;  as  follows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Davis,  Gdmes, 
Hendricks,  Hicks,  Jolinsoii,  Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle, 
Saulsbury,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey — 13. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Clark,  Conness, 
Dixon,  rioolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris, 
Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill, 
Ranisej',  Sherman,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade, 
and  Wilson— SO. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Chandler,  Collamer,  Cowan,  Fos- 
ter, Harding,  Henderson,  Howard,  McDougall,  Nesmith, 
Ponieroy,  Sprague,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
returns  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
Delaware. 

Mr.  HICKS.  Mr.  President,  I  feel  somewhat 
embarrassed  by  my  condition.  I  only  desire  to 
make  a  remark  or  two;  but  I  must  ask  the  per- 
mission of  the  Senate,  if  they  will  indulge  me  so 
far,  to  be  allowed  to  keep  my  seat.  My  con- 
dition is  such  that  I  cannot  rise. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-otonpore.  The  Senate 
undoubtedly  will. 

Mr.  HICKS.  Mr.  President,  it  does  seem  to 
me  as  if  we  are  consuming  time  very  unneces- 
sarily in  the  discussion  of  this  and  other  subjects. 
Senators  on  both  sides  of  me  have  taken  their 
ground;  but  in  all  that  has  been  said  and  done,  it 
seems  to  me  as  if  we  should  accomplish  very  little 
upon  the  subject,  the  all-engrossing  subject  with 
some  members  of  the  Senate.  I  confess  that  I  am  as 
tired  of  the  slavery  question  at  this  particular  junc- 
ture of  time  as  can  beany  Senator  on  this  floor;  and 
yet  there  are  Senators  here  who,  it  appears  to  me, 
think  about  nothing  else.  If  those  Senators,  able 
and  efficient  as  they  are,  would  bend  their  ener- 
gies to  the  putting  down  of  this  rebellion,  then 
with  that  will  go  slavery,  just  as  certain,  in  my 
opinion,  as  night  follows  day.   And  yet,  sir,  sub- 


jects entirely  calculated,  at  least,  to  defeat  the 
main  object — the  putting  down  this  rebellion  and 
restoring  the  Union — are  attended  to  particularly 
by  some  Senators. 

Sir,  if  they  desire  to  be  the  champions  of  the 
anti-slavery  party,  if  they  desire  to  be  the  bell- 
wethers of  the  party  of  freedom,  in  Heaven 's  name 
let  them  proclaim  it,  and  I  am  perfectly  willing  to 
concede  them  that  position;  but  I  protest  against 
this  consumption  of  the  time  of  our  constituents, 
hour  after  hour  and  day  after  day,  in  the  present- 
ation of  this  subject  of  slavery,  a  subject  that  must 
fall  with  this  rebellion,  which  I  trust  will  speedily 
fall.  I  cannot  see  why  Senators  on  this  floor 
should  waste  so  much  time  or  lead  to  the  waste 
of  so  much,  in  discussing  a  subject  which  it  is 
clear,  to  my  mind  at  least,  will  end  with  the  re- 
bellion. Why  not  let  well  enough  alone.'  Why 
throw  in  the  subject  of  slavery  again  ?  While 
many  here  opposed,  at  least  to  me,  in  my  views  in 
regard  to  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  to  what 
has  brought  this  state  of  things  upon  the  country, 
are  trying  to  cover  up  the  main  fact,  I  have  never 
lost  sight  of  it,  and  I  think  no  sensible  man  ever 
should  lose  sight  of  it:  I  mean  the  fact  of  the 
South  breaking  down  by  the  unholy  efforts  they 
have  been  making. 

They  talk  about"  the  Union  as  it  was  and  the 
Constitution  as  it  is."  In  God's  name,  mustnot 
every  Senator  understand  perfectly  that  these 
people  in  the  South  have  disregarded  the  Consti- 
tution; that  they  themselves  have  broached  the 
subject;  that  when  they  had  the  power  to  con- 
tinue things  as  they  were,  they  left  their  seats  in 
this  Senate  Chamber  and  in  the  Hall  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  went  home,  and  commenced 
to  fight.'  But,  sir,  there  is  nothing  more  clear 
when  you  come  to  talk  about  slavery.  I  never 
had  but  one  opinion  in  regard  to  that.  The  poor 
creatures  that  we  are  wasting  so  much  time  over 
here  are  to  be  the  principal  sufferers.  But,  sir, 
it  must  come;  and  I  say  let  it  come,  and  the  ear- 
lier it  comes  the  better.  I  have  been  all  my  life 
since  manhood  a  slaveholder.  I  have  some  slaves 
at  home  now  acting  as  free  people,  for  I  pay  them 
just  as  I  do  the  free  people  who  work  for  me. 
But,  sir,  as  I  before  remarked,  the  thing  is  work- 
ing well.  Why  not  let  it  work.'  We  have  a 
convention  in  session  in  my  Slate  now  that  will 
probably  in  a  few  days — I  learned  so  yesterday 
from  a  leading  delegate  to  that  convention — pass 
an  act  of  emancipation.  I  have  always  desired 
that  Maryland  should  emancipate  her  own  slaves. 
I  believe  many  of  the  other  border  States  will  fol- 
low. Then  whether  the  southern  States  now  in 
rebellion  do  so  or  not,  they  will  be  compelled  to 
do  so,  and  slavery  must  perish.  Why  any  Sen- 
ator here,  or  any  one  outside  of  this  Chamber, 
should  think  for  a  moment  of  perpetuating  slavery 
at  the  expense  of  this  Government,  I  confess,  is 
a  thing  that  I  cannot  comprehend.  1  never  have 
understood  it.  Sir,  if  I  owned  all  the  slaves  south 
of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  I  would  give  them 
up  cheerfully  to-morrow  rather  than  see  this  Gov- 
ernment fall.  I  have  no  objection,  but  on  the 
contrary  am  in  favorofa  freedman'scommission. 
My  sympathies  have  been  very  much  wrought 
up  in  regard  to  these  poor  creatures.  They  have 
had  no  participation  in  what  has  brought  this 
trouble  on  the  country;  they  have  had  nothing  to 
do  with  it;  we  have  acted  for  them. 

But,  sir,  my  object  in  addressing  the  Senate 
was  to  say  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  effort  that 
is  being  made  here  to  press  this  thing  faster  than 
time  will  allow  it  to  come.  Under  the  circum- 
stances, can  it  be  possible  thatgentlemen  will  in- 
terpose difficulties  and  throw  barriers  in  the  way 
of  putting  down  this  rebellion,  a  thing  that  every 
lover  of  the  Union  and  every  lover  of  the  country 
must  desire  more  than  anything  else .'  Why  not 
bend  our  entire  energies  to  the  one  point,  the 
breaking  down  of  this  rebellion.'  Our  brethren 
are  falling  in  arms  by  the  thousands;  thousands 
more  are  coming  home  wounded  and  maimed,  and 
will  remain  so  to  the  end  of  their  lives,  many  of 
them  unable  to  take  care  of  themselves  or  to  earn 
their  daily  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow. 
When  they  are  making  such  sacrifices,!  cannot, 
as  I  before  remarked,  understand  why  it  is  that 
gentlemen  will  throw  difficulties  in  the  way — for 
1  consider  everything  of  that  sort  a  difficulty  in 
the  way — of  the  main  thing,  the  putting  down  of 
this  rebellion. 


Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  coming  presi- 
dential electfon  and  to  the  present  Administration. 
Sir,  I  was  as  much  opposed  to  the  election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  as  any  man  here.  I  will  go 
for  him  now,  if  I  live  to  see  the  next  election,  in 
preference  to  any  man  in  this  country.  I  believe 
he  has  accomplished  more  to  save  the  border 
States  than  perhaps  any  other  man  in  the  country 
could  have  done  similarly  situated.  I  was  not  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  party.  I  did  not  vote  for  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. I  voted  for  Bell  and  Everett,  and  was  anx- 
ious that  they  should  be  elected; but, as  I  remarked 
on  a  former  occasion,  I  believe  it  was  a  godsend 
that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected  to  the  Presi- 
dency of  the  country.  I  love  the  Union,  gentle- 
men, more  than  I  do  everything  else,  and  I  de- 
sire to  see  the  Union  restored,  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  the  latest  moment  of 
my  life  and  the  livesof  those  who  may  come  after 
me  preserved  intact. 

I  have  been  so  situated  lately  as  not  to  be  able 
to  participate  in  the  active  duties  of  the  Senate, 
and  while  absent  lost  a  good  deal  of  the  run  of  the 
business  of  the  Senate;  but,  sir,  I  confess  my 
utter  surprise  at  seeing  gentlemen  here,  intelli- 
gent gentlemen  and  efficient  statesmen,  battling 
over  mere  matters  of  moonshine,  things  that  no 
one  need  think  of  interfering  with  at  this  particu- 
lar juncture.  Put  down  the  rebellion;  that  is 
what  I  desire  to  see  above  everything  else;  and 
then,  though  a  slaveholder,  I  desire  slavery  to  go 
just  as  quickly  as  possible.  I  would  rather  see 
this  Government  perpetuated  with  freedom  pro- 
claimed to  all  classes  than  to  see  those  who  have 
been  slaves  returned  to  slavery  again.  The  peo- 
ple are  becoming  prepared  for  this  by  degrees. 
They  are  preparing  themselves  for  it.  I  know 
that  in  my  own  State  eighteen  months  ago  no 
patience  would  have  been  manifested  toward  a 
man  who  would  talk  about  the  emancipation  of 
slaves  in  Maryland.  We  have  now  a  decided 
vote  in  favor  of  emancipation.  Our  people  desire 
it,  and  the  quicker  it  is  done  the  better  it  will  be 
for  the  State,  and  the  quicker  slavery  is  out  of  the 
country  the  quicker  we  shall  have  a  restoration 
of  this  Union,  and  then  we  can  start  again  upon 
a  well-established  Government,  one  that  I  hope 
will  continue  for  the  duration  of  time. 

I  regret  thatl  have  been  compelled  at  this  late 
hour  in  the  day  to  make  a  single  remark  on  this 
subject,  but  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  do  so.  It  seems 
to  me  all  this  discussion  is  entirely  out  of  place. 
I  want  the  gentlemen  who  are  such  sticklers  for 
emancipation  and  so  exceedingly  eager  to  press 
forward  and  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the 
anti-slavery  party ,  to  let  this  subject  rest  until  the 
proper  time  comes;  when,  without  any  trouble 
to  them  or  to  any  one  else,  slavery  will  just  as 
certainly  be  gone,  as  I  before  remarked,  as  night 
follows  day.  Sir,  I  shall  not  detain  the  Senate 
longer. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  will  not  undertake  to  make 
any  speech.  I  only  rise  to  express  my  desire 
that  a  vote  shall  be  taken,  and  that  we  shall  dis- 
pose of  this  measure  to-day.  A  majority  of  the 
committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen,  to  whom  it 
was  referred,  reported  in  favor  of  the  bill  now 
before  the  Senate.  They  gave  it  a  great  deal  of 
attention.  They  believed  it  was  the  best  form  of 
measure  that  could  be  produced  on  that  subject. 
They  believed  it  necessary  to  the  country  at  ihia 
time  to  give  legality  to  what  was  being  done 
perhaps  illegally,  or  by  mere  acts  of  Adminis- 
tration. But,  sir,  let  us  come  to  a  vote  first  on 
this  amendment,  then  upon  the  bill  reported  by 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  from  the  com- 
mittee as  a  substitute  for  the  House  bill,  and  then 
to  a  vote  upon  the  House  bill,  and  dispose  of  it  in 
some  manner.    We  can  do  it  in  a  very  short  time. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays  on 
the  amend mentofMr.SAULSBURT,  resulted — yeas 
8,  nays  29;  as  follows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Davis,  Hendricks, 
Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle,  and  Saulsbury— 8. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Clark,  Conness, 
Dixon,  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hale, 
Harlan,  Harris,  Hicks,  Howe,  Johnson,  l^ane  of  Indiana, 
Morgan,  Morrill,  Pomeroy,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  Sumner, 
Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  Willey,  and 
Wilson— 29. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Chandler,  Collamer,  Cowan,  Hard- 
ing, Henderson,  Howard,  Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougali, 
Nesmith,  Sprague,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 12. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  re- 
jected. 


1864. 


THE  CO]N"GRESSIO]SrAL  GLOBE. 


2971 


Mr.  GRIMES.  The  question  I  understand  now 
to  been  tlie  udoplion  of  the  substitute  reported 
fronn  the  committee. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  <emj3ore.  That  is  the 
question. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  As  I  shall  be  constrained  to 
record  my  vote  against  thisproposition  I  wish  in 
one  or  two  words  to  state  the  reasons  why  I  shall 
do  it. 

So  far  as  it  was  the  intention  of  the  select  com- 
mittee on  the  part  of  the  Senate  to  alleviate  the 
condition  of  colored  refugees  or  freedmen.I  fully 
sympathize  with  them.  I  desire  to  do,  in  my  in- 
dividual capacity  and  as  a  Senator,  anything  that 
may  be  in  my  power  to  put  them  upon  a  better 
footing  than  they  are  now.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
they  have  endured  agreat  deal  of  suffering;  and  I 
had  supposed  that  this  committee  would  present 
to  us  a  proposition  in  some  tangible  shape  in 
which  we  would  be  able  to  act  upon  this  subject. 
I  do  not  think  the  committee  thus  far  has  pre- 
sented a  scheme  that  commends  itself  to  the  good 
judgment  of  the  Senate  and  the  country,  and  lam 
going  to  show  why  I  think  so. 

As  to  the  question  whether  this  bureau,  if  estab- 
lished, should  be  putunder  the  charge  of  the  War 
Department  or  the  Treasury  Department,  I  have 
not  a  word  to  say  at  present.  Senators  will  ob- 
serve, by  reference  to  the  first  section  of  the  sub- 
stitute, that  it  provides — 

That  an  office  is  hereby  created  in  the  Treasury  Depari- 
meiit  to  be  called  the  Bureau  of  Freedmen,  meaning  there- 
by such  persons  as  have  once  been  slaves. 

There  is  no  limit  as  to  the  time  when  they  were 
slaves.  They  may  have  been  slaves  and  been 
emancipated  twenty-five  years  ago,  but  if  they 
were  once  slaves,  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill 
they  are  subjected  to  the  general  superintendence, 
which  I  understand  to  mean  the  general  control 
and  management,  of  the  bureau  that  is  to  be  cre- 
ated by  the  passage  of  this  bill.  Sir,  I  am  not 
prepared  to  vote  that  such  a  man  as  Robert  Small , 
who  has  performed  as  gallant  an  action  as  was 
ever  performed  by  any  of  our  white  officers  or 
soldiers  or  sailors,  shall  be  put  under  the  super- 
intendence of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  or  of 
any  Commissioner  ofa  Preedmen's  Bureau. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     May  I  interrupt  the  Senator.' 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Yes,  sir. 
'    Mr.  SUMNER.     Is  there  one  word  in  the  bill 
that  compels  him  to  go  under  any  such  superin- 
tendence ? 

Mr.  GRIMES.     I  so  infer. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Is  he  not  declared  to  be  a 
free  man.'  Is  he  not  as  free  as  the  Senator  him- 
self.' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  think  not;  and  I  am  going 
to  try  to  convince  the  Senate  that  under  this  bill, 
although  in  terms  a  freedman,  he  is  not  in  fact 
a  freedman. 

Mr.  HOWE.  I  suspect  the  dispute  between 
the  Senator  from  Iowa  and  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts,  if  there  is  any,  arises  from  a 
different  construction  of  some  clauses  of  this  bill. 
If  the  Senator  will  give  way,  I  had  marked  prob- 
ably some  of  the  clauses  which  he  is  about  to 
comment  upon;  and  I  intended  to  offer  some 
amendments,  three  I  believe;  and  if  the  Senator 
has  no  objection  I  should  like  to  offer  them  now 
to  see  if  the  committee  will  accept  them.  1  think 
if  they  are  accepted  they  will  do  away  with  some 
of  the  objections  of  the  Senator  to  the  bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  no  objection  to  hearing 
what  the  Senator  proposes  to  substitute  as  an 
amendment.  I  think  I  can  satisfy  the  Senate  that 
atpresenlas  the  bill  nowstands, and  as  weave  asked 
to  vote  for  it,  it  puts  every  colored  man  who  was 
ever  a  slave  under  the  general  superintendence  of 
the  Commissioner  at  the  head  of  this  bureau,  who 
is  to  act  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  That  is  the  provision  of  the  fourth 
section. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Just,  I  take  it,  as  the  Senator 
himself  is  under  the  superintendence  of  the  police 
of  Washington. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     No;  he  is  not. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Is  he  not?  Then  the  Sen- 
ator is  in  an  exceptional  position.  I  take  it  that 
we  are  all  under  the  laws  of  the  land. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  take  it  that  the  deputy  po- 
licemen are  under  the  general  superintendence 
of  the  superintendent  of  police.  What  does  he 
superintend.'  Does  he  superintend  the  Senator, 
the  citizens,  the  males  and  females  of  the  city? 


No;  he  superintends  the  police  who  areputundej- 
him  as  the  superintendent. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  He  sees  that  the  laws  are  in 
force  for  the  protection  of  every  Senator,  includ- 
ing the  Senator  from  Iowa  and  myself. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Exactly. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  And  that  is  what  the  super- 
intendent here  is  to  do  with  regard  to  freedmen. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  theSenator  would  only  ac- 
company his  bill  with  a  commentary  upon  it,  so 
that  we  should  understand-exactly  what  he  meant 
and  what  the  Senate  meant,  there  might  be  some- 
thing practical  in  it;  but  witliout  that  commentary, 
without  thatinterpretation,  I  think  there  might  be 
a  good  deal  of  doubt  as  to  what  the  bill  meant; 
not  doubt  in  regard  to  this  particular  phrase,  for 
I  think  there  cannot  be  any  question  as  to  what 
is  meant  by  this  phrase,  "shall  have  the  general 
superintendence  of  all  freedmen."  That  means 
thegeneral  control,  the  general  management,  the 
general  direction.  More  expressive  language  could 
not  have  been  selected  by  this  select  committee 
than  they  did  select  when  they  drew  this  fourth 
section;  and  1  think  the  sentiment  of  the  Senate 
is  with  me  on  that  subject. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  colored  men  who 
have  once  been  slaves,  as  I  have  already  said,  no 
matter  what  may  be  their  present  condition,  no 
matter  where  they  are  if  they  are  included  within 
any  one  of  the  departments  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  is  authorized  to  erect  under  the  pro- 
visions of  this  bill,  are  to  be  under  the  general 
superintendence  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  of  the  Commissioner. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Like  the  Indians  under 
the  Indian  Bureau. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Certainly.  The  second  sec- 
tion provides — 

That  the  Commissioner  shall  have  authority,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury,  to  create  de- 
partments of  freedmen  within  tlie  rebel  States. 

That  section  has  been  amended  at  my  sugges- 
tion so  as  to  limit  the  number  to  two  for  each 
State.  Then  he  is  authorized  to  appoint  Assistant 
Commissioners  who  are  also  limited  to  four — 

With  an  annual  salary  of  $2,000,  to  be  appointed  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  with  authority  to  ap- 
point local  superintendents  and  clerks,  so  far  as  the  same 
may  he  needed. 

It  will  be  observed  that  there  is  no  qualification 
required  on  the  part  of  these  Assistant  Commis- 
sioners or  the  superintendents  or  the  clerks  who 
are  to  be  appointed  and  to  act  under  them;  there 
is  no  obligation  of  an  oath  resting  upon  them;  they 
are  not  required  to  give  bonds;  they  are  not  re- 
quired anywhere  in  this  bill  to  make  a  return  of 
anything  that  they  may  do. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Who? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  None  of  these  Assistant  Com- 
missioners, superintendents,  or  clerks.  This  bill 
does  not  require  a  return  from  them  to  any  supe- 
rior officer  as  to  what  they  may  do  or  what  they 
may  not  do.  They  are  not  even,  so  far  as  I  re- 
member  

Mr.  SUMNER.     The  Senator  is  mistaken— 

That  the  Commissioner  shall,  before  the  commencement 
of  each  session  of  Congress,  make  full  report  of  his  pro- 
ceedings to  the  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury,  who  shall  com- 
municate the  same  to  Congress.  And  the  Assistant  Com- 
missioners shall  make  tjuarterly  reports  of  tlieir  proceed- 
ings to  the  Commissioner,  and  also  such  other  special 
reports  as  from  time  to  time  may  be  required. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Where  is  that? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  In  the  very  last  section  of 
the  bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  was  mistaken  about  that. 
The  last  section  of  the  bill,  which  would  appar- 
ently indicate  that  it  was  an  afterthought  on  the 
part  of  the  authors  of  the  bill 

Mr.  SUMNER.     It  was  no  afterthought. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  By  the  last  or  tenth  section  of 
the  bill  it  is  required  that  these  Assistant  Com- 
missioners shall  make  returns  to  the  Commis- 
sioner quarterly,  and  the  Commissioner  is  required 
to  make  a  report  to  Congress  at  the  commence- 
ment of  each  session. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  The  superintendents  and  clerks 
are  not  required  to  do  it. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  superintendents  and  clerks 
are  required  to  execute  no  oath,  no  bonds,  and 
make  no  returns.  It  will  be  observed  also  that 
the  Commissioner  and  Assistant  Commissioners, 
although  the  money  that  is  to  be  realized  from 
the  renting  of  this  property  and  the  labor  of  these 
freedmen  has  to  pass  through  their  hands,  are  to 


give  no  bonds;  there  is  to  be,  so  far  as  I  am  able 
to  learn  from  the  bill,  no  sort  of  restraint  that  can 
be  exercised  upon  ihcm  and  no  power— — 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Assistant  Commissioners 
are  to  give  bonds.  The  second  section,  on  my 
own  motion,  was  amended  in  the  seventh  line  by 
introducing  after  the  word  "  dollars"  the  words 
"under  bond  as  required   for  the  chief  clerk." 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Of  what? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Of  the  bureau.  It  is  pro- 
vided in  the  first  section  that  the  chief  clerk  of 
the  bureau  shall  be  "  under  bond  to  the  United 
States  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  his  duties;"  and 
then  in  the  second  section  it  is  provided  that  the 
Assistant  Commissioners  shall  be  under  the  same 
bond. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  am  glad  the  Senator  haa 
made  some  provision  in  that  regard.  I  was  not 
aware  that  he  had  done  it.  It  has  been  done  since 
tlie  bill  has  been  under  consideration  in  the  Sen- 
ate. But  the  other  officers  named  here  and  the 
Commissioner  himself  are  not  required  to  give 
bonds.  They  are  not  even  required  to  swear  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
The  fourth  section  reads: 

That  the  Commissioner,  under  the  direction  of  the  Sec- 
retary'of  tlie  Treasury,  shall  have  thegeneral  superintend- 
ence of  all  freedmen  throughout  tlie  several  departments. 

That  is  all  there  is  material  in  that  section. 
The  residue  of  the  section  is  merely  a  stump 
speech  injected  into  it: 

And  it  shall  be  his  duty  especially  to  watch  over  the 
execution  of  all  laws,  proclamations,  and  military  orders 
of  emancipation,  or  in  any  way  concerning  freedmen,  and 
generally,  by  careful  regulations,  in  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution, to  protect  these  persons  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
rights,  to  promote  their  welfare,  and  to  secure  to  them  and 
their  posterity  the  blessings  of  liberty. 

All  there  is  in  thatsection  that  is  material  is  the 
bestowmentupon  this  Commissioner  of  an  unlim- 
ited control  and  powerand  superintendence  of  all 
thefi-eedmen  who  may  be  found  at  the  time  of  the 
passage  of  this  act  within  the  several  departments 
that  may  be  created  by  the  Secretary  of  tlie  Treas- 
ury. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Will  the  Senator  indicate  one 
word  of  unlimited  control  and  power? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  should  sujopose  that  the 
words  "  general  superintendence"  meantgeneral 
power. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Does  it  convey  any  power  of 
control  over  them?  Is  it  not  a  superintendence 
for  their  protection,  for  their  improvement? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  apprehend  there  is  not  a  man 
within  the  sound  of  my  voice,  save  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts,  who  does  not  entertain  the 
opinion  that  I  express.  What  is  meant  when  we 
create  a  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs?  Do  we 
not  bestow  upon  that  superintendent  the  control 
of  the  Indians  within  the  jurisdiction  to  which  we 
limit  him  ? 

Mr.  SUMNER.     For  their  protection. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  For  their  protection  and  their 
government,  for  protecting  them  one  tribe  from 
another,  for  settling  difficulties  that  may  arise  be- 
tween the  agents  of  the  respective  tribes  that  are 
within  their  superintendency,  seeing  that  no  harhi 
befalls  the  Indians,  and  that  the  Indians  perpe- 
trate no  harm  upon  the  white  man.  When  the 
Senator  incorpoi'ates  into  his  bill  a  phrase  that 
has  received  by  the  common  consent  of  the  coun- 
try and  of  our  courts  an  interpretation,  we  must 
conclude  that  he  intends  to  mean  exactly  the  in- 
terpretation that  that  phrase  has  hitherto  received. 

The  fifth  section  reads: 

That  the  Assistant  Commissioners  shall  have  authority, 
within  their  respective  departments,  to  take  possession  of 
all  abandoned  real  estate  and  all  real  estate,  with  the  houses 
thereon — 

I  do  not  exactly  know  how  that  was  intended 
to  be  punctuated — 

liable  to  sale  or  confiscation,  or  to  any  claim  of  title  by  the 
LJnited  States,  and  notalready  appropriated  to  Government 
uses  ;  and  also  to  take  possession  of  all  personal  property 
found  on  such  estate,  and  to  rent  or  lease  all  such  real  es- 
tate, or  any  part  thereof,  with  the  personal  property  there- 
on, and  to  act  as  inspectors  of  the  same. 

Why,  Mr.  President,  the  most  extraordinary 
powers  are  conferred  upon  these  Assistant  Com- 
missioners, who  are  not  required,  as  I  said  be- 
fore, to  take  an  oath,  who  are  not  required  to 
execute  a  bond. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon; 
they  are  required  to  execute  a  bond. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts 


2972 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15* 


that  he  must  observe  the  rules  of  the  Senate,  and 
not  interrupt  the  Senator  upon  the  floor. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Who  are  not  to  be  sent  to  the 
Senate  for  confirmation,  who  are  to  receive  a  com- 
pensation of  $2,000  a  year,  $500  more  than  we 
pay  the  agents  of  our  various  Indian  tribes,  and 
who  are  to  take  possession  of  all  the  abandoned 
real  estate  and  all  real  estate  that  is  liable  to  sale 
or  confiscation,  or  to  which  a  claim  of  title  by  the 
United  States  has  already  been  set  up,  or  that 
may  be  set  up,  and  to  take  all  personal  property, 
and  what  are  they  to  do  with  it?  They  are  to 
authorize  it  to  be  cultivated  and  to  lease  it  out; 
and  how  is  it  to  be  cultivated .'  This  section  pro- 
vides: 

Or  in  case  no  proper  lessees  can  be  found,  then  to  cause 
the  sriine  to  bo  cultivated  or  occupied  by  tlie  freedineii,  on 
such  terms,  in  either  case,  and  under  such  regulations  as 
the  Commissioner  may  determine. 

It  is  to  be  cultivated  by  the  freedmen  on  such 
terms  in  either  case,  and  under  such  regulations 
as  the  Commissioner  may  determine,  not  upon 
such  terms  as  those  freedmen  may  determine. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon. 
Read  the  next  clause  and  you  will  see. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  the  Senator  will  keep  quiet 
I  think  1  will  do  him  justice  and  his  bill  too. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Very  well;  excuse  me. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  is  to  be  "  cultivated  or  oc- 
cupied by  the  freedmen  on  such  terms  in  either 
case" — that  is,  whether  it  is  rented  out  or  whether 
it  is  cultivated  and  occupied  by  the  freedmen — 
"  on  such  terms  and  under  such  regulations  as  the 
Commissioner  may  determine."  Whatdoes  that 
mean.''  Suppose  it  stops  right  there — I  will  read 
the  proviso  presently.  That  these  commissioners 
may  determine  the  manner  and  the  terms  upon 
which  these  freedmen  shall  be  permitted  to  culti- 
vate these  abandoned  or  other  plantations.  But 
there  is  this  proviso,  which,  in  the  estimation  of 
the  Senator,  helps  the  matter  &  gi-eat  deal: 

Provided,  That  no  freedman  shall  be  held  to  service 
upon  any  estate. 

Mark  the  language:  "Held  to  service" — the 
very  language  that  is  used  where  you  undertake 
to  convey  the  power  to  hold  in  bondage,  either 
for  a  limited  on  for  an  unlimited  period  of  time. 

That  no  freedman  shall  he  held  to  service  on  any  estate 
above  mentioned,  otherwise  than  according  to  voluntary 
contract  reduced  to  writing  and  certified  by  the  Assistant 
Commissioner  or  local  superinlendent,  nor  shall  any  such 
contract  be  for  a  longer  period  than  twelve  months. 

Now,  Mi^.  President,  that  is  neither  more  nor 
less  in  my  honest  conviction — I  do  not  say  that 
that  was  the  intention  of  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee, nor  of  the  committee;  I  know  it  was  not; 
I  know  that  they  did  not  design  any  such  thing 
— but  in  my  opinion  it  is  nothing  more  nor  less 
than  peon  slavery.  It  confers  the  right  to  hold 
this  man  for  twelve  months  as  a  slave. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     If  he  agrees  to  it. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  That  is  true;  but  what  is  go- 
ing to  be  the  condition  of  these  men  down  there, 
without  anything  to  eat,  without  anything  to 
drink,  without  anything  to  wear,  entirely  under 
the  control  of  these  Commissioners,  men  who  can- 
not either  read  or  write.'  They  will  have  to  agree 
to  it.  We  have  not  even  the  assurance  of  hon- 
esty on  the  part  of  these  Commissioners  that 
would  be  afforded  by  their  being  sent  to  the  Sen- 
ate and  being  confirmed  by  us,  so  that  we  may 
know  who  they  are. 

The  sixth  section  of  the  billcontainsthisclause: 

That  they  shall  take  care  that  the  freedmen  do  not  suffer 
from  ill-treatment  or  any  failure  of  contract  on  the  part  of 
others,  and  that  on  their  part  they  perform  their  duty  in  the 
promises. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  "  Their  duty  under  any  con- 
tract entered  into  by  them."  That  is  the  lan- 
guage. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  did  not  know  thatanything 
had  been  inserted  there.  "And  that  on  their  part 
they  perform  their  duty."  How  are  these  Com- 
missioners to  see  that  these  colored  men  perform 
their  duty .''  Arc  they  free  men,  or  are  they  not.' 
If  they  are  free  men,  why  not  let  tliem  stand  as 
free  men,  and  let  the  men  who  have  claims  against 
them  for  the  performanceof  duty  enforce  themns 
they  do  claims  against  other  people?  Why  do 
you  conferupon  these  Commissioners  and  deputy 
Commissioners  the  unlimited  power  to  see  to  it 
that  these  colored  men  perform  what,  in  the  esti- 
mation of  these  Commissioners  and  deputy  Com- 
missioners, maybe  their  duty?  How  are  you 
going  to  enforce  it?  By  stripes  and  lashce  ?  Yes, 


sir;  here  is  the  way  they  are  to  enforce  it.     The 
third  section  provides: 

That  the  military  commander  within  any  department 
shall,  on  the  application  of  the  Assistant  Commissioner 
thereof,  supply  all  needful  military  support  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  of  such  Assistant  Commissioner,  unless  Ihi^re 
are  controlling  military  reasons  for  withholding  the  same. 

These  Assistant  Commissionersare  to  see  to  it 
that  these  colored  men  perform  their  contracts; 
and  they  are  authorized'  by  the  third  section  of 
the  bill  to  call  to  their  aid,  in  order  to  compel  the 
performance  of  their  obligations,  the  military 
force  that  may  be  within  theirdepartment.  And 
yet  we  are  told  that  this  bill  is  designed  for  the 
benefit  of  freedmen  ! 

The  eighth  .section  reads 

Mr.  BROWN.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  lays 
a  great  deal  of  stress  upon  the  word  "  freedman." 
I  will  inquire  of  the  Senator  how  much  less  is  a 
man  free  who  has  his  contracts  enforced  by  a 
military  authority  than  one  who  has  them  en- 
forced by  civil  authority? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  has  been  suggested  to  me 
to  ask  in  reply  to  the  Senator 

Mr.  BROVVN.  Answer  my  question  before 
asking  another. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Well,  Mr.  President,  it  is 
enough  for  me  to  know  that  there  is  no  corre- 
sponding obligation  here  on  the  part  of  anybody 
to  call  the  military  authority  to  the  aid  of  the 
colored  man  if  his  rights  are  infringed.  This 
Commissioner  may  profess  to  enter  into  such  a 
contract  just  as  he  pleases;  lie  is  dealing  with 
men  who  can  neither  read  nor  write;  who  do  not 
understand  their  rights  nor  their  obligations  in 
a  great  many  respects;  I  mean  a  large  portion  of 
them.  He  enters  into  a  contract  nominally  in 
the  name  of  these  colored  men,andheis  allowed 
to  enforce  that  obligation,  whatever  it  may  be, 
by  the  military  authority  within  the  department. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  oLject  was  to  guard 
against  rebel  incursions. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  no  doubt  the  object 
was  admirable.  I  know  that  the  Senator  wants 
to  meet  the  very  purposes  that  I  want  to  meet,  to 
protect  these  colored  men.  I  am  not  talking  about 
the  intentions  that  he  had  in  view,  or  the  com- 
mittee of  which  he  is  the  organ.  I  am  talking 
about  the  bill  which  I  am  asked  to  vote  for,  and 
which  I  am  constrained  to  vote  against,  and  I  am 
assigning  the  reasons  why  I  do  so;  because  I 
suppose  I  shall  be  compelled  to  differ  with  agreat 
many  friends  with  whom  I  ordinarily  act  in  this 
Chamber. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  With  the  permission  of 
the  Senator  from  Iowa,  I  wish  to  suggest  an  an- 
swer to  the  question  asked  by  the  Senator  from 
Missouri.  It  is  a  pointed  question,  aiid  when  I 
read  this  bill  the  very  question  that  he  suggested 
suggested  itself  to  my  mind.  There  is  this  differ- 
ence: if  a  free  white  man  of  the  North  makes  a 
contract  to  serve  another  foe  a  year,  he  has  a 
right  to  make  such  a  contract;  but  in  his  person 
he  is  not  enforced  to  remain  in  that  servitude 
during  the  year;  if  he  fails  to  remain  the  entire 
year  he  answers  in  the  civil  courts  in  damages. 
By  this  provision,  however,  the  slave  is  required 
to  remain  the  year,  and  if  he  fails  to  do  that  duty 
it  is  the  business  of  the  superintesident  or  over- 
seer to  call  in  the  military  force  and  make  him 
serve  in  person  for  the  year.  There  is  the  differ- 
ence.    He  owns  him  personally  for  the  year. 

Mr.  GRIMES,  It  is  a  matter  of  small  conse- 
quence, because,  I  apprehend,  there  will  not  be 
very  large  receipts  from  this  measure,  but  the 
eighth  section  provides — 

That  the  Commissioner  shall  apply  the  proceeds  arising 
from  leases  in  the  several  departments  to  pay  the  salaries 
and  other  expenses  under  this  act,  so  that  the  bureau 
herein  established  may  become,  at  an  early  day,  selt-snp- 
poning  ;  and  any  proceeds  over  and  above  llic  annual  ex- 
pense thereof  shall  be  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States. 

Mr.  President,  it  will  be  observed  that  there 
are  no  bonds,  no  checks,  no  efiicient  responsibil- 
ity in  connection  with  this  matter.  All  the  sal- 
aries of  these  men  are  to  be  paid  through  this 
bureau.  There  is  nobody  to  audit  the  accounts 
of  these  officers  under  this  bill.  But  the  idea  is 
held  out  that  this  bureau  is  to  be  self-supporting. 
If  the  bill  should  pass,  as  it  may  pass,  I  hope  it 
will  be;  but  such  would  not  be  the  prediction  that 
I  should  make  in  regard  to  the  self-sustaining 
character  of  this  bill. 

Mr.  President,  the  men  whom  this  bill  will 


put  under  more  than  the  guardianship  of  these 
Commissioners  and  deputy  Commissioners,  and, 
as  I  think,  under  the  tetnporary  servitude  of  these 
men,  are  the  same  class  of  men  upon  whom, 
three  or  four  weeks  ago,  a  portion  of  the  mem- 
bers of  this  Senate  were  attempting  to  bestow 
the  elective  franchise.  I  submit  that  there  was 
a  very  great  mistake  then,  or  there  is  a  very 
great  mistake  now  when  we  undertake  to  put 
under  the  control  of  general  superintendents  the 
unlimited  superintendence  of  these  Commission- 
ers all  the  colored  men  who  may  be  within  these 
respective  departments,  and  authorize  the  Com- 
missioners to  enforce  with  the  military  power  the 
alleged  contracts  which  this  unfortunate  and  de- 
spised class  of  people  may  be  said  to  have  en- 
tered into.  There  either  was  a  great  mistake 
then  or  else  we  are  making  a  very  great  mistake 
now  in  passing  this  bill. 

Mr.  President,  I  desire  to  unite  with  the  ma- 
jority of  this  Senate  in  passing  some  bill  that 
will  relieve  this  unfortunate  class  of  human  be- 
ings. I  think  they  demand  our  sympathies,  our 
protection,  and  our  support.  1  am  ready  to  con- 
tribute of  my  substance  and  of  the  substance  of  the 
people  whom  1  represent  here  as  liberally  as  any 
Senator  upon  this  floor;  but  I  am  unwilling  to 
record  my  vote  in  favor  of  the  passage  of  this 
substitute.  I  think  that  it  is  violative  of  some 
of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  institutions 
of  this  country;  it  would  violate  my  own  con- 
victions of  duty  and  of  right;  and  I  therefore 
cannot  support  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to 
say  another  word  in  this  debate.  I  had  hoped  to 
be  excused .  But  the  remarks  of  the  Senator  from 
Iowa  leave  me  no  alternative. 

I  am  not  astonished  at  the  opposition  which 
this  bill  has  encountered  from  Senators  over  the 
way.  It  is'their  vocation  to  oppose  every  such 
measure,  and  to  give  it,  if  possible,  a  bad  name. 
They  believe  in  slavery,  more  or  less,  and  will 
not  do  anything  to  remove  it  or  to  mitigate  its 
terrible  curse.  There  is  the  Senator  from  West 
Virginia,  who  gives  us  smooth  words  about  sla- 
very, with  boasts  of  the  slaves  he  has  emanci- 
pated, and  then  straightway,  by  voice  and  vote, 
sustains  slave-hunting,  and,  if  possible  worse  still, 
startles  the  Senate  by  a  menace  that  slaves  set  free 
by  act  of  Congress  will  be  reenslaved  by  States 
again  restored  to  the  Union.  That  this  Senator 
should  attack  a  bill  for  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen  is 
perfectly  natural;  nor  am  I  astonished  that  he 
should  misrepresent  its  character.  But  I  cannot 
conceal  my  surprise  at  the  course  of  the  Senator 
from  Iowa,  who  I  know  has  no  love  for  slavery, 
and  no  congenital,  persistent,  and  rooted  prejudices 
against  justice  to  the  colored  race.  If  the  Senator 
from  West  Virginia  spoke  naturally,  allow  me  to 
say  that  my  friend  from  Iowa  did  not  speak  natu- 
rally. 

Sir,  the  Senator  has  not  done  justice  to  the  bill 
which  he  undertook  to  criticise.  It  was  evident 
that  he  spoke  hastily,  without  having  even  read 
the  bill.  At  least  this  is  not  an  improper  assump- 
tion when  we  consider  some  of  his  criticisms.  It 
will  be  remembered  how  promptly  I  corrected  him 
when  he  was  picturing  the  Assistant  Commission- 
ers as  so  utterly  without  restraint  that  they  were 
not  even  obliged  to  make  reports.  I  read  the 
clause  in  the  bill  expressly  requiring  not  only 
"quarterly  reports"  but  "  other  special  reports 
from  time  to  time."  The  Senator,  surprised  by 
this  provision,  replied  that  it  was  at  the  close  of 
the  bill  and  was  evidently  an  afterthought.  This 
again  was  a  mistake.  Had  he  read  the  bill  care- 
fully he  would  have  found  that  whatever  maybe 
its  merits  in  other  respects  everything  is  intro- 
duced in  its  proper  place,  and  this  provision  is  no 
exception.  The  Senator  then  complained  that  the 
Assistant  Commissioner  was  not  obliged  to  give 
a  bond.  Here  again  he  was  mistaken.  By  an 
amendment  moved  by  myself  this  was  required. 
All  this  was  a  part  of  the  attempt  of  the  Senator 
to  sliow  that  the  bureau  had  not  been  planned 
with  sufficient  care.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  there 
is  no  bureau  of  the  Government  constituted  with 
more  care  or  surrounded  with  more  safeguards 
against  abuse.  Much  in  the  last  resort  must  be 
confided  to  the  honesty  of  public  servants,  but  in 
the  present  case  they  are  all  placed  under  the  ob- 
servation of  their  superiors:  superintendents  will 
be  observed  by  the  Assistant  Ccwnmissioner;  the 
latter  will  be  observed  by  the  Commissioner;  and 


1864. 


THE  CON'GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2973 


all  will  be  under  the  observation  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  who  himself  is  under  tiie  obser- 
vation of  the  President;  and  I  need  not  add  that 
the  whole  will  be  subject  to  the  oversight  of  a 
humane  and  enlioihtened  people,  awakening  daily 
to  a  sense  of  obligation  which  cannot  be  post- 
poned. 

I  am  not  wrong,  then,  when  I  say  that  the  Sena- 
tor did  injustice  to  the  bill  in  his  criticism  on  its 
structure  and  the  machinery  which  it  establishes. 
But  this  was  the  smallest  part  of  his  injustice.  He 
went  further,  and,  folio  wing  the  Sena  tor  from  West 
Virginia,  asserted  that  it  gave  the  Commissioner 
unlimited  power  and  control  over  the  freedmen, 
so  as  to  hand  them  over  to  slavery  under  another 
name.  I  looked  at  the  Senator  to  see  if  he  were 
really  serious  as  he  made  this  strange  accusation 
against  a  measure  conceived  in  a  sentiment  of  hu- 
manity and  equity,  and,  by  positive  provisions, 
guarding  freedmen  against  the  very  outrage  which 
the  Senator  professes  to  fear.  He  seemed  to  be 
serious,  as  he  repeated  the  accusation.  But  as 
he  had  erred  with  regard  to  the  restraints  upon 
the  Assistant  Commissioners,  so  he  erred  in  the 
graver  impeachment  which  he  launched. 

The  Senator  began  this  impeachment  by  saying 
that  the  bill,  according  to  its  definition  of  freed- 
men, was  applicable  to  all  who  were  "once 
slaves,"  and  that  even  Robert  Small,  the  patriot 
slave  who  navigated  the  Planter  out  of  Charleston 
and  gave  it  to  us,  would  come  under  its  provisions. 
Very  well.  Suppose  he  does.  Can  he  suffer 
fromit?  Does  he  lose  anything  by  it .''  Canany- 
body  under  this  bill  exercise  any  power  or  con- 
trol over  Robert  Small.?  The  Senator  forgets  that 
the  bill  assumes  that  all  are  free,  and  in  every 
respect  entitled  to  all  the  privilegesof  freemen;  that 
they  are  invested  with  every  right  which  the  Sen- 
ator himself  possesses,  and,  if  these  rights  are  vio- 
lated, they  may  look  for  a  remedy  to  any  court  of 
justice  precisely  as  he  could.  None  of  these  rights 
are  infringed  by  the  present  bill.  On  the  contrary, 
the  officers  under  it  are  charged  to  see  that  the 
freedmen  are  secure  in  their  rights,  so  that  Robert 
Small  himself,  if  the  occasion  required,  might  find 
aid  and  protection  under  it.  The  bill  gives  no 
power  to  take  away  or  limit  existing  rights;  but 
It  provides  additional  means  for  theirdefense,  that 
emancipation  may  be  perfect,  so  far  as  possible. 

I  do  not  like  to  take  time,  especially  when  I 
consider  that  in  opening  this  matter  to  the  Senate 
I  explained  the  character  of  the  bill  and  its  neces- 
sity. I  do  not  pretend  that  it  is  perfect;  but  I  beg 
to  assure  the  Senate  that  it  is  the  result  of  the 
careful  deliberations  of  the  committee.  If  Sen- 
atorsare  disposed  to  criticise  it,  or  to  offeramend- 
ments  with  a  view  to  its  improvement,  let  them 
do  so.  But  1  trust  that  they  will  not  allow  them- 
selves to  be  carried  into  a  general  hostility  to  the 
measure,  founded  on  a  misconception  of  its  real 
charsicter.  I  TViight  remind  them  again  of  the 
large  numbers  of  freedmen — free,  thank  God  I  by 
the  legislative  and  executive  acts  of  the  United 
States — but  not  yet  introduced  into  the  now  con- 
dition appointed  forthem — unemployed, suffering, 
starving,  and,  with  a  voice  of  agony,  calling  for 
assistance.  I  tnight  remind  them  of  the  inability 
of  private  charity,  or  any  effort  organized  by  pri- 
vate individuals,  to  meet  all  the  exigencies  of  this 
unprecedented  case, although  thegenerosity  of  our 
people  is  overflowing.  And  i  might  dwell  on  the 
obligation  of  the  nation, reachi.ngevery  where  with 
its  "hundred  arms,  to  do  what  any  inferior  char- 
ity niust  fail  to  do;  and  I  might  especially  show 
that  it  was  not  enough  to  strike  down  the  slave- 
master,  but  that  you'must  go  further,  and  lift  up 
the  slave.  But  1  forbear.  I  content  myself  now 
with  reminding  you  that  if  you  oppose  legisla- 
tion to  help  the  freedmen  in  their  rough  |)assage 
from  slavery  to  freedom,  you  hand  over  this  un- 
happy people— unhappy  for  longgenerations,  and 
not  yet  conducted  into  the  full  enjoyment  of  free- 
dom— to  a  condition  which  I  dread  to  contem- 
plate. They  look  aboutaml  find  no  home.  They 
seek  occupation,  but  it  is  not  within  their  reach. 
They  ask  for  protection,  sometimes  against  their 
former  taskmasters  and  sometimes  against  other 
selfish  men.  If  these  are  not  supplied  in  some  way 
by  the  Government  I  know  not  where  to  look 
for  them.  Surely,  sir, you  will  nothesitate  in  this 
good  work.  You  will  not  hesitate  to  provide,  so  far 
as  you  can,  carefully  and  wisely,  the  proper  means 
to  secure  employment  for  these  freedmen  during 
the  transition  from  ona  condition  to  another,  and, 


above  all,  to  throw  over  them  every  where  the  fcgis 
of  Constitution  and  law.  Atid  such,  permit  ni(» 
to  say,  was  the  single  object  of  the  present  bill, 
which  has  been  so  cordially  misrepresented  by 
the  Senator  from  West  Virginia  and  so  unjustly 
misrepresented  by  my  frii-nd  from  Iowa. 

I  have  said  that  the  object  was  care  and  pro- 
tection for  persons  actually  free  and  so  regarded  , 
who,  from  the  peculiarity  of  their  condition, 
might  not  be  able  in  all  respects  to  secure  these 
without  assistance.  To  this  end  a  central  agency 
is  proposed  at  Washington,  with  subordinate 
agencies  where  the  freedmen  are  to  be  found,  de- 
voted to  this  work  of  watching  over  emiincipa- 
tion,  so  that  it  may  be  surrounded  with  a  con- 
genial atmosphere.  Is  not  the  object  worthy  of 
support.?     Who  will  question  it.? 

The  language  of  the  bill  describing  the  func- 
tions of  the  Commissioner  is  plain  and  explicit; 
and  yet  out  of  this  language,  so  guarded,  and  so 
utterly  inoffensive,  the  Senator  from  lov/a  has 
conjured  a  phantom  to  frighten  the  Senate  from 
its  propriety.  Why,  sir,  if  there  were  anything 
which,  by  any  possibility,  could  justify  the  fears 
of  the  Senator,  if  there  were  anything  which  even 
the  most  lively  imaginatioti  could  exaggerate  into 
anything  but  care  and  protection,  then  I  should 
be  the  first  to  denounre  it,  and  to  ask  forgiveness 
for  an  unconscious  aberration.  But  there  is  ab- 
solutely nothing;  arul  if  you  will  listen  to  the 
words  of  the  bill  you  will  agree  with  me. 

I  begin  with  the  very  words  which  to  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa  were  so  alarming: 

The  Commissioner,  iniiler  tlie  (iirection  of  tlie  Secre- 
tary of  tlie  Treasury,  sliall  liave  tlie  general  su|)eriiitond- 
ence  of  all  freedmen  tliroiigliout  the  several  departments. 

Here  are  duties  imposed  upon  the  Commis- 
sioner; but  there  is  no  power  or  control  over  the 
freedmen.  Calling  a  man  superintendent  gives 
him  no  power,  except  in  conformity  with  the 
laws;  but  here  all  the  laws,  general  and  special, 
are  for  freedom.  And  yet  the  Senator  has  re- 
peated again  and  again  that  here  was  a  grant  of 
unlimited  power  and  control  over  the  freedmen. 
To  his  mind  here  was  an  overflowing  fountain  of 
tyranny  and  wrong. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Will  the  Senator  tell  the  Sen- 
ate what  is  meant  by  it.' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  With  great  pleasure;  and  if 
I  can  have  the  candid  attention  of  my  friend,  I 
believe  that  he  and  I  cannot  differ  about  it,  for  I 
will  not  doubt  that  we  have  the  same  objects  at 
heart.  Obviously  the  language. in  question  indi- 
cates in  a  general  way  the  character  of  the  duties 
to  be  performed.  They  are  duties  of  superintend- 
ence; but  we  are  to  look  elsewhere  to  see  the  ex- 
tent of  these  duties;  and  the  words  which  follow 
in  the  same  section  show  something  of  their  na- 
ture.   Thus: 

And  it  shall  be  his  duty  especially  to  watch  over  the  ex- 
ecution of  all  laws,  proclamations,  and  military  orders  of 
emancipation,  or  in  any  way  concerning  trecdmen. 

There,  sir,  is  the  first  glimpse  of  the  duties  of 
this  tyrant.  Mark,  sir,  there  is  not  one  word  of 
power  or  control  over  the  freedmen,  but  duties 
solemnlyimposed,all  in  behalf  of  freedom.  What 
next.? 

And  generally,  by  careful  regulations,  in  the  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  to  protect  these  persons  in  the  enjoyment  of 
their  rights,  to  proiuoie  their  welfare,  and  to  secure  to  them 
and  their  posterity  tlie  blessings  of  liberty. 

Here  again  are  the  duties  of  the  Commissioner; 
but  there  is  not  one  word  which  confers  power  or 
control  over  the  freedmen.  The  main  objectis  pro- 
tection in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  inborn 
but  new-found.  This  is  to  be  crowned  by  such 
watchfulness  as  will  promote  their  welfare  and  se- 
cure to  them  and  their  posterity  the  blessings  of 
liberty;  and  all  this  is  to  be  according  to  "  careful 
regulations."  To  find  tyranny  in  this  provision 
the  Senator  must  be  as  critical  as  the  German  theo- 
logian who  found  a  heresy  in  the  Lord's  Prayer. 
I  do  not  go  to  the  dictionary  for  the  meaning  of 
superintendent.  This  is  needless.  Obviously, 
the  superintendent  must  superintend  according 
to  law;  and  since  this  is  now  for  freedom, 
whatever  he  does  must  be  for  freedom  likewise. 
He  can  do  nothing  without  this  inspiration. 
There  is  a  superintendent  of  emigrants;  but  no- 
body supposes  that  he  can  do  anything  with  re- 
gard to  emigrants  except  in  conformity  with  law. 
The  mayor  of  Washington  is,  in  a  certain  sense,  a 
superintendent  of  the  Senator  and  myself,  as  we 
walk  the  streets  orliedown  at  night  in  our  houses,  • 
to  see  that  we  are  protected  from  outrage  and  rob- 


bery. And  the  Vice  President  or  the  President 
of  the  Senate  is  a  superintendent  of  this  Cham- 
ber, to  see  that  the  rules  of  parliamentary  law  are 
observed.  But  the  Senator  would  not  think  of 
attributing  to  either  of  these  functionaries  that 
"  unlimited  power  rnd  control"  which  he  dreaded 
in  the  superintendent  of  freedmen.  And  yet  it 
exists  in  one  case  just  as  much  as  in  the  other. 
I  think,  sir,  that  after  this  explanation  there 
can  be  no  difficulty  in  answering  the  inquiry  of 
the  Senator.  By  superintendence  of  all  freed- 
men is  meant  that  watchfulness  of  their  rights 
and  interests,  consistent  with  laws  general  and 
special,  for  their  protection,  welfare,  and  liberty, 
so  that  they  may  be  helped  to  employment  and 
be  guarded  against  outrage.  The  object  is  good. 
Wliat  other  word  would  the  Senator  employ  to 
designate  it.?  How  would  he  describe  the  hu- 
mane function  of  the  Commissioner  ?  He  is  versed 
in  language.  Will  he  supply  any  term  more  apt? 
I  invite  liim  to  do  it,  ana  shall  gladly  accept  it. 
Since  we  seem  to  concur  in  the  object  proposed, 
let  there  be  no  difference  on  account  of  words. 
All  that  I  desire  is  something  which  shall  supply 
help  and  protection.  For  this  I  cheerfully  sacri- 
fice all  the  rest.  And  there  is  no  single  word  in 
the  bill  from  beginning  to  end  which  can  give  the 
most  remote  apology  for  any  other  idea. 

But  I  have  thus  far  only  glanced  at  a  single 
.section.  Look  further.  I  skip  for  the  moment  the 
next  section,  and  go  to  the  sixth,  which  describes 
some  of  the  duties  of  the  "Assistant  Commis- 
sioners and  local  superintendents."  It  begins 
by  declaring  that  they 

Shall  act  as  adcisory  guardians  to  aid  the  freedmen  In 
the  adjustment  of  tlieir  wages,  or,  where  they  have  rented 
plantations  or  small  iioldings,  in  the  application  of  their 
labor. 

Mark,  if  you  please,  the  friendly  service  to  be 
performed.  Not  in  this  way  do  tyrants  or  slave- 
masters  act.  Here  is  advice,  guardianship,  and 
the  adjustment  of  wages — all  inconsistent  with 
slavery  in  any  of  its  pretensions.     What  next.? 

That  they  shall  take  care  that  the  freedmen  do  not  suf- 
fer troin  ill-treatment  or  any  failureof  contract  on  the  part 
of  others,  and  that  on  their  part  they  perform  their  duty 
under  any  contract  entered  into  by  them. 

Mark  again  the  friendly  service  required.  Here 
is  another  duty  cast  upon  these  officers. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  How  is  that  to  be  enforced.? 
Suppose  they  will  not  work — will  not  fulfill  their 
contracts  .? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  duty  of  these  officers  is 
"  advisory."  They  are  notinvested  with  power  to 
enforce  any  provisions,  unless  by  a  court  of  law  or 
some  other  tribunal.  The  freedmen  are  entitled 
to  all  the  rights  of  freemen,  just  as  much  as  the 
Senator.  Curiously  the  Senator  does  not  seem 
to  have  purged  his  mind  of  the  idea  that  these 
men,  in  some  way  or  other,  have  not  yet  ceased 
to  be  slaves — [Mr.  Grimes.  No.] — an  assumption 
which,  however  natural  in  the  Senator  from  West 
Virginia,  is  not  natural  in  my  friend  from  Iowa, 
But  let  hitii  recognize  them  as  free,  like  himself, 
and  he  will  see  that  there  is  no  remedy  open  to 
him  which  will  not  be  open  to  them,  and  thatany 
outrage  upon  them  will,  in  point  of  law,  be  the 
same  as  if  inflicted  upon  himself. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  desire  to  ask  the  Senator  if 
there  are  courts  of  law  in  existence  in  these  rebel 
States  before  whom  the  parties  may  appear. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  am  afraid  that  courts  of 
justice  ill  those  States  are  not  yet  in  perfect  oper- 
ation. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Then  1  want  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator  

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  next  words  of  the  section 
show  what  shall  be  done  by  these  officers  to  pro- 
mote the  administration  of  justice.     Thus: 

They  shall  further  do  what  they  can  as  arbitrators  to  rec- 
oncile and  settle  any  differences  in  which  freedmen  may 
be  involved,  whether  among  themselves  or  between  llicm- 
sclves  and  other  persons. 

Here  is  the  duty  of  arbitrator  and  peacemaker; 
but  no  power  or  control.  And  this  duty  is  appli- 
cable to  differences  of  all  kinds  where  the  freed- 
men are  parties.  Nothing  can  be  more  humane 
or  less  tyrannical.     But  this  is  not  all. 

In  case  such  differences  are  carried  before  any  tribunal, 
civil  or  military,  they  shall  appear  as  next  friends  of  the 
freedmen,  so  far  as  to  see  that  the  case  is  fairly  stated  and 
heard.  And  in  all  such  proceedings  there  shall  be  no  dis- 
ability or  exclusion  on  account  of  color. 

If  not  "  arbitrators,"  then  the  officers  are  to  be 
"  next  friends"  to  aiiJ  tlie  freedmen  inanylitiga^ 
tion  into  which  they  may  be  drawn.     Very  little 


2974 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


tyranny  here.  And  this  service  is  to  be  rendered  in 
any  tribunal,  "civil  or  military, "so  that  where  the 
civil  courts  are  closed  the  freedmen  may  obtain 
justice  in  any  military  tribunal.  But  whether  in 
a  civil  or  military  tribunal,  there  is  to  be  no  dis- 
ability or  exclusion  on  account  of  color.  When 
we  consider  how  this  disability  and  exclusion 
have  been  the  badge  of  slavery  and  its  preten- 
sions, we  may  find  in  their  positive  prohibition 
a  new  token  of  the  spirit  in  which  this  bill  has 
been  conceived.     Very  little  tyranny  here. 

Mr.  GRIiVlES.  But,  Mr.  President,  the  case 
tliat  was  put  by  me  was  not  where  there  was  a 
controversy  between  the  colored  man  and  some 
third  party, but  where  theCommissioner attempted 
to  enforce  the  obligation  of  duty  upon  the  colored 
man.  What  I  wanted  to  know  was  how  the  Com- 
missioner was  going  to  exercise  this  duty  enjoined 
upon  him  in  the  sixth  section,  in  these  words: 
"and  that  on  their  part,"  that  is,  on  the  part  of 
the  freedmen,"  they  perform  their  duty."  Now, 
the  Senator  admits  that  the  law  requires  and  en- 
joins the  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  Commis- 
sioner to  see  that  these  colored  men  perform  their 
duty.  They  have  not  got  any  courts  in  those 
States;  the  Senator  admits  that.  They  cannot 
enforce  them  in  a  court  of  law.  The  colored  man 
has  not  got  any  property,  and  you  cannot  compel 
a  specific  performance  of  personal  labor.  Now, 
I-  want  to  know  of  the  Senator  if  a  Commissioner 
who  undertakes  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  this 
bill  may  not,  under  the  third  section,  avail  him- 
self of  the  military  authority  that  may  be  in  the 
department  to  enforce  obedience;  and  if  he  thinks 
it  would  be  doing  justice  to  the  colored  men  in 
the  department  to  leave  them  to  the  military  con- 
trol of  the  Commissioner,  of  whom  we  know  noth- 
ing, and  about  whom  we  do  not  know  whether 
he  sympathizes  with  the  colored  man  or  not.  Is 
it  right  to  leave  these  colored  men  to  the  military 
control  of  this  Commissioner  in  order  to  enforce 
the  obligation  to  labor.' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  now  calls  atten- 
tion to  another  section,  where  it  is  provided  that 
"  the  military  commander  within  any  department 
shall,  on  the  application  of  the  AssistantCommis- 
sioner  thereof,  supply  all  needful  military  support 
in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  such  Commis- 
sioner;" and  he  inquires  if  this  does  not  authorize 
the  Assistant  Commissioner  to  use  military  power 
in  making  the  freedmen  work.  Let  me  say  at  once 
that  the  criticism  of  the  Senator  on  this  point  is 
absolutely  novel.  If  the  clause  to  which  he  refers 
could  be  employed  to  any  such  purpose,  I  beg  to 
assure  him  it  was  not  anticipated  by  the  commit- 
tee. The  clause  was  intended  for  a  very  different 
purpose — in  the  interest  of  the  freedmen.  And 
here  again  let  me  remind  the  Senator  that  nothing 
can  be  done  by  any  officer,  military  or  civil,  to- 
ward a  freedman  which  cannot  be  done  toward 
any  other  citizen.  If  this  military  power  can  be 
used  against  one  it  can  be  equally  used  against 
the  other.  The  occasion  for  this  power  seemed 
to  be  obvious.  It  was  supposed  that  in  the  rebel 
States  there  might  be  exposed  districts  where  the 
plantations  would  be  subject,  perhaps,  to  incur- 
sion or  ravage  from  the  enemy,  by  which  the  la- 
bor there  would  be  disturbed  unless  military  pro- 
tection were  at  hand,  or  that  there  might  be  cases 
where  the  control  of  the  plantations  would  be  pre- 
vented or  interrupted.  It  was  to  remedy  this  evil 
that  this  provision  was  introduced.  Such  was  the 
object  sought  to  be  accomplished.  It  was  protec- 
tion in  the  spirit  of  the  whole  bill,  and  nothing 
else.  If  by  any  possibility  there  can  beany  chance 
of  any  abuse  of  this  power  beyond  what  is  inci- 
dent to  every  trust,  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  take 
advantage  of  the  criticism  of  the  Senator  and 
amend  the  bill  so  that  the  evil  which  he  snuffs  afar 
shall  not  be  permitted  to  arrive. 

The  Senator  cannot  bear  the  thought  of  our 
freedmen  exposed  to  the  tyranny  of  military 
power.  But  docs  ho  not  forget  that  at  this  mo- 
ment they  are  subject  to  this  tyranny.'  It  is  to 
remove  them  from  this  arbitrary  control  and  un- 
certain protection  that  we  now  establish  a  bureau, 
which  shall  be  an  agency  of  the  civil  power, 
charged  to  surround  the  freedmen  with  every 
safeguard  which  the  Constitution  and  laws  can 
supply.  Show  me  any  provision  in  one  or  the 
other  for  the  protection  of  human  rights,  and  1 
claim  it  at  once  for  the  freedman  against  any  op- 
pressor, whatever  may  be  his  office  or  name. 
Let  tlie  Senator  bear  these  things  in  mind,  and 


give  us  the  advantage  of  his  counsels.  I  shall 
welcome  from  him  any  suggestion,  any  proposi- 
tion, any  criticism  calculated  to  promote  the  ob- 
ject of  the  bill.  The  more  he  makes  the  better. 
Let  him  be  no  niggard.  But  I  trust  he  will  par- 
don me  if  I  complain  of  a  hasty  assault,  which,  as 
it  seems  to  me,  can  have  no  other  effect  than  to 
injure  the  cause  itself. 

But  I  have  not  done  with  the  criticism  of  the 
Senator.  It  was  on  the  fifth  section,  concerning 
labor  on  abandoned  plantations,  that  he  bent 
his  whole  force.  In  the  provisions  of  that  sec- 
tion he  found  a  new  system  of  slavery;  some- 
times it  was  slavery  outright,  and  sometimes  it 
was  peon  slavery.  Senators  who  did  me  the 
honor  of  listening  to  my  remarks  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  debate  will  remember  how  I  dwelt 
upon  the  importance  of  guarding  against  any  re- 
vival of  slavery  under  any  other  name,  whether 
of  apprenticeship  or  adscription  to  the  soil;  and 
they  may  remember,  perhaps,  how  I  explained 
the  impossibility  of  any  such  occurrence  under 
the  present  bill,  and  showed  that  the  freedman 
was  guarded  at  all  points.  And  yet,  in  the  face 
of  this  exposition  and  of  the  positive  text — better 
than  any  exposition — the  cry  has  been  sounded 
that  the  liberty  of  the  freedman  is  in  danger.  The 
Senator  read  this  section  over  at  length,  and  then 
repeated  again  particular  clauses  and  phrases, 
striving  to  interpret  them  for  slavery.  I  will  not 
read  it  at  length;  nor  will  I  dwell  on  the  first  part 
of  the  section.  Suffice  it  to  say  that,  so  far  as  it 
describes  the  lands  which  are  to  be  taken  for  occu- 
pation, it  follows  substantially  the  text  of  the  order 
from  the  War  Department,  by  which  "  all  houses, 
tenements,  lands,  and  plantations,  except  such  as 
may  be  required  for  military  purposes,  which  have 
been  or  may  be  deserted  and  abandoned  by  in- 
surgents within  the  lines  of  military  occupation," 
are  placed  under  the  supervision  and  control  of 
the  supervising  special  agents  of  the  Treasury 
Department.  Under  this  order  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  has  been  acting  for  more  than  a  year; 
doing  with  regard  to  these  lands  precisely  what  the 
Senator  so  vehemently  condemns.  The  present 
bill,  so  far  as  concerns  the  power  of  the  Com- 
missioner over  the  lands,  has  done  little  more 
than  reduce  the  order  of  the  War  Department  to 
the  text  of  a  statute,  thus  giving  to  it  a  certain 
legality  which  it  does  not  now  possess. 

But  passing  from  the  lands  which  are  to  be  oc- 
cupied under  the  bill,  the  Senator  next  pictures 
the  terrible  fate  of  the  freedmen  laboringon  these 
lands  in  pursuance  of  careful  contracts.  There 
seemed  to  be  no  limit  to'  the  Senator's  anxiety 
lest  they  should  be  bound  in  slavery.  I  welcome 
his  generous  anxiety.  But  I  pray  that  he  will 
not  allow  it  to  mislead  his  judgment  or  prevent 
him  from  seeing  the  case  in  its  true  character. 
Surely  he  must  have  been  unduly  excited,  or  he 
could  not  have  found  danger  in  these  words: 

In  case  no  proper  lessees  can  be  found,  then  to  cause 
the  same  to  be  cultivated  or  occupied  by  the  freedmen,  on 
such  terms,  in  either  case,  and  under  such  regulations,  as 
tlie  Commissioner  may  determine. 

"What  a  frightful  power!"  exclaimed  the 
Senator.  But  why.'  Here  is  no  power  or  con- 
trol over  the  freedmen,  but  simply  over  the 
lands,  which  the  officers  are  to  cause  to  be  culti- 
vated or  occupied.  These  officers  are  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  to  which  these  lands  belong  for  the  time 
being,  and,  in  determining  the  terms  and  regula- 
tions under  which  they  are  to  be  cultivated  or 
occupied,  they  do  no  more  than  is  done  by  the 
Senator  with  regard  to  the  lands  which  he  is  so 
happy  as  to  own.  The  Senator  determines  the 
terms  and  regulations  under  which  his  lands  shall 
be  leased  or  cultivated;  does  he  not?  And  he  would 
be  surprised  if  any  person  called  in  question  his 
rights  in  this  regard;  especially  would  he  be  sur- 
prised if  any  person  undertook  to  infer  that  the 
freedom  of  laborers  upon  his  lands  could  be  com- 
promised by  any  terms  or  regulations  which  he 
might  choose  to  adopt.  But  there  is  no  power 
which  he  might  exercise  over  his  own  lands  that 
may  not  now  be  exercised  by  the  Government. 
In  each  case,  the  laborer  must  be  treated  as  a 
freeman.  The  Senator  seems  to  imagine  that 
there  is  a  power  or  control  over  the  freedman, 
which  is  conferred  by  these  words.  Here  is  the 
mistake  of  the  Senator.  The  power  and  control 
are  over  the  lands,  notover  the  freedmen.  There 
is  not  a  word  in  the  clause  whicli  can  be  tortured 


into  any  such  idea.  I  challenge  the  Senator  to 
point  it  out. 

Thus  far  I  have  considered  this  clause,  which 
according  to  the  Senator  is  so  terribly  pregnant, 
without  alluding  to  the  express  limitation  which 
follows  in  the  same  section.  Even  without  this 
limitation  it  is  clear  and  blameless.  But  the  com- 
mittee, in  order  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure, 
and  to  setupan  absolute  impedimentagainst  any 
abuse,  have  added  the  following  proviso: 

Provided,  That  no  freedmen  sliall  be  lield  to  service  in 
any  State  above-mentioned  otherwise  than  according  to 
voluntary  contract  reduced  to  writing,  and  certified  by  tlie 
Assistant  Commissioner  or  local  superintendent;  nor  shall 
any  such  contract  be  for  a  longer  period  than  twelve 
months. 

And  yet  in  the  face  of  this  proviso  the  Senatoi 
sees  danger.  Nobody  can  be  found  on  this  land 
except  in  pursuance  of  voluntary  contract,  which 
must  be  reduced  to  writing  and  certified  by  an 
officer  of  the  Government.  Nor  is  this  all.  The 
contract  is  not  to  be  for  a  term  beyond  twelve 
months;  so  that,  by  no  excuse,  and  by  no  exer- 
cise of  power,  can  the  freedman  be  put  even  un- 
der a  shadow  of  control  beyond  tiiis  brief  term. 
He  is  in  all  respects  a  freeman,  laboring  on  larid 
according  to  careful  contract  for  a  limited  period. 
And  yet  the  Senator  calls  this  beneficent  arrange- 
ment slavery,  and  then,  changing  the  name,  peon- 
age. Sir,  the  Senator  has  an  imperfect  conception 
of  that  peonage  which  is  indefinite  service,  or  that 
slavery  which  is  service  for  endless  generations, 
if  he  undertakes  to  liken  an  employment  in  pur- 
suance of  contract  most  carefully  guarded  for  a 
term  of  a  few  months  to  eitherof  these  conditions. 
But  all  this  is  only  a  part  of  the  mistake  in 
which  the  Senator  lias  proceeded  from  beginning 
to  etid.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  account  for  it.  I  do 
not  understand  it.  That  I  regret  it  most  sincerely 
I  need  not  say.  I  counted  upon  his  good  will 
with  regard  to  this  bill.  I  felt  sure  of  his  sym- 
pathies with  regard  to  its  general  objects.  I  do 
not  renounce  the  hope  of  these  sympathies  now. 
But  I  cannot  forbear  saying  that,  to  my  mind,  the 
Senator  has  thrown  himself  in  the  way  of  a  hu- 
mane undertaking,  and  has  practically  abandoned 
the  claims  of  that  oppressed  race  to  which  he  and 
I  both  owe  service.  Long  have  they  suffered; 
much  have  they  been  abused;  wearily  have  they 
journeyed  through  life;  and  now  at  last,  when 
slavery  is  overturned,  and  we  seek  to  provide  a 
passage  from  its  torments  to  a  better  condition, 
where  labor  shall  be  quickened  and  protected  by 
liberty,  and  where  all  rights  shall  be  respected, 
it  is  hard  to  find  our  efforts  arrested  by  a  cross- 
wind  from  such  an  unexpected  quarter. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Mr.  President,  the  purpose, 
as  I  said  when  I  addressed  the  Senate  before, 
which  the  Senator  desires  to  secure,  is  one  that 
commends  itself  to  my  heart.  I  want  to  do  ex- 
actly what  he  wants  to  accomplish.  It  is  a  hu- 
mane purpose;  but  I  think  most  conscientiously 
that  he  is  not  attaining  that  object  by  the  passage 
of  the  bill  which  he  seeks  to  have  us  pass;  and 
hence,  acting  according  to  the  convictions  of  my 
own  heart,  I  am  compelled  to  vote  against  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill. 

The  Senator  says  I  have  proceeded  upon  a 
wrong  supposition,  that  I,  in  common  with  the 
Senator  from  West  Virginia,  seem  to  entertain 
the  notion  that  these  men  are  not  freemen.  It  is 
because  I  do  entertain  the  opinion  that  they  are 
freemen,  and  because  I  am  anxious  that  they  shall 
forever  remain  freemen,  that  I  oppose  the  passage 
of  this  bill.  Why,  Mr.  President,  according  to 
my  conviction,  the  only  way  to  treat  these  men 
is  to  treat  them  as  freemen.  You  have  got  to  give 
them  alms,  you  have  got  to  exercise  acts  of  hu- 
manity and  friendship  to  them  forawliile.  They 
will  be  jostled  as  we  are  all  being  jostled  through 
this  life,  but  in  a  little  while  they  will  settle  down 
into  the  position  that  Providence  h^s  designed  that 
they  shall  occupy  under  the  new  condition  of 
affairs  in  this  country.  It  is  not  by  any  such 
processes  as  are  attempted  to  be  enacted  into  a 
law  by  the  passage  of  this  bill  that  you  are  going 
to  really  alleviate  the  wants  and  difficulties  under 
which  these  people  now  suffer. 

Mr.  President,  the  Senator  started  out  with  a 
declaration  tliatl  was  altogther  mistaken  as  to  the 
interpretation  that  is  to  be  put  upon  the  fourth 
section  of  this  bill.  He  says  that  the  words  "gen- 
eral superintendence"  do  not  confer  the  power 
and  the  control  which  I  said  they  did.  Now,  sir, 
1  have  an  authority  here,  whicli  1  know  the  Sen- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2975 


ator  recognizes  as  the  liighest.  in  the  countrjr, 
Worcester's  dictionary;  that  is  the  Harvard  uni- 
versity autliority. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  best  dictionary. 
Mr.  GRIMES.  Permit  me  to  read:  "  Super- 
intendent, one  who  superintends;  a  director;  an 
overseer,"  a  very  unfortunate  word  in  tiiis  con- 
nection. "Superintending,  overseeing; directing; 
taking  cliarge  of  anytiiing." 

What  was  it  tliat  I  said  was  meant  by  these 
words.'  What  was  it  that  I  said  would  be  the  legal 
construction  of  them.'  That  they  would  have  the 
control,  the  power  to  take  charge  of,  the  oversee- 
ing of  these  men;  and  it  was  to  that  that  1  objected. 
Now,  look  at  the  definition  of  the  verb  as  laid 
down  by  Worcester:  " To  superintend;  to  over- 
see," from  whence  the  word  "  overseer"  on  the 
southern  plantations  is  derived ;  "  to  overlook;  to 
have  the  care  or  direction  of." 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Now,  let  me  interrupt  my 
friend  just  there.  The  Senator  hinges  much  on 
the  synonym  "  overseer,"  and  reminds  us  of  the 
overseer  on  a  plantation.  Now,  the  word"  over- 
seer" in  itself  is  not  a  bad  word;  it  has  a  bad  as- 
sociation. It  is  bad  where  a  man  is  overseer  for 
slavery;  but  if  a  man  is  an  overseer  for  liberty, 
and  if  the  bill  charges  him  to  oversee  for  human 
freedom  and  to  guard  sacredly  all  the  rights  of 
these  persons,  then  1  rejoice  to  call  him  "over- 
seer." 

Mv.  GRIMES.  Then  I  understand  that  the 
Senator  virtually  abandons  the  ground  that  he 
took  when  he  was  up  before,  and  admits  that  1 
was  right  in  the  interpretation  of  the  term,  but  he 
says  that  he  intends  that  these  men  shall  oversee, 
not  for  wrong  but  for  good,  that  lie  intends  to 
confer  the  power  to  oversee,  to  take  charge  of,  to 

direct,  to  control  these  men 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Not  to  control. 
Mr.  GRIMES.  To  take  the  charge  of,  to  take 
the  direction  of.  What  is  that  but  taking  the 
control  of?  He  admits  that  it  is  the  purpose  of 
the  bill  to  confer  this  extraordinary  power,  this 
general  superintendence,  this  general  control,  this 
general  overseeing,  but  he  says  he  is  going  to 
have  it  executed  beneficially  for  these  colored 
men.  If  we  pass  this  bill,  that  is  the  way  that  I 
trust  these  great  powers  will  be  exercised;  but  I 
am  fearful  that  if  Wo  confer  upon  these  officials 
such  extraordinary  powers,  they  may  not  al- 
ways and  in  all  cases  exercise  them  for  the  ben- 
efit of  these  men. 

The  Senator  went  on  and  read  to  us  the  duties 
of  these  officers  as  they  are  described  in  the  sixth 
section,  that  they  "  shall  take  care  that  the  freed- 
men  do  not  suffer  from  ill-treatment  or  any  fail- 
ure of  contract  on  the  part  of  others,  and  that  on 
their  part  they  perform  their  duty."  Now,  he 
says  that  this  can  be  enforced  in  a  court  of  justice, 
and  yet  we  all  know  that  there  are  no  courts  of 
justice  there.  How,  then,  is  this  Commissioner 
to  perform  this  duty.'  What  means  does  the  bill 
place  in  the  hands  of  the  Commissioner  or  dep- 
uty Commissioner  to  perform  this  injunction  of 
the  law  that  is  imposed  upon  him.'  There  is  one 
means,  and  only  one  means,  and  that  is  provided 
for  in  the  third  section,  which  allows  him  to  call 
to  his  aid  the  military  power  that  may  be  within 
his  department  to  enforce  obedience  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet;  and  furthermore  let  me  remark 
that  this  military  commander  may  be  the  overseer 
himself  by  the  provisions  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  would  call  the  attention  of 
the  Senator  from  Iowa  to  the  fact  that  the  word 
which  he  criticises  so  freely  is  used  in  our  laws 
already.  We  have  a  Superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  who  superintends  the  various  agents;  but 
1  have  never  yet  heard  that  he  had  authority  to 
reduce  them  to  slavery.  He  must  superintend 
in  accordance  with  the  laws.  We  have  a  Super- 
intendent of  thaMint.  1  believe  he  superintends 
in  accordance  with  the  laws.  In  the  same  man- 
ner "superintendents"  here  means  those  who 
superintend  in  accordance  with  the  purposes  of 
the  bill.  Furthermore,  as  to  the  mode  of  enforce- 
ment, it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  he  must 
do  it  by  means  of  the  military  power,  because  that 
is  a  matter  which  the  department  of  course  will 
have  under  regulation.  It  may  be  done  by  the 
retention  of  wages;  it  may  be  done  by  various 
modes,  as  various  duties  which  are  now  enjoined 
upon  other  subordinates  are  required  to  lie  per- 
formed. 
Mr.  GRIMES.    Mr.  President,  when  there  ia 


a  question  of  human  liberty  presented  to  me  for 
my  consideration,  I  do  not  choose  to  submit  it  to> 
the  regulations  of  any  department. 

Mr.  BROWN.  It  is  not  submitted  to  the  reg- 
ulations of  any  department.  That  is  declared  in 
the  bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  fourth  section,  on  which 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  has  commented, 
provides: 

Or  in  case  no  proper  lessees  can  be  found,  then  to  cause 
the  same  to  be  cultivated  or  occupied  by  the  freedmeii  on 
such  terms  in  either  case  and  on  sucli  regulations  as  the 
Commissioner  may  determine. 

The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  insists  that 
this  does  not  apply  to  the  freedmen;  that  it  does 
not  give  the  Commissioner  any  power  or  control 
to  determine  the  relation  that  the  freedmen  may 
occupy  to  these  cultivated  oroccupied  possessions. 
If  anybody  will  read  that  language  critically  he 
will  observe  that  it  gives  to  each  of  these  Com- 
missioners power,  first,  to  lease  the  land  to  any 
other  party;  second,  to  lease  it  to  the  freedmen 
themselves  and  enter  into  a  contract,  himself  be- 
ing the  agent  both  of  the  Government  and  of  the 
freedmen  too;  and  thirdly,  it  gives  him  an  op- 
portunity, if  he  chooses,  to  occupy  it  upon  any 
other  terms  and  make  just  such  a  contract  as  he 
pleases  as  the  representative  of  the  Government 
and  as  the  guardian  of  these  colored  men  in  re- 
gard to  that  occupation';  and  then  the  sixth  sec- 
tion authorizes  and  requires  that  he  shall  hold 
these  colored  men  to  the  performance  of  their  duty 
under  the  contract  which  he  has  thus  entered  into 
for  them.  I  cannot  approve  of  such  a  provision 
as  that.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  objection  is  rad- 
ical. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Mr.  President,  I  had  hoped 
that  the  remarks  which  I  submitted  yesterday 
would  have  been  all  that  it  would  be  necessary 
for  me  to  make  in  the  discussion  of  this  bill;  and 
I  rise  now  very  reluctantly,  but  I  rise  under  a 
sense  of  duty  to  myself  and  to  the  Senate,  to  no- 
tice some  of  the  remarks  of  the  honorable  Sena- 
tor from  Massachusetts.  1  do  not  exactly  un- 
derstand, I  suppose  I  do  not  understand,  that 
honorable  Senator  in  some  of  the  phraseology 
which  he  uses;  and  before  I  proceed  further  m 
my  remark.^  I  wish  to  understand  from  him  what 
was  his  meaning.  He  seems  to  draw  a  distinc- 
tion between  the  motives  which  operate  upon  me 
and  the  motives  which  operate  upon  the  honora- 
ble Senator  from  Iowa  in  opposing  this  bill;  and 
while  he  complains  that  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Iowa  unjustly  misrepresented  the  bill,  he 
alleges  at  the  same  time  that  the  Senator  from 
West  Virginia  "cordially"  misrepresented  the 
bill.  I  desire  to  know  what  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts  meant  by  that  qualify- 
ing term. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  will  explain  with  great 
pleasure.  Since  the  Senator  from  West  Virginia 
has  been  a  member  of  this  body,  I  have  observed 
his  course.  I  find  that  while  sometimes  boasting 
that  he  has  emancipated  slaves  he  openly  avows 
his  willingness  to  be  a  slave-hunter.  I  cannot 
forget,  sir,  that  on  another  occasion  he  shocked 
this  Senate  and  the  country  by  the  open,  un- 
blushing declaration  that  after  the  emancipation 
of  slaves  in  a  State  they  might  be  again  reenslaved 
and  plunged  into  their  former  bondage.  Who 
can  forget  the  splendid  eloquence  with  which  the 
Senator  from  jSTew  Hampshire  [Mr.  Hale]  at 
once  denounced  the  impious  assumption .'  Sir,  I 
was  then  astonished  that  this  Capitol  itself  did  not 
open  "its  ponderous  marble  jaws"  and  cast  the 
Senator  out;  ay,  sir,  and  ejaculate  him  back  into 
that  land  ofslavery  which  he  seems  to  be  so  unwill- 
ing to  forget.  The  Senator  asks  why  I  said  that  he 
cordially  set  himself  against  this  bill.  Because, 
sir,  in  setting  himself  against  this  bill  he  simply 
followed  those  instincts  which  his  former  conduct 
has  displayed. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Mr.  President,  if  I  escape 
the  ponderous  jaws  of  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Massachusetts,  I  imagine  I  shall  be  in  no 
danger  of  being  swallowed  up  by  the  Capitol  of 
the  Union.  [Laughter.]  I  do  the  honorable 
Senator  the  credit,  however,  to  say  that  he  has 
been  very  explicit,  and  I  am  happyto  have  the 
opportunity  on  the  present  occasion  to  pay  my 
respects  to  the  honorable  Senator  in  reply  to  the 
charges  which  he  has  been  making  without  au- 
thority upon  this  floor  as  well  as  elsewhere. 
Sir,  I  never  advocated  the  reenslavement  of  ne- 


groes who  had  been  emancipated.  The  Senator 
in  his  New  York  speech  represented  me  as  doing 
so.  The  re"cord  does  not  bear  him  out.  It  is 
not  so,  sir.  But  I  did  say  that  certain  policies 
then  initiated,  if  persisted  in,  would  lead  the 
States  where  slavery  exisied  to  the  reenslave- 
ment of  negroes  already  free;  and  I  say  to-day, 
in  reply  to  the  honorable  Senator,  that  until  very 
recently  it  was  a  matter  of  daily  occurrence  in 
Virginia,  and  I  imagine  all  through  the  South, 
that  those  who  had  been  free  were  reenslaved. 
I  did  not  vindicate  that  law;  I  did  not  say  it  was 
right;  but  I  said  that  the  result  of  the  policy  ad- 
vocated at  that  time  v/ould  lead  to  such  an  effect 
in  those  States. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Did  not  the  Senator  say  that 
it' might  be  done,  and  did  the  Senatorheap  scorn 
and  indignation  and  contumely  on  such  an  idea? 
N.o,  sir.  He  named  it  as  an  argument  to  influ- 
ence our  conduct. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  I  did  name  it  as  an  argu- 
ment, Mr.  President.  I  named  it  as  an  argument 
and  a  result  to  be  deprecated,  and  so  the  con- 
nection in  which  I  made  the  remark  will  show, 
not  because  I  advocated  it,  but  deprecating  the 
policy  and  imploring  Senators  to  desist  lest  those 
consequences  might  ensue  which  I  as  much  as 
they  deprecated.  But,  Mr.  President,  these  re- 
marks come  with  an  ill  grace  from  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Massachusetts.  Has  he  forgotten 
the  time  when  I  stood  here  on  this  floor  solitary 
and  alone,  in  the  name  of  freedom  knocking  at 
the  doors  of  Congress  for  admission  into  the 
Union,  coming  in  the  name  of  the  first  soil  res- 
cued from  the  rebellion,  and  in  the  name  of  the 
first  soil  rescued  from  slavery,  knocking  at  the 
door  of  Congress  for  admission  upon  the  plat- 
form of  freedom?  Can  I  forget  when  I  stood  here 
in  tliat  condition  that  I  met  with  the  persistent 
hostility  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts, and  that  his  vote  stands  to-day  recorded 
against  the  admission  of  West  Virginia  into  the 
Union?  And  yet  he  rebukes  me  as  standing  here 
as  not  being  opposed  to  slavery  !  Sir,  I  desire  to 
attract  the  attention  of  the  country  to  the  honor- 
able Senator's  record  in  that  case.  I  wisli  my 
voice  could  reach  Massachusetts,  whose  freemen 
he  represents  and  whose  freedom  sentiments  he 
represents,  to  let  her  know  that  on  a  distin- 
guished occasion,  when  he  had  it  in  his  power 
practically  to  extend  the  area  of  freedom  and  to 
strike  the  shackles  from  moi-e  than  twelve  thou- 
sand slaves  his  vote  was  recorded  against  it. 

And  yet,  sir,  the  honorable  Senator  says  he  is 
not  astonished  that  I  follow  out  my  instincts! 
The  honorable  Senator  smiles.  I  suppose  that 
is  intended  for  an  answer  to  my  argument  and  an 
answer  to  these  facts.  I  recall  the  expression, 
Mr.  President:  the  honorable  Senator  cannot 
smile.  Sir,  there  is  a  wonderful  difference  be- 
tween a  smile  and  a  sneer,  a  mere  sardonic  grin. 
One  comes  from  the  genial  nature  and  kindly  sen- 
timents of  the  heart,  the  outkindling  upon  the  . 
features.  The  other  is  that  kind  of  grim  satis- 
faction which  may  be  imagined  to  rest  upon  the 
dusky  features  of  the  inquisitor  down  in  the 
dungeons  of  the  dark  ages  when  the  logic  of 
religion  was  the  thumb-screw  and  its  charity  a 
cat-o '-nine-tails — that  kind  of  satisfaction  which 
rested  upon  the  features  of  the  gentleman's  pro- 
genitors when  they  were  cutting  off  the  ears  of  the 
GLuakers  in  Massachusetts  or  tormenting  to  death 
old  women  as  witches  at  Salem. 

.  Sir,  my  instincts  are  all  the  other  way.  My 
record  is  for  freedom.  The  best  part  of  my  for- 
tune has  been  devoted  to  freedom,  and  it  is  one 
of  the  consolations  of  my  heart  that  when  my 
old  slaves,  now  walking  free  as  God's  freedmen 
may  walk,  bend  each  night  and  morning  before 
the  altar  to  render  their  devotions  to  their  Maker, 
their  benedictions  rest  upon  me,  not  because  my 
instincts  have  been  adverse  to  freedom,  but  be- 
cause through  me  they  have  been  made  free. 

Mr.  President,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  understand 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  I 
am  at  a  loss  to  understand  his  persistent  hostility 
toward  me  as  indicated  by  his  manner,  and  by 
his  style,  and  by  his  language.  I  have  never 
sought  occasion  to  give  him  offense.  I  have  been 
desirous,  as  far  as  I  could  consistently  with  my 
obligations  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  and 
obedience  to  my  instincts  of  freedom,  to  cooperate 
with  him  in  bringing  about  the  time  when  the 
shackles  should  full  from  the  last  human  being 


2976 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15. 


in  bondage,  and  I  as  earnestly  dosire  to  see  the 
accom|ili«limont  of  tliatas  lie  can.  What  is  there 
upon  this  record  iiere  that  would  justify  any  such 
nssertion  as  the  Senator  has  made  on  this  floor 
to-day,  made  with  a  dictatorial  air  as  of  one  hav- 
ing authority,  but  in  the  language  and  elocution 
of  a  sophomore?  The  gentleman  may  crack  his 
lash  wiiere  he  has  authority.  He  has  no  terrors 
for  nie.  Humble  as  I  am,  1  regard  myself  as  his 
peer  upon  this  floor,  and  whenever  1  see  proper 
to  discuss  a  bill  which  he  introduces  I  will  do  it 
fearlessly,  1  trust  courteously,  and  I  call  the  Sen- 
ate to  witness  whether  there  was  anything  else 
than  courtesy  in  what  I  said  yesterday  in  regard 
to  the  honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
that  would  justify  the  unwarrantable  insinuations 
and  imputation  of  improper  motive  which  he  has 
made  against  me  here  to-day. 

Now  let  us  look.  I  made  a  few  remarks  yes- 
terday expressing  my  objections  to  this  bill.  The 
honorable  Senator  from  Iowa  to-day,  with  much 
more  force,  I  acknowledge,  rises  in  his  place  and 
makes  the  very  same  identical  objections,  and  the 
only  difference  is  that  he  puts  them  in  a  clear  and 
strong  light,  much  more  so  than  I  was  able  to  do. 
And  yet,  sir,  I  am  to  be  denounced  as  being  op- 
erated upon  by  impure  and  improper  motives;  I 
am  to  be  denounced  to-day  as  a  slave-hunter;  the 
honorable  Senator  from  A'lassachusetts,  with  all 
the  bitterness  which  he  could  throw  both  into  his 
manner  and  into  his  voice,  denounced  me  here  on 
the  floor  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  as  a 
slave-hunter,  as  having  openly  advocated  slave- 
hunting.  Sir,  when  did  I  do  so?  Where  did  I 
do  so?  How  did  I  do  so?  I  do  not  remember 
ever  discussing  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate  or 
elsewhere  in  public  the  question  of  the  fugitive 
slave  law  except  the  other  day  when  the  bill  was 
up  for  consideration.  What  did  I  do  then?  1 
simply  said  that  I  would  not  enter  fully  into 
that  matter,  but  I  read  the  following  as  express- 
ing my  opinion  exactly;  I  will  read  it  again: 

"  It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  tliis  provision" — 

Referring  to  the  clause  of  the  Constitution  rela- 
tive to  fugitives  from  service — ■ 

"  was  intended  by  tliose  wlio  made  it  for  tlie  reclaiming  of 
wliat  we  eali  liigitive  slaves;  and  tlie  intention  of  tlie  law- 
giver is  the  law.  All  nienibers  of  Congress  swear  their  sup- 
port to  the  whole  Constitution — to  this  provision  as  much 
as  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that  slaves  whose 
cases  come  within  the  terms  of  tliis  clause  'shall  be  de- 
livered up,'  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now  if  they  would 
make  the  effort  in  good  temper,  could  they  not,  with  nearly 
equal  unanimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law  by  means  of  which 
to  keep  good  that  unanimous  oath?" 

Who  Uttered  that  language? 

Mr.  SUiMNER.  Is  not  that  a  vindication  of 
slave-hunting,  and  has  not  the  Senator  voted  for 
slave-hunting  in  this  Chamber  during  his  short 
presence  here? 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Well,  sir,  we  will  see  how  I 
voted.  I  just  now  remarked  that  1  am  in  very 
good  company  if  I  did  so  vote,  the  majority  of  the 
Senate  having  voted  the  same  way  that  I  did.  I 
ask  again  who  used  this  language?  It  was  the 
present  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States; 
and  why  does  the  honorable  Senator  here  pour 
out  his  violence  and  his  spleen  upon  my  humble 
head,  when  he  has  a  man  worthy  of  his  ambition 
and  worthy  of  his  mark  whom  he  may  denounce? 
Sir,  does  the  honorable  Senator  intend  to  vote  for 
this  slave-hunter?  Is  this  the  first  tocsin  of  war 
against  Abraham  Lincoln  that  he  is  not  worthy 
to  be  the  next  President  of  the  United  States  be- 
cause he  is  a  slave-hunter?  The  gentleman  asks 
if  this  is  not  the  language  of  slave-hunting.  Be 
it  what  it  may,  it  is  Abraham  Lincoln's  language; 
and  if  Abraham  Lincoln  is  a  slave-hunter  for 
using  this  language,  so  am  I  for  adopting  the  lan- 
guage as  iny  own,  not  otherwise.  I  said  on  that 
occasion,  alter  quoting  this  language: 

"  X  think  the  case  is  very  plainly  stated,  sir,  and  there- 
fore 1  shall  conclude  my  remarks  on  that  branch  of  the 
topics  wliieh  I  propose  to  discuss  to-day  by  simply  saying 
thai  I  cannot  vote  for  any  repeal  of  our  fugitive  slave  law 
until  there  is  another  law  proposed  accomplishing  the  same 
result  in  a  better  and  more  humane  manner.  If  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Massachusetts  had  introduced  a  law 
to  supply  the  place  of  lliis,  so  that  wemlf^ht  keepour  con- 
stitutional obligation,  and  if  that  in  its  terms  had  Ijeeii  effi- 
cient and  more  humane,  it  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to 
vote  for  it ;  but  while  this  obligation  rests  upon  me  as  a 
member  of  the  "^enate,  while  I  am  one  of  those  who  have 
taken  that  '  unanimous  oath,'  I  shall  feel  as  long  as  there 
is  a  slave  remaining  with  the  shackles  on  him,  liowever 
much  I  may  detest  slavery  in  the  abstract,  that  it  is  my 
Boleinu  duty  to  make  a  provision  to  cjijry  Into  olfoct  the 
pluiii  roquiremeni  of  the  Conatituilon." 


That  is  my  offense  constituting  slave-hunting  I 
My  ofl^ensc  was  adopting  the  language  and  senti- 
ment of  the  presentexcellent  Chief  Magistrate  of 
these  United  States.  Ami  to  becondemned  for 
entertaining  such  sentiments?  What  was  the 
result  of  that  discussion?  The  honorable  Senator 
from  Ohio  [Mr.  Sherman]  proposed  an  amend- 
ment that  the  fugitive  slave  law,  as  it  is  called,  of 
1850  should  be  repealed,  leaving  the  law  of  1793 
still  as  the  law  of  the  land.  In  obedience  to  the 
very  sentiments  that  I  uttered,  I  voted  with  a 
majority  of  the  Senators  upon  this  floor  for  the 
repeal  of  the  law  of  1830,  leaving  the  law  of  1793 
as  the  law  of  the  land. 

Are  we  all  slave-hunters  that  voted  for  that 
proposition?  Is  the  distinguished  Senator  from 
Ohio  a  slave-hunter  because  he  voted  for  and 
moved  that  proposition  ?  Are  other  distinguished 
Senators  that  I  see  on  the  other  side  of  the  Cham- 
ber also  to  be  denounced  as  slave-hunters  because 
they  adopted  that  policy  and  voted  for  that  prop- 
osition ?  Mr.  President,  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  is  welcome  to  all  he  can 
make  out  of  this  record. 

Now,  sir,  it  seems  that  I  have  not  yet  recovered 
from  the  influence  of  slavery;  it  was  "  natural" 
for  me  to  vote  against  this  bill!  How  inconsist- 
ent is  that?  It  was  because  I  believed  the  opera- 
tion of  this  bill  would  be  prejudicial  to  the  free- 
dom of  these  freedmen  that  I  opposed  it.  It  was 
because  1  believed  it  would  initiate  a  policy  that 
would  lead  to  their  ultimate  rei^nslavement  that  I 
opposed  it.  It  was  because  I  believed  it  was  giv- 
ing an  arbitrary  authority  over  the  person  and 
over  the  labor  and  over  the  rights  of  these  unfor- 
tunate beings  that  I  opposed  the  extraordinary 
provisions  of  this  bill.  And  yet  I  am  to  be  charged 
with  obeying  my  natural  instincts  and  education 
and  going  against  freedom  I 

But,  sir,  asking  pardon  of  the  Senate  for  these 
personal  observations,  I  desire  to  avail  myself  of 
the  floor  while  I  am  up  to  notice  one  or  two  other 
considerations  which  1  think  it  would  be  wellfor 
the  Senate  to  observe. 

I  want  to  put  this  question  to  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  who  has  this  bill  in 
charge:  to-day  how  much  territory  in  the  South, 
if  this  bill  were  a  law,  how  many  counties  in  any 
one  body  any  v/here  in  theStates  whose  people  are 
in  rebellion,  could  be  brought  under  the  operation 
of  this  law?  Take  Virginia,  for  instance.  Our  ar- 
mies are  now  beyond  Richmond  or  near  Richmond 
in  one  quarter;  they  have  moved  up  toward  Char- 
lottesville or  Staunton  in  another;  they  have  left 
half  the  territory  of  the  State  behind  them  within 
what  are  called  our  lines.  I  ask  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator to-day  if  he  had  his  Commissionerappointed, 
in  what  single  county  in  that  scope  of  territory  dare 
he  go  and  stay  all  night  this  night  twenty  milea 
from  Alexandria  or  ten  miles  from  Alexandria? 
tlow  long  would  a  parcel  of  these  freedmen  placed 
upon  a  plantation  be  allowed  to  labor  in  any  of 
that  section  of  country  before  Mosby  and  his 
guerrillas  would  be  upon  them?  And  is  it  not  so 
every  where  else  ?  Does  not  the  same  condition 
of  things  exist  to  a  very  considerable  extent  every- 
where in  the  States  in  rebellion? 

But  it  will  be  argued  that  this  cannot  last  al- 
ways, that  the  rebellion  will  be  crushed.  Why, 
sir,  when  the  rebellion  is  crushed,  then  let  the 
State  authorities  be  reorganized  and  revived  and 
take  charge  of  these  matters,  as  the  only  proper 
and  legitimate  authority  to  do  so.  Until  then  it 
will  be  impossible,  even  if  this  bill  become  a  law, 
to  carry  this  complex  machinery  into  effect  with 
any  degree  of  efficiency;  and  what  will  be  the 
result  of  that?  We  shall  havea  CoiYimissioner  at 
a  heavy  salary,  and  his  clerks  at  heavy  salaries, 
and  his  Assistant  Commissioners  at  heavy  sala- 
ries, not  in  the  territory  of  the  rebel  States  but  in 
Washington  city,  or  at  their  homes,  afraid  to  go 
there,  paid  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  as  mere  sinecures.  I  put  it  to  honorable 
Senators  to  say  whether  that  would  not  be  the 
condition  of  things.  To-day  I  ask  where  you 
can  get  a  respectable  scope  of  territory  sufficient 
to  compose  a  district,  where  you  can  get  not 
merely  half  a  State,  but  the  one  fourth,  or  one 
tenth,  or  one  twentieth  partof  any  State  in  rebel- 
lion in  which  you  could  establish  this  system? 
Sir,  if  there  be  such  a  territory  I  do  not  know 
where  it  is. 

And  now,  sir,  a  general  remark  in  regard  to 
the  bill,  further.    This  bill  has  few  or  no  checks 


upon  the  operation  and  conduct  of  these  Commis- 
sioners and  subaltern  officers.  They  are  invested 
with  most  astonishing  control  and  power,  both 
over  the  property  which  they  are  to  take  into 
possession  and  the  labor  of  the  freedmen  whom 
they  are  to  control.  We  have  already  corn- 
plaints,  I  am  afraid  too  v/ell  founded,  of  corrup- 
tion and  peculation  on  the  jiart  of  the  Treasury 
agents,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  the  wit  of  man 
could  not  devise  a  more  efficient  system  for  pec- 
ulation and  corruption  than  is  devised  by  this 
bill,  a  more  efficient  agency  to  operate  in  that  di- 
rection, with  fewer  checks  and  balances,  and  no 
pains  and  penalties  whatever  anywhere  in  the 
bill  to  check  or  to  punish  those  who  are  guilty 
of  peculation  under  its  provisions. 

With  such  a  bill,  the  principal  result  of  which 
will  be  to  introduce  a  system  of  peonage  or  re- 
enslavement  of  these  Africans  that  will  necessa- 
rily lead  to  corruption  and  peculation,  if  it  lead 
to  anything  at  all,  that  will  very  probably  only 
result  in  creating  some  twenty  or  thirty  officers 
to  be  paid  heavy  salaries  while  they  remain  at 
home,  I  ask  whether  at  this  hour  and  under  ex- 
isting circumstances  the  interests  of  the  country, 
the  justice  of  the  case  demand  at  the  hands  of  the 
Senate  any  such  legislation. 

Sir,  1  scorn  and  repel  any  imputation,  come  from 
what  quarter  it  may,  that  indicates  immediately 
or  remotely  that  lam  actuated  in  my  conduct  upon 
the  floor  of  the  Senate  here  otherwise  than  by  the 
purest  and  holiest  instincts  for  freedom.  I  may 
err  in  myjudgment;  but,  as  God  is  my  judge  and 
v/ill  be  at  the  final  day,  I  desire  from  the  depths 
of  my  heart  universal  emancipation  as  soon  as  it 
is  practicable,  and  I  am  for  the  manner  and  way 
that  will  bringit  about  most  speedily  and  most 
judiciously.  The  whole  tenor  of  my  lifegives  the 
direct  denial  to  the  imputations  of  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Massachusetts.  My  private  and  my 
public  record  do  not  bear  him  out  m  casting  such 
imputations.  1  have  differed  with  Senators  here 
in  regard  to  their  policy.  1  have  thought  that 
sometimes  the  policy  would  lead  not  to  the  lib- 
eration of  the  slave,  but  would  absolutely  lead, 
perhaps  in  the  free  States — I  thought  so  in  the 
beginning  of  this  controversy — to  the  reenslave- 
ment  of  the  negroes  that  were  there  already  free; 
that  it  might  do  so;  that  probably  it  would  do  so, 
that  such  would  be  the  result.  Circumstances 
have  changed  very  much  since  that  time.  I  do 
not  now  believe  that  such  will  ever  be  the  case. 
Such  an  onslaught  has  been  made  upon  slavery 
that  no  possible  reaction,  it  seems  to  me,  can  ever 
recover  it  from  the  final  destiny  of  universal  eman- 
cipation to  which  it  is  tending. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  from  West  Vir- 
ginia has  again  repeated  the  charge  that  the  bill 
under  considei'ation  creates  a  systern  of  peonage. 
Does  he  know  what  a  system  of  peonage  is?  if 
he  does,  then  he  does  not  know  what  the  bill  is. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Does  the  honorable  Senator 
know  what  the  bill  is? 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Certainly  I  do. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Then  he  knows  what  peonage' 
will  be  if  it  be  adopted.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  SUMNER.  That  indicates,  then,  the  pre- 
cise difference  between  the  Senator  from  West 
Virginia  and  myself.  However,  sir,  I  do  not 
wish  to  be  carried  into  any  verbal  dispute  with 
that  Senator  or  with  any  Senator  on  this  floor. 
Candidly  and  sincerely  I  seek  the  truth,  and  I 
regret  any  diflference  with  anybody,  and  let  me 
say  in  all  frankness  that  since  I  liave  been  on 
this  floor  there  has  been  much  in  that  Senator 
which  has  interested  me,  and  yet  there  has  been 
somethiiig  which  has  pained  me;  but  when  I 
was  pained  I  always  tried  to  remember  that  he 
had  unfortunately  been  brought  up  under  a  sys- 
tem of  slavery,  and  I  have  been  too  intimate, 
from  long  experience  on  this  floor,  with  the  op- 
erations of  slavery  on  character  not  to  recognize 
the  unhappy  circumstances  by  which  the  Sena- 
tor had  too  obviously  been  surrounded.  It  takes 
long  to  recover  from  slavery,  and  the  unconscious- 
ness of  its  influence  is  one  of  the  characteristics 
which  appear  in  those  who  have  been  exposed 
to  it. 

The  Senator  was  able  to  rise  on  this  floor  and 
deliberately  to  state  without  putting  his  heel  upon 
the  idea  that  men  once  emancipated  might  under 
the  operation  of  State  laws  be  reenslaved.  He; 
now  seeks  to  explain  it  away.  Tlje  Globe,  sir< 
is  the  perpetual  record.     Here  it  is.     I  have  sent 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congp.ess,  1st  Session. 


THURSDAY,  JUNE  16,  1864. 


New  Series No.  187. 


for  it.  On  April  10,  1862,  the  words  were  said, 
and  on  that  da^  they  were  happily  denounced  by 
the  Senator  from  New  Hantipshire.  The  Senator 
from  West  Virginia  proposed  as  an  aniiendment 
to  a  pending  proposition  that  provision  should  be 
made  for  the  "deportation  or  colonization  of  all 
other  persons  of  the  African  race  who  are  now 
free  in  any  of  the  United  States."  Tliat  was  his 
policy,  deportation,  colonization,  applicable  on  a 
gigantic  scale,  and  the  Treasury  of  this  country 
was  to  be  taxed  to  carry  out  that  idea.  Ho w  d  id 
he  enforce  the  idea.'  By  developing  at  some  length 
that  persons  of  African  descent  could  not  be  al- 
Sowcd  to  continue  in  communities  where  they  liad 
been  emancipated,  and  he  wound  up  as  follows: 

"  Here  you  are  surrounding  us" — 

"  Us"  slave-masters — 

"  by  an  impassable  barrier  of  constitutional  Interdictions 
against  the  diffusion  of  this  population,  while  at  the  same 
time  you  want  to  manumit  our  slaves  and  throw  them 
broadcast  on  our  community.  Sir,  the  evil  v;ill  he  unen- 
durable, and  the  result  will  be  the  reenslavement  of  the  slaves 
thus  manumilfed,  as  wellas  those  already  free  inour  State." 

And  having  given  utterance  to  that  most  atro- 
cious sentiment,  he  took  his  seat. 

Mr.  WILLED.     Did  I  indorse 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Excuse  me;  I  have  the  rec- 
ord here;  it  will  all  appear.  The  Senator  from 
New  Hampshire  was  happily  in  his  seat,  and  he 
rose  at  once  and  said: 

"  Mr.  Hale.  Mr.  President,  I  have  hot  said  a  word  upon 
tills  bill,  and  did  not  intend  to,  and  I  do  not  know  that  1 
shall  now;  hut  I  declare  I  cannot  sit  still  and  hear  such 
sentiments  as  those  that  have  just  been  uttered  by  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Virginia  without  an  attempt  to  rebuke 
them.  The  lionorable  Senator  intimates,  of  course  not  of- 
fensively, but  in  the  way  of  a  threat,  that  ultimately  the 
State  of  Virginia  and  possibly  the  State  of  Maryland  and 
the  State  of  Kentucky  may  be  compelled,  in  consequence 
of  a  system  of  legislation  indicated  by  this  bill,to  reiinslave 
their  colored  population,  to  tear  the  colored  freemen  of 
those  States  from  the  little  portion  of  right  which  they  en- 
joy, and  bind  them  again  in  the  chains  of  bondage  and 
slavery. 

'•lUr.  WfLLET.  1  hope  thegentleman  will  permit  me 

"Mr.  Hai.e.  I  shall  get  through  in  a  minute,  and  then 
I  will. 

"  Mr.  WiLLEY.  Simply  an  explanation.  The  geirtle- 
Bian  misconceived  my  remark. 

"Mr.  Hale.  I  think  1  did  not  misunderstand  the  re- 
mark"— 

Tiie  remark  was  as  plain  as  day;  I  have  read 
it— 

"I  certainly  Would  not  misrepresent  the  Senator.  The 
intimation  was  that  tliey  would  be  compelled,  as  a  matter 
of  necessity,  to  reensiave  the  colored  population  that  are 
already  free  and  those  that  would  be  made  free  under  this 
bill.  Now,  sir,  [  recollect,  as  long  ago  as  the  last  war  with 
England,  after  tlie  victory  of  General  Jackson  at  New  Or- 
leans, liearing  a  famous  song  which  was  sung  all  over  the 
country  in  praise  of  the  hunters  of  Kentucky.  I  have  as 
high  regard  for  thcchivalry,  bravery,  and  tlie  powerof  Ken- 
tucky, Virginia,  and  Maryland,  and  any  of  these  States  as 
any  man  has ;  but  I  tell  them,  and  I  tell  tlie  Legislature  of 
every  State  in  tliis  Union,  that  when  they  undertake  that 
they  undertake  a  job  that  they  cannot  do  ;  they  set  them- 
selves in  opposition  to  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  country 
and  of  the  world.  There  is  not  a  monarch  to-day  on  the 
throne  of  any  of  the  kingdoms  of  Europe  situated  there  so 
firmly  that  he  dare  to  sethiinself  in  opposition  to  the  moral 
sentimont  of  mankind.  I  take  il,  sir,  that  it  is  neither  fa- 
naticism nor  superstition  to  say  tliat  when  the  Creator  of  the 
earth  made  the  earth,  and  the  same  Power  made  colored 
men;  He  intended  that  thecolored  men  He  had  made  should 
dwell  upon  the  earth  that  He  bad  made  ;  and  that  when  the 
broad  earth  was  subjected  to  the  servitude  of  man  and  the 
fiat  went  forth  that  by  the  sweat  of  the  b«-ow  of  man  should 
Ills  living  be  obtained  from  the  earth,  it  was  a  universal 
edict,  irrespective  of  complexion,  and  that  the  earth  is  sub- 
ject to  theseivitudeof supporting  the  blackman  as  wellas 
the  wliite.  I  laugh  to  scorn  all  attempts  and  all  tlireats  at 
reenslaving  this  people.  I  tell  you  it  cannot  be  done.  I 
believe,  sir,  that  the  Almighty,  sitting  on  the  throne  of 
eternal  justice,  would  proclaim  in  thunder  tones,  that  States 
no  less  than  individuals  would  hear,  that  the  great  and 
eternal  principles  of  fundamental  justice  could  not  be  out- 
raged agairist  a  whole  people  and  a  whole  class  so  grossly 
as  that  without  a  vindication  on  His  part  of  the  eternal  laws 
which  He  has  promulgated." 

That,  sir,  was  the  deserved  rebuke  which  the 
Senator  from  New  Hampshire  gave  to  the  Sena- 
tor from  West  Virginia.  There  is  a  long  ex- 
planation that  follows,  which  the  Senator  may 
read  if  he  sees  fit;  I  certainly  cannot  congratulate 
iiim  if  he  thinks  tiiat  it  contains  any  apology  for 
the  sentiment  which  ho  uttered.     Sir,  I  come  now 

to  one  other  point 

.     Mr.  WILLEY  rose. 


187 


Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  will  bear  with 
me;  I  shall  not  be  long.  One  other  point.  The 
Senator  is  unwilling  to  be  called  a  slave-hunter. 
Let  him  not,  then,  in  any  way  sustain  the  hunt- 
ing of  slaves.  Sir,  I  use  plain  language,  and  1 
always  have  used  plain  language  ever  since  I  have 
been  on  this  floor,  especially  when  slavery  in  this 
terrible  form  was  under  consideration.  A  man 
who  hunts  slaves  is  a  slave-hunter.  A  man  who 
authorizes  another  to  hunt  slaves  is  a  slave-hunter. 
If  slavery  be  a  crime,  then  is  slave-hunting  some- 
thing more,forslavery  never  appears  in  so  odious 
an  aspect  as  when  it  assumes  the  form  of  slave- 
hunting.  And  yet  the  Senator  now  to-day  openly 
avows  himself  a  slave-hunter;  and  satisfies  his 
conscience  by  referring  to  others  who  do  the  same 
thing.  Sir,  each  man  must  stand  or  fall  by  him- 
self. If  the  Senator  from  West  Virginia  chooses 
to  vindicate  or  to  sanction  in  any  way  the  hunt- 
ing of  his  fellow-man,  I  know  no  term  of  our  com- 
mon language  which  more  aptly  designates  the 
function  which  he  undertakes  than  that  which  I 
have  employed.  If  the  term  be  oifensive  it  is  not 
so  offensive  as  the  thing. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Mr.  President,  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  still  persists  in  de- 
nouncing me  as  a  slave-hunterinamanner  and  in 
language  not  to  be  misunderstood  by  the  Senate, 
and  to  which  I  dare  not  be  indifferent  if  I  could.  It 
is  designed  to  carry  with  it  reproach.  It  is  designed 
to  carry  with  it  something  of  the  parliceps  crim- 
inis,  something  humiliating,  somethingdastardly, 
something  mean.  Now,  Mr.  President,  how  far 
do  1  go  for  the  fugitive  slave  law.'  No  further 
than  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  ex- 
press terms  provides.  Who  made  it?  George 
Washington.  He  is  one  of  the  authors  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law;  he  is  a  slave-hunter  !  James 
Madison  too  is  a  slave-hunter!  I  suppose  their 
ashes  will  not  be  much  disturbed  to-day,  after  the 
accumulated  glory  of  half  a  century  resting  on 
their  memories,  by  the  traducing  epithets  of  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  who  de- 
nounces them  far  more  than  he  does  me.  If  I 
had  b^en  in  their  place,  with  my  present  feelings, 
it  is  very  probable  that  I  never  would  have  con- 
sented to  the  introduction  of  such  a  clause  into 
the  Constitution.  Perhaps,  actuated  as  they  were 
by  a  spirit  of  compromise,  in  order  to  make  a 
Union  and  to  perpetuate  it,  I  might  be  induced  to 
do  so,  but  from  no  other  consideration.  And  be- 
cause to-day  1  desire  upon  the  obligation  of  the 
oath  which  1  took  at  your  desk  to  carry  out  in 
good  faith  that  oath  and  to  see  that  the  Constitu- 
tion is  preserved  and  maintained  and  its  laws  ex- 
ecuted— a  Constitution  formed  by  George  Wash- 
ington and  James  Madison  and  the  brightest  in- 
tellects that  ever  adorned  humanity — I  am  to  be 
denounced  in  the  contemptuous  language  of  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  as  a  slave-hunter. 
Sir,  every  Senator  upon  this  floor  must  judge  of 
his  own  constitutional  obligation  in  the  light  of 
his  own  conviction,  but  with  my  conviction  of 
my  duty  under  the  oath  which  1  took  to  support 
the  Constitution,  if  I  did  not  go  for  carrying  out 
that  clause  in  some  form  by  some  law  or  other, 
as  humane  as  possible,  I  should  regard  myself 
as  worse  than  the  veriest  slave-hunter  and  slave- 
driver  that  ever  cracked  the  lash  over  the  back  of 
a  slave — a  perjured  man,  unfit  for  earth  and  unfit 
for  heaven. 

But  then,  sir,  the  honorable  Senator  thinks  I 
do  not  understand  what  a  "  peon  "  is.  From  his 
expression  I  am  pretty  certain  that  he  does  not. 
It  has  several  srgnifications.  We  understand  it 
best  in  this  country,  I  suppose,  from  the  exarnple 
nearest  to  us  in  Mexico.  A  "  peon"  is  thus  de- 
fii.td  by  Worcester:  "  In  Mexico,  a  day  laborer, 
usually  a  laborer  held  in  servitude  until  a  debt  is 
discharged;"  not  for  life;  "a  bondman  for  debt." 
Now,  if  this  bill  is  not  pretty  much  peonage  ac- 
cording to  this  definition,  1  do  not  know  what 
peonage  is. 

Now,  sir,  a  word  in  regard  to  my  remarks 
imade  some  two  years  ago  v/hich  have  been  read 
by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 
The  lionorable  Senator  evidently  conveyed,  or 


his  language  was  calculated  to  convey,  the  idea 
in  the  first  place  that  I  had  advocated  the  reen- 
slavement of  those  who  had  been  emancipated, 
that  it  met  my  approbation.  He  read  the  record, 
and  1  ask  Senators  to  observe  whether  there  was 
a  word  in  it  that  sustains  the  honorable  Senator 
in  that  view  of  the  case.  I  was  using  it  as  an 
argument  that  this  terrible  consequence  would 
ensue,  a  consequence  which  in  the  very  terms  1 
used  I  deprecated,  as  the  result  of  the  policy  that 
the  honorable  Senator  was  then  pursuing.  I  did 
then  think  that  peradventure  the  result  of  that 
policy  would  be  the  reenslavement  of  emancipated 
negroes.  Sir,  I  thought  that  reenslavement  would 
come  from  another  quarter.  I  supposed  the  re- 
enslavement of  the  poor  negroes  who  have  been 
emancipated  by  this  war  would  take  place  by 
their  original  masters.  1  never  expected  that  the 
first  act  and  movement  for  their  reenslavement 
would  come  from  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Massachusetts,  as  we  have  it  in  this  bill  here  to- 
day. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate 
adjourned.    

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Wednesday,  June  15,  1864. 
The  House  met  at  twelve  o'clock,  m.    Prayer 
by  the  Chaplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Channing. 

By  unanimous  consent,  the  reading  of  the 
Journal  of  yesterday  was  dispensed  with. 

ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY. 

The  House  then  resumed  the  consideration  ol 
joint  resolution  of  the  Senate  (No.  16)  submit- 
ting to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  a 
proposition  to  amend  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  Mr.  Speaker,  before 
proceeding  to  discuss  directly  the  question  before 
the  House,  I  wish  to  devote  a  few  moments  in 
replying  to  some  remarks  which  fell  from  the  lips 
of  my  colleague  [Mr.  Ross]  last  evening,  and  in- 
cidentally to  remarks  which  have  been  uttered 
by  other  gentlemen  since  this  debate  commenced. 

I  was  surprised  at  the  speech  of  my  colleague 
last  evening.  In  the  whole  course  of  a  prepared 
speech  of  an  hour's  length,  scarcely  one  word 
did  he  utter  by  way  of  rebuke  of  the  rebels  and 
traitors  of  the  South.  The  entire  burden  of  his 
speech,  with  a  very  small  exception,  from  be- 
ginning to  end  was  abuse  of  the  Administration 
and  of  the  Government,  misrepresentation  as  to 
the  manner  in  which  the  war  had  been  conducted, 
and  allegations  against  the  Union  men  of  the 
country  tliat  they  had  produced  the  war  and  were  . 
continuing  it  with  a  view  to  self-aggrandizement. 

II  is  tiue  that  he  did  for  a  very  few  moments,  in 
a  very  mild  and  gingerly  manner,  take  issue  with 
Jeff.  Davis  and  his  crew  upon  the  dogma  of  the 
right  of  States  to  secede  from  the  Union  under 
the  Constitution;  but  it  was  done  in  a  very  def- 
eret.tial  and  careful  and  tender  manner.  To  the 
balance  of  his  speech  it  was  like  a  grain  of  wheat 
hidden  in  a  bushel  of  chaff";  you  may  search  for 
it  all  day,  and  when  you  find  it  it  is  not  worth 
the  seeking;  or  like  Falstafi's  bill  at  Mrs.  Ciuick- 
ly's  tavern,  a  penny-v/orth  of  bread  to  an  enor- 
mous quantity  of  sack. 

My  colleague  said  that  he  and  the  party  with 
which  he  acts  are  the  friends  of  the  soldier,  that 
he  himself  introduced  into  the  House  a  resolution 
to  instruct  the  Committee  on  Military  Affltirs  to 
increase  the  pay  of  officers  and  soldiers  thirty- 
three  per  cent.,  but  that  instead  of  the  committee 
reporting  a  bill  to  increase  the  pay  of  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  Army  thirty-three  per  cent,  they 
had  only  reported  a  bill  to  increase  the  pay  of  the 
soldiers  ten  cents  a  day,  while  at  the  same  time 
they  reduced  his  rations. 

Now,  what  is  the  truth  about  this.'  A  bill  has 
been  reported  and  has  passed  this  House  to  in- 
crease the  pay  of  soldiers  from  thirteen  to  sixteon 
dollars  per  month.  It  is  true  that  that  bill  also 
provided  for  the  repeal  of  part  of  the  act  of  1861, 


2978 


THE  CO^-GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


wliich  act  largely  increased  the  rations  of  the  sol- 
dier. And  why?  Because  it  was  found  that  the 
soldier  did  not  require  these  rations,  and  did  not 
consume  them.  It  was  found  that  the  rations 
provided  i)y  law  for  the  soldiers  in  the  field  were 
sufiicient  to  support  a  frugal  family  of  a  man, 
wife,  and  three  children.  The  surplus  rations 
were  wasted,  or  their  proceeds  went  into  the 
pockets  of  commissaries  and  quartermasters,  or 
were  wasted.  No  soldier  has  complained  of  the 
reduction  of  his  rations.  I  defy  my  colleague  or 
any  other  gentleman  on  this  floor  to  point  to  the 
case  of  a  single  soldier  in  tlie  Army  of  the  United 
States  who  complains  of  the  loss. 

True,  my  colleague  did  introduce  a  resolution, 
as  he  says,  to  increase  the  pay  of  officers  and 
soldiers  thirty-three  per  cent.,  but  I  think  a  few 
moments 'examination  ofthe  votesofmy  colleague 
and  tiie  party,  witii  which  he  acts  on  other  ques- 
tions will  not  only  convince  the  House  and  the 
country  but  the  soldiers  also,  that  those  measures 
are  not  introduced  by  him  from  any  friendly  mo- 
tive or  feeling  toward  the  soldier. 

What  has  been  the  course  of  that  gentleman 
and  his  party  on  this  floor  in  regard  to  voting 
supplies  to  the  Army  .'  What  has  been  their  course 
in  regard  to  raising  money  to  pay  the  Army .' 
His  vote  will  be  found  recorded  in  almost  every 
instance  against  the  appropriation  bills,  against 
ways  and  means  for  raising  money  to  pay  the 
Army.  It  is  only  a  week  ago  last  Monday  that 
a  bill  was  introduced  here  to  punish  guerrillas,  to 
punish  those  men  who  infest  the  woods  and  high- 
ways, playing  neutrals  when  our  Army  comes 
along,  and  then  prowling  along  the  highways  to 
shoot  the  wounded  soldier  who  is  dragging  his 
weary  footsteps  to  the  rear  to  a  hospital;  and  how 
did  my  colleague  vote.'  Against  the  bill..  First, 
there  was  a  motion  made  to  lay  the  bill  on  the 
table,  and  my  colleague  voted  for  that  motion. 
On  the  passage  of  the  bill,  when  the  yeas  and 
nays  were  again  ordered,  my  colleague  voted  in 
the  negative.  And  yet  he  is  the  friend  of  the 
Boldier!  I  submit  on  this  point  an  extract  from 
the  Globe  ofthe  proceedings  of  June  6: 

"  Mr.  Garfield.  T  am  directi'd  by  tlie  Committee  on 
IMilitaij'  Affairs  to  report  back  bill  of  the  House  No.  429, 
to  provide  for  the  more  speedy  punishment  of  guerrillas, 
and  for  other  purposes. 

"  The  bill  was  read  in  extenso. 

"  Mr.  Ancona.  How  does  that  bill  come  in  under  this 
call. 

"  'I'he  Speaker.  Under  the  call  of  States  for  resolutions 
bills  may  be  introduced.  That  tias  been  the  uniform  prac- 
tice of  tiK!  House. 

"Mr.  Gaufikld.     I  call  for  the  previous  question. 

"  Mr.  Le  Blond.  I  move  that  the  hill  be  referred  to  the 
Committee?  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

"  The  Speaker.  That  motion  is  not  in  order  during  the 
demand  for  tiie  previous  question. 

"Mr.  Li  Blond.  Is  a  motion  to  refer  to  a  »tanding  com- 
mittee in  order.' 

"  The  SpEAiiER.     It  Is  not  now  in  order. 

"  Mr.  Le  Blond.  I  move,  then,  that  the  bill  be  laid  upon 
the  table. 

"  Mr.  Elduidge.     I  demand  the  yeas  and  nays. 

"The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

"Mr.  Eldridge.  I  withdraw  the  demand  for  the  yeas 
and  nays  to  see  whether  the  previous  question  is  seconded 
or  not. 

"  'J'iie  motion  to  lay  upon  the  table  vi'as  disagreed  to. 

"The  House  was  then  divided;  and  tliere  were — ayes 
60,  noes  35. 

"  So  the  call  for  the  previeus  question  was  seconded. 

"Mr.  Eldridge  moved  that  the  bill  be  laid  upon  the 
table. 

"Mr.  Blair,  of  West  Virginia,  demanded  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

"  Mr.  Ei.DRiDOE  demanded  tellers  on  the  yeas  and  nays. 

"  Tellers  were  ordered  ;  and  Messrs.  Elduidge,  and  Ogle 
of  Calilornia,  were  appointed. 

•"The  House  was  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported- 
ayes  thirty  five. 

"So  (more  than  one  fifth  voting  lu  favor  thereof)  the 
yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

"The  question  was  taken  ;  and  it  was  decided  In  the 
negative— yeas  3."),  nays  07;  as  follows  : 

"  Yeas — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Ancona,  Bliss,  James 
S.  Brown,  Cox,  Cravens,  Dawson,  lOden,  Edjerton,  El- 
dridge,  Finck,  (Jrider,  Hardin?,  Harrinston,  Cliarles  M. 
Harris,  llerriek,  Ilutehhis,  VVilliam  Johnson,  King,  Le 
Blond,  Lont;,  i\Tallory,  Marcy,McHowell,  James  R.  iViorris, 
Morrison,  Noble,  Pendleton,  I'erry,  Itobinson,  Itogers, 
Ross,  Scott, Chilton  A.  While,  and  Joseph  W.  White— 3,3. 

"Nays— Messrs.  Allison,  Ames,  Arnold,  Ashley,  Baily, 
John  D.  Balilvvin,  Beanian.  Blaine,  Jaeob  B.  Ulair,  Broom- 
all,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Cobb,  Cole,  Creswell,  Thomas  '1'. 
Davis,  Dawes,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Dri2gs,  Eliot,  Farnsworth, 
Fenton,  Frank,  Garfield,  Oririnell,  Griswold,  Hale,  Hooper, 
Holehkiss,  Asahel  W.  llubb;ird,  John  II.  Hubbard,  Ingcr- 
soll,  Jenelc^s,  Julian,  l^'raneis  W.  Kellom;,  Orlando  Kel- 
logg, Littlejohn,  Longyear,  Marvin,  Samuel  F.  Miller, 
Moorliead,  Morrill,- Dajiiel  Morris,  Amos  IMyers,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Orlli,  Patterson,  Perham,  Price,  Alexander  H. 
lUce,  Johii  H.  Rice,  Ed  ward  H.  Rollins,  Scofield,  Shannon, 
Sloan,  Smithers,  Spalding,  Thayer,  Tracy,  Upnoii,  Elihu 


B.  Washburnc,  William  C.  Washburn,  Whaley,  Wilder, 
Wilson,  Windom,  and  Woodbridge — 67. 

"So  the  bill  was  not  laid  upon  the  table. 

"  The  previous  question  was  seconded  and  the  main 
question  ordered,  which  was  on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

"  Mr.  Alley  called  for  theyeas  and  nays. 

"  The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

"The  question  was  taken ;  and  It  was  decided  in  the 
affirmative — yeas  72,  nays  37  ;  as  follows  : 

"  Yeas — Messr.s.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Arnold,  Ashley, 
Rally,  Jr.lin  T).  Baldwin,  Beaman,  Blaine,  Jacob  B,  Blair, 
Broomall,  Ambrose  W.  Clark, Cobb,  Cole, Creswell,  Dawes, 
Dixon,Donnelly,Driggs, Eliot,  Farnsworth,  Fenton,  Frank, 
Garfield,  Gooch,Grinnell.Griswold,  Hale,  Hooper,  Hotch- 
kiss,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  In- 
gersoll,  Jenckes,  Julian,  TCelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Or- 
lando Kellogg,  Littlejohn,  Eongyear,  Marvin,  Mclndoe, 
Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos 
Myers,  Cliarles  O'Neill,  Ortli,  Patterson,  Perham,  Price, 
Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  Sco- 
field, Shannon,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Spalding,  Thayer,  Tracy, 
Upson,  E  ihu  B.  Washburne,  William  B.  Washburn, 
Whaley.  Williams,  Wilder,  Wilson,  Windom,  and  Wood- 
bridge — 72. 

"  Nays — Messrs.  James  C.Allen,  Aiicona,  Augustus  C. 
Baldwin,  Bliss,  CoftVotli,  Cravens,  Henry  Winter  Davis, 
Dawson,  Denison,Eden,Edgerton,Eldridge,  Finek,  Grider, 
Harding,  Harrington,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Hutchins,  King, 
Knapp,  Le  Blond,  Long,Mallory,  Marcy,  McDowell, Mor- 
rison, Noble,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Robinson,  Rogers,  Ross, 
Strouse,  Voorhees,  Wadsworth,  Chilton  A.  White,  and 
Joseph  W.  White— 37. 

"  So  the  bill  was  passed." 

On  the  subject  of  arming  slaves,  of  putting  ne- 
groes into  the  Army,  how  has  my  colleague  and 
his  party  voted .'  Universally  against  it.  They 
would  strip  from  the  backs  of  these  black  soldiers, 
now  in  the  service  of  the  country,  their  uni- 
forms, and  would  send  them  back  to  slavery  with 
chains  and  manacles.  And  yet  they  are  the 
friends  of  the  soldier! 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 
The  gentleman  from  Illinois  is  not  discussing  the 
question  before  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  constitutional  amend- 
ment opens  a  very  wide  range  of  debate.  The 
gcnilcman's  colleague  [Mr.  Ross]  to  whom  he 
refers  followed  the  same  course  of  debate  last 
evening,  and  it  was  tolerated. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  My  col- 
league [Mr.  Farnsworth]  is  only  replying  to 
the  speech  of  my  other  colleague  [Mr.  Ross] 
who  spoke  last  night,  and  on  whom  no  point  of 
order  was  raised. 

TheSPEAKER.  The  Ghairhas  notattempted 
to  confine  gentlemen  very  closely  in  debate,  for 
the  proposition  certainly  opens  up  a  very  wide 
range. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  trust  the  point  of  order 
will  not  be  pressed.  But  I  trust  that  he  will  not 
charge  that  the  Democratic  party  has,  by  any  dec- 
laration, favored  the  returning  of  slaves  to  rebel 
masters. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  On  the  vote  to  repeal 
the  fugitive  slave  law  how  did  that  side  of  the 
House  vote.'  Does  not  the  fugitive  slave  law 
affect  the  black  soldier  in  the  Army  who  was  a 
slave.'  That  side  of  the  House  are  in  favor  of 
continuing  the  fugivive  slave  law,  and  of  disband- 
ing colored  troops.  How  did  that  side  of  the 
House  vote  on  the  question  of  arming  slaves  and 
paying  them  as  soldiers?  They  voted  against  it. 
They  are  in  favor  of  disbanding  the  colored  regi- 
ments, and,  armed  with  the  fugitive  slave  law, 
sending  the  men  back  to  their  masters.  I  do  not 
charge  this  on  the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr. 
HoLMAN.]  I  think  he  does  not  vote  invariably 
with  his  party.  He  lias  too  much  sense  and  too 
good  a  heart  for  that. 

Another  objection  to  this  proposition,  made  by 
my  colleague,  [Mr.  Ross,]  and  also  by  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York,  [Mr.  Fernando  Wood,] 
and  by  the  other  gentleman  from  NewYork,  [Mr. 
Prutn,]  is  that  it  strikes  at  property;  that  it  in- 
terferes with  the  vested  rights  of  the  people  of 
States  in  property.  What  constitutes  property  .' 
I  know  it  is  said  by  some  gentlemen  on  the  other 
side  that  what  the  statute  makes  property  is  prop- 
erty. I  deny  it.  What  vested  right  has  any  man 
or  State  in  property  in  man.'  We  of  the  North 
hold  properly,  not  by  virtue  of  statute  law,  not 
by  virtue  of  enactments.  Our  property  consists 
in  lands,  in  chattels,  in  things.  Our  property 
was  made  property  by  Jol'.ovah  when  He  gave 
man  dominion  over  it.  But  nowhere  did  He  give 
dominion  to  man  over  another  man.  Our  title  ex- 
tends back  to  the  foundation  of  tlie  world.  That 
constitutes  property.  There  is  where  we  get  our 
title.  There  is  where  wo  get  our"  vested  rights" 
to  properly. 


In  these  points  are  summed  up  pretty  much 
all  the  arguments  made  on  the  other  side  of  this 
House  against  the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  I  will 
occupy  no  more  time  in  answering  them. 

Mr.  Speaker,  at  the  time  of  the  organization  of 
this  Government  there  were  but  about  fifty  thou- 
sand slaves  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States. 
When  our  fathers  rose  out  of  the  clouds  of  the 
Revolution  and  formed  this  Con^tution,  which 
I  trust  we  are  about  to  amend,  no  one  of  them 
dreamed  that  slavery  in  this  land  would  con- 
tinue until  this  time. 

This  fact  may  be  gathered  from  the  writings 
ofthe  men  who  wrote  and  from  the  speeches  of 
the  men  who  spoke  in  that  day.  Why,  sir,  imme- 
diately after  the  Revolution,  Congress  issued  an 
address  to  the  people  in  which  occur  these  mem- 
orable words: 

"  Let  it  be  remembered,  finally,  that  it  has  ever  been  the 
boast  and  pride  of  America  that  the  rights  for  wliich  she 
contended  are  the  rights  of  human  nature." 

This  language  was  deliberately  adopted  and  . 
addressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
This  v/as  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
wherein  they  had  declared  as  self-evident  facts 
that  all  men  were  created  equal,  and  endowed 
with  the  inalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness.  And  when  they  followed 
this  by  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  the  great- 
est care  was  taken  that  no  words  should  be  incor- 
porated into  that  instrument  which  would  imply 
that  "  man  could  hold  property  in  man."  I  use 
the  very  language  of  James  Madison,  a  member 
of  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution. 
He  objected  to  incorporating  the  word  "slave" 
or  "slavery  "  into  the  Constitution, for  the  reason, 
as  he  said,  that  he  would  have  nothing  put  into 
it  which  would  recognize  the  right  of  a  man  to 
hold  property  in  man.  And  you  may  search 
through  the  Constitution  from  the  beginning  to 
the  conclusion  of  it,  and  no  stranger  to  the  fact 
that  slavery  has  existed  in  the  United  States  would 
believe  fora  moment  that  slavery  could  exist  un- 
der it. 

Let  that  Constitution  go  before  a  court  which 
is  a  stranger  to  the  fact  that  slavery  has  existed 
here,  and  let  itbe  construed  as  courts  are  required 
to  construe  written  instruments,  by  itself,  with- 
out looking  to  the  facts  of  contemporaneous  his- 
tory, and  no  judge  thus  construing  the  Constitu- 
tion would  say  that  slavery  could  exist  under  it. 

Our  fathers  were  thus  careful  in  framing  the 
Constitution  so  that  when  slavery  should  be  en- 
tirely abolished,  and  when  their  posterity  should 
come  to  look  in  there,  they  could  find  nothing  to 
mar  its  beautiful  symmetry.  That  was  the  ob- 
ject, that  when  future  generations  came  to  look 
at  that  sacred  instrument  they  should  not  find 
anything  in  it  to  indicate  or  imply  that  slavery 
ever  existed  in  this  land.  Why,  sir,  they  be- 
lieved that  slavery  was  going  to  die  out  speedily. 
Already  steps  had  been  taken  in  several  of  the 
States  toward  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  sev- 
eral of  the  States  abolished  it  soon  afterwards. 
There  were,  as  I  said  before,  but  fifty  thousand 
slaves  in  the  Union.  The  raising  of  slaves  for 
market  was  unprofitable.  The  old  fathers  who 
made  the  Constitution,  the  men  who  fought  the 
battles  of  the  Revolution,  fought  for  the  rights  of 
human  nature,  and  they  believed  that  slavery  was 
at  war  with  the  rights  of /iMJ/inn  nature.  Of  course 
such  men,  who  had  just  gone  through  the  fires 
of  a  seven  years'  war  for  those  principles,  and 
who  framed  the  Constitution  upon  such  a  base, 
believed  that  slavery  would  die,  and  that  speed- 
ily. Mr.  Jeflerson,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  says: 

"  In  the  very  first  session  held  under  the  republican 
Government  the  Assembly  [of  Virginia]  passed  a  law  for 
the  perpetual  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  slaves. 
This  will  in  some  measure  stop  the  increase  of  this  great 
political  and  moral  evil,  while  the  minds  of  our  eitiioens 
may  be  ripening  lor  a  complete  emancipation  of  human 

NATURE." 

Why,  sir,  it  has  been  said  by  gentlemen  over 
the  way,  if  not  now  I  have  heard  the  sentiment 
uttered  before  on  that  side  ofthe  House,  and  by 
men  of  that  [larty,  that  the  "  human  nature"  re-  J 
ferred  to  in  that  tiddress  of  Congress  was  not  ^ 
meant  to  apply  to  black  liuman  nature;  that  that 
only  meant  white  men,  Anglo-Saxons — Anglo- 
Saxon  humannature!  But  Mr.  Jefferson  declares 
that  the  abolishing  of  the  importation  of  slaves 
may  prepare  the  way  for  the  "speedy  emancipa- 
tion of  human  nature."  That  shows  what  waa 
meant  and  how  those  words  were    understood 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2979 


and  used  by  the  good  old  Democrats  of  the  Rev- 
olution. They  included  every  son  and  daughter 
of  Adam,  whether  born  under  a  tropical  or  a  frigid 
sky.  One  ofthe  first  things  they  did  was  to  prohibit 
slavery  in  all  the  territory  belonging  to  the  United 
States.  Tliey  said,  "  We  will  see  to  it  that  this 
great  curse  shall  spread  no  further."  Why,  sir, 
this  shows  the  hearts  and  heads  of  our  forefathers 
were  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  freedom,  eman- 
cipation— abolition,  if  you  please.  In  the  very 
first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  a  petition  was  presented  to  it  by  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  as  the  president  of  an  abolition 
society  of  Philadelphia,  praying  Congress  to  go 
to  the  very  verge  of  the  authority  vested  in  them 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

I  refer  to  these  things  for  the  purpose  of  show- 
ing the  doctrine  which  prevailed  in  tliatday,  "  in 
the  early  and  better  days  of  the  Republic. "  But, 
sir,  alas  !  it  happened  we  took  our  departure  from 
these  landmarks.  Men  became  greedy  and  avari- 
cious. The  invention  ofthe  cotton-gin,  the  cul- 
tivation of  cottort  made  it  profitable  to  raise  men 
and  women  for  the  southern  market.  The  price 
of  slaves  was  enhanced;  from  being  worth  $250 
they  went  up  to  p,200  and  $1,300.  Then  the 
greed  for  power  took  possession  ofthe  slavehold- 
ers, and  the  avarice  of  these  men  overleaped  itself 
and  they  became  clamorous  for  the  extension  of 
slavery.  The  bounds  were  too  narrow  for  them. 
They  became  ambitious  of  a  nation  that  should 
be  founded  upon  the  "  corner-stone  of  slavery." 

Then  it  was,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  slave  power 
got  the  control  of  the  Government,  of  the  execu- 
tive, legislative,  and  judicial  departments.  Then 
it  was  that  they  got  possession  ofthe  high  places 
of  society.  They  took  possession  ofthe  churches. 
They  took  possession  ofthe  lands.  Then  it  be- 
came criminal  for  a  man  to  open  his  lips  in  de- 
nunciation of  the  evil  and  sin  of  slaveholding. 
Then  followed  those  scenes  of  riot  and  bloodshed 
in  the  North,  the  dragging  of  Garrison  through 
the  streets  of  Boston  with  a  rope  around  his  neck 
to  be  hanged;  the  issuing  of  a  message  by  the 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  Edward  Everett, 
declaring  that  the  men  agitating  the  slavery  ques- 
tion were  indictable  at  common  law;  the  indict- 
ment in  southern  States  of  men  in  the  North  for 
anti-slavery  publications  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
Then  came  requisitions  upon  the  Governors  of 
the  North  to  surrender  the  bodies  of  these  men  to 
be  taken  South  to  be  tried;  the  offering  rewards 
for  the  heads  of  northern  men;  the  murder  of 
Lovejoy  at  Alton;  the  thrusting  of  that  old  pa- 
triot, Joshua  R.  Giddings,  out  of  Congress;  the 
attempt  to  expel  John  duincy  Adams;  tiie  throt- 
tling of  the  right  of  petition ;  suppressing  the  free- 
dom of  the  press;  the  suppression  ofthe  freedom 
ofthe  mails;  all  these  things  followed  the  taking 
possession  of  the  Government  and  lands  by  the 
slave  power,  until  we  were  the  slaves  of  slaves, 
being  chained  to  the  car  of  this  slave  Juggernaut. 
Both  the  great  political  parties  of  the  country 
wore  its  yoke  and  were  prostrate  before  its  power. 
But,  thank  God,  there  were  men  in  the  land  whcu 
stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  and  declared  that  they 
would  not  be  slaves,  that  they  would  still  make 
their  voice  and  action  felt.  The  better  sense  of 
the  people  began  to  revolt  against  the  continued 
aggressions  of  this  monster.  Agitation  continued, 
agitation  simply  to  bring  back  the  country  to  the 
landmarks  of  the  fathers,  to  make  this  what  it 
professed  to  be,  to  wit,  a  republican  Government, 
to  maintain  the  rights  of  "  human  nature,"  for 
which  our  fathers  had  declared  they  had  fought. 

Then  came  the  conventions  of  the  rival  polit- 
ical parties,  in  which  they  declared  that  the  agita- 
tion of  this  vexed  question  should  cease'.  But  it 
would  not  cease,  for  the  slave  power  was  still 
clamoring  for  more,  more,  more  !  Then  came  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Why,  sir,  the 
spirit  of  slavery  took  possession  of  that  court  and 
instigated  the  palsied  arm  of  a  judge  upon  the 
brink  of  the  grave  to  attempt  to  snatch  the  charter 
of  human  liberty  from  the  throne  of  the  Al- 
mighty. 

1  need  not  go  further  with  the  history  of  this 
subject.  We  all  know  how  it  culminated.  When 
we  stood  in  the  breach  and  declared  that  slavery 
should  go  no  further,  that  it  should  not  spread  over 
the  land,  that  they  should  not  "call  the  roll  of 
their  slaves  under  the  shadow  of  Bunker  Hill" 
nor  "flog  them  in  the  corn-fields  of  Illinois," 
then  the  slaveholders  brought  on  the  rebellion. 


Yet  strange  as  it  is,  men  from  the  free  Nor^h 
still  cling  to  the  carcass  of  slavery,  and  try  to  gal- 
vanize it  into  new  life,  and  say  to  it,  "  Thou  shalt 
not  surely  die!"  Although  this  is  an  old  sub- 
jectto  many,  yet  I  desire  for  a  few  moments  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  comparative 
benefits  and  evils  of  free  and  slave  institutions,  as 
they  are  practically  illustrated  by  the  census  re- 
ports. I  wish  to  read  from  a  sp^ch  I  had  the  honor 
to  make  in  this  House  six  years  ago  the  present 
Congress.     I  then  said: 

"Virginia  lias  something  over  sixty  thousand  square 
miles  of  territory,  while  New  Vorli  has  some  forty-seven 
thousand  square  miles.  Virginia  has  as  good  a  soil,  and  a 
better  climate  than  New  York — and  had  much  the  start  in 
settlement!  I  have  prepared  a  table  which  I  will  give, 
showing  the  progress  of  the  two  States  up  to  1850 : 

Total  population  at  different  periods,  including  slaves. 
1790.         1800.  1830.  1850. 

Virginia 748,308    880,200     1,211,405    1,421,631 

New  York 340,120    586,756    1,9)8,608    3,097,394 

"  Again,  sir;  in  1850  tliere  was  invested  in  eliurcli  prop- 
erty ill  New  York  $31,134,207,  and  in  Virginia  the  sum  of 
only  $2,856,076.  At  that  time  there  were  published  in 
New  York  428  newspapers,  with  an  aggregate  circulation 
of  115,385,473;  while  in  Virginia  there  were  but  87»  with 
a  circulation  of  9,223,068.  New  York  expends  $2,500,000 
yearly  for  educational  purposes,  while  Virginia  expends 
about  $700,000.  In  Virginia,  faking  the  entire  free  white 
native  population,  there  are  75,868  ailulls  over  twenty  years 
of  age  who  cannot  read  or  write,  while  in  New  York  there 
are  but  23,241  of  the  same  class.  In  New  York  it  is  about 
one  in  fifty  of  the  adults,  while  in  Virginia  it  is  about  one 
ill  five  !  Sixty  years  ago  Virginia  ranked  as  the  noblest  and 
richest  State  of  them  all ;  she  was  then  justly  regarded  as 
the  mother  of  statesmen  and  of  States  ;  then  she  had  ten 
Representatives,  vvliile  New  York  had  only  six.  Now  New 
York  has  thirty-three,  and  Virginia  thirteen.  Why,  sir, 
John  Randolph  said  a  good  manyyears  ago,  '  Virginia  is  so 
impoverished  by  the  system  of  slavery,  that  the  tables  will 
sooner  or  later  be  turned,  and  the  slaves  will  advertise  for 
runaway  masters.' 

"Take  another  example:  Kentucky  and  Ohio,  nearly 
equal  in  area,  Kentucky  having  the  advantage  in  climate  ; 
and  in  all  other  respects  as  to  soil,  position,  and  natural 
resources  equal  to  Ohio ;  and  how  do  they  stand  in  the 
race  of  progress.''  Kentucky  had  much  the  start,  having, 
in  1790,  73,000  inhabitants,  while  Ohio  had  none.  Ken- 
tucky was  admitted  into  the  Union  by  act  of  Congress  of 
February,  1791.  Ohio  was  admitted  in  1803,  with  one  Rep- 
resentative. In  the  year  1800  Kiuitucky  had  221,000  in- 
habitants, and  Ohio  hail  only  45,365.  In  1820  Kentucky 
had  564.000,  while  Ohio  liad  581.000!  And  in  1850  Ken- 
lucky  had  982,605,  while  Ohio  had  1,980,329!  It  will  be 
borne  in  mind  that  this  enumeration  in  Kentucky  includes 
over  210,000  slaves,  while  in  Ohio  they  are  all  freemen. 

"  In  1850  Kentucky  had  62  ni'ws[)apers,  with  a  circula- 
tion of  6,582,838 ;  and  Ohio  liad  201  newspapers,  with  a 
circulation  of  30,473,407.  Kentuekyhad  131,205  pnpilsand 
students  attending  schools,  and  Ohio  had  514,809  attend- 
ing schools.  Kentucky  lias  now  10  Representatives,  and 
Ohio  21 ;  and  after  1860  the  disparity  will  be  much  greater. 
Upon  the  adoption  ofthe  Federal  Constitution,!  think  South 
Carolina  had  live  Representatives.  In  seventy  years  this 
State,  which,  if  we  are  to  believe  her  statesmen,  has  such 
an  excellent  social  and  political  s)'stem,  and  such  a  pure 
and  genuine  democracy,  has  managed,  principally  by  the 
increase  of  her  slaves,  (who  now  number  more  than  half 
her  entire  population,)  to  grow  just  one  Representative. 

"Take  one  other  example,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  I  have 
done  with  this  subject — Alabama,  the  most  flimrishing  of 
all  the  slave  States.  In  1820  she  had  127,900  inhabitants; 
while  Illinois,  at  the  same  time,  had  but  55,200.  They 
were  admitted  into  the  Union  about  the  same  time.  I 
think  Illinois  was  admitted  in  December,  1818,  and  Ahv 
baina  in  December,  1819.  Well,  there  they  are,  fairly  start- 
ed ill  the  race  of  progress.  Alabama  having  more  than 
twice  as  many  people  as  Illinois,  situate  directly  upon  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  with  the  harbor  of  Mobile,  capable  of  ac- 
commodating almost  the  entire  shipping  ofthe  world  ;  her 
products  of  a  much  more  valuable  character  than  those  of 
Illinois  ;  while  Illinois  was  a  far  western  State,  difficult 
of  access,  far  away  from  the  sea-coast  and  from  an  invit- 
ing market.  Now,  sir,  let  us  see  'what  time  they  have 
made'  iu  the  race,  and  how  they  come  out. 

fopulalion. 
1820.        1830.        1840.        1850. 

Alabama 127,900    309,527    590,756     771,623 

Illinois 55,200     157,445    476,183    851,470 

"This  includes  slaves  and  all.  The  white  population 
of  Alabama  in  1850  was  only  426,514;  and  to-day,  sir, 
while  Illinois  has  more  than  a  million  and  a  half  of  free- 
men, there  are  not  probably  more  than  half  a  million  in 
Alabama.  In  Alabama,  in  18.50,  there  were  60  newspa- 
pers, with  an  aggregate  circulation  of  2,662,741 ;  and  in 
Illinois  there  were  107  newspapers,  with  a  circulation  of 
5,102,276.  In  Alabama  there  were  62,846  pupils  and  stu- 
dents attending  schools,  &c.;  and  in  Illinois  there  were, 
at  the  same  time,  182,292  attending  schools." 

In  1860  the  population  of  Virginia  was..., 1,596,318 

"  "  "  New  York  was 3,880,735 

Increase  from  1850  to  1860  In  Virginia  about 100,000 

"  "        .      «|  New  York  about...    800,000 

This  includes  490,000  slaves  in  Virginia. 

In  I860  the  population  of  Alabama  was 964,201 

"  "  "  Illinoiswas 1,711,951 

Increase  from  1850  to  1860  iu  Alabama 900,000 

"  "  "  Illinois 300,000 

This  includes  435,080  slaves  in  Alabama. 
What  an   astounding  picture  is  this!    Ken- 


tucky has  as  good  a  soil,  a  better  climate,  more 
valuable  productions,  a  larger  area  of  territory, 
and  with  seventy  thousand  inhabitania  before  Ohio 
had  any;  and  yet  when  they  started  upon  the 
race  how  steadily  Ohio  gained  upon  and  overtook 
her  competitor  and  marched  onward  and  upward 
in  the  race  of  progress. 

1  made  a  calculation  in  reference  to  the  com- 
parative influences  of  free  and  slave  institutions 
upon  public  intelligence: 

"  In  Massachusetts,  in  1850,  there  were  but  one  thou- 
sand and  fifty-five  native  white  persons  over  the  age  ^f 
twenty  years  who  could  not  read  and  write  ;  or  aboutone  to 
every  seven  hundred  and  seventy-eightof  the  entire  white 
native  population.  At  the  same  time  there  were  of  tho 
same  class  in  Alabama  thirty-three  thousand  six  hundred 
and  eighteen  who  could  not  read  and  write,  or  one  to 
every  twelve  and  a  half  ofthe  entire  white  native  popula- 
tion ;  and  that  is  about  the  average  in  the  slave  States. 
Why,  sir,  in  the  slaveholding  States  to-day,  from  eighteen 
to  twenty  per  cent,  of  all  the  free  white  native  voters  can- 
not read  the  ballots  they  cast,  nor  sign  their  own  names  to 
a  poll-book." 

My  friend  near  me  asks  if  these  men,  who  can- 
not read  and  write,  do  not  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket.  I  can  only  say  that  they  generally  do  in 
my  State.  Now,  sir,  we  see  that  the  effects  of 
slavery  are  baneful,  that  it  is  in  every  conceivable 
form  a  curse  to  the  soil,  to  the  people,  to  intelli- 
gence, and  to  industry;  a  curse  to  white  men 
and  to  black  men;  that  it  cripples  and  palsies; 
that  wherever  its  sirocco  breath  floats  over  a  Ter- 
ritory it  poisons  the  stream  of  prosperity  and  in- 
telligence; and  that  where  the  spirit  of  liberty 
breathes  upon  a  State  it  rises  like  a  giant  and  be- 
comes great,  prosperous,  and  powerful.  And  yet 
gentlemen  will  cling  to  this  old  carcass  of  human 
slavery .     Tkey  loill  not  let  it  go. 

I  thank  God  that  the  Republic  has  at  last  rec- 
ognized the  manhood  of  the  negro.  Gentlemen 
may  call  us  "  miscegenist.^s,"  and  they  may  talk 
of  equal  rights.  I  do  not  know  of  any  man  in 
the  party  to  which  I  belong  who  is  fearful  of  com- 
ing into  competition  with  th.e  negro.  I  know  there 
are  many  men  of  the  party  of  my  colleague  who 
spoke  last  evening,  [Mr.  Ross,]  who  do  feel  that 
the  fiegro  is  their  natural  competitor  and  rival, 
and  they  do  fear,  and  fear  with  some  reason,  too, 
that  the  negroes  will  outstrip  them  if  we  give  theiYi 
a  fair  chance.  I  have  heard  gentlemen  talk  about 
their  fears  that  negroes  might  become  Represent- 
atives upon  this  floor.  Well,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  the  country  would  not  suffer  by  such 
a  change  in  some  instances.  Oh!  they  are  afraid 
of  "  negro  equality"  and  "  miscegenatioii."  You 
must  not  unchain  the  slave  and  allow  him  the 
fruits  of  his  own  toil  and  permit  him  to  fight  for 
the  Republic  for  fear  of  negro  equality  and  mis- 
cegenation. Can  the  head  or  heart  of  man  con- 
ceive of  anything  more  mean  and  despicable.' 

The  slave-owner  is  cutting  at  Ihc  heart  of  the 
nation  ;  yea,  sir,  he  is  cutting  at  the  throats  of 
your  sons  and  brothers,  of  your  neighbors  and 
friends;  he  is  with  mad  desperation  seeking  to 
destroy  the  beautiful  fabric  of  this  nation,  and  to 
quench  in  our  blood  the  fires  of  republican  liberty 
which  have  burned  so  long, abeacon  lightto  other 
nations,  and  the  hope  of  the  world.  All  this  he 
is^trying  to  do  that  he  may  erect  a  slave  empire 
instead;  and  yet  men  who  falsely  call  themselves 
patriots  and  Union  men  a.re  unwilling  to  let  slavery 
go. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  not  afraid  of  "  miscegena- 
tion." If  my  colleague  over  the  way  is  afraid  of 
it,  if  he  requires  the  restraining  influences  of  a 
penal  statute  to  keep  him  and  his  party  from  run- 
ning into  miscegenation,  I  will  willingly  vote  it  to 
them.  But  wc  do  not  want  it;  we  do  not  practice 
miscegenation;  we  do  not  belong  to  that  school; 
that  is  a  Democratic  institution;  that  goes  hand  in 
hand  with  slavery.  Why,  sir,  some  of  the  very 
best  blood  of  the  Democracy  of  Virginia  may  be 
found  in  the  contraband  village  at  Arlington  to- 
day; the  blood  ofthe  Masons,  the  Hunters,  the 
Garnetts,  the  Carters,  and  the  Haxalls;  their  lineal 
though  natural  descendants  are  among  the  con- 
trabands. 

I  said  I  thank  God  that  this  nation  at  last  has 
recognized  the  manhood  of  the  negro.  It  did  that 
when  it  put  on  him  the  uniform  of  a  soldier  of 
the  Republic,  and  put  him  into  the  field  to  defend 
the  country.  His  rights  and  his  manhood  were 
recognized,  and  nobly  does  he  vindicate  himself. 
Sir,  I  know  something  of  the  good  faith,  of  the 
reliability  and  nobility  ofthe  negroes,  arul  ofthe 
faithfulness    with    which  they  assist  us.      The 


2980 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


very  first  information  that  the  army  of  McClel- 
lan  had  of  the  approach  of  Jackson  from  the 
Shenandoah  toward  Mechanicsville  was  given 
by  a  contraband  who  came  into  my  Jines  a  little 
above  Alice's  station.  When  I  had  examined 
him  I  sent  him  to  headquarters,  with  a  note  stat- 
ino^  that  he  possessed  and  had  given  me  valuable 
information.  Porter  sent  him  back  to  me  with 
directions  to  send  liim  through  my  lines  again  for 
more  information.  That  very  night  he  passed 
through  the  picket  lines  of  the  enemy,  and  in 
twenty-four  hours  i-eturned  with  information  of 
ttie  exact  position  of  Jackson  and  his  army,  and 
of  his  designs.  And  yet,  according  to  the  doc- 
trine of  my  colleague,  I  should  have  put  chains  and 
manacles  on  that  man,  and  with  stripes  sent  him 
buck  to  his  master.  What  right  had  he  there.' 
Set  at  him  the  blood-hounds  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law.;  "  the  CoNSTiTUTiONguaranties  slavery;  you 
are  agitating  the  rebels  and  making  them  worse." 
Irritating  them;  yes,  sir,  that  is  the  expression. 
I  irritated  that  man's  master  by  not  sending  him 
back.  Was  not  that  man  more  valuable  to  the 
Government  than  Jeff.  Davis  and  his  whole  crew 
ever  were?  Was  he  not  better  entitled  to  respect 
from  the  white  men  of  this  nation  than  any  man 
now  in  the  rebel  ranks,  or  who  sympathizes  with 
them,  no  matter  what  his  position  or  wealth.' 

Mr.  ROSS.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman 
■whether  he  thinks  the  white  man  is  equal  to  the 
negro. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  Mr.  Speaker,  that  is 
a  silly  question  which  it  is  useless  to  answer.  I 
think  some  white  men  are  better  than  some  other 
white  men.  1  think  some  white  men  are  better 
than  some  negroes,  and  that  some  negroes  are 
better  than  some  white  men,  especially  those  of 
the  copperhead  persuasion. 

Mr.  Speaker,  upon  every  battle-field  where  the 
black  troops  liave  had  any  chance  to  show  their 
gallantry  and  bravery,  they  have  vindicated  the 
high  estimation  which  has  been  placed  upon  them 
and  the  confidence  imposed  in  them  in  elevating 
them  to  the  position  of  soldiers.  I  know  it  used 
to  be  said  when  the  idea  of  arming  the  blacks 
was  first  broached  that  white  soldiers  would  not 
fight  by  the  side  of  black  men.  Go  to  the  Army 
to-day  and  witness  the  charge  of  a  black  brigade, 
and  then  come  back  and  tell  me  whether  the  wliite 
soldier  is  not  willing  that  the  black  man  shall  fight 
by  his  side.  Witness  the  shouts  and  plaudits 
and  cheers  which  ring  out  from  the  throats  of  the 
white  soldiers  as  the  black  men  march  steadily 
up  to  the  serried  lines  of  the  rebels,  and  then 
come  back  and  tell  me  if  the  v;hite  man  is  not 
willing  that  the  black  man  shall  help  him  to  fight 
the  battles  of  his  country. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  in  favor  of  finishing  this 
business  entirely  and  finally  now.  No  child  is 
so  simple  as  not  to  know  that  slavery  is  the  cause 
of  this  war;  that  it  is  the  source  of  all  our  woe. 
Then  why  not  finish  it.'  It  has  spread  the  land 
with  weeds  and  mourning.  It  has  hung  the  very 
heavens  with  black.  It  has  disgraced  and  dishon- 
ored us  long  enough  with  theother  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  God  is  now  chastising  us  for  the  sin. 

Mr.  THAYER.  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  not  my  in- 
tention to  detain  the  House  at  this  late  period  "of 
the  present  discussion  with  any  protracted  ex;- 
pression  of  my  views  in  regard  to  the  measure 
now  before  the  House.  I  rise  merely  to  make  one 
or  two  suggestions  in  reply  to  the  line  of  argu- 
ment which  was  pursued  yesterday  upon  this 
question  by  gentlemen  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
House,  and  to  give  my  reasons  why  I  believe  it 
to  be  the  duty  of  every  man  who  lias  the  welfare 
of  his  couiilry  at  heart  to  vote  I'or  the  joint  reso- 
lution now  before  the  House.  With  that  class  of 
thinkers  who  agree  with  the  member  from  the  fifth 
congressional  district  of  New  York  [Mr.  Fer- 
nando Wood]  that  slavery  is  the  best  possible  con- 
dition for  the  negro  race,  or  for  any  race,  I  do  not 
intend  at  the  present  time  to  enter  into  argument. 
Sir,  I  would  consider  it  derogatory  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  a  free  people  to  enter  into  a  deliberate 
argument  to  refute  a  proposition  so  monstrous 
and  so  barbarous  as  that  enunciated  by  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York.  Humanity  and  civilization 
revolt  against  a  sentiment  so  inhuman  in  itself, 
and  so  debasing  to  the  mind  that  holds  it,  as  the 
sent'iment  which  we  listened  to  yesterday,  that 
slavery  is  the  best  possible  condiuon  of  the  negro 
race. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.    I  roaffinn  it. 


Mr.  THAYER.  I  am  willing  that  he  shall  re- 
afiiirm  it.  Let  that  record  which  he  here  reaffirms 
to-day  go  down  to  posterity  in  the  history  of  this 
country,  and  let  those  who  act  with  the  gentleman 
from  New  York  assume  theresponsibility  of  that 
sentiment  before  the  country  if  they  dare. 

Sir,  the  gentleman  from  New  York  has  a  right 
to  his  sentiments.  He  has  a  right  to  express  them , 
While  I  find  no  fault  with  his  expression  of  them 
I  can  only  say  thftt  for  myself  I  would  not  hold 
or  avow  a  sentiment  so  barbarous,  so  cruel,  and 
so  inhuman  in  its  character  as  that  for  all  the 
wealth  and  honor  that  are  embraced  within  the 
four  quarters  of  the  world. 

I  do  not  intend,  sir,  to  enter  into  an  argument 
to  show  that  the  negro  is  not  a  brute  but  a  man. 
I  will  not  insult  the  presence  in  which  I  stand  by 
entering  into  an  argument  to  prove  that  which 
every  man's  conscience,  which  every  man's  hu- 
manity,  must  or  ought  to  admit  without  argument. 
I  have  said,  sir,  that  I  do  not  intend  in  the  few 
moments  during  which  I  shall  occupy  the  atten- 
tion of  the  House  to  deal  with  that  kind  of  argu- 
ment. I  content  myself  here  with  simply  denounc- 
ing'such  sentiments  as  those  expressed  by  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  as  barbarous,  inhu- 
man, uncivilized, and  unchristian.  1  am  willing 
that  the  record  which  he  has  made  shall  go  down 
to  posterity  as  he  has  chosen  to  make  it  yester- 
day and  to  reaffirm  it  to-day. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  That  is  why  I 
did  it,  for  posterity,  not  for  this  House,  nor  for 
the  fanaticism  of  the  day. 

Mr.  THAYER.  I  pass  from  that.  I  have 
nothing  to  say  to  men  who  hold  sentiments  of 
that  character.  In  my  opinion  it  is  too  late  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  and  too  late  in  the  history 
of  this  country,  for  it  to  be  necessary  to  enter  into 
any  argument  to  prove  the  falsity  and  the  inhu- 
manity of  a  sentiment  like  that  to  which  I  have 
referred. 

But,  sir,  I  pass  to  some  objections  which  were 
urged  to  the  passage  of  this  joint  resolution  on  the 
ground  of  a  want  of  power  in  Congress  to  pass 
it.  It  was  said  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York 
from  the  fourteenth  district  [Mr.  Pruyn]  that  we 
had  no  right — at  least  I  understood  that  to  be  the 
line  of  his  argument — to  provide  for  an  amend- 
ment of  this  character  to  the  Constitution.  He 
referred  to  the  fact  that  all  the  amendments  of  the 
Constitution  that  have  hitherto  been  adopted  were 
restrictive  in  their  character.  And,  if  I  under- 
stood him,  he  meant  to  build  upon  a  statementof 
that  fact  an  argument  that  we  had  no  right  so  to 
amend  the  Constitution  as  to  enlarge  the  powers 
of  the  General  Government.  I  take  issue  with 
the  gentleman  on  that  argument.  I  stand  on  the 
Constitution  when  I  say  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  have  by  the  forms  and  instrument- 
alities prescribed  in  the  Constitution  an  unlim- 
ited right  to  amend  that  instrument,  except  in  the 
particulars  in  which  they  are  prohibited  by  tKe 
fundamental  law  itself.  When  I  find  in  an  in- 
strument like  this  a  power  given  to  amend  in 
every  respect  except  in  certain  specified  particu- 
lars, on  what  has  an  argument  to  stand  which 
says  that  you  can  only  amend  it  in  one  direc- 
tion, that  you  can  only  amend  it  in  a  manner 
that  shall  restrain  and  contract  the  powers  origin- 
ally granted,  and  that  you  cannot  amend  it  in  a 
direction  that  will  enlarge  its  powers  or  improve 
its  character.'  Such  a  principle  as  that  conflicts 
with  the  very  foundations  of  liberty.  Upon  what 
ground,  I  ask,  are  the  people  of  the  United  States 
to  be  told  that  they  cannot,  if  they  choose,  im- 
]irove  the  fundamental  law  of  their  Government? 
Suppose  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  to 
propose  to  amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  en- 
large the  presidential  term  of  office  to  six  years, 
would  that  be  a  restriction  of  the  rights  already 
granted?  Undoubtedly  not.  And  yet,  accord- 
ing to  the  theory  of  the  gentleman  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  Pruyn,]  they  could  not  so  amend  the 
Constitution.  So  if  the  people  should  choose  to 
alter  the  Constitution  in  regard  to  the  length  of 
service  of  their  Representatives  in  Congress,  or 
to  enlarge  the  powers  of  Congress,  they  clearly 
may  do  it.  I  suppose  there  is  no  one  on  this 
floor  who  would  deny  that  proposition.  And 
yet  such  an  amendment  would  be  in  direct  con- 
travention of  the  principle  laid  down  by  the 
gentleman  from  New  York,  because  it  would  not 
be  a  restriction  or  limitation  of  the  rights  already 
granted,  but  an  enlargement  of  them. 


I  might  multiply  these  illustrations  indefinitely, 
but  there  is  no  necessity  to  do  so.  The  fallacy 
of  the  argument  is  as  clearly  demonstrated  by 
one  example  as  it  would  be  by  a  hundred.  The 
truth  is  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  foundation 
for  the  principle  laid  down  by  the  gentleman  from 
New  York. 

The  people  have,  in  making  the  Constitution, 
reserved  to  themselves  aright  of  amendment  un- 
limited, except  in  the  particulars  in  which  they 
have  chosen,  in  the  fifth  article,  to  restrain  them- 
selves from  amendment,  and  those  are  so  clearly 
defined  that  it  is  impossible  to  fall  into  any  mis- 
take in  regard  to  them.  You  cannot  alter  the 
equality  of  suffrage  in  the  Senate  without  the 
consent  of  the  State  to  be  affected  thereby.  You 
could  not,  prior  to  1808,  prohibit  the  slave  trade 
or  alter  the  proportion  of  direct  taxes  to  the  cen- 
sus as  prescribed  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first 
article.  These  were  fundamental  points  which 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  declared  should 
not  be  changed.  In  no  other  respects  was  the 
will  of  the  people  to  be  restricted.  In  all  other 
matters  the  power  of  amendment  is  unlimited. 
In  all  other  matters  three  fourths  of  the  States 
may  amend,  revise,  restrict,  enlarge,  or  correct, 
as  it  may  suit  their  own  judgment. 

Sir,  this  is  a  matter  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  We  are  not  amending  the  Constitution. 
We  do  not  propose  to  amend  the  Constitution. 
We  propose  by  this  joint  resolution  to  afford  the 
people  the  opportunity  of  amending  their  Consti- 
tution if  they  see  proper  to  exercise  that  power. 
When  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States  shall 
act  upon  the  amendment  proposed  to  them  by 
Congress  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution,  they  'vill  act  as  the  representatives 
of  the  people.  The  votes  which  they  will  give  for 
or  against  any  such  amendment  are  the  votes  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people.  Their  voices 
are  the  voice  of  the  people.  If  then,  sir,  the 
people  have  an  unlimited  right  of  amendment  of 
their  Constitution  except  in  so  far  as  they  have 
chosen  in  the  fundamental  law  to  restrain  them- 
selves from  the  exercise  of  that  right,  the  only 
question  which  remains  is  whether  it  is  proper  at 
the  present  time  to  afford  the  people  the  oppor- 
tunity of  so  amending  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  if  they  shall  see  proper  so  to  do,  as 
to  prohibit  slavery  forever  within  the  territory  of 
the  United  States. 

But  here  we  are  met  with  the  objection  that  the 
time  is  not  auspicious  for  such  action;  that  it  is 
not  a  proper  time  to  amend  the  Constitution  in 
this  respect;..  Why,  sir,  what  time  could  be  more 
opportune  for  effecting  this-great  national  reform 
than  ttie  present  time?  What  hour  is  more  proper 
for  the  punishment  of  a  great  State  criminal  than 
the  hour  in  which  he  isfound  engaged  in  the  com- 
mission of  his  crime?  This  institution,  sir,  has 
waged  war  against  the  life,  the  liberties,  and  the 
Government  of  the  nation;  and  this  institution 
for  this  crime  deserves  to  die.  It  should  die  in 
the  commission  of  its  great  and  unpardonable 
^rime.  No  more  proper  time  could  be  fixed  for  in- 
flicting the  punishment  than  the  time  in  which  it  is 
engaged  in  carrying  on  this  desolating  war  against 
the  very  existence  of  the  Government. 

But  we  are  told  that  this  will  exasperate  the 
people  of  the  South;  that  we  should  act  calmly 
upon  so  grave  a  measure;  that  it  will  drive  the 
South  to  fiercer  resistance.  Sir,  if  a  smile  were 
not  out  of  place  in  the  discussion  of  a  subject  so 
terrible  and  so  distressing  in  its  character  as  the 
war  which  now  rages  in  this  country,  surely  such 
an  argument  as  this  would  justify  it.  The  atro- 
cities committed  by  the  traitors  in  arms  have  been 
so  many  and  so  great  that  it  is  mere  folly  to  speak 
of  increasing  their  hatred  or  exasperation.  To  the 
ferocity  and  vindictiveness  of  those  who,  for  the 
extension  and  perpetuation  of  this  cruel  and  re- 
morseless institution,  have  commenced  and  are 
now  carrying  on  this  war  against  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  you  canadd  notiiing  by  any 
legislation  v/hich  you  may  propose  here;  you  can 
add  nothing  to  the  hate  which  these  conspirators 
against  public  liberty  entertain  against  the  free  in- 
stitutions of  the  United  States  and  the  people 
who  are  in  arms  to  defend  them. 

I  repeat,  sir,  that  now  is  the  time  to  uproot  and 
destroy  forever  this  prolific  cause  of  all  our  suf- 
ferings. Let  the  institution  of  human  slavery, 
which. has  set  on  foot  this  diabolical  war  and  filled 
the  land  with, desolation  and  sorrow, perish  fros* 


I 


1864. 


THE  co:n'gressional  globe. 


2981 


the  earth.  It  alone  stands  between  our  country 
and  its  future  greatness,  prosperity,  and  glory. 
Let  us  so  act  to-day  tliat  its  injustice,  its  cruel- 
ties, and  its  bloody  footprints  shall  speedily  and 
forever  disappear  from  the  soil  of  America. 

JMr.  MALLORY.  I  not  only  take  issue  with 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  who  just  ad- 
dressed the  House,  on  his  assertion  that  this  is 
preeminently  the  time  to  amend  the  Constitution, 
but,  sir,  I  believe  the  calm  reason  of  the  House, 
if  they  would  submit  themselves  to  their  calm 
reason,  and  the  calm  reason  of  the  country,  will 
bear  me  outin  declaring  that  of  all  the  times,  from 
the  foundation  of  the  Government  down  to  the 
present  moment,  for  taking  into  consideration  the 
Constitution,  that  great  instrument  of  organic 
law,  for  the  purpose  of  alteration  and  amend- 
ment, this  is  tlie  most  inopportune  and  unfit.  That 
instrument,  sir,  was  given  us  by  a  band  of  men 
the  like  of  whom  I  believe  has  never  been  seen 
in  this  or  any  other  country;  men  of  wisdom  un- 
paralleled; men  of  almost  more  than  human  wis- 
dom, for  I  believe  I  shall  be  sustained  in  the  dec- 
laration which  I  now  make  in  the  full  view  of 
history  and  of  the  great  events  in  which  they 
lived,  those  noble  sires,  when  they^gave  us  that 
great  instrument,  spoke  almost  as  men  inspired 
with  wisdom  from  on  high. 

Do  you  tell  me,  v^rhen  the  passions  of  the  entire 
country  are  swayed  to  and  fro  by  the  civil  war 
now  raging  in  our  midst,  when  the  public  passion 
and  feeling  are  upheaved  from  their  lowest  depths, 
that  we  are  fit,  calmly  and  deliberately,  to  acton 
the  work  of  those  great  masters  and  say  in  what 
particulars  it  should  be  changed?  Sir,  the  declara- 
tion is  one  of  arrogance  and  presumption,  against 
which  I  offer  my  solemn  protest.  Who  are  the 
men  who  are  to  take  into  consideration  and  pass 
in  review  this  wonderful  work  of  those  mighty 
men?  Where  are  the  giants  of  the  present  day 
to  correct  the  work  of  the  giants  of  the  past?  Do 
we  see  them  in  this  Hall?  1  cannot  see  them. 
Do  we  see  them  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  ? 
That  was  a  great  body  in  former  times.  They 
are  not  there.  Are  they  to  be  found  in  this  coun- 
try, either  in  high  official  position  or  in  the  walks 
of  private  life?  If  they  are,  I  have  failed  to  find 
out  where  and  who  they  are. 

Sir,  when  you  compare  the  pigmies  who  un- 
dertake to  trifle  with  the  Constitution  and  the  le- 
gislation of  this  land  upon  this  floor  to-day  with 
the  great  men  who  framed  and  expounded  that 
Constitution  in  the  earlier  and  better  days  of  the 
Republic,  it  is  like  comparing  Hyperion  to  a 
satyr. 

No,  Mr.  Speaker,  this  is  not  the  time  forchang- 
ing  tlie  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  When 
men  return  to  their  reason,  or  when  reason  re- 
turns to  men,  when  passion  has  subsided,  when 
this  civil  war  has  ended,  and  peace  spreads  her 
wings  over  this  land,  will  be  time,  if  there  be  a 
necessity  for  it,  to  consider  this  great  system  and 
attach  to  it  such  amendments  as  the  calm  wisdom 
of  that  day  shall  adjudge  proper.  Does  the  gen-* 
tleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Thayer]  feel 
that  he  is  competent  to  examine  and  analyze  and 
alter  and  amend  this  great  instrument?  Has  he 
the  conscious  power? 

Mr.  THAYER.  In  this  particular  I  think  that 
we  are  all  fitted. 

_  Mr.  MALLORY.  Li  this  particular!  Why,  sir, 
in  this  parlicidar  you  are  less  fitted  to  act  than  in 
anyotiier  particular  that  can  be  imagined.  You 
cannot  reason  about  the  institution  of  slavery. 
You  cannot  judge  about  it.  You  run  a"  muck" 
whenever  the  question  is  introduced  into  this 
Hall.  No  word  of  reason,  no  word  of  judgment, 
and  no  word  of  sense  scarcely  falls  from  your 
lips  when  the  subject  is  mooted.  Yet  in  this 
particular  you  feel  yourselves  competent  to  do 
better  than  the  great  men  who  framed  this  Gov- 
ernment have  done! 

The  provisions  of  that  great  instrument  in  re- 
lation to  the  subject  of  slavery  were  the  result 
of  compromise,  without  which  this  Government 
never  could  have  been  framed.  To  that  Constitu- 
tion, with  that  and  other  compromises  embraced 
in  it,  every  State  in  the  Union  gave  not  only  an 
implied  but  a  direct  and  express  assent.  We 
are  informed  by  the  best  writers  on  the  science 
of  government,  at  least  they  have  consented  to 
the  truth  of  the  aphorism,  that  "  all  government 
derives  its  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed."   Even  now  in  this  time  of  war,  in  this 


time  of  passion  and  excitement,  to  change  the  Corj.- 
stitution  on  a  vital  point,  when  eleven  States  are 
not  here  to  consult  and  act  with  us,  and  when  their 
assent  to  this  altered  Constitution  is  notexpressed 
and  cannot  be  implied  by  any  sort  of  forced  con- 
struction, and  say  that  they  shall  be  subjected  to 
it,  is  in  utter  violation  of  this  great  and  just  prin- 
ciple They  do  not  compose  a  foreign  country  and 
a  foreign  Government,  as  so  many  on  that  side 
of  the  House  have  asserted.  They  are  States  of 
the  Union  yet,  who  have  formally  given  their  as- 
sent to  the  Constitution  which  you  now  propose 
to  amend.  If  you  change  it  in  their  absence  what 
right  have  you  to  declare  that  they  shall  abide 
by  it?  If  all  Governments  derive  their  just  pow- 
ers from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  when  you 
have  amended  this  Constitution  what  right  have 
you  to  say  to  those  States  in  revolt,  who  are  not 
here  to-day  to  engage  in  your  deliberations,  that 
they  are  bound  by  that  Constitution  to  which  they 
have  given  neither  assent  or  dissent? 

Sir,  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr. 
Thayer]  urged  thatthis  amendmentis  necessary; 
ay,  in  that  new  language  which  the  President  of 
tlie  United  States  has  put  into  their  mouths,  I 
suppose  he  and  his  party  would  say  indispensable 
in  order  to  preserve  the  peace  of  this  country 
and  the  integrity  and  perpetuity  of  the  Govern- 
ment. It  is  necessary,  it  is  indispensable  in  order 
to  effect  these  great  objects  that  slavery  now, 
when  you  have  the  power  in  the  absence  of  those 
States,  should  be  stricken  from  existence.  And 
they  say  this  is  necessary  because  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  continue  this  Government  of  ours  any 
longer  with  slavery  in  it.  It  is  such  a  disturb- 
ing element  that  peace  and  slavery  are  incompati- 
ble, and  through  all  time,  if  you  permit  this  crisis 
to  pass  without  exterminating  it,  you  will  have 
this  disturbing  cause  to  produce  civil  war  in  this 
country. 

I  deny  that  theory.  Prom  the  commencement 
of  this  Government  down  to  this  time — a  perio^ 
of  seventy-five  years — slavery  has  existed  in  the 
United  States,  and  I  defy  the  most  astute  man 
upon  that  side  of  the  House  to  point  to  a  nation 
that  has  progressed  like  ours  in  everything  which 
makes  a  nation  great,  prosperous,  and  happy,  in 
the  same  space  of  time.  It  was  not  until  you 
undertook  to  strike  down  this  institution  that  it 
became  a  disturbing  element,  and  agitation  to  re- 
strict and  destroy  it,  commenced  by  the  North, 
and  for  its  extension  by  the  South,  have  produced 
the  effects  from  which  we  are  now  suffering.  Sla- 
very inconsistent  with  the  republican  liberty 
which  we  have  enjoyed  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States!  Slavery  inconsistent  with 
peace!  An  irrepressible  confliict  between  free 
and  slave  States  in  the  same  Confederacy !  The 
absurdity  of  the  doctrine  is  proved  by  the  inex- 
orable logic  of  history;  by  proof  incontestable 
and  absolute. 

Where  do  those  who  differ  most  widely  upon 
the  subject  of  slavery  live  ?  On  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico, and  away  up  in  the  cold  region  of  New  Eng- 
land; States  not  in  contact;  States  as  wide  apart 
almost  as  the  poles;  in  South  Carolina,  from  which 
a  slave  rarely  ever  escaped,  and  Massachusetts, 
into  which  one  scarcely  ever  fled,  whose  people 
rarely  met,  and  knew  little  of  each  other.  But  in 
the  border  States  where  I  live,  where  free  and 
slave  States  come  in  contact,  a  different  state  of 
feeling  prevails.  Take  the  immense  strip  of 
country  where  this  contact  exists  along  the  Ohio 
river;  take  Kentucky  on  one  side  and  Indiana  on 
the  other;  Kentucky  on  one  side  and  Illinois  on 
the  other;  Virginia  on  one  side  and  Ohio  on  the 
other;  Missouri  on  one  side  and  Illinois  on  the 
other,  and  Missouri  and  Iowa,  and  I  defy  any 
man  to  point  out  any  portion  of  the  people  of  this 
country  who  have  lived  in  more  perfect  peace  and 
accord  and  harmony.  The  southern  portion  of 
those  free  States  bordering  on  the  slave  States, 
along  the  Ohio,  have  never  objected  to  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery.  They  have  agreed  with  us  so- 
cially; they  have  had  constant  friendly  inter- 
course with  us  as  neighbors;  they  have  returned 
our  property,  and  the  most  friendly  relations  have 
existed  between  those  portions  of  the  free  States 
and  the  slave  States  along  the  Ohio. 

But  when  you  go  further  north  you  find  a  peo- 
ple who  are  constantly  exciting  tlie  public  mind 
by  inflammatory  writings  and  speeches,  and  by 
everything  calculated  to  arouse  a  feeling  of  hatred 
against  the  people  of  slave  States.    There  is  no 


i:^ 


irrepressible  conflict  between  the  free  and  slave 
States;  no  want  of  homogeneity  in  the  people  of 
those  States  in  which  slavery  exists  and  those  in 
which  it  does  not  exist;  and  there  is  no  enmity 
except  that  which  has  been  engendered  by  the 
teachings  of  the  enemies  of  our  country  North  and 
South.  An  aspersion  of  this  kind  is  a  mere  pre- 
text; it  has  always  been  such,  and  it  has  nothing 
to  warrant  it.  Did  not  the  States  which  adopted 
this  Constitution,  did  not  the  Slate  which  I  repre- 
sent, and  of  which  I  am  proud,  when  they  gave 
their  consent  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  pledge  themselves  that  every  State  should 
be  preserved — not  particularly  in  the  right  to 
hold  slaves,  for  I  do  not  want  to  talk  about 
the  matter  in  that  limited  and  confined  view — 
but  did  they  not  pledge  themselves  that  every 
State  should  have  the  right  to  the  unfettered  con- 
trol of  their  own  domestic  institutions  in  their 
own  way?  If  we  were  disposed  not  to  value 
slavery  and  cared  nothing  about  it,  yet  we  ought 
to  stand  in  solid  phalanx  protesting  against  this 
infringement  which,  if  not  rebuked,  will  reduce  us 
to  abject  submission  and  slavery.  Give  up  our 
right  to  have  slavery  if  we  choose,  submit  to 
have  that  right  wrested  from  us,  and  in  what  right 
are  we  secure?  One  after  another  will  be  usurped 
by  the  President  and  Congress,  until  all  State 
rights  will  be  gone,  and  perhaps  State  limits  ob- 
literated, and  a  grand  imperial  despotism  erected 
on  the  ruins  of  our  rights  and  liberties.  It  will 
matter  very  little  whether  this  is  accomplished 
by  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  or  under  the 
plea  of  military  necessity,  or  under  the  claim  that 
whatever  is  indispensable  is  lawful,  even  though 
clearly  in  violation  of  the  Constitution.  Against 
this  consummation  I  will  speak,  and,  if  necessary 
to  prevent  it,  I  will  fight. 

Kentucky,  sir,  protesting  here  on  this  floor, 
protesting  by  her  people,  protesting  through  her 
press,  protests  against  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution at  this  time,  and  does  not  hold  herself 
bound  to  a  Constitution  that  you  change  in  spite 
of  her  protest  and  in  spite  of  the  absence  of  those 
States  which  would  aid  her  in  preventing  that 
amendment. 

You  say  that  slavery  is  incompatible  with  peace, 
and  fealty  and  allegiance  to  the-  Constitution 
dangerous  to  the  Union.  Sir,  did  the  existence 
of  slavery  in  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  Mary- 
land lead  those  States  into  rebellion  against  the 
General  Government?  Did  it  induce  them  to  fol- 
low the  lead  of  South  Carolina  into  rebellion? 
Yet  slavery  existed  there.  It  exists  in  those 
States  now.  How  then  can  you,  in  the  face  of 
this  proof,  say  thatslavery  cannot  exist  in  States 
and  those  States  be  loyal?  Wliy  persist  in  the 
declaration  that  it  is  impossible  to  preserve  the 
Union  and  let  slavery  exist?  In  making  this  decla- 
ration you  give  the  lie  to  your  President  and  his 
prime  minister.  Seward,  in  his  letters  to  Dayton 
and  Adams,  says,  "  Slavery  will  remain  whether 
the  rebellion  succeeds  or  fails."  Ah,  Mr.  Speaker, 
slavery  is  not  properly  a  ground  or  a  cause  for  a 
dissolution  of  this  Union,  for  civil  war,  or  for 
disturbance.  But  I  am  very  much  afraid  that  the 
party  upon  the  other  side  of  the  House,  aided  by 
the  present  Administration  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, may  make  slavery  the  cause  for  the  dis- 
ruption of  this  Union.  You  have  changed  your 
whole  policy  in  regard  to  the  war.  You  have 
converted  it  from  a  war  to  preserve  the  Union, 
as  you  acknowledge  and  boldly  declare,  into  a 
war  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  because  you  say 
that  is  the  only  way  to  preserve  the  Union.  What 
has  been  the  effect  of  your  course?  You  have 
united  the  people  of  the  southern  States  in  solid 
phalanx  and  divided  thepeopleof  the  North,  and 
alienated  to  a  great  extent  the  people  of  States 
who  were  almost  undivided  atthe  commencement 
of  the  war.  By  your  peculiar  policy,  the  confis- 
cation bill,  the  freedmen's  bill,  and  now  by  your 
proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  you 
have  made  the  South  a  unit  against  you,  where 
at  the  commencement  of  the  war  there  was  a 
divided  opinion. 

Sir,  I  remember  a  remarkable  statement  made 
of  the  great  man  who  now  heads  the  Administra- 
tion of  this  Government,  and  whom  you  are  try- 
ing to  make  your  President  for  the  next  four  years 
on  this  subject.  On  the  Sunday  preceding  the 
day  on  which  the  extra  session  of  Congress  was 
to  adjourn  in  1861, 1  called  upon  the  President  by 
appointment  in  company  with  two  of  my  col- 


2982 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


leagues,  now  dead,  the  lamented  Crittenden,  and 
Jaclcson  who  fell  so  o;alIantly  at  tlie  battle  of  Per- 
ry ville,  and  My  colleague  from  the  Maysville  dis- 
trict, [Mr.  Wadswortii.]  Congress  had  passed 
the  Cdnfiscatioii  bill,  limited  in  its  operation  and 
scope,  confiscatii)g  only  the  property  of  rebels 
used  in  the  rebellion  and  emancipating  the  slaves 
so  used.  We  thought  we  saw  in  that  measure 
.  the  commencement  of  this  emancipation  policy  of 
the  Government  which  would  lead  to  disastrous 
results.  We  visited  the  President  with  a  view  of 
trying  to  induce  him  to  forbid  that  law.  We  had 
n  long  and  free  conversation  with  him.  He  left 
the  impression  on  my  mind  and  on  the  minds  of 
my  colleagues  that  he  would  not  give  his  sanction 
to  that  law.  He  said  that  he  was  opposed  to  this- 
whole  system  of  legislation,  and  left  the  impres- 
sion on  us,  although  he  did  not  say  so  in  express 
terms,  that  he  would  veto  that  bill.  In  the  course 
of  that  conversation  he  turned  to  me  and,  address- 
ing me  personally,  said:  "Mr.  Mallory,  this 
war,  so  far  as  I  have  anything  to  do  with  it,  is 
carried  on  on  the  idea  that  there  is  a  Union  sen- 
timent in  these  States,  which,  when  set  free  from 
the  control  now  held  over  it  by  the  presence  of 
the  confederate  or  rebel  power,  will  be  sufficient 
to  replace  those  States  in  the  Union.  If  I  am 
mistaken  in  this,  if  there  is  no  such  sentiment 
there,  if  the  people  of  those  States  are  determined 
with  unanimity,  or  with  a  feeling  approaching 
unanimity,  that  their  States  shall  not  be  members 
of  this  Confederacy,  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  the 
pco|)le  of  the  other  States  to  force  them  to  remain 
in  the  Union;"  and  said  he,  "in  that  contingency — 
in  the  contingency  that  there  is  not  that  sentiment 
there — this  war  is  not  only  an  error;  ills  a  crime." 
That  was  his  declaration  at  the  commencement  of 
this  war.  Since  then  he  has  been  induced  to 
change  his  policy  by  his  friends  on  the  other  side 
of  the  House. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Will  the  gentleman  allow 
me  to  ask  him  a  question? 

Mr.  MALLORY.  1  have  only  forty  minutes, 
and  must  decline  to  yield. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  dislike  to  raise  a  point  of 
order  on  the  gentleman;  but  if  he  will  not  let  me 
ask  my  question,  I  shall  have  to  do  so. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Go  on  and  make  your  point 
of  order.     I  do  not  yield  under  a  threat. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  threaten;  and  if  the 
gentleman  takes  it  unkindly,  I  will  withdraw  the 
request.  I  thought  he  was  going  on  out  of  order. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  If  the  gentleman  asks  me 
in  that  way  I  will  yield  to  him.  I  did  not  wish 
to  yield  under  a  threat. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Oh,  no;  I  meant  no  threat. 
I  withdraw  the  request. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Mr.  Speaker,  from  that 
time  to  this — I  charge  here — the  President  of  the 
United  States,  after  having  made  to  me  this  decla- 
ration, and  his  aiders  and  abettors  on  that  side  of 
the  House  have  persistently,  constantly,  and  with 
diabolical  ingenuity,  struggled  by  their  legislation 
and  policy  to  crush  out  the  Union  sentiment  ex- 
isting in  the  southern  States.  I  go  further,  and 
say  that  I  believe  that  by  that  harsh  policy  they 
have  accomplished  their  purpose.  I  go  still  fur- 
ther, and  say  that  I  believe,  with  many  a  man  on 
that  side  of  the  House,  this  was  designed  and 
looked  for  and  intended.  They  wished  to  crush 
out  Union  sentiment  in  the  South,  and  to  have 
nobody  there  their  friend.  They  wished  to  pur- 
sue that  whole  country  with  a  sword  in  one  hand 
and  a  fire-brand  in  the  other,  burning  and  de- 
stroying as  they  went,  in  order  to  do — what.'  To 
wipe  out  the  white  people  of  the  country  and  sup- 
plant them  by  black  free  men,  whom  they  are 
going  to  make  American  citizens,  to  be  controlled 
and  governed  by  the  northern  emigrants  whom 
they  may  think  proper  to  send  there  from  New 
England. 

I  am  very  much  afraid,  Mr.  Speaker,  as  I 
charged  a  few  moments  ago,  that  by  that  policy, 
by  that  persistent  effort  to  exterminate  slavery  by 
means  of  cruel  and  unconstitutional  acts,  they 
have  succeeded  in  rendering  a  continuation  of 
this  Union  impossible,  and  they  may  in  that  way 
have  made  slavery  the  cause  of  the  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  1  deplore  it,  sir.  This  Union  is  the 
very  life-blood  of  Kentucky,  and  I  deplore  its 
destruction.  I  will  raise  my  voice  and  do  any  act 
to  prevent  a  consummation  which  we  in  our  State 
would  deplore  as  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not  the 
greatest,  evil  that  could  befall  us.     If  you  suy  to 


those  rebellious  States,  "Submit  to  the  authority 
of  the  Federal  Government,  yield  obedience  to 
the  law,"  they  have  the  right  to  ask  you  what 
they  are  to  expect  if  they  comply  with  your  de- 
mand. And  what  is  the  reply.'  "You  are  to 
expect  that  you  shall  be  stripped  of  every  particle 
of  your  property.  You  have  to  expect  that  the 
right  of  self-government  will  be  taken  from  you. 
You  have  to  expect  that  the  President  and  Con- 
gress will  frame  and  impose  on  you  such  form  of 
State  government  as  they  may  think  proper;  that 
the  President  shall  indicate  notonly  the  men  who 
shall  vote  in  the  elections  for  members  of  Con- 
gress and  of  the  State  Legislatures,  but  shall  also 
indicate  the  men  who  shall  be  elected  to  those 
offices,  and  the  peculiar  qualifications  of  electors 
and  office-holders  in  those  States.  You  have  to 
expect  nothing  better  than  that.  You  are  to  ex- 
pect, if  you  come  back,  to  come  back  the  abject 
and  submissive  slavesof  the  conquering  power." 

Sir,  in  the  most  arrogant  days  of  the  Roman 
empire,  when,  after  a  province  was  subdued,  the 
conqueror  came  back  to  Rome  with  a  long  train  of 
captives  following  his  chariot  and  forced  to  pass 
sub  jugo,  there  never  was  presented  a  spectacle 
more  mournful  and  degrading  than  that  which 
you  propose  to  subject  this  people  to. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.     It  is  impossible. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  believe  it  is  impossible, 
it  cannot  be  done  until  all  spirit  and  pride  are 
crushed  out  of  a  gallant  and  proud  race',  and  that 
can  only  be  done  when  they  are  exterminated. 

Mr.  Speaker,  what  is  the  necessity  for  this  con- 
stitutional amendment?  Why  do  gentlemen  of 
the  Republican  party  want  to  tamper  with  the 
Constitution?  The  Baltimore  convention  indorses 
every  act  of  the  President  of  the  United  States; 
and  the  President  says  in  his  letter  to  A.  G. 
Hodges,  of  Kentucky,  that  while  there  is  a  step 
to  be  taken  indispensable  to  save  the  nation  he 
will  take  it,  although  he  knows  it  to  be  in  viola- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  and  that  he  has  a  right 
to  do  it,  and  that  such  step  is  lawful.  Lawful 
to  violate  the  Constitution  which  he  has  taken  a 
solemn  oath  to  protect  and  defend!  Lawful  to 
violate  that  in  order  to  presrve  the  nation  by  the 
commission  of  any  act  he  may  deem  indispensa- 
ble to  such  preservation!  Oh!  what  fidelity  to 
the  Constitution  rests  on  the  conscience  of  that 
great  man  !  What  a  law-maker,  what  a  law-giver, 
what  a  law-enforcer  he  is!  Would  he  not  be  a 
pretty  amender  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  framed  by  Washington  and  Hamilton  and 
Madison?     Why  do  you  want  to  change  it? 

The  President  strikes  down  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  the  safeguard  of  personal  liberty,  and 
says  tliat  is  indispensable  and  is  right.  And  you 
support  him  in  it.  He  abolishes  trial  by  jury,  and 
says  that  it  is  indispensable  to  do  it  in  order  to 
get  at  traitors;  and  you  say  so,  too,  and  that  he 
has  a  right  to  do  it,  because  he  deemed  it  indis- 
pensable. He  has  arrested  without  "  warrant" 
and  condemned  without  "due  process  of  law" 
hundreds  of  our  citizens,  and  confined  them  in 
prisons  and  forts,  who  have  been  ascertained  to 
be  guiltless  of  any  crime,  and  you  approve  it. 
He  has  subjected  hundreds  of  free  citizens  not  in 
military  service  to  be  tried  by  military  tribunals, 
and  punished  by  martial  law,  and  you  indorse  it. 
He  struck  down  slavery,  as  he  himself  acknowl- 
edges, in  defiance  of  the  rights  of  the  States  to 
control  their  own  domestic  institutions.  He  says 
it  was  in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  that 
he  knew  it  when  he  did  it.  You  say  it  was  in- 
dispensable as  a  war  measure,  and,  constitutional 
or  unconstitutional,  it  is  right.  Very  well;  why, 
then,  do  you  want  to  tamper  with  the  Constitu- 
tion? Why  do  you  want  to  change  the  Consti- 
tution ?  Why  do  you  want  to  exercise  this  power 
through  the  Constitution  to  accomplish  that 
which  you  say  the  President  has  already  done 
with  your  consent,  in  spite  of  and  in  violation  of 
the  Constitution  ?  The  Constitution  is  no  impedi- 
ment to  the  President  or  to  you. 

Sir,  in  discussing  this  question  I  feel  for  my 
country,  I  feel  for  those  who  framed  the  Consti- 
tution, 1  feel  even  for  you  gentlemen  upon  the 
other  side  of  the  House,  for  I  do  not  want  to  see 
inflicted  upon  any  portion  of  my  fellow-citizens 
the  contempt  of  the  country  and  of  the  whole 
civilized  world,  such  as  will  be  visited  on  your 
heads  for  the  tergiversation-  you  have  practiced 
since  the  commencementof  this  war.  You  have 
broken  faith  with  the  country;  you  have  broken 


faith  with  States  still  loyal  to  the  Constitution; 
you  have  broken  faith,  and  you  now  propose  to 
break  faith  by  taking  to  yourselves  the  control 
over  an  institution  which  not  only  the  require- 
ments of  the  Constitution  but  all  the  dictates  of 
reason  and  justice  join  in  urging  should  remain 
under  the  control  of  the  several  States. 

I  ask  gentlemen,  if  they  will  not  regard  the  dic- 
tates of  conscience  and  reason  in  this  matter,  to 
consider  what  a  precedent  they  are  setting.  We 
are  now  carrying  on  a  war  which  I  believe,  so 
help  me  God,  unless  the  policy  upon  which  it  is 
being  carried  on  is  changed,  will  render  any  other 
result  than  the  total  destruction  of  the  Union  im- 
possible. You  are  heaping  up  a  national  debt  of 
four  to  six  thousand  millions,  which  will  in  future 
be  represented  by  the  bonds  of  the  United  States. 
You  are  heaping  up  this  debt  at  a  fearful  rate  for 
the  benefit  of  shoddyites  and  the  manufacturers 
and  capitalists  in  the  eastern  States.  Suppose 
you  do  as  you  profess  to  believe;  after  carrying 
on  the  war  until  you-have  heaped  up  the  public 
debt  to  five  or  six  thousand  million  dollars,  wrung 
from  the  labor  and  sweat  of  the  people  of  the 
whole  country,  and  especially  of  the  West,  by 
taxes,  by  which  those  colossal  fortunes  in  the 
East  have  been  reaped,  suppose  you  bring  it  to  a 
close  by  crushing  out  the  power  of  the  South, 
have  you  ever  reflected  on  what  is  to  follow? 
Have  you  ever  reflected  what  a  precedent  you  are 
setting  by  the  acts  of  broken  faith  you  have  here- 
tofore perpetrated  and  are  now  enacting?  When 
this  public  debt  of  five  or  six  thousand  million 
dollars,  held  by  eastern  men,  shall  come  to  stare 
the  nation  in  the  face;  when  the  men  of  the  West 
shall  be  called  on  to  have  wrung  out  of  their 
scanty  earnings  the  amount  required  to  pay  the 
interest  on  that  debt,  and  when  the  price  of  their 
products  shall  have  been  reduced,  as  they  will  be 
in  tliat  day,  these  men,  with  starvation  before 
them,  will  be  driven  to  say  they  will  no  longer 
submit  to  these  exactions,  they  will  be  no  longer 
responsible  for  the  public  debt.  You  will  say, 
"That  is  a  breach  of  the  public  faith;  your  faith 
was  plighted  to  pay  this  debt;  you  will  be  dis- 
graced in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world  if  you 
repudiate  it."  In  that  day  of  your  terror  and  your 
alarm,  in  that  day,  when  these  millionaiies,  these 
men  of  opulence,  are  being  reduced  to  poverty 
and  want,  I  will  not  laugh  at  your  calamity,  I 
will  not  mock  when  your  fear  cometh;  I  will 
mourn  with  you  in  your  affliction. 

But  if  the  people  of  this  country,  following  the 
wild  precedents  you  have  set  them,  and  are  pro- 
posing to  set  them  to-day,  swear  that  they  will 
not  submit  to  be  impoverished  by  exactions  to 
swell  the  bloated  coffers  of  the  eastern  millionaire 
enriched  by  sucking  like  a  vampire  the  blood  of 
his  country,  and  in  the  exercise  of  their  power 
wipe  this  debt,  and  the  barnacle  fortunes  that  hang 
to  it,  out  of  existence,  it  will  not  be  for  you  to 
complain.  It  will  not  become  you  to  cry  out, 
Broken  faith ! 

•  Now, letmeask you  apractical  question.  What 
do  you  intend  to  do  with  the  slaves  you  propose 
to  set  free?  What  are  you  going  to  do  with  the 
elephant  when  you  get  him?  [Laughter.]  Has 
anybody  attempted  to  furnish  a  solution  of  this 
question?  Yes,  sir,  a  solution  has  been  attempted; 
1  will  examine  it.  They  propose  to  put  those  of 
them  capable  of  rendering  military  service  into 
the  Army  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  country.  They 
have  been  placed  in  the  Army  to  the  number  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  or  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand.  Where,  in  your  armies,  have  you 
placed  these  men?  Have  you  placed  them  as  a 
shield  between  the  enemy  and  ycuir  white  troops? 
A  gentleman  in  this  House  in  the  last  Congress 
declared  he  was  willing  a  black  soldier  should 
stand  as  a  shield  between  liis  son  and  the  bullets 
of  the  enemy.  No,  sir;  these  black  men  have 
not  been  placed  in  that  position;  they  have  been 
placed  behind  fortifications  and  out  of  the  reach 
of  the  guns  of  the  enemy.  You  make  them  equal 
to  white  soldiers  in  pay,  clothing,  rations,  and 
position;  you  make  them  superior  in  position  to 
white  soldiers  by  saving  them  from  danger  and 
wounds  and  death.  You  degrade  the  white  pri- 
vate soldier  to  a  level  with  or  below  the  negro; 
but  the  officers  you  make  a  privileged  class.  You 
make  the  black  private  soldiers  equal  to  the  white, 
but  you  will  not  allow  your  white  officers  to  be 
degraded  by  allowing  the  negro  to  become  his 
equal  in  position  as  an  officer  in  the  Army  of  the 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2983 


United  States.  Why  do  you  not  do  that?  You 
assert  tliat  Bob  Small  and  Fred.  Douglass  and  oth- 
ers are  equal  to  white  men  in  gallantry  and  intel- 
ligence, and  all  the  elements  of  the  military  leader, 
and  yet  refuse  them  positions  commensurate  with 
their  asserted  merit.     Why  is  this? 

Do  you  say  in  reply,  "  We  want  to  use  these 
officers,  we  want  to  keep  in  their  good  graces. 
We  will  not  debase  them  by  saying  that  a  negro 
shall  be  their  equal.  Our  officers  are  gentlemen; 
they  would  be  offended  if  we  raise  the  negro  to 
their  level  or  degrade  them  to  the  negro's  level, 
though  he  shall  be  the  equal  of  the  contemptible 
scum  that  composes  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Army."     That  is  your  policy,  is  it? 

You  will  not  put  the  negro  forward  to  share 
the  dangers  of  the  white  soldier.  1  ask  you  why  ? 
You  say  that  he  is  a  good  soldier.  Lorenzo 
Thomas,  suspected  of  being  a  rebel  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  who  has  gone  throughout 
the  South  to  organize  the  negro  forces, says  that 
he  is  a  better  soldier  than  the  white  man,  because 
he  has  a  musical  ear  that  enables  hiin  to  keep  step 
better:  I  suppose  to  the  music  of  the  Union.  He 
says  that  he  is  a  better  soldier,  because  he  has 
been  accustomed  to  be  commanded  and  readily 
obeys.  There  it  is:  he  obeys  without  question- 
ing, and  therefore  you  want  to  save  him  from  the 
ravages  of  war.  You  want  to  see  that  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  thousand  negro  soldiers  spoken 
of  by  Mr.  Lincoln  increased  to  three  hundred 
thousand.  You  do  not  want  the  number  dimin- 
ished. You  want  to  save  them  from  the  bullets 
of  the  rebels.  This  obedient,  submissive  race, 
when  this  war  is  over,  may  be  needed  for  some 
oltter  purpose.  They  have  had  this  class  of  soldiers 
m  Europe.  There  they  have  had  hired  soldiers 
known  as  Swiss,  ignoring  home  and  country, with 
no  local  attachment.  Like  the  dog,  they  follow 
and  obey  their  master;  dependent  for  their  pay 
and  subsistence  upon  their  employers,  they  know 
and  obey  no  one  else.  We  do  not  want  that 
class  of  soldiers  in  the  United  States.  History 
-  points  them  out  as  the  tools  used  to  crush  out  the 
liberties  of  the  people  and  to  preserve  and  defend 
despotic  power.  If  you  want  them,  for  what  pur- 
y)ose  do  you  want  them?  Sir,  this  is  a  pregnant 
question;  it  is  not  answered  here.  I  hope  that  his- 
tory may  not  write  the  answer  in  blood,  in  the 
destruction  of  our  Government  and  liberty,  in  the 
erection  of  a  despotism  on  the  ruins  of  our  Re- 
public. 

What  do  you  propose  to  do  with  those  you 
cannot  use  in  the  Army — the  women  and  children 
and  worn-out  men  ?  Three  years  ago  I  asked  that 
question  in  this  House,  and  the  answer  by  the 
leading  abolitioiiists  then  was,  "  We  will  colonize 
them."  I  stated  then  that  this  would  not  be  done, 
that  the  country  would  never  consent  to  add  to 
its  debt  twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  million  dollars 
for  such  a  purpose.  I  said  truly.  You  have  aban- 
doned the  idea  of  colonization.  Numbers  of  the 
free  Slates  by  law  prohibit  their  immigration 
within  their  limits.  You  are  afraid  as  yet  to  re- 
sist the  exercise  of  this  right  in  despite  of  that 
prohibition,  although  you  dispute  it.  You  cannot 
send  them  into  those  States;  but  you  propose  to 
leave  them  where  they  are  freed,  and  protect  them 
in  theirright  to  remain  there.  You  do  not  intend, 
however,  to  leave  them  to  the  tender  mercies  of 
those  States.  You  propose  by  a  most  flagrant 
violation  of  their  rights  to  hold  the  control  of  this 
large  class  in  these  various  States  in  your  own 
hands.  The  abolitionists  of  New  England,  by 
means  of  a  majority  which  they  hope  to  secure 
in  Congress  and  an  Administration  they  expect 
to  retain  in  office  in  some  way,  intend  to  govern 
thousands  of  these  creatures  in  my  State  and  the 
other  border  slave  States,  and  exempt  them  from 
the  operation  of  the  laws  of  those  States.  They 
intend  to  establish  an  "  imperium  in  imperio"  in 
all  those  States.  Do  you  expect  that  the  States 
will  submit  quietly  to  this  outrage?  You  are  not 
so  infatuated.  Do  you  expect  then  to  force  obedi- 
ence to  your  will,  to  coerce  obedience  to  the  regu- 
lations of  the  "  Freed  men's  Bureau"  by  means 
of  negro  soldiers  to  be  garrisoned  in  these  States 
to  overawe  the  people  ?  Do  you  intend  to  "quarter 
a  standing  army  on  us  without  our  consent?" 
Our  history  teaches  a  lesson  on  this  subject  which 
I  commend  to  your  consideration.  You  have 
brought  thousands  of  these  unfortunate  wretches 
from  the  fields  of  Grant's  operations  to  your 
Freedmen's  Village,  around  Arlington,  at  the  pub- 


lic expense,  and  in  boats  which  ought  to  have 
been  used  for  the  transportation  of  wounded  and 
suffering  soldiers,  to  be  maintained  at  the  expense 
of  the  national  Treasury,  in  this  way  adding  mil- 
lions to  the  already  intolerable  public  debt,  taxing 
the  already  overtaxed  people  of  the  country  for  a 
purpose  never  contemplated  by  the  Constitution. 
Anil  are  they  freed?  No,  sir;  no,  sir.  You  still 
govern  and  control  them.  They  lio  not  govern 
themselves.  You  regulate  their  conduct,  you  pre- 
scribe their  work,  you  determine  what  to  give 
them,  you  control  their  actions.  They  are  still 
slaves,  by  whatever  name  you  may  call  them. 
You  have  kidnapped  them  from  their  masters  in 
Virginia  and  made  them  your  slaves. 

How  have  you  freed  them  in  Louisiana?  Banks, 
with  the  consent  of  the  President,  has  established 
a  system  of  slavery  there,  better  for  the  master 
and  worse  for  the  slave,  than  any  that  I  have  any 
experience  of.  By  it  the  master  is  relieved  of  the 
expense  of  rearing  the  slave  until  he  is  capable 
of  performing  profitable  labor,  and  released  from 
all  obligation  to  maintain  him  after  he  has  be- 
come unfitted  by  age  or  disease  to  render  remu- 
nerating service.  Nor  is  there  the  least  freedom 
conceded  to  the  slave  by  this  system,  unless  it 
be  the  liberty  to  wander  off,  when  overtaken  by 
death,  and  die  like  a  dog  on  the  first  dung  heap 
untended  and  uncared  for  by  a  kind  and  Christian 
master.  He  has  not  the  liberty  to  work  where 
he  pleases;  he  is  confined  to  the  limits  of  a.  par- 
ticitlar  plantation.  He  has  not  the  right  to  work 
when  he  pleases;  his  hours  of  labor  are  pre- 
scribed. He  has  not  the  right  to  demand  such 
wages  as  he  may  think  his  services  worth;  his 
WBges  are  fixed  for  him.  He  has  not  the  privi- 
lege of  expending  his  earnings  as  he  pleases;  this 
/s  done  for  him  by  regulation.  And  I  make  the 
declaration  that  the  compensation  he  is  forced  to 
labor  for  is  not  near  equivalent  to  what  a  slave 
in  Louisiana  received  under  the  slave  system, 
which  these  wise  humanitarians.  Banks  and  the 
President,  wish  to  supplant  by  their  system  of 
free  labor.  God  save  the  mark.  Mr.  Speaker, 
by  such  a  change  as  this  you  do  not  abolish  sla- 
very, but  you  rob  it  of  all  its  humanizing  and 
redeeming  characteristics.  By  destroying  all 
interest  of  the  master  in  the  preservation  of  the 
health  of  the  slave,  you  diminish  his  care  and 
kindness  and  indulgence  to  him.  The  watchful 
care  of  the  intelligent  and  interested  master  over 
the  young  is  lost,  and  they  are  left  to  grow  up 
uncared  for  except  by  the  negro  father  and 
mother,  whose  ignorance  and  inclifference  to  the 
welfare  of  their  offspring  are  matters  of  common 
notoriety. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  will  not  touch  this  subject  in 
its  connection  with  political  economy.  I  will  not 
argue  that  African  slave  labor  is  the  most  profit- 
able labor  for  the  land-owner.  I  would  never 
propose  that  African  slavery  should  be  intro- 
duced where  it  does  not  exist.  I  would  leave  all 
people  in  all  States  free  to  have  it  or  abolish  it, 
as  a  regard  to  their  own  interests  may  prompt 
them.  I  will  not  assert  that  African  slavery  is 
best  for  the  white  man.  I  may  be  in  doubt  as  to 
that.  But  this  1  do  say,  in  view  of  an  experience 
and  observation  of  a  lifetime,  and  in  spite  of  the 
horror  excited  in  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylva- 
nia [Mr.  Thayer]  by  the  declaration  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  New  York,  [Mr.  Fernando  Wood,] 
that  the  condition  of  slavery  existing  in  my  State 
and  the  other  slave  States  is  the  best  condition  in 
which  the  African  has  ever  been  placed  on  the 
continent  of  America;  I  mean  the  best  for  the 
negro  as  it  regards  his  physical,  moral,  and  in- 
tellectual wants. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  will  conclude  what  I  have  to 
say  with  the  assertion  that  I  believe  that  the  only 
way  to  preserve  this  Union  is  to  stand  by  the 
Constitution  as  our  fathers  made  it;  not  to  change 
it;  to  preserve  its  great  safeguards  of  liberty  from 
destruction  or  violation;  to  return  to  the  original 
policy  of  this  Government,  indorsed  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Cabinet,  by  Douglas  and  Crittenden ; 
the  policy  of  conciliation  and  coercion  which 
has  received  the  name  of  border  State  policy — 
the  policy  of  conciliation  and  coercion  going  hand 
in  hand.  1  was  always  for  it — I  am  for  it  now. 
While  I  would  put  down  the  military  power  of 
the  South  by  force  of  arms  I  would  "still  carry 
in  my  right  hand  gentle  peace;"  I  would  hold  it 
out  to  them;  I  would  persuade  them  by  every  in- 
ducement I  could  offer  them  as  erring  men  and 


brothers  to  abandon  their  bloody  rebellion.  I 
will  not  denounce  them  as  devils.  I  would  not 
say  that  I  will  exterminate  you  if  you  do  not  sub- 
mit, and  strip  you  of  all  you  have  if  you  do;  but 
I  would  say,  "  Come'  back,  and  I  will  fui-give 
you  as  freely  as  the  Son  of  man  ever  forgave  re- 
pentantsinnfrs." 

[Here  the  hammer  fell.] 

Mr.  KELLEY.  Mr.  Speaker,  madness  and 
despair  rave,  and  1  shall  consume  none  of  the 
brief  time  alloitcd  me  by  following  the  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Mallort,]  who  has 
just  taken  his  seat.  Nor  do  I  avail  myself  of  the 
floor  in  the  hojie  that  I  can  say  anything  which 
will  change  the  mind  of  the  House  on  the  ques- 
tion now  before  it;  but,  sir,  the  privilege  is  not 
often  given  to  men  to  perform  an  act  the  influ- 
ence of  which  will  be  felt  beneficently  by  the 
poor,  the  oppressed,  the  ignorant,  and  the  de- 
graded of  all  lands,  and  which  will  endure  until 
terminated  by  the  wreck  of  matter  and  the  crush 
of  worlds.  And  I  rise  that  I  may  thus  publicly 
thank  God  and  the  good  people  by  whose  suf- 
frages I  am  here  to-day  for  the  golden  opportu- 
nity afforded  me  of  doing  such  an  act. 

When  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution shall  have  been  adopted  and  approved  by 
the  Legislatures,  as  1  hope  it  will  be,  that  instru- 
ment will  be  perfect  as  the  genius  of  man  can 
conceive.  Experience,  as  the  ages  roll  away, 
may,  it  is  true,  suggest  improvements,  but  my 
poor  imagination  presents  none.  We  were  asked 
this  morning  whether  we  arc  wiser  than  the 
framers  of  our  Government.  I  utter  no  word,  I 
think  no  thought  of  disparagement  of  those  great 
men.  They  were  good  men  and  were  wise  in 
their  day  and  generation,  but  all  wisdom  did  not 
die  with  them,  and  wc  nre  expiating  in  blood  and 
agony  and  death  and  bereavement  one  of  their  er- 
rors— the  unwise  compromise  they  made  with 
wrong  in  providing  for  the  toleration  and  perpet- 
uation of  human  slavery.  The  Convention  which 
framed  the  Constitution  unwisely  compromised 
with  wrong,  and  the  bill  before  the  House  pro- 
poses to  submit  their  work  to  the  people  through 
the  States  for  revisal  in  this  particular.  It  was 
not  unknown  to  many  of  ihem  that  evil  must  re- 
sult from  theiraction.  They  knew  and  said  while 
in  the  Convention  that  right  and  wrong  were  in 
eternal  conflict,  and  that  the  avenging  God  was 
ever  on  the  side  of  right. 

In  proof  of  this  I  turn  not  to  the  remarks  of 
men  from  New  England,  not  to  those  from  dear 
old  Pennsylvania,  but  of  those  who  represented 
Virginia  in  that  august  assemblage.  1  hold  in 
my  hand  the  third  volume  of  Eliot's  Debates  of 
the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  I  quote  from  Mr.  George 
Mason, of  Virginia,  when  speaking,  June  15, 1788, 
on  the  first  clause  of  the  ninth  section  of  article  one 
of  the  Constitution: 

"  Mr.Cliairiiian,"  said  he,  "tln!i  is  a  fatal  section,  wliicli 
has  created  more  danger  tlian  any  other.  Tlie  fiibt  clause 
allows  the  iniportalioii  ot'  slaves  for  twenty  years.  Under 
the  royal  Government  this  evil  was  looked  upon  as  a  great 
oppression,  and  many  attempts  were  made  to  prevent  it; 
hut  the  interest  of  the  African  mercliants  prevented  its 
proliihition.  No  sooner  did  llie  Revolution  take  place  than 
it  was  thought  of.  It  was  one  of  the  great  causes  of  our 
separation  from  Great  Britain.  Its  exclusion  has  been  a 
principal  object  of  this  State,  and  most  of  ttic  States  in  tlio 
Union.  The  augmentation  of  slaves  weakens  the  States, 
and  such  a  trade  is  diabolical  in  itself  and  disgraceful  to 
mankind  ;  yet  by  this  Constitution  it  is  continued  tor  twen- 
ty years.  As  much  as  I  value  a  union  of  all  the  States,  I 
would  not  admit  the  southern  States  into  tlie  Union  unless 
they  agree  to  the  discontinuance  of  tliis  disgraceful  trade, 
because  it  would  bring  weakness  and  not  strength  to  the 
Union.    This  detestable  kind  of  commerce" 

As  he  proceeded  ho  spoke  of  "this  detestable 
kind  of  commerce,  "and  said  "  I  have  ever  looked 
upon  this  as  a  most  disgraceful  thing  to  America. 
I  cannot  express  my  detestation  of  it." 

Mr.  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  in  the  discussion  of 
the  same  day,  as  I  find  on  the  very  next  page, 
"  warmly  enlarged  on  the  impolicy,  iniquity,  and 
disgracefulness  of  this  wickea  traffic.  He  thought 
the  reasons  urged  by  gentlemen  in  defense  of  it 
were  inconclusive  and  ill-founded.  It  was  one 
cause  of  the  complaints  against  British  tyranny 
that  this  trade  was  permitted.  The  Revolution  had 
put  a  period  to  it;  but  now  it  was  to  be  revived. 
He  thought  nothing  could  justify  it." 

Thus  all  the  wise  and  good  men  of  that  period 
denounced  the  system  of  unpaid  labor  and  prop- 
erty in  human  beings  as  wicked,  infamously 
wicked,  and  the  trade  in  men,  women,  and  chil- 


2964 


THE  COJSTGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


J  Line  15, 


dren  as  diabolical.  We  who  advocate  this 
amendment  do  but  propose  to  consummate  that 
which  the  wisestand  best  men  of  thatday  wished 
to  do  in  the  Convention.  We  do  but  propose 
to  advise  the  people  to  listen  to  their  counsel  and 
perfect  tiieir  great  vi?ork. 

But  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Mal- 
lory]  says  the  season  is  inopportune.  Sir,  justice 
is  ever  in  season,  and  it  is  never  inopportune  to 
do  riglit.  But  he  also  says  that  the  rebellious 
States  are  in  the  Union,  and  yet  we  do  not  propose 
to  allow  them  to  vote  on  this  measure.  The 
people  of  those  States  are  probably  not  aware  of 
the  fact  that  they  are  in  the  Union.  They  believe 
themselves  to  be  out  of  the  Union,  and  if  they 
only  knew  as  well  as  the  gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky does  that  they  have  a  right  to  be  repre- 
sented here  as  well  as  at  Richmond,  I  doubt  not 
they  would  have  their  Representatives  here  to 
oppose  our  action  on  this  question.  If  in  the 
Union,  why  are  their  Representatives  not  here? 
Who  expelled  them  from  this  House  orthe  Senate 
Chamber?  If  the  Constitution  be  amended  by  de- 
fault of  their  votes  there  will  be  no  ground  for  a 
motion  to  open  or  set  aside  the  judgment,  as, to  say 
the  least,  the  default  is  the  result  of  their  voluntary 
absence.  Sir,  he  who  does  not  sustain  this  resolu- 
tion is  recreant  to  the  teachings  of  the  fathers  of 
our  country;  and  did  I  not  sustain  it  I  would  be  es- 
pecially false  to  the  traditions  of  the  great  State 
which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent.  In  the 
course  I  pursue  I  am  guided  by  the  wise  counsels 
ofBenjamin  Franklin  and  the  men  ofPennsylvania 
who  with  him  carried  that  State  through  the 
revolutionary  war,  and  gave  form  and  spirit  to 
her  free  institutions.  While  yet  the  revolution- 
ary war  was  pending — more  than  three  years 
before  our  national  independence  was  acknowl- 
edged— on  the  1st  of  March,  1780,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  they  then  had  "  every  prospect  of  being 
delivered  "  from  British  thralldom,  they  "  extin- 
guished and  forever  abolished"  slavery  in  Penn- 
sylvania. Time  will  not  permit  me  to  read  the 
noblepreamble  to  that  actof  Christian  statesman- 
ship; but  I  will  hand  it  to  the  reporter  that  it 
may  appear  as  part  of  my  remarks  in  the  Globe. 
Its  spirit  is  that  of  the  gospel,  and  its  grand 
sentences  seem  to  have  been  plucked  from  John 
Milton's  noblest'essays: 

Preamble  to  an  act  for  tlie  abolition  of  slavery  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

When  we  contemplate  our  ablioirencR  of  that  condition  to 
which  the  arms  ami  tyranny  of  GreatCritain  were  exerted 
to  reduce  us;  when  wclook  back  upon  the  variety  of  dan- 
gers to  vvliich  we  have  been  exposed,  and  how  miraculously 
our  wants  in  many  instances  have  been  supplied  and  our 
deliverance  wrought,  when  even  hope  and  human  fortitude 
iiave  become  unequal  to  the  conflict,  we  are  unavoidably 
led  to  a  serious  and  gratefulsenseof  the  manifold  blessings 
which  we  have  undeservedly  received  from  the  hand  of 
that  Being  from  wliom  every  good  and  perfectgift  cometh. 
frnpressed  with  these  ideas  we  conceive  that  it  is  our  duty, 
and  we  rejoice  that  it  is  in  our  power,  to  extend  a  portion 
of  that  freedom  to  others  which  hath  been  extended  to  us, 
and  release  from  that  stale  of  thralldom  lo  which  we  our- 
selves were  tyrannically  doomed,  and  from  which  weliave 
now  every  prospect  of  being  delivered.  It  is  not  for  us  to 
inquire  wliy,  in  the  creation  of  mankind,  the  inliabitanta 
of  the  several  parts  of  the  earth  were  distinguislied  by  a 
ilifferencein  feature  or  complexion.  Itis  sufficient  to  know 
tliat  all  are  the  work  of  an  Almighty  hand.  We  find  in  the 
distribution  of  the  human  species  that  the  most  fertile,  as 
well  as  the  most  barren,  parts  of  the  earth  are  inhabited  by 
nnm  of  complexions  diflVrenl  from  ours  and  from  each 
other,  from  whence  we  may  reasonably,  as  well  as  reli- 
giously, infer  that  He  who  placed  them  in  their  various  situ- 
ations hath  extended  equally  His  care  and  protection  to 
all,  and  that  it  becomelh  not  us  to  counteract  His  mercies. 
We  esteem  it  a  peculiar  blessing  granted  to  us  that  wc  are 
enabled  this  day  to  add  one  more  step  to  universal  civili- 
zation, by  removing,  as  much  as  possible,  the  sorrows  of 
those  who  have  lived  in  undeserved  bondage,  and  from 
wliich,  by  the  assumed  authority  of  the  kings  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, no  etfectual  legal  relief  could  be  obtained.  Weaned 
by  n  long  course  of  experience  I'rom  those  narrow  preju- 
dices and  piirtialities  we  had  imbibed,  we  find  our  hearts 
enlarged  with  kindness  and  benevolence  toward  men  of 
all  conditions  and  nations,  and  we  conceive  ourselves  at 
this  particular  period  extraordinarily  called  upon,  by  the 
blessings  wiiicli  we  have  received,  to  manifest  the  sincer- 
ity of  our  profession  and  to  give  a  substantial  proof  of  our 
gratitude. 

Sec.  2.  And  whereas  the  condition  of  those  persons  who 
haveheretofore  been  denominated  negro  and  mulatto  slaves 
has  been  attended  with  circumstances  whicli  not  only  de- 
prive them  of  the  common  blessings  that  they  were  by 
nature  entitled  to,  hut  has  cast  them  into  the  deepest  af- 
flictions, by  an  unnatural  separation  and  sale  of  husband 
and  wife  from  each  other  and  from  their  children— an  in- 
jury the  greatness  of  which  can  only  be  conceived  by  sup- 
posing that  we  were  in  the  same  unhappy  case— in  jus- 
tice, therefore,  to  persons  so  unhappily  circumstanced, 
and  who,  having  no  prospect  before  them  whereon  they 
may  rest  their  sorrows  and  their  h.opes,  have  no  reason- 
able Indueemenl  to  render  their  service  to  society  which 


they  otherwise  might,  and  also  in  grateful  commemoration 
of  our  own  happy  deliverance  from  that  state  of  uncon- 
ditional subrriission  to  which  we  were  doomed  by  the 
tyranny  of  Britain. 

Sec.  3.  All  persons,  as  well  negroes  and  mulattoes  as 
others,  who  shall  be  born  within  this  State,  shall  not  be 
deemed  and  considered  as  servants  for  life,  or  slaves,  and 
all  servitude  for  life  or  slavery  of  children,  in  consequence 
of  the  slavery  of  their  mothers,  in  the  case  of  all  children 
born  within  this  State  from  and  after  the  passing  of  this 
act  as  aforesaid,  shall  be,  and  hereby  is,  utterly  taken 
away,  extinguished,  and  forever  abolished. 

Scarcely  had  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
assembled,  when,  as  the  president  of  an  abolition 
society,  Benjamin  Franklin  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  that,  bowing 
under  the  weight  of  honors  and  more  than  four- 
score years,  he  might  present  the  petition  of  the 
people  ofPennsylvania  praying  Congress  to  fol- 
low the  benign  example  of  that  State  and  abolish 
slavery.  It  was  on  the  ]2th  of  February,  1789. 
He  drew  the  petition,  which  grateful  thousands 
thronged  to  sign.  And,  as  truth  is  immortal,  let 
us  listen  to  those  words,  and  now,  when  we  can 
aid  in  doing  it  constitutionally,  grant,  so  far  as  in 
us  lies  thepov/er,  their  prayer,  by  submitting  the 
proposed  amendment  to  the  people.  It  reads  as 
follows: 

"  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States : 

"From  a  persuasion  that  equal  liberty  wasorlginallythe 
portion,  and  is  still  the  birthright,  of  all  men,  and  influenced 
by  the  strong  ties  of  humanity  and  the  principles  of  their 
institution,  your  memorialists  conceive  themselves  bound 
to  use  all  justifiable  endeavors  to  loosen  the  bands  of  sla- 
very and  promote  a  general  enjoyment  of  the  blessingji  of 
freedom. 

"  Under  these  impressions  they  earnestly  entreat  your 
serious  attention  to  the  subject  of  slavery;  that  you  will 
be  pi  eased  to  countenance  the  restoration  of  liberty  to  those 
unhappy  men  who  alone,  in  this  land  of  freedom,  are 
degraded  into  perpetual  bondage,  and  who,  amid  the  gen- 
eral joy  ofsurrounding  freedom,  are  groaning  in  servile  sub- 
jection; that  you  will  devise  means  for  removing  this  in- 
consistency from  the  character  of  the  American  people; 
that  you  will  promote  mercy  and  justice  toward  this  dis- 
tressed race;  that  you  will  step  to  the  very  verge  of  the 
power  vested  in  you  for  discouraging  every  species  of  traf- 
fic in  the  persons  of  our  fellow-men." 

Let  us,  I  repeat,  heed,  and,  so  far  as  we  may, 
grant  that  petition.  Who  shall  complain  that  the 
Congress  of  1864  responds  to  the  prayer  of  the  men 
who  secured  our  freedom  and  elaborated  our  in- 
stitutions? Who  shall  induce  us  to  pause  in  this 
great  work  till  millions  of  rebels  return  to  loyalty 
and  their  soldiers  lay  down  their  arms  and  come 
to  contest  the  policy  of  the  act?  Sir,  they  will 
probably  be  here  before  the  Legislatures  have  all 
passed  on  the  question.  The  dispatch  just  read 
told  us  that  Grant  is  to  the  east  of  Richinond,  and 
we  know  that  Hunter's  artillery  thunders  to  the 
west  of  that  doomed  city,  I  apprehend  legisla- 
tion at  Richmond  is  not  done  calmly  to-day.  We 
may  deliberate,  but  they  who  address  the  Rich- 
mond congress  most  probably  echo  the  ravings 
of  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky.  Sir,  what  is  it 
that  we  propose  to  do?  Is  it  an  act  of  doubtful 
power?  No.  It  is  simply  to  execute  the  fifth 
article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
which  provides: 

"  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  shall 
deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Con- 
stitution, which  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
as  part  of  this  Constitution  whenratified  by  three  fourths  of 
the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  in 
three  fourtlis  lhereof,&s  the  one  or  the  othermode  of  ratifi- 
cation may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress." 

We  propose  to  submit  to  the  wisdom,  patriot- 
ism, and  humanity  of  the  people  of  the  States  of 
this  Union  an  amendment  in  accordance  with  this 
article,  and  for  that  we  are  denounced  by  those 
who  in  the  name  of  Democracy  plead  for  the  per- 
petuity of  slavery  as  violating  the  Constitution. 
I  repeat  the  question  of  my  friend  and  colleague, 
[Mr.  A.Myers,]  dogentlemenupon  the  other  side 
know  of  any  one  act  done  against  this  rebellion 
that  has  been  done  constitutionally?  Have  they 
any  other  prayer  than  a  prayer  for  the  success  of 
the  rebellion,  which  will,  in  tlieirjudgment,  save 
the  Constitution  by  perpetuating  and  extending 
the  area  of  human  slavery?  Their  love  of  De- 
mocracy and  the  Constitution  finds  expression  in 
degrading  the  laboring  man  to  a  thing  of  sale  upon 
the  auction-block,  in  shutting  out  from  more  than 
half  our  territory  schools  and  churches  and  civil- 
ization in  all  its  aspects,  whether  it  be  religion, 
science,  art,  or  social  life. 

Sir,  I  arraign  sfavery  as  the  efficient  cause  of 
every  national  evil  we  have  endured.  It  put  the 
vice  with  which  we  are  now  contending  into  the 
Constitution i  it  commenced  a  war  upon  the  dig- 


nity of  labor  and  the  freedom  of  conscience  and 
thought  the  very  day  ourGovernment  was  organ- 
ized; it  inspired  and  gives  physical  power  to  the 
rebellion  we  are  crushing  at  such  fearful  cost  of 
vigorous  life;  it  is,  as  it  has  been,  the  fruitful 
source  of  all  our  national  woes. 

The  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Cox]  as  usual 
avoided  the  subject  under  discussion,  but  cried 
out  for  the  right  of  asylum.  Sir,  this  sacred  in- 
strument, the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
provides,  section  two,  article  four,  that  "the  citi- 
zens of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privi- 
leges and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several 
States."  Does  he  not  know  that  for  more  than 
thirty  years  those  dear  friends  of  his,  for  whose 
institutions  he  and  his  party  plead  so  fervently, 
have,  notwithstanding  this  right  so  specifically 
guarantied,  denied  not  only  the  right  of  asylum, 
but  the  right  of  transit  through  their  States  to 
us,  who  doubted  the  wisdom  or  divinity  of  chat- 
tel slavery?  He  prates  in  behalf  of  the  right  of 
asylum  for  a  slave-dealer,  a  slave-trader,  one 
whom  the  civilized  world  brands  as  a  pirate.  I 
have  not  studied  the  Arguelles  case,  but  if  it  be 
bad  as  his  partisan  rhetoric  paints  it,  it  is  but  a 
returning  of  a  "  poisoned  chalice"  to  "  plague  the 
inventor."  The  offspring  of  robbery,  its  life  one 
continued  crime,  its  only  support  despotic  power, 
slavery  has  impaired  the  national  regard  for 
the  rights  of  the  individual.  It  was  slavery  that 
denied  the  right  of  asylum  to  the  beautiful  and 
accomplished  daughter  of  Samuel  Hoar,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  expelled  that  venerable  scholar, 
jurist,  and  statesman  from  the  limits  of  South 
Carolina,  who  went  to  argue  a  great  cause  in  her 
courts.  It  was  slavery  that  did  not  deny  the  right 
of  asylum  to  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  butoffered 
$20,000  to  the  man  who  would  kidnap  him  and 
carry  him  to  that  State,  that  its  humane  dealers 
in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men  might  flay  him 
alive,  or  slowly  burn  him  at  tlje  stake,  as  they 
sometimes  did  a  refractory  slave,  or  put  him  in 
a  barrel  with  holes  bored  in  it,  that  he  might  re- 
tain his  consciousness  while  slowly  starving  to 
death,  as  he  drifted  in  the  river  to  which  they 
mightcommit  him, as  other  poor  devotees  of  free- 
dom had  done  when  treated  thus  by  them. 

It  was  slavery  that  by  threats  and  demonstra- 
tions of  violence  twice  banished  that  friend  of  the 
Union  and  of  mankind,  George  Thompson,  from 
the  limits  of  our  country.  And  it  is  rather  late 
to  prate  with  lips  tl>at  have  praised  all  these  acts 
of  the  right  of  asylum  to  a  stealer  of  men  and  a 
violator  of  the  laws  of  nations,  which  rnake  the 
slave  trade  piracy.  Devotion  to  slavery  alone 
can  prompt  such  inad  garrulity.  The  gentleman 
from  Kentuclcy  said  that  we  have  made  the  South 
a  unit.  I  deny  the  proposition.  Sir,  I  believe 
that  when  the  calamity  of  Ball's  Bluff  occurred 
we  were  contending  agaihst  a  unit.  I  believe 
that  we  encountered  a  unit  at  Bull  Run.  But  it 
is  so  no  longer.  We  have  dispelled  the  vaitj 
pride  of  the  South  and  broken  its  unity  of  pur- 
pose. We  have  conquered  its  contempt  for  the 
northern  Yankee,  and  at  no  day  since  this  rebel- 
lion began  were  so  many  southern  men  coming 
into  our  lines  to  rally  around  the  old  flag  as  there 
are  to-day.  You  cannot  get  information  from 
one  of  our  armies,  be  it  where  it  may,  on  any  day 
that  does  not  tell  you  of  the  tens  and  hundreds  of 
deserters  that  come  into  our  lines  claiming  the 
protection  of  the  Constitution  and  restoration  to 
the  privileges  and  blessings  of  citizenship.  I 
speak  not  of  black  men,  but  of  white  men.  You 
cannot  pass  through  the  streets  of  this  city  any 
day  without  meeting  southern  people  who  have 
fled  from  the  despotism  for  the  perpetuation  of 
which  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  plead 
to  the  freedom  and  security  of  the  Constitution 
as  administered  by  Abraham  Lincoln.  We  make 
the  people  of  the  South  a  unit!  We  will  indeed 
soon  make  them  a  unit  if  Grant  and  Sherman  and 
the  proudly  victorious  armies  of  freemen  wito 
bear  their  standards  go  on  as  they  are  going,  and 
the  bond  of  Union  will  be  gratitude  to  those  who, 
will  have  freed  them  from  a  fearful  despotism  and 
secured  to  them  and  their  posterity  the  enlarged 
blessings  of  American  citizenship. 

The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  also  said  that 
we  do  not  use  our  colored  soldiers  to  fight,  but 
pet  and  save  them  at  the  expense  of  our  white 
soldiers.  Did  we  save  them  at  Fort  Pillow?  And 
let  me  pause  to  ask  who  crucified  the  men  at  Fori 
Pillow,  aud  why  was  it  done?    Hut  that  your  in- 


1864. 


THE  OONGliESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2985 


fernal  institutions  had  taugiit  the  people  of  the 
South  to  look  upon  men,  women,  and  cfiildren  as 
cattle, soulless  beings, tliii)gs  to  be  scourged  as  you 
would  scour§^an  unruly  and  dangerous  animal, 
that  horrible  chapter  would  never  have  disgraced 
American  history.  It  is  not  for  you,  the  cham- 
pions of  slavery ,  to  complain  that  the  negro  is  not 
exposed  sufficiently  to  the  dangers  of  war,  for 
your  myrmidons  have  fled  before  them  in  many 
battles,  and  when  they  have  overmastered  them 
have  tortured,  burned,  and  crucified  them  under 
the  teachings  of  that  system  of  which  we  propose 
constitutionally  to  purge  the  Constitution  of  our 
country.  Did  we  save  the  negroes  at  Port  Hud- 
son, Fort  Wagner,  Olustee,  and  Plymouth;  or  did 
you  at  each  of  these  places  illustrate  the  morality 
of  your  system.'  Your  former  colleagues  are  the 
defenders  of  slavery  in  arms,  you  are  its  defend- 
ers in  this  Hall  to-day,  and  for  the  same  reason; 
that  is,  because  slavery  is  the  strength  of  the  re- 
bellion, the  power  that  is  assailing  Our  country, 
the  only  means  by  which  the  masses  of  white 
men  whose  toil  is  their  only  wealth  can  be  reduced 
ta  ignorance  and  want,  and  the  only  possible 
means  by  which  you  can  hope  to  restore  to  power 
that  political  organization  whicli  under  the  name 
of  Democracy  sought  to  subvert  our  free  institu- 
tions. 

What,  asks  the  gentleman,  are  you  going  to 
do  with  the  freed  negroes.''  1  will  tell  that  gen- 
tleman a  secret  confidentially.  Above  us  all  there 
is  a  God — slave-owners  have  notgenerally  known 
the  fact — who  will  take  care  of  His  children.  I 
will  trust  the  freed  negroes  to  the  care  of  God,  un- 
der our  beneficent  republican  institutions.  We 
are  told  that  the  cries  of  the  laborer  whose  hire 
has  been  kept  back  by  fraud  enter  into  the  cars 
of  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth;  and  if  the  State  of  Ken- 
tucky is  to-day  desolated  by  contending  armies, 
it  is  because  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth  is  avenging  the 
wrongs  of  His  poor  children,  made  dumb  and 
voiceless  by  the  atheistic  laws  of  that  State.  It 
is  the  work  of  a  just  and  avenging  God  punish- 
ing even  in  tlie  third  and  fourth  generation  the 
wrongs  done  by  your  fathers  and  which  you 
have  not  repented.  And  when  the  iron  shall  have 
so  entered  the  soul  of  the  aristocracy  of  the  slave 
States  as  to  make  them  feel  in  their  despair  that 
*'  verily  there  is  a  God"  who  controls  the  desti- 
nies of  men  and  of  nations,  and  when  they  will 
trust  to  Him,  in  His  righteous  power,  the  care  of 
His  children,  this  v^ar  will  cease  and  peace  again 
bless  our  nation.  When  we  break  every  yoke 
and  let  the  oppressed  go  free,  the  broad  fields  that 
war  has  desolated  will  again  blossom  as  the  rose 
and  reward  the  labor  of  the  husbandman. 

Let  us  protect  our  posterity  against  the  pos- 
sibility of  a  recurrence  of  these  fearful  evils. 
Let  us  not  becontent  with  crushing  this  rebellion. 
Let  us  not  be  content  with  producing  all  over  the 
country  loyalty  to  the  flag.  Let  justice  to  all 
men  be  our  aim.  Let  us  establish  freedom  as 
a  permanent  institution,  and  make  it  universal. 
1  appeal  to  those  gentlemen  on  the  other  side 
of  the  House  who  shrink  from  the  abhorrent 
doctrines  of  the  leaders  of  their  parly;  to  those 
of  you  who  have  read  the  Beatitudes  and  remem- 
ber that  at  your  mothers'  knees  you  lisped  a 
prayer  that  God  would  deal  gently  even  with  those 
who  had  trespassed  against  you,  to  vote  with  us, 
and  not  withhold  from  the  intelligent  people  of 
this  country  the  right  to  pass  upon  this  question 
so  fraught  with  blessed  or  fearful  consequences. 
We  do  not  make  the  amendment.  We  cannot 
make  it.  We  can  but  initiate  it.  Gentlemen, 
you  vvho  profess  to  have  such  abiding  confi- 
dence in  the  people,  will  you  let  them  have  an 
opportunity  to  say  whether  the  Constitution  shall 
be  constitutionally  amended.'  In  their  name,  in 
the  name  of  Democracy, in  the  name  of  Humanity, 
in  the  name  of  Christianity,  I  pray  you  for  once 
to  make  good  your  professions  and  confide  in  the 
people  sufficiently  to  permit  them  to  say  yea  or 
nay  on  the  question  whether  they  will  peace- 
ably and  constitutionally  extinguish  the  scourge 
and  disgrace  o'f  our  common  country,  human 
slavery. 

Mr.  EDGERTON.  Mr.  Speaker,  having  on 
the  question  of  its  second  reading  voted  for  the 
rejection  of  the  joint  resolution  now  before  the 
House,  and  intending  to  vote  againstit  when  put 
upon  its  passage,  I  desire  to  state  some  of  the 
reasons  that  influence  my  vote. 
In  so  far  as  the  aji^ti^slayery  sentimetit.syhich 


now  exists  in  the  United  States  is  based  in  sin- 
cere moral  and  political  convictions,  free  from  the" 
taint  of  passion  and  fanaticism,  I  sympathize  with 
and  respect  it,  and  I  find  fault  with  no  man  for 
opinions  intelligently  and  honestly  entertained. 
A  large  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  who  have  had  their  birth  and  education 
in  non-slaveholding  States,  whether  American  or 
foreign,  are  not  in  favor  of  negro  slavery.  They 
regard  it  as  an  evil  to  be  deprecated,  not  as  a  good 
to  be  fostered  and  perpetuated;  and  when  we  look 
back  upon  the  history  of  our  country  from  the 
organization  of  the  Union  until  now,  and  see 
how  much  the  question  of  slavery  has  liad  to  do 
with  the  political  agitations  and  sectional  and  par- 
tisan animosity  that  have  culminated  in  disunion 
and  civil  war,  few  candid  men  can  hesitate  to  be- 
lieve that  it  would  have  been  far  better  if  negro 
slavery  had  never  existed  on  this  continent.  Say 
what  we  can  in  its  favor,  its  existence  and  history 
aff"ord  no  bright  pages  in  the  annals  of  our  coun- 
try. For  one,  sir,  1  would  rejoice  to  know  that 
by  the  free,  peaceful,  constitutional  action  of  the 
people  of  the  slaveholding  States,  manifested 
through  their  own  constitutions  and  laws,  slavery 
had  ceased  to  exist  in  all  those  States,  and  that  the 
word  slave  could  never  again  be  truly  applied  to 
a  luiman  being  within  all  the  broad  territory  of 
the  Federal  Union;  but  I  will  not  permit  my 
opinions  against  slavery  to  lead  me  into  hatred 
of  slaveholders,  nor  into  a  lawless  zeal  to  violate 
rights  conceded  to  them  by  the  Constitution  of 
my  country;  and,  in  my  judgment,  so  long  as  the 
Federal  Union  exists  there  is  not  and  should  not 
be  any  political  power  short  of  the  free  consent 
of  each  slaveholding  State  that  can  rightfully 
abolish  slavery  in  the  United  States. 

Negro  slavery  existed  in  all  the  States  of  the 
Union  but  one  when  the  Federal  Constitution  was 
formed.  It  was  a  subject  considered  and  earnestly 
discussed  in  the  Convention  that  framed  the  Con- 
stitution, and  the  southern  States,  most  largely 
holding  slaves,  were  very  sensitive  and  jealous  as 
to  any  interference  by  the  Federal  Government 
with  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  States.  The 
Federal  Constitution,  therefore,  accepted  and  rec- 
ognized slavery  as  a  fact  and  a  legal  relation  un- 
der State  laws;  but  it  left  it  where  itfound  it,  sub- 
ject to  those  laws.  It  neither  in  terms  nor  by 
implication  assumed  any  control  over  the  subject, 
except  in  three  particulars: 

1.  It  recognized  and  guarantied  the  right  of  the 
States  to  import  slaves  until  1808. 

2.  It  provided  that  in  the  basis  of  representation 
and  direct  taxation  in  the  Federal  Government 
five  slaves  should  count  as  three  free  persons. 

3.  It  provided,  in  substance  if  not  in  words, 
for  the  surrender  to  the  owner  or  master,  of  any 
slave  escaping  from  a  State,  where  held  as  a  slave 
under  the  laws  thereof,  into  another  State. 

It  is  indisputable,  tlierefore,  that  the  Federal 
Constitution  went  into  operation  in  1789  as  the 
bond  of  union  and  the  supreme  law  for  all  na- 
tional purposes  expressed  in  that  Constitution  of 
free  and  slaveholding  States,  and  that  there  was 
nothing  in  the  Constitution  to  abrogate  or  im- 
pair the  right  of  a  slave-owner  to  the  person  and 
service  of  his  slave  in  a  slaveholding  State  any 
more  than  there  was  in  it  anything  to  impair  the 
right  of  a  father  to  the  person  and  services  of  his 
minor  child  in  any  non-slaveholding  State. 

Under  the  peaceful  protection  and  fostering  care 
of  this  Constitution,  which,  in  the  language  of  its 
framers,  was  "  the  result  of  a  spirit  of  amity  and 
of  that  mutual  deference  and  concession  which 
the  peculiarity  of  our  political  situation  rendered 
indispensable,"Statesthat  were  slave  States  when 
the  Constitution  was  adopted  became  of  their  own 
volition,  by  their  own  legislation,  and  in  their 
own  time  and  way,  without  interference,  let,  or 
hinderance  from  the  Federal  Government,  free 
States.  Other  original  States  of  the  Union  con- 
tinued to  hold  their  slaves.  Territory  was  ac- 
quired and  organized  as  slaveholding  territory. 
New  States,  formed  from  national  territory  ac- 
quired by  cession  from  the  original  States  or  by 
purchase  or  annexation,  as  in  the  case  of  Texas, 
were  admitted  into  the  Union,  some  as  slavehold- 
ing, others  as  non-slaveholding  States;  and  on  the 
20th  day  of  December,  1860,  when  South  Caro- 
lina passed  an  ordinance  of  secession  from  the 
Federal  Union,  of  the  thirty-three  States  of  the 
Union  fifteen  were  slaveholding  States. 

It  is  needless  to  comment  on  the  growth  and 


prosperity  of  the  Union  from  its  organization  up 
to  the  time  of  the  attempt  at  its  dissolution.  It 
is  enough  to  say,  what  we  all  know,  that  ita  his- 
tory demonstrated  that  a  Republic  of  Federal 
States,  part  slave  and  part  free,  could  grow  and 
prosper,  and  become  great  among  the  nations, 
and  diffuse  unexampled  freedom  and  happiness 
among  its  people.  Left  to  its  peaceful,  healthful 
action,  the  Federal  system,  committed  to  ourcare 
by  our  fathers,  did  not  dishonor  their  wisdom  or 
patriotism. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  as  a  fact  of  history  that 
the  Union  could  nothave  continued,  nor  the  Con- 
stitution as  it  now  is  have  been  adopted,  if  the 
northern  States  had  insisted  upon  the  prohibition 
of  slavery  in  the  Constitution,  or  in  providing  for 
power  in  the  Federal  Government  to  control  or 
abolish  it.  It  was  a  local  State  institution,  anal- 
ogous in  its  legal  features  to  the  domestic  rela- 
tion of  parent  and  child,  guardian  and  ward, 
master  and  servant,  one  of  the  class  which,  by 
the  theory  of  the  Union,  was  reserved  from  tho 
control  of  the  Federal  Government;  and  to  have 
conceded  the  right  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
control  it  would  have  been  to  concede  a  princi- 
ple of  Federal  intervention  with  the  internal  pol- 
ity of  the  States  that  would  have  been  fatal  to  the 
peace  and  permanence  of  the  Union.  By  the 
confedera'tion  of  July  9,  1778,  each  State  retained 
its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence,  and 
every  power,  jurisdiction,  and  right  notexpvessly 
delegated  to  the  United  States;  and  if  not  in  sim- 
ilar language,  the  Federal  Constitution  in  its  tenth 
amendment  contains,  in  spirit  and  substance,  the 
same  reservation  of  rights  to  the  States  or  their 
people.  From  the  beginning  of  the  Government 
until  the  commencement  of  civil  war  for  its  de- 
struction it  was  the  received  interpretation  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  all  political 
parties  having  any  claims  to  numbers  or  respect- 
ability that  the  right  to  control  or  abolish  slavery 
in  the  States  was  not  in  the  Federal  Government, 
and  it  was  because  of  this  absence  of  power  in 
that  Government,  and  of  its  supposed  obligation 
to  protect  slavery,  that  a  small  party  of  the  zeal- 
ots of  anti-slavery  pronounced  the  Constitution 
itself  to  be  "  a  covenant  with  death  ■and  an  agree- 
ment with  hell."  It  was  for  that  cause  they 
hated  it  and  cursed  it,  and  worked  for  its  destruc- 
tion by  poisoning  the  mind  of  the  people  with 
their  traitorous  heresies. 

■  In  so  far  as  the  present  Administration  and. 
its  party  are  concerned,  I  presume  they  will  not 
deny,  in  reference  to  this  question  of  State  con- 
trol over  the  institution  of  slavery,  the  authority 
of  the  fourth  resolution  of  the  Chicago  conven- 
tion of  May,  1860,  in  these  words: 

"  T)iat  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  tlie  rights  of  the 
States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and 
control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balanceof  power 
on  wliich  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political 
fabric  depend." 

Again,  on  the  11th  of  February,  1861,  pending 
the  eff"orts  at  compromise  in  Congress  and  in  the 
peace  conference  consequent  upon  the  threatened 
dissolution  of  the  Union, the  Flouse  ofRepresent- 
atives  in  the  Thirty-Sixth  Congress  by  a  vole  of 
116  ayes  to  4  noes  adopted  this  resolution: 

"  Resolued,  Tliat  neither  the  Federal  Government  nor  the 
people  nor  governments  of  the  non-slaveholding  States 
liave  a  purpose  or  a  constitutional  right  to  legislate  upon 
or  interfere  with  slavery  in  any  of  the  States  of  the  Union." 

On  the  same  day  this  resolution  was  amended, 
and  passed  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty-one  members,  so  as  to  read  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  neither  Congress  nor  the  people  or  the 
governments  of  the  non-slaveholding  States  have  the  right 
to  legislate  upon  or  interfere  with  slavery  iu  any  of  tlie 
slaveliolding  States  of  the  Union." 

But  again,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  President 
Lincoln,  under  the  obligations  of  his  oflicial  oath, 
and  under  circumstances,  ifever,  demanding  truth 
and  patriotism,  reaffirmed  the  fourth  resolution 
of  the  Chicago  convention,  and  declared  it  to  be 
his  law,  accompanyingit  with  this  declaration: 

"Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the 
southern  Stales  that  by  ihe  accession  of  a  Republican  Ad- 
ministration tlieirproperty  and  peace  and  personal  security 
are  to  be  endangered.  There  has  never  been  any  reason- 
able cause  for  such  apprehension.  Indeed,  the  most  ample 
evidence  to  the  contrary  has  all  the  while  existed  and 
been  open  to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the 
published  speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you.  I  do 
but  quote  from  one  of  tliose  speeches  when  I  declare  that 
'  1  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  Stales  where  it  exists.    I 


2986 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


bt'lieve  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  1  havK  no  in- 
clination to  do  30.'  Tliose  who  nominated  and  elected  nie 
did  so  will)  the  full  Unovvlrdge  tliat  I  had  made  this  and 
many  similar  declarations,  and  liad  never  recanted  them. 
And  more  than  this,  tliey  placed  in  tlie  platform  for  my  ac- 
ceptance, and  as  a  Jaw  to  themselves  and  to  mc,  the  clear 
and  emphatic  resolution  which  I  now  read." 

Here  the  President  read,  as  his  law,  the  fourth 
resolution  of  the  Chicago  platform. 

It  would  be  incredible,  Mr.  Speaker,  except 
for  the  reason  that  it  is  a  fact  of  history  admitting 
of  no  question,  that  the  author  of  the  above  dec- 
laration is  also  the  author  of  the  emancipation 
jiroclamations  of  September  22, 1862,  January  1, 
1863,  and  of  tiie  amnesty  proclamation,  so  called, 
though  it  more  properly  deserves  the  name  of  the 
tyrnnt'sand  usurper's  proclamation,  of  Decem- 
ber 8,  1863. 

Again,  who  would  believe,  sir,  except  because 
we  knew  from  history  and  experience  the  power 
of  fanaticism  and  party  spirit  in  overthrowing 
reason  and  corrupting  morality,  that  the  same 
party  and  the  same  political  leaders  who  on  the 
lOih  May,  I860,  adopted  the  fourth  resolution  of 
the  Chicago  convention,  and  on  11th  February, 
1861,  voted  for  or  approved  the  resolutions  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  just  read,  would,  on 
the  8ih  day  of  June,  1864,  in  the  face  of  the  in- 
telligence and  public  conscience  of  the  American 
people  and  of  the  intelligent  judgment  of  the 
world,  have  the  assurance  to  publish  to  the  world 
as  articles  of  their  political  faith  the  resolutions  I 
now  read,  namely,  the  third  and  fifth  resolutions 
of  the  self-styled  Union  convention  lately  held  in 
Ealtimoie,  namely: 

"Resolved,  3.  That  as  slavery  was  the  cause  and  now 
constitutes  the  slrengtli  of  this  rebellion,  and  it  must  be 
always  and  everywhere  hostile  to  the  principles  of  repub- 
lican goveinment,  justice  and  the  national  safety  demand 
its  utter  and  complete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  Re- 
public i  and  that  while  we  uphold  and  maintain  the  acts 
and  proclamations  by  which  the  Government  in  its  own 
defense  has  aimed  a  death-blow  at  this  gigantic  evil,  we 
are  in  favor  furthermore  of  sucli  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  to  be  made  by  the  people  In  conformity  to  its 
provisions,  as  shall  terminate  and  forever  prohibit  the  ex- 
istence of  slavery  within  the  limits  or  jurL^^diction  of  the 
United  States."        *        *         *         *        *        *        * 

"  Resolved,  5.  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practi- 
cal wisdom,  the  unselfish  patriotism,  and  the  unswerving 
fidelity  to  the  Constitution  and  the  principles  of  American 
liberty  with  which  Abraham  Lincoln  has  discharged,  under 
circumstances  of  unparalleled  difficulty,  the  great  duties 
and  responsibilities  of  the  presidential  office;  that  we 
approve  and  indorse,  as  demanded  by  the  emergency  and 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  nation,  and  as  within 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  measures  and  acts, 
vvhicli  he  has  adopted  to  defend  the  nation  against  its  open 
and  secret  foes;  tliat  we  approve,  especially,  the  procla- 
mation of  emancipation  and  the  employment  as  Union 
soldiers  of  the  men  heretofore  held  in  slavery." 

Mr.  Speaker,  when  American  citizens,  public 
men,  the  leaders  of  a  great  political  party,  can 
thus  stultify  themselves  and  insult  the  truth  of 
history;  when  they  can  thus  prove  their  lack  of 
all  political  integrity;  when  their  "candied 
tongues"  can  thus  lick  the  feet  of  power  and  "ap- 
plaud" the  destroyer  of  constitutional  liberty,  we 
have  indeed  reached  a  mournful  era  in  our  history 
as  a  nation, and  there  is  cause  for  the  hopeof  the 
patriot's  heart  to  fail. 

In  answer  to  the  wild  ravings  against  slavery, 
and  the  revolutionary  measures  attempted  in  re- 
gard to  it  by  the  Administration  and  its  party,  I 
think  I  may  safely  appeal  from  the  present  testi- 
mony of  that  party,  now  thoroughly  lost  to  rea- 
son, and  infidel  to  its  own  plighted  faith,  to  its 
testimony  at  Chicago  and  in  Congress,  which  I 
have  quoted,  when  under  the  name  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  it  was  comparatively  clothed  and  in 
its  light  mind. 

I  will  assume,  sir,  for  charity's  sake,  that  the 
resolution  of  the  Chicago  convention,  and  the 
declarations  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inaugural,  and  the 
resolutions  of  February  11,  1861,  honestly  ex- 
pressed the  opinions  and  purposes  declared  in 
them.  We  thus  find  the -party  now  in  power 
then  affirming  and  committed  to  two  cardinal 
principles: 

1.  Absence  of  power  in  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment and  in  the  non-slaveholding  States  to  legis- 
late upon  or  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  slave- 
holding  States. 

2.  The  right  of  the  State  governments  to  con- 
trol their  own  domestic  institutions,  including 
slavery,  and  that  the  maintenance  of  this  right 
"  is  essential  lo  that  balance  of  power  on  which 
the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political 
fabric  [meaning  of  course  the  whole  system  of 
Federal  and  State  government]  depend."    This 


proposition  of  the  Republican  party  of  1860  and 
1861  of  course  involved  as  its  logical  consequence 
the  further  proposition  that  to  take  from  any  State 
"  the  right  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic 
institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  ex- 
clusively" would  be  to  destroy  that  balance  of 
power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of 
the  Union  depend.  In  other  words,  when  the 
right  of  State  self-government  as  to  its  domestic 
affairs  is  taken  away,  the  Union  ceases  to  be 
perfect  and  will  not  endure. 

We  have  no  better  proof  of  this  fundamental 
truth  than  the  present  condition  of  our  country. 
Disunion  and  civil  war  attest  the  danger  of  dis- 
turbing the  balance  of  power  in  our  Federal  sys- 
tem. Out  of  their  own  mouths  and  by  their  own 
professed  principles  are  the  party  in  power  con- 
victed and  condemned. 

Thus  stood  the  case  as  to  Federal  power  over 
slavery  when  civil  war  was  commenced. 

We  all  know  that  one  and  the  chief  cause  of 
that  war,  so  far  as  the  southern  States  were  con- 
cerned, was  jealousy  in  those  States  of  the  growing 
and  overshadowing  political  power  of  the  north- 
ern States,  and  fear  that  that  power,  in  the  hands 
of  a  party  hostile  to  slavery,  determined  in  some 
way  to  abolish  it,  and  pledged  to  exclude  it  from 
all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  would  soon 
be  exercised  to  reach  and  abolish  it  in  the  States, 
by  amendments  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  or 
some  other  exercise  of  political  power  by  the  free 
States.  The  people  of  the  southern  States,  after 
the  election  of  November,  1860,  felt  that  the  power 
of  the  Federal  Government  had  substantially 
passed  into  the  hands  of  an  aggressive  anti- 
slavery  or  abolition  party,  and  that  in  so  far  as 
their  own  peculiar  domestic  institutions  were  con- 
cerned the  southern  States  were  no  longer  able  to 
protect  them  within  the  Union,  and  had  therefore 
ceased  tcrbe  equal  States  in  that  Union.  Whether 
well  founded  or  not,  we  know  that  this  belief, 
this  jealousy  and  fear  prevailed  in  and  excited 
the  southern  States  to  war  against  the  Federal 
Government. 

The  closing  weeks  of  the  Thirty-Sixth  Con- 
gress will  ever  be  memorable  in  the  history  of 
this  country  for  the  struggle  between  the  rad- 
ical or  revolutionary  and  the  conservative  and 
constitutional  elements  of  which  that  Congress 
was  composed.  During  the  same  period  a  similar 
struggle  between  the  friends  of  the  Union  and  its 
enemies  was  going  on  in  the  peace  conference 
held  in  this  city.  On  the  one  side,  both  in  Con- 
gress and  in  the  conference,  were  the  desire  and 
effort  to  avoid  the  impending  peril  of  civil  war,  and 
to  restore  the  Union  and  its  harmony  by  concilia- 
tion and  compromise.  On  the  other  side  was  the 
evident  determination  to  yield  no  point  of  the  anti- 
slavery  policy  which  had  carried  the  Republican 
party  into  power,  but  to  press  that  policy  even  to 
the  extremity  of  the  shedding  of  blood.  The  only 
substantial  result  of  the  effort  to  meet  the  southern 
States  in  a  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  to  settle  the 
question  of  slavery  so  as  to  allay  their  fears  as  to 
further  interference  with  it  within  the  States  by 
the  Federal  Government  or  the  free  States,  was 
the  joint  resolution  of  Congress,  approved  March 
2, 1861,  providing  for  the  submission  to  a  vote  of 
the  State  Legislatures  of  an  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution, in  these  words: 

"  No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  Constitution  which 
will  authorize  or  give  to  Congress  the  power  to  abolish  or 
interfere  within  any  State  with  the  domestic  institutions 
thereof,  including  that  of  persons  held  to  labor  or  service 
by  the  laws  of  said  State." 

This  resolution  passed  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives by  a  vote  of  133  against  65,  and  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  24  against  12.  What  there 
was  of  wisdom  in  this  action  of  Congress  came 
too  late.  Whether  because  the  southern  people 
saw  in  the  negative  vote  of  the  radical  Repub- 
licans in  Congress  upon  this  resolution  the  evi- 
dence of  a  determination  still  to  agitate  the  slavery 
question  and  to  continue  anti-slavery  aggression, 
and  therefore  did  not  consider  it  as  offering  any 
security  to  them,  or  whether  because  they  were 
determined  that  the  Union  should  be  broken  at 
all  hazards,  it  is  certain  that  the  joint  resolution 
of  Congress  failed  to  stop  the  progi-ess  of  dis- 
union or  to  stay  the  coming  of  war.  1  refer  to  the 
resolution  now  as  additional  evidence  to  what  1 
have  already  cited  of  the  opinion  of  a  large  ma- 
jority of  the  people,  as  expressed  through  their 
representatives  at  that  time,  that  the  right  to  le- 


gislate upon  and  control  slavery  should  not  exist 
ill  the  Federal  Government  nor  betaken  from  the 
State  governments.  The  resolution  itself,  in  fact, 
expressed  no  more  than  what  wa^the  spirit,  if 
not  the  letter,  of  the  Constitution  as  it  now  is; 
and  the  southern  people  so  understood  it,  and  did 
not  therefore  accept  it  as  any  substantial  conces- 
sion by  the  non-slaveholding  States. 

Tlie  assertion  of  power  or  right  in  a  majority 
of  the  States,  either  through  the  legislation  of  the 
Federal  Government  or  through  amendments  of 
the  Constitution,  to  interfere  with  or  control  the 
domestic  institutions  of  a  State,  such,  for  exam- 
ple, as  slavery,  essentially  repudiates  the  princi- 
ple upon  which  the  Union  was  formed,  namely, 
the  political  equality  of  the  States.  Such  a  right 
or  power  conceded  places  the  minority  of  States 
at  the  mercy  of  the  majority.  A  Federal  State 
to  wliich  the  Constitution  affords  no  guarantee  that 
its  domestic  institutions  shall  not  be  changed  by 
other  States  nor  by  the  Federal  Government, loses 
the  very  essence  of  its  freedom,  independence, 
and  sovereignty. 

The  arguments  against  the  proposed  joint  res- 
olution arise,  first,  from  the  character  of  the  prop- 
osition itself;  and,  secondly,  froin  the  time  and 
circumstances  or  the  condition  of  public  affairs 
in  which  it  is  presented. 

I  do  not  propose,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  consider  in 
detail  all  the  objectionable  features  which  this  pro- 
posed amendment  to  the  Constitution  presents.  I 
am,  sir,  at  a  loss  for  words  wherein  to  express 
my  sense  of  its  true  character.  It  assumes  the 
name  and  form  of  liberty  and  the  functions  and 
power  of  free  government  to  perpetrate  and  cover 
up  a  great  public  wrong.  It  is  not  the  only  in- 
stance in  history  of  an  attempt  to  prostitute  lib- 
erty to  unholy  purpose  and  malignant  passions. 
"  0  liberty,  what  crimes  are  committed  in  thy 
name!"  was  the  last  exclamation  of  Madam  Ro- 
land— herself  a  true  lover  of  liberty — as  she  stood 
upon  the  scaffold,  ainid  the  demoniac  yells  of  a 
Parisian  mob,  the  zealots  of  "  liberty,  equality, 
fraternity." 

I  shall  notice  m  general  terms  some  of  the  car- 
dinal objections  to  the  joint  resolution: 

1.  It  proposes  a  revolutionary  change  in  the 
Government.  It  seeks  to  draw  within  the  author-  ■ 
ity  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  the  Federal  * 
Congress  a  question  of  local  or  internal  policy 
belonging  exclusively  to  the  slaveholding  States, 
and  is  in  conflict  with  the  principles  on  which  the 
Union  was  originally  formed,  and  with  the  whole 
theory  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution  as  to  the 
rights  of  the  States.  It  means  that  three  fourths 
of  the  States  may  dictate  to  the  other  one  fourth 
what  shall  be  their  domesticinstitutions,  and  how 
they  shall  govern  their  internal  affairs,  and  that 
even  the  right  to  govern  as  to  such  affairs  may  be 
taken  away.  It  means  that  three  fourths  of  the 
States  may  at  pleasure,  by  a  constitutional 
amendment,  appropriate  without  compensation 
or  confiscate  the  property  of  the  other  one  fourth. 
In  its  present  form  the  resolution  is  aimed  at 
slavery;  but  it  might,  with  equal  propriety,  be 
aimed  at  any  other  local  law  or  institution  of  a 
State.  It  might  as  well  propose  that  freedom  of 
religious  opinion  should  be  abolished,  and  one 
form  of  religious  worship  only  prevail  in  all  the 
States;  or  that  marriage  should  not  take  place  ex- 
cept between  certain  classes  and  at  certain  ages  and 
otherwise  define  marital  rights,  or  be  extended  to 
regulate  the  relations  of  parent  and  child,  or  the 
canons  of  property,  or  the  elective  franchise.  The 
principle  of  the  proposed  amendment  is  the  prin- 
ciple of  consolidation,  and  cannot  be  drawn  into 
precedent  without  a  final  subversion  of  our  con- 
stitutional Government.  It  is  absurd  to  call  a 
Federal  Union  wherein  such  a  principle  of  con- 
solidation has  been  introduced  into  its  funda- 
mental law  a  Union  of  free  and  equal  States.  The 
minority  would  be  ever  the  subjects,  not  theco- 
equala,  of  the  majority  of  the  States. 

2.  The  amendment  proposes  to  change  the  con- 
stitutional basis  of  representation  and  taxation. 
By  the  Constitution  as  it  is  five  slaves  count  as 
three  free  persons  only  in  the  apportionment  of 
Federal  Representatives  and  direct  taxes.  The 
effect  of  the  amendment,  therefore,  will  be  to  in- 
crease southern  representation,  based  upon  the 
negro  population,  to  the  extent  of  two  fifths  at 
least  of  that  population;  and  no  man  who  knows 
the  motives  and  policy  of  the  party  in  power 
questions  but  that  their  object  m  part,  by  the 


1864. 


THE  COjSTGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2987 


proposed  amendment,  is  to  make  the  negro  pop- 
ulation not  merely  a  passive  but  an  active  basis 
of  representation  jn  the  Federal  Government. 
First,  the  negro  a  citizen  of  the  United  States; 
secondly,  the  negro  a  free  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  protected  everywhere,  in  defiance  of  ex- 
isting State  constitutions  and  lav\/s,  as  such  citi- 
zen; and  thirdly,  the  negro  a  voting  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  are  all  propositions  logically  in- 
volved in  the  proposed  amendment.  Tlie  same 
revolutionary  power  which  enfranchises  negroes 
by  presidential  edicts  ofemancipation,  or  by  con- 
stitutional amendments,  carried,  as  this  would 
be,  in  the  southern  States,  if  it  receives  the  two- 
thirds  vote  of  this  Congress,  so  as  to  be  submit- 
ted to  the  State  Legislatures,  by  fraudulent  elec- 
tions and  by  duress  of  arms,  would  soon  admit 
negroes  to  tlie  elective  franchise  in  all  the  States, 
and  negro  representatives  in  Congress  would 
speak  the  voice  of  southern  if  not  of  the  northern 
States.  This  is  the  designed  effect  of  the  pro- 
posed amendment  in  iis  change  of  the  constitu- 
tional basis  of  representation. 

In  its  operation  upon  the  basis  of  taxation  in 
the  southern  States,  the  effect  of  the  proposed 
amendment  would  be  to  increase  their  quota  of 
direct  taxation  while  it  diminished  their  wealth 
andability  ofpaymentrfirst,  in  thedirectlossof  the 
value,  equal  perhaps  to  |2, 000, 000, 000,  of  all  slave 
property,  by  the  act  of  abolition  without  com- 
pensation; second,  in  the  diminished  valueofall 
southern  agricultural  lands,  consequent  upon  the 
destruction  of  the  organized  system  of  labor  that 
has  made  them  productive  and  valuable;  third, 
in  thediminution,  resulting  from  the  same  cause, 
of  the  products  of  all  farm  or  plantation  property. 
Whatever  might  be  the  remote  and  ultimate  ef- 
fects of  abolition  upon  the  wealth  of  the  southern 
States,  no  man  can  doubt  that  its  immediate  effect 
would  be  to  immensely  reduce  tlieir  aggregate 
wealth  and  to  overburden  with  taxation  and  im- 
poverish the  present  owners  of  property  in  those 
States. 

3.  The  effect  of  this  amendment  would  be  to 
turn  loose  at  once,  without  preparation  or  educa- 
tion for  freedom,  without  property  or  the  means 
whereby  to  live,  and  without  the  guidance,  re- 
straint, and  protection  of  the  superior  intelligence 
and  forethought  of  their  masters  or  owners,  the 
whole  slave  population  of  the  southern  States, 
numbering  from  three  and  a  half  to  four  million 
persons.  A  change  so  sudden  and  so  radical  in 
the  industrial  and  social  system  of  States,  and 
especially  in  the  condition  of  such  a  class  of  per- 
sons as  the  negro  population  of  the  southern 
States,  is  without  precedent  or  justification  in  his- 
tory; and  we  have  no  warrant  for  believing  that  it 
would  be  a  benign  and  healthful  change.  On  the 
contrary,  we  have  the  testimony  of  one  who,  al- 
though an  instrument,  and  an  active  instrument, 
in  bringing  about  this  great  social  revolution ,  has 
declared — but  in  this  as  in  many  other  instances 
proved  false  to  his  own  opinions — that  "  gradual, 
not  sudden  emancipation  is  better  for  all."  All 
who  know  anything  of  the  negro  character  know 
this  to  be  true.  Sudden  freedom  to  the  negro, 
without  the  capacity  to  appreciate  and  improve 
it,  has  proved  nota  blessing  buta  curse.  On  this 
point  let  tens  of  thousands  of  homeless,  diseased, 
demoralized,  starving,  naked,  Helpless  "contra- 
bands" bear  testimony. 

4.  This  proposed  amendment  is  designed  to  be 
the  coadjutor  and  crowning  effort  of  that  stupen- 
dous system  of  confiscation  or  legalized  plunder 
by  which  the  party  in  power  propose  to  restore 
the  Union.  They  have  already  gone  as  far  as 
they  could  do  by  acts  of  legislation  and  execu- 
tive edicts  of  emancipation  to  seize  and  appro- 
priate the  property  and  free  the  slaves  of  those  in 
arms  against  the  Federal  Government  and  to 
partition  the  southern  lands  among  negroes,  and 
now  the  final  act  of  confiscation  in  the  shape  of 
this  amendment  is  proposed  to  operate  upon 
friend  and  foe.  Union  man  and  rebel  alike,  in  the 
appropriation  to  public  use  without  compensa- 
tion of  the  entire  slave  property  of  the  United 
States. 

We  have  hitherto  considered  it  a  fundamental 
p^rinciple  of  civil  polity,  as  it  is  a  provision  of  our 
Constitution,  that  private  properly  cannot  be 
taken  for  public  use  without  just  compensation. 
This  proposed  amendment  ignores  and  tramples 
upon  that  principle.  If  the  public  good  really 
demands  that  the   slave-owners  of  the  South 


should  surrender  their  slave  property,  is  there 
any  principle  of  constitutional  freedom  or  of  pub- 
lic justice  that  justifies  the  demand  for  that  sur- 
render without  making  adequate  compensation  ? 
None,  sir;  and  it  is  the  plunder  of  despotism,  not 
justice  nor  constitutional  liberty,  to  take  the  prop- 
erty without  making  the  compensation.  There 
was  a  time,  sir,  when  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  now  in  oflice,and  many  of  his  friends  in 
the  Thirty-Seventh  Congress,  thought  that  slaves 
were  property,  and  that  if  they  were  emancipated 
for  the  public  good  the  United  States  should  co- 
operate and  help  to  pay  for  them.  I  refer  for  evi- 
dence on  this  point  to  the  various  messages  and  res- 
olutions comprising  his  compensated  emancipation 
scheme  sent  to  the  Thirty-Seventh  Congress  by 
President  Lincoln,  and  to  the  action  of  that  Con- 
gress on  the  subject.  In  this,  as  in  most  other 
cases,  the  President  and  his  party  have  been  false 
to  their  professions.  What  they  once  thought 
should  not  be  taken  without  being  paid  for  he, 
by  his  emancipation  proclamation,  and  they  by 
their  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution — ■ 
which  he  no  doubt  will  approve  if  it  passes  this 
Congress — propose  to  take  by  the  strong  hand  of 
a  despotic  majority  without  payment  or  compen- 
sation. 

Again:  if  the  proposed  amendment  be  based 
upon  the  idea  of  punishment  to  slaveholders  for 
their  rebellion,  then  is  it  evidence  of  an  attempt 
to  punish  a  whole  class  for  the  crime  of  a  part, 
the  innocent  for  the  guilty.  If  the  slaveholders 
of  South  Carolina,  for  example,  have  rebelled  and 
forfeited  their  slaves  to  the  vengeance  or  justice 
of  the  law,  they,  and  they  alone,  should  be  pun- 
ished according  to  the  law;  but,  sir,  should  the 
slaveholders  of-Kentucky,  who  have  not  rebelled 
nor  forfeited  any  constitutional  right,  be  swept 
into  the  same  great  revenge  which  it  is  proposed 
to  visit  upon  the  slaveholders  of  South  Carolina.' 

"Slavery  has  committed  the  unpardonable  sin 
and  it  must  die"  is  a  declaration,  in  substance  if 
not  in  words,  uttered  in  this  Hall.  It  is  the  shib- 
boleth of  the  party  in  power,  the  key-note  of  their 
policy;  and  in  the  consummation  of  their  purposes 
they  ruthlessly  trample  upon  constitutions,  laws, 
instincts  of  race,  the  love  of  kindred,  and  even 
the  common  feelings  of  humanity.  What  mat- 
ters it,  sir,  to  the  zealots  of  the  anti-slavery  idea 
that  a  while  man  of  the  South,  his  wife,  his  chil- 
dren, born  perhaps  toafliuenceand  educated  in  all 
the  refinements  of  social  life,  should  be  driven 
from  their  inheritance  and  become  homeless, 
houseless  wanderers,  and  even  mendicants,  be- 
fore their  own  slaves,  so  long  as  the  negro,  with- 
out intelligence,  wiihout  education,  without  ca- 
pacity for  self-government,  can  be  installed  as 
owner  of  the  soil  from  which  his  master  and  pro- 
tector has  been  driven,  and  become  a  political  in- 
strument whereby  the  party  now  controlling  the 
Federal  Government  can  perpetuate  their  hold  on 
public  power.'  What  matters  it  that  our  land  is 
drenched  in  blood,  our  people  demoi'alized,  op- 
pressed, impoverished,  and  grinding  taxation 
makes  the  labor  of  our  once  thrifty  husbandmen 
a  struggle  only  for  the  means  whereby  to  live,  and 
drives  forth  to^the  labor  of  the  fields,  like  the 
slave  women  of  the  South  or  the  serfs  of  Euro- 
pean despotism,  our  white  women  and  children, 
so  long  as  slaveholders  and  "  slavemongers"are 
crushed,  and  negroes  are  free,  owners  of  southern 
soil,  voters  at  elections,  statesmen  in  Congress, 
and  companions  and  equals  at  our  firesides  and 
in  our  marriage  beds?  This  joint  resolution  is 
the  legitimate  fruit  of  that  hatred  toward  the 
slaveholders  of  the  South  and  to  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution  which  found  expression  in  the 
publication  known  as  the  Helper  book,  and  in  the 
declaration  of  Garrison,  "The  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  a  covenant  with  death  and  an 
agreement  with  hell."  The  abolition  of  slavery 
and  the  destruction  and  impoverishment  of  slave- 
holders, "  therufiians,  outlaws,  and  criminals"  of 
the  southern  Stales,  feed  fat  the  grudge  of  north- 
ern abolitionists;  and  what  matters  it  that  the 
Union  and  Constitution  perish  in  the  flames  if 
the  fanatics  of  abolition  can  but  dance  around  the 
holocaust  of  negro  slavery' 

On  the  issue  that  the  principles  and  policy  of 
the  abolition  party  now  in  power  inevitably  in- 
vol  ved*a  revolutionary  change  in  our  Federal  sys- 
tem; in  other  words,  in  fear  that  the  Republican 
party,  if  not  in  other  apparently  less  legitimate 
ways  of  carrying  out  their  anti-slavery  policy, 


would  do  it  by  amending  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion and  coercing  the  minority  of  Slates  to  accept 
the  amendment,  eleven  of  the  southern  States  de- 
clared their  independence  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  have  attempted  to  establish  that  inde- 
pendence by  war. 

In  the  midst  of  this  war,  gigantic,  barbarous, 
unnatural,  filling  the  land  with  sorrow,  and  swiftly 
leading  the  Republic  on  the  road  to  its  ruin,  while 
mighty  opposing  armies  confront  each  other,  and 
almost  every  day  witnesses  the  slaughter  of  hun- 
dreds, if  not  thousands,  of  our  heroic  young  men, 
and  while  the  results  of  the  war  in  the  restoration 
of  a  divided  Union  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Constitution  are  yet  unknown  and  uncertain,  this 
revolutionary  proposition  to  amend  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  by  introducing  into  it  the 
very  principle  against  the  establishment  of  which 
eleven  States  have  seceded  and  appealed  to  arms, 
is  brought  forward  for  agitation  among  the  peo- 
ple— brought  forward,  too,  as  I  believe,  when  its 
advocates  well  know  that  it  cannot  receive  the 
constitutional  two-thirds  vote  of  this  Congress  to 
warrant  its  submission  to  the  Legislatures  and 
people  of  the  United  States. 

There  can,  therefore,  it  seems  to  me,  be  no 
practical  purpose  to  be  accomplished  by  this  at- 
tempt at  constitutional  amendment  at  this  time, 
except  to  indicate  to  the  world,  and  especially  to 
the  men  in  arms  against  us,  that  the  war  on  our 
part  is  to  accomplish  the  very  purpose  with 
which  they  charged  us  in  the  beginning,  namely, 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  Stales,  and 
the  political  and  social  elevation  of  negroes  to  all 
the  rights  of  white  men.  If  this  Congress  desires 
to  prove  to  the  people  of  the  southern  confederacy 
that  they  had  a  cause  for  beginning  a  war  for  their 
independence,  the  proof  cannot  more  effectually 
be  made  than  by  the  passage  ef  this  resolution. 
It  is  a  plain,  undisguised  attempt  to  indicate  what 
the  Administration  and  party  in  power  intend 
shall  be  the  result  of  the  irrepressible  conflict 
they  have  declared  and  invited  even  to  the  ex- 
tremity of  civil  war. 

Mr.  Speaker,  1  have  no  desire  to  discuss  the 
right  or  policy  of  slavery  at  this  time.  It  may  be 
a  sin;  it  may  1)6  impolitic;  it  may  be  unprofitable. 
Arguments  on  both  sides  have  been  and  caw  be 
made,  and  radical  differences  of  opinion  exist  on 
the  subject,  and  neither  the  power  of  a  political 
majority  nor  the  power  of  war  can  determine  the 
abstract  right  or  wrong  of  the  opposing  opinions. 
I  am  not  the  apologist  nor  friend  of  slavery,  but 
no  abstract  or  theoretical  opinions  about  slavery 
determine  my  vote  on  the  question  before  the 
House.  If  so  be  that  slavery  is  dead,  as  the 
result  of  civil  war,  as  many  say,  not  of  the 
emancipation  proclamation,  which  the  authorof 
it  has  himself  aptly  termed  biutemfulmen,  I  have 
no  regrets  for  it;  no  tears  to  shed  over  its  grave; 
its  own  advocates  have  done  their  part  to  slay  it; 
let  them  reap  as  they  have  sown;  I  have  no  de- 
sire to  revive  or  restore  it.  If,  however,  shivery  be 
wounded  nigh  unto  death,  but  not  slain,  I  for  one 
will  not,  for  the  sake  of  giving  it  its  death-blow,, 
either  swear  to  or  admit  the  right  to  abolish  it 
by  executive  edict,  or  introduce  into  the  Con- 
stitution of  my  country,  by  way  of  amendment, 
a  principle  and  a  precedent  that  may  in  an  evil 
hour  of  excited  passion  like  the  present  put  the 
dagger  to  the  heart  of  the  freedom  and  independ- 
ence of  my  own  State,  and  make  me  the  serf  of 
a  despotism.  Better, *sir,  for  our  country,  better 
for  man,  that  negro  slavery  exist  a  thousand 
years  than  that  American  white  men  lose  their 
constitutional  liberty  in  the  extinction  of  the 
constitutional  sovereignty  of  the  Federal  States 
of  this  Union.  Slavery  is  the  creature  of  the 
States  alone,  not  of  the  Federal  Union;  they 
made  it,  let  them  unmake  it.  If  the  States 
wherein  slavery  still  lives,  a  mangled,  bleeding, 
prostrate  form,  see  fit  to  give  it  the  final  blow 
that  shall  make  it  a  thing  of  the  past,  let  them 
do  it  in  their  own  time  and  way.  If,  however, 
they  see  fit  to  nurse  it  into  a  further  brief  vitality, 
let  them  doit;  it  is  their  ward,  not  yours  nor 
mine 

My  arguments  against  the  joint  resolution  are 
in  substance  as  already  indicated: 

1.  That  it  seeks  to  draw  within  the  authority 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  Congress  a  ques- 
tion of  local  or  internal  policy,  belonging  exclu- 
sively to  the  slaveholding  States,  and  that  it  is 
therefore  in  conflict  with  the  theory  and  spirit  of 


2988 


THE  COISTGRESSIOJN'AL  GLOBE. 


June 


lo 


n 


the  Constitution,  and  subversive  of  the  principles 
and  basis  of  the  Union. 

2.  That  it  is  a  scheme  malignant  in  its  mo- 
tives, and  essentially  unjust  and  dislionest  in  its 
purposes.  In  cannot  on  any  principle  of  consti- 
tutional or  public  law  be  justified  as  an  act  of 
punishment;  and  as  a  scheme  of  virtual  appro- 
priation of  private  property  without  compensa- 
tion, it  is  equally  repugnant  to  the  principles  of 
free  and  just  government. 

3.  That  the  tendency  of  the  resolution,  offered 
at  this  time  especially,  is  to  strengthen  the  re- 
sistance to  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  and  to 
render  such  restoration  improbable  if  not  im- 
possible. 

4.  That  even  if  the  proposed  amendment  were 
just  and  politic  in  the  abstract,  it  .should  be 
brought  forward  at  a  time  when  it  can  be  fairly 
and  calmly  discussed,  and  passed  upon  by  a  full 
and  fair  expression  of  the  opinions  of  the  people 
of  all  the  States;  and  we  know  that  no  such  full 
and  fair  expression  of  opinion  can  be  obtained  at 
this  time,  or  pending  this  war.  The  work  of  re- 
modeling the  Constitution,  if  that  be  necessary, 
is  a  work  for  the  calm  thought  of  times  of  peace, 
not  for  the  excited  passions  of  war.  It  is  said 
"  the  laws  are  silent  in  the  midst  of  arms,"  and 
we  know  by  a  painful  experience  that  this  is  too 
true,  even  in  our  own  States  that  have  been  far 
removed  from  the  theater  of  the  war,  and  where 
the  civil  courts  should  be  open  for  the  free  opera- 
tion of  the  laws  in  the  punishment  of  offenders 
and  for  the  protection  of  the  innocent. 

In  confirmation  of  this  statement,  sir,  I  need 
but  mention  that  a  true  American  patriot  and 
statesman,  known  to  us  all — the  peer  in  patriot- 
ism and  statesmanship  of  any  man  upon  this 
floor — still  lives  in  exile,  a  banished  man,  the 
victim  of  lawless,  oppression,  because  the  laws 
he  honored  and  obeyed  were  silent  and  impotent 
in  the  midst  of  arms,  and  he  appealed  to  them  in 
vain  for  justice  and  protection.  And,  sir,  I  would 
here  say,  because  it  is  due  to  truth  to  say  it,  that 
so  long  as  that  flagrant  and  shameless  act  of  des- 
potism, the  banishmentofVallandigham,  remains 
unrebuked  and  unpunished  by  the  American  peo- 
ple, they  claim  without  truth  the  title  of  freemen, 
and  their  boast  of  constitutional  liberty  is  a  boast 
and  nothing  more.  But  more  is  it  true  that  laws 
are  silent  in  States  occupied  and  overrun  by  the 
opposing  armies.  There  law  and  reason  alike 
are  voiceless  and  powerless,  and  freedom  of 
speech  and  of  suffrage,  the  basis  of  all  true  polit- 
ical freedom,  is  subdued  by  arms.  It  is  mockery 
and  insult  to  talk  of  submitting  to  the  people  of 
the  seceded  States  questions  of  amendment  to  the 
Federal  Constitution  when  they  are  under  the 
duress  and  subjected  to  all  the  calamities  and  ex- 
citements of  war. 

Again,  sir,  I  would  ask,  is  it  right,  is  it  wise, 
is  it  magnanimous,  is  it  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  our  Federal  system,  that  this  Con- 
gress, in  the  absence  virtually  of  the  Represent- 
atives of  eleven  States,  parties  to  the  Constitution, 
while  the  places  of  those  States  are  vacant,  and 
their  voices  not  heard  in  our  Halls — except  I 
might,  perhaps  without  exaggeration,  say,  in  the 
thunders  of  their  warlike  array,  protesting  against 
our  policy  of  aggression  and  usurpation — is  it 
right  or  wise,  I  ask,  that  we,  a  fraction  of  the 
constitutional  representation  in  Congress,  should 
attempt  to  provide  for  a  fundamental  change  in 
the  Government  that  will  overturn  their  social 
and  industrial  systems,  and  affect  for  all  time  the 
absent  and  protesting  States  .>  I  freely  say  that 
there  is  neither  wisdom,  justice,  magnanimity, 
nor  humanity  in  the  attempt  of  this  Congress,  at 
this  time  and  in  this  way,  to  innovate  upon  the 
Constitution.  Let  us  first  determine  how  much 
of  the  territory  that  once  acknowledged  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  as  its  supreme  law 
is  our  territory,  and  whether  or  not  that  Consti- 
tution is  to  remain  the  supreme  law  of  the  land, 
before  we  attempt  to  amend  it.  Let  us  reconcile 
those  in  arms  against  it  to  the  Constitution  as  it 
is  before  we  attempt  to  incorporate  into  it  a  pro- 
vision they  have  denounced,  and  we  have  no 
right  to  impose  without  their  free  consent. 

I  liave  watched  with  the  anxiety  due  to  their 
importance  the  proceedings  and  legislation  of  this 
Congress,  and  noted  well  the  spirit  and  purposes 
of  the  majority  that  control  it.  The  majority 
here  seem  to  me  to  be  governed  by  the  spirit  of 
revolution,  not  of  conservation.    They  do  not  be- 


lieve in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as 
its  framers  made  and  interpreted  it.  They  do 
not  believe  in  the  Union  as  the  fathers  made  it. 
They  do  not  propose  to  restore  that  Union  nor  to 
retain  the  Constitution  in  its  integrity.  Co- 
workers with  and  copyists  of  the  revolutionists  of 
secession,  this  Administration  and  this  Congress 
have  abandoned  the  old  Union  and  Constitution 
— our  surest  hope  and  our  best  defense — and 
adopted  the  dangerous  experiment  of  revolution 
against  revolution .  The  party  of  secession  would 
disintegrate  by  revolution;  this  Congress  would 
consolidate  by  revolution.  The  one  by  force  of 
arms  would  make  a  new  nation  of  slaveholding 
States;  the  other  by  force  of  arms  and  by  force 
of  revolutionary  and  unconstitutional  legislation 
would  make  a  new  nation,  a  regenerated  Republic, 
as  they  are  pleased  to  style  it,  without  slavery, 
but  in  truth  States  emasculated  of  the  manly  free- 
dom that  was  once  the  pride  and  boast  of  the 
people  of  all  the  United  States. 

It  is  vain,  sir,  for  gentlemen  of  the  majority 
here  to  claim  that  they  are  the  friends  of  peace  on 
the  basis  of  the  Union  and  Constitution  as  they 
existed  before  the  war  began,  or  to  deny  that  they 
are  the  advocates  and  instruments  of  revolution. 
The  records  of  this  Congress,  with  daily  accu- 
mulating evidence,  falsify  the  claim  and  the  de- 
nial. You  desire  no  peace,  and  you  do  not  intend, 
if  you  can  help  it,  to  accept  peace  until  you  have 
abolished  slavery;  deprived  if  not  robbed  by  con- 
fiscation the  property-holders  of  the  South  of 
their  rightful  inheritance;  made  negroes  socially 
and  politically  the  equals  of  white  men;  and  re- 
modeled the  Constitution  to  suit  your  own  polit- 
ical purposes.  Your  ears  are  deaf  to  appeals  and 
arguments  for  the  old  Union,  and  you  speak  of 
it  as  a  hated  thing  of  the  past.  You  openly  scoff 
at  the  Constitution,  and  the  ablest  among  you  de- 
nounce it  as  "  an  atrocious  idea."  You  do  not 
seek  the'ways  of  peace.  Your  policy  is  subju- 
gation, not  restoration.  The  instruments  by  which 
you  work  are  the  instruments  of  vengeance  and 
despotism,  not  of  humanity  and  justice  and  con- 
stitutional freedom.  Your  records  show  no  re- 
solves or  enactments  for  conciliation  and  peace 
and  reunion,  but  for  conscription,  wherein  you 
attempt  to  legalize  the  slavery  of  freemen  to  a  mili- 
tary power  that  acknowledges  no  limit  but  its 
own  will;  confiscation  by  whose  agency  revenge, 
avarice,  and  fraud  combine  for  plunder;  inordi- 
nate taxation  that  borders  on  confiscation;  pro- 
scription of  your  political  opponents;  proscrip- 
tion of  the  press,  of  free  speech,  and  proscription 
of  freedom  of  debate,  even  in  these  Halls  conse- 
crated to  it  by  the  Constitution  and  by  every  hope 
of  a  freeman's  heart.  You  openlyjustify  wanton 
acts  of  executive  usurpation,  and  violations 
hitherto  unprecedented  of  constitutional  liberty. 
While  hundreds  of  thousands  of  your  kindred,  of 
patriots  whom  you  have  lured  into  war  under  the 
solemn  pledge  that  it  should  be  a  war  to  restore 
the  Union  and  Constitution  with  all  the  dignity, 
equality,  and  rights  of  the  several  States  un- 
impaired, are  slaughtered  by  the  demon  of  war, 
and  the  people  groan  under  the  burdens  you  have 
laid  upon  them,  and  are  still  exerting  your  skill 
in  devices  of  taxation  to  increase,  with  eager  haste 
you  counsel  together  and  legislate  for  the  division 
among  negroes  of  southern  lands,  on  which  you 
cannot  and  dare  not  set  your  feet.  You  are  arro- 
gant in  your  present  power  and  despise  your  ene- 
mies without  cause.  You  exasperate  while  you 
should  conciliate;  you  threaten  where  you  should 
negotiate,  and  work  for  vengeance  where  you 
should  labor  for  peace.  You  openly  declare  your 
purpose  to  treat  as  devils  those  of  your  kindred 
race  whom  you  have  exasperated  to  madness; 
those  who  have  been  your  fellow-citizens,  and 
who,  however  malignant  and  inhuman  your  pur- 
poses concerning  them,  you  must  in  the  end  treat 
as  men  and  equals,  if  not  as  fellow-citizens  and 
brethren. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  line  of  policy  which  this  Ad- 
ministration and  its  party  and  the  majority  in  this 
Congress  have  adopted  toward  the  people  of  the 
southern  States,  and  toward  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  North,  is  the  dictate  of  passion  and 
partisan  spirit,  and  indicates  more  the  arrogance  of 
power  than  of  patriotic  statesmanship.  That  line 
of  policy  will  not  succeed.  I'he  experience  of 
history  and  of  human  nature  teaches  us  it  will  not 
succeed.  The  work  of  this  Administration  and 
Congress  is  the  work  of  disunion,  not  of  Union. 


It  will  destroy,  not  build  up.  Itis  fruitful  of  evil, 
not  of  good,  and  must  and  will  be  changed — peace- 
fully and  in  the  methods  of  the  Constitution,  so 
far  as  the  northern  Democracy  are  concerned,  so 
long  as  they  are  left  free  to  usq  the  methods  of 
the  Constitution,  but  forcibly  if  need  be  when  an 
oppressed  and  indignant  people  have  no  other 
remedy  forthe  preservation  of  their  constitutional 
rights  but  to  rise  in  the  majesty  of  their  strength 
and  assert  and  maintain  them  by  the  strong  arms 
of  freemen. 

If  we  are  to  restore  the  Union  with  the  seceded 
States  and  save  the  Constitution,  other  arguments 
than  war  and  denunciation  and  insult  and  the  in- 
vocation of  the  spirit  of  revenge  and  plunder  must 
be  used.  It  was  not  in  that  way  the  Union  and 
Constitution  were  formed,  nor  can  they  thus  be 
saved.  In  persisting  in  your  policy,  of  which  the 
joint  resolution  now  before  the  House  is  but  one 
expression,  you  are  but  paving  the  way  for  the 
division  and  dishonor  of  your  country,  and  for 
your  own  dishonor,  when  impartial  history  shall 
sit  in  judgment  upon  the  men  and  events  of  these 
perilous  days. 

Mr.  ARNOLD.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  regret  that 
this  late  day  of  the  session  compels  an  abridg- 
ment of  discussion  upon  a  subject  of  such  over- 
shadowing importance,  yet  I  cannot  let  the  oc- 
casion pass  without  briefly  giving  my  reasons 
for  voting  for  this  constitutional  amendment. 

SHALL    SLAVERY    STILL    LIVE? 

Slavery  is  to-day  an  open  enemy  striking  at  the 
heart  of  the  Republic.  It  is  the  soul  and  body, 
the  spirit  and  motive  of  the  rebellion.  It  is  sla- 
very which  marshals  yonder  rebel  hosts  which 
confront  the  patriot  armies  of  Grant  and  Sher- 
man. It  is  the  savage  spirit  of  this  barbarous  insti- 
tution which  starves  the  Union  prisoners  at  Rich- 
mond, which  assassinates  them  at  Fort  Pillow, 
which  murders  the  wounded  on  the  field  of  battle, 
and  which  fills  up  the  catalogue  of  wrong  and  out- 
rage which  mark  the  conductof  the  rebels  during 
all  this  war. 

In  view  of  all  the  long  catalogue  of  wrongs 
which  slavery  has  inflicted  upon  the  country  I 
demand  to-day  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  the  death  of  African  slavery.  We  can 
have  no  permanent  peace  while  slavery  lives.  It 
now  reels  and  stao;gers  toward  its  last  death- 
struggle.  Let  us  strike  the  monster  this  last  decis- 
ive blow. 

The  Thirty-Seventh  Congress  will  live  in  his- 
tory as  the  Congress  which  prohibited  slavery 
in  all  the  Territories  of  the  Union,  and  abolished 
it  at  the  national  capital.  The  President  of  the 
United  States  will  be  remembered  as  the  author 
of  the  proclamation  of  emancipation,  as  tfie  lib- 
erator of  a  race,  the  apostle  of  freedom,  the  great 
emancipator  of  his  country.  The  Thirty-Eighth 
Congress,  if  we  pass  this  joint  resolution,  will 
live  in  history  as  that  which  consummated  the 
great  work  of  freeing  a  continent  from  the  curse 
of  human  bondage. 

Never,  since  the  day  wlien  John  Adams  plead 
for  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  has  so  im- 
portant a  question  been  submitted  to  an  Ameri- 
can Congress  as  that  upon  which  you  are  now 
about  to  vote.  The  signing  of  the  immortal  Dec- 
laration is  a  familiar  picture  in  every  log  cabin 
and  residence  all  over  the  land.  Pass  this  resolu- 
tion, and  the  grand  spectacle  of  this  vote,  which  . 
knocks  off  the  fetters  of  a  whole  race,  will  make 
this  scene  immortal. 

Live' a  century,  nay,  a  thousand  years,  and  no 
such  opportunity  to  do  a  great  deed  for  humanity, 
for  liberty,  for  peace,  and  for  your  country,  will 
ever  again  present  itself.  Pass  this  joint  resolu- 
tion, and  you  win  a  victory  over  wrong  and  in- 
justice lasting  as  eternity.  The  whole  world 
will  rise  up  to  do  you  honor.  Every  lover  of  lib- 
erty in  Germany,  France,  Italy,  Great  Britain, 
the  world,  will  rise  up  and  call  you  b|essed.  The 
gallant  soldiers  in  the  field  who  are  giving  their 
lives  for  liberty  and  Union  will  call  down  upon 
you  the  blessings  of  Heaven.  Let  the  lightnings 
of  God  (fit  instrument  for  the  glorious  message) 
transmit  to  the  toiling  and  struggling  soldiers  of 
Sherman  and  Hunterand  Butler  and  Grant  the 
Ihrilling  words,  "Slavery  abolished  forever,"  and 
their  joyous  shouts  will  strike  terror  into  the 
ranks  of  the  rebels  and  traitors  fighting  for  lyr- 
aiuiy  and  bondage.  The  thousands  of  wounded 
in  the  hospitals  around   this  capital  would  hail 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2989 


the  intelligence  as'  a  battle  fought  and  a  great 
victory  won. 

This  constitutional  amendment  has  passed  the 
Senate,  long  regarded  as  the  citadel  of  the  slave 
power;  how  strange  if  it  should  fail  in  the  popu- 
lar branch  of  Congress!  The  people  and  the 
States  are  eager  and  impatient  to  ratify  it.  Will 
those  who  claim  to  represent  the  ancient  Democ- 
racy refuse  to  give  the  people  an  opportunity  to 
vole  upon  it?  Is  this  your  confidence  in  the  loyal 
masses  ? 

The  passage  of  this  resolution  will  strike  the 
rebellion  at  the  heart.  I  appeal  to  border  State 
men  and  Democrats  of  the  free  States;  look  over 
your  country;  see  the  bloody  footsteps  of  slavery; 
see  the  ruin  and  desolation  which  it  has  brought 
upon  our  once  happy  land;  and  I  askj  why  stay 
the  hand  now  ready  to  strike  down  to  death  the 
cause  of  all  these  evils  >  Why  seek  to  prolong  the 
life,  to  restore  to  vigor,  the  institution  of  slavery, 
now  needing  but  this  last  act  to  doom  it  to  ever- 
lasting death  and  damnation? 

Gentlemen  may  flatter  themselves  with  a  res- 
toration of  the  slave  power  in  thiscountry.  "  The 
Union  as  it  was  !"  It  is  a  dream,  never  again  to 
be  realized.  The  America  of  the  past  is  gone  for- 
ever. A  new  nation  is  to  be  born  from  the  agony 
through  which  the  people  are  now  passing.  This 
new  nation  is  to  be  wholly  free.  hiber\.y ,  equality 
before  the  law  is  to  be  the  great  corner-stone. 

JVluch  yet  remains  to  be  done  to  secure  this. 
Many  a  battle  on  the  field  has  yet  to  be  fought 
and  won  against  the  mighty  power  which  fights 
for  slavery,  the  barbarous  system  of  the  past. 
Many  a  battle  has  yet  to  be  won  on  the  higher 
sphere  of  moral  conflict.  While  our  gallant  sol- 
diers are  subduing  the  rebels  in  the  field,  let  us 
second  their  efforts  by  sweeping  from  the  statute- 
book  every  slay  and  prop  and  shield  of  human 
slavery,  the  scourge  of  our  country,  and  let  us 
crown  all  by  incorporating  into  our  organic  law 
the  glorious  prohibition  of  slavery.  For  myself, 
I  mean  to  fight  this  cause  of  the  war,  this  cursed 
cause  of  all  the  expenditure  of  blood  and  treas- 
ure from  which  my  country  is  now  suffering,  this 
institution  which  has  filled  our  whole  land  with 
desolation,  sorrow,  and  anguish;  I  mean  tofiglu 
it  until  neither  on  statute-book  nor  in  Constitu- 
tion shall  there  be  left  a  single  sentence  or  word 
which  can  be  construed  to  sanction  the  stupen- 
dous wrong. 

Mr.  Speaker,!  thank  God  and  a  liberty-loving 
constituency  for  the  privilege  of  voting  for  this 
constitutional  amendment,  for  universal  eman- 
cipation throughout  our  country.  Let  us  now, 
to-day,  in  the  name  of  liberty,  justice,  and  of  God, 
consummate  this  grand  revolution.  Let  us  to- 
day make  our  country,  our  whole  country,  the 
home  of  the  free. 

1  conclude,  in  the  language  of  the  President: 

"  So  much  good  has  not  been  done  by  one  effort  in  all 
past  time  as  in  the  providence  of  God  it  is  now  your  liigh 
privilege  to  do.  May  the  vast  future  not  have  to  lament 
that  you  have  neglected  it." 

Mr.  INGERSOLL.  Mr.  Speaker,  having  very 
recently  taken  a  seat  in  this  body,  it  was  my  in- 
tention to  have  contented  myself  with  voting  for 
all  such  measures  as  I  believed  to  be  just  and 
expedient,  and  against  such  as  I  believed  to  be 
unjust  or  inexpedient  without  taking  part  in  the 
discussion  of  such  measures.  But  in  justice  to 
the  liberty-loving  and  Union-loving  men  who 
sentme  here,  and  in  justice  to  myself  I  ask  the 
indulgence  of  the  House  for  the  few  minutes 
which  have  been  generously  given  me  by  my 
friend,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  California, 
[Mr.  Shannon,]  out  of  his  hour,  in  which  to  dis- 
cuss the  joint  resolution  now  under  consideration. 

1  have  the  proud  honor  to  represent  a  district 
in  which  a  very  great  majority  of  the  people  are 
thoroughly  and  unalterably  anti-slavery.  They 
are  in  Ikvor  of  justice  and  against  oppression  and 
wrong  everywhere  and  in  every  form.  There 
are  two  grand  objects  for  the  accomplishment  of 
which  they  have  already  freely  given  of  their 
best  blood  and  treasure,  and  stand  ready  to-day 
to  give  much  more  of  both,  if  necessary,  for  the 
absolute  and  unconditional  crushing  out  of  this 
most  wicked  and  devastating  rebellion,  and  for 
the  complete  and  utter  extinction  of  human  sla- 
very, the  sole  and  fearful  cause  of  the  rebellion. 

1  know  full  well  if  the  lamented  Lovejoy,  my 
honored  and  noble  predecessor,  could  come  to-day 
from  Iheunseen  world  and  take  hisplace  among  us, 


his  manly  and  eloquent  voice  would  be  heard  in  this 
Hall,  as  in  days  past,  with  all  the  earnestness  of ' 
his  gi-eal  soul,  pronouncing  in  favor  of  the  adop- 
tion of  this  resolution,  in  favor  of  universal  lib- 
erty and  the  rights  of  mankind.  The  cause  of 
liberty  and  equal  and  exact  justice  lost  a  noble 
and  heroic  friend  when  he  died,  and  the  Union 
cause  and  the  country  lost  one  of  their  best  and 
boldest  champions.  A  grateful  people  hold  him 
in  affectionate  remembrance,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped 
they  may  emulate  his  many  virtues.  He  died  in 
the  midst  of  his  great  and  good  work;  but  God, 
in  His  infinite  wisdom  and  goodness,  did  not  suf- 
fer him  to  depart  until  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
this  country  was  approaching  with  rapid  step  the 
grand  and  glorious  day  of  its  consummation. 
And  I  say  with  all  my  heart,  may  Heaven  speed 
the  day.  Universal  liberty  was  the  child  of  his 
heart,  and  he  lived  long  enough  to  see  that  divine 
child  adopted  as  its  own  by  the  nation . 

Sir,  I  hope  this  resolution  may  pass  by  the 
necessary  majority  to  give  it  validity.  All  truly 
honest  and  philanthropic  men  throughout  the 
world  will  have  reason  to  rejoice  and  will  rejoice 
if  it  so  passes.  It  will  be  heralded  over  the  world 
as  another  grand  step  upward  and  onward  in  the 
irresistible  march  of  a  christianized  civilization. 
The  old  starry  banner  of  our  country,  as  it  "floats 
over  the  sea  and  over  the  land,"  will  be  grander 
and  more  glorious  than  ever  before.  Its  stars 
will  be  brighter;  it  will  be  holier;  it  will  mean 
more  than  a  mere  nationality;  it'will  mean  uni- 
versal liberty;  it  will  mean  that  the  rights  of  man- 
kind, without  regard  to  color  or  race,  are  respected 
and  protected.  The  oppressed  and  downtrodden 
of  all  the  world  will  take  new  courage;  hope  will 
spring  afresh  in  their  struggling  and  weary  hearts; 
and  when  they  look  upon  that  banner  in  distant 
lands  they  will  yearn  to  be  here,  where  they  can 
enjoy  the  inestimable  blessings  which  are  denied 
them  forever  on  their  native  shores. 

Mr.  Speaker,  it%vould  seem  that  this  resolu- 
tion should  be  adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
Yet  I  fear  we  shall  lose  it.  The  slave  power  has 
notyetlost  all  its  influence  in  this  Congress.  The 
pock-marks  of  slavery  are  plainly  visible  on  the 
faces  of  many  of  the  members  of  the  Opposition. 
They  were  inoculated  and  corrupted  by  it  in  the 
days  of  its  wanton  power.  Its  woeful  and  bane- 
ful influence  is  upon  them  still.  Slavery  has  been 
their  idol.  They  worshiped  at  its  shrine  in  the 
days  of  its  power,  and  even  now,  when  it  is  going 
to  an  ignominious  grave,  they  rally  around  and 
protect  and  defend  it  in  all  its  hideous  ghastliness 
as  though  it  were  really  divine.  We  may  admire 
their  pluck,  but  we  must  condemn  their  action, 
their  want  of  patriotism,  their  inappreciation  of 
liberty,  and  their  entire  lack  of  generous  senti- 
ments common  to  humanity.  They  are  blinded 
by  prejudice.  They  are  politically  corrupt,  un- 
der an  undue  desire  to  regain  that  power  which 
they  so  ingloriously  lost  during  the  last  Demo- 
cratic administration,  or,  I  should  say,  malad- 
ministration. Being  the  slaves  of  the  slave  power, 
we  cannot  expect  much  of  them  until  we  have 
made  them  free  and  hewn  down  their  prejudices. 

In  my  opinion  many  of  the  Opposition  mem- 
bers would  vote  for  this  resolution  if  they  could 
be  convinced  that  slavery  could  no  longer  be 
made  available  to  them  as  a  political  power.  But 
they  know  it  as  certain  as  fate  that  if  slavery  goes 
down  the  present  Democratic  organization  goes 
down  with  it.  Hence  their  herculean  efforts  to 
save  slavery;  but  they  cannot  succeed  in  their 
unholy  and  detestable  work.  The  liberty-loving 
and  loyal  people  of  this  country  have  sworn  in 
their  hearts  that  the  rebellion  and  slavery  sliall 
both  go  down,  and  forever.  And  they  will  keep 
that  oath.  When  we  have  succeeded  in  burying 
the  rebellion  and  slavery,  if  we  could  only  petrify 
the  pro-slavery  Democracy,  what  a  becoming  and 
fitting  tombstone  it  would  make  to  mark  the  place 
of  their  burial. 

There  can  be  no  objection  on  legal  grounds  to 
amend  the  Constitution  in  the  precise  manner 
pointed  out  by  thatinstrument  itself.  Article  five 
of  the  Constitution  provides  for  its  own  amend- 
ment as  follows: 

"Art.  5.  The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both 
Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments 
to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  tlie  application  of  the  Legislatures 
of  two  thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call  a  convention 
for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be 
valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitu- 
tion, when  ratified  by  ilieLegislatures  ofthree  fourths  of  the 


several  States,  or  by  conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof, 
as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  he  pro- 
])Ose(l  by  the  Congress;  provided,  that  no  aineiidiiieru  which 
may  be  njade  prior  to  the  year  1808  shall  in  any  manner 
afifoctthe  first  and  foiirlli  clauses  in  the  ninth  sootion  ofthe 
first  article  ;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  concent  shall 
be  deprived  of  its  I'qual  sufiVage  in  the  Senate." 

It  is  plain  to  be  seen,  then,  that  this  resolution 
contemplates  no  violation  of  the  Constitution. 
Then  why  this  objectiou  to  adopting  it  and  sub- 
mitting the  proposed  amendment  to  the  Legisla- 
tures ofthe  several  States  not  in  rebellion  ?  Are 
you  of  the  Opposition  afraid  to  trust  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people?  In  reality  1  believe  you 
are.  You  fear,  and  have  good  cause  to  fear,  that 
the  necessary  majority  of  States  will  ratify  the 
proposed  amendment,  and  make  it  thereby  a  part 
of  the  Constitution.  Then  slavery  will  no  longer 
need  defenders  and  protectors  in  our  national  Con- 
gress. "Othello's  occupation"  will  be  gone  in- 
deed. You  will  go  hungry  for  place  and  oflice, 
and  slavery  can  no  longer  gratify  your  unholy 
ambition.  But  the  people  will  rejoice,  the  friends 
of  freedom  everywhere  will  rejoice,  and  our  coun- 
try will  be  infinitely  more  prosperous,  more  glo- 
rious, and  grander  than  ever  before. 

But  the  Opposition  object  to  the  adoption  of 
this  resolution  at  the  present  time,  because  they 
say  Mississippi,  South  Carolina,  and  other  States 
in  rebellion  can  have  no  voice  upon  the  question 
of  its  ratification.  Is  this  a  good  objectittn  ?  I 
answer  not.  Why  is  it  that  Mississippi  and 
South  Carolina  can  have  no  voice  upon  this  ques- 
tion? It  is  because  they  voluntarily  entered  into 
this  rebellion.  Had  they  not  done  so  they  would 
have  had  equal  right  and  enjoyed  equal  privilege 
with  Illinois  upon  this  question.  Are  we, because 
a  portion  of  the  States  inaugurated  and  still  carry 
on  this  rebellion,  to  suspend  all  legislative  action 
which  might  affect  things  or  institutions  in  such 
States?  1  say  not.  Let  those  who  inaugurateand 
carry  on  the  rebellion  take  the  consequences.  We 
are  responsible  to  the  Constitution  and  the  loyal 
people,  not  to  the  disloyal  and  rebels.  It  is  truly 
said  that  at  almost  any  time  it  is  well  to  do  right. 
It  is  well  to  eradicate  an  evil.  That  slavery  is 
an  evil  no  sane,  honest  iman  will  deny.  It  has 
been  the  great  curse  of  this  country  from  its  in- 
fancy to  the  present  hour.  And  now  that  the 
States  in  rebellion  have  given  the  loyal  States  the 
opportunity  to  take  off  that  curse,  to  wipe  away 
the  foul  stain,  I  say  let  it  be  done.  We  owe  it 
to  ourselves;  we  owe  it  to  posterity;  we  owe  it 
to  the  slaves  themselves  to  exterminate  slavery 
in  this  country  forever  by  the  adoption  of  the 
proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution.  If  v/e 
fail  to  do  it,  now  that  we  have  the  power,  not  only 
will  our  constituents  but  posterity  and  humanity 
hold  us  responsible,  and  remember  us  only  to 
condemn. 

I  hold  that  slavery  and  rebellion  are  so  closely 
allied  that  any  act,  legislative  or  military,  which 
cripples  the  one  tends  to  destroy  the  other.  If 
slavery  could  be  abolished  to-day  the  rebellion 
would  end  to-morrow.  If  the  rebellion  could  be 
put  down  to-day  slavery  would  go  down  to-mor- 
row. So  that  in  my  opinion  any  act  that  we  can  do,  * 
which  is  lawful  in  itself,  to  weaken  slavery,  if  we 
should  fail  to  do  it,  we  would  be  criminally  cul- 
pable. 

I  believe  slavery  is  the  mother  of  this  rebellion, 
that  this  rebellion  caii  be  attributed  to  no  other 
cause  but  slavery;  from  that  it  derived  its  life 
and  gathers  its  strength  to-day.  Destroy  the 
mother,  and  the  child  will  die.  Destroy  the 
cause,  and  the  effect  will  disappear.  Slavery  has 
ever  been  the  enemy  of  liberal  principles.  It  has 
ever  been  the  friend  of  ignorance,  prejudice,  and 
all  the  unlawful,  savage,  and  detestable  passions 
which  proceed  therefrom.  It  has  ever  been  dom- 
ineering arrogant,  exacting,  and  overbearing.  It 
has  claimed  to  be  a  polished  aristocrat,  when  in 
reality  it  has  only  been  a  coarse,  swaggering,  and 
brutal  boor.  It  has  ever  claimed  to  be  a  gentle-  • 
man,  when  in  reality  it  has  ever  been  a  villain. 
I  think  it  is  high  time  to  clip  its  overgrown  pre- 
tensions, strip  it  of  its  mask,  and  expose  it  in  all 
its  hideous  deformity  to  the  detestation  of  all 
honest  and  patriotic  men. 

For  eighty  years  the  bogus  aristocracy  of  sla- 
very have  left  nothing  undone  to  corrupt  and  de- 
moralize the  people  and  their  Representatives. 
For  eighty  years  they  have  attempted  to  clothe 
this  monster  in  the  radiance  of  divinity,  when  in 
reality  it  should  only  be  draped  in  the  blackness 


2990 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


\ 


of  its  own  enormity.  In  order  to  maintain  their 
power  tliey  had  so  molded  public  opinion,  even 
in  the  grand  free  Stales  of  the  North,  that  many 
honest  but  deluded  men  were  willing  to  concede 
that  slavery,  if  not  divine,  was  not  so  bad  an  in- 
stitution after  all,  that  "  the  devil  was  not  so  black 
as  he  is  painted."  The  North,  against  its  sense 
of  justice  and  right,  for  the  sake  of  peace  and 
union,  has,  time  and  tiwie  again,  humiliated  itself 
in  its  own  and  the  eyes  of  the  world  by  conced- 
ing to  the  unhallowed  and  ambitious  demands  of 
slavery. 

At  the  formation  of  our  Constitution  slavery 
demanded  that  a  section  should  be  incorporated 
therein  restraining  Congress  from  passing  a  law 
proiiibiting  the  importation  of  negroes  prior  to 
the  year  1808.  The  North,  in  violation  of  its 
sense  of  honor,  got  down  upon  its  knees  atid 
consented  thatitshould  be  "  written  in  the  bond," 
thereby  conceding  the  right  to  this  bogus  aristoc- 
racy to  freightits  ships  with  human  beings  stolen 
from  their  native  land  and  consigned  to  an  igno- 
minious slavery  only  equaled  by  its  savage  cru- 
elty. 

Again,  in  1793,  they  demanded  a  fugitive  slave 
law;  that  is  to  say,  that  free  northern  men  should 
be  their  blood-hounds.  The  North  again  assent- 
ed, and  went  into  the  blood-hound  business.  In' 
1850  they  again  demanded  more  and  fiercer  blood- 
hounds. The  North,  true  to  its  instincts  of  peace 
and  union,  but  false  to  its  honor,  agreed  that  the 
blood-hounds  should  be  forthcoming.  Forone — 
and  I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  am  not  alone — I  am 
tired  of  this  blood-hound  business,  and  voted  on 
Monday  last  to  abolish  it.  The  Opposition  are  in 
favor  of  its  continuance:  I  am  for  this  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  in  order  to  take  from  these  ad- 
herents of  the  slave  power  the  ignominy  and  deg- 
radation consequent  upon  so  base  an  occupation. 

Again,  in  1820,  the  same  relentless  monster  de- 
manded ofthe  North  more  territory  for  the  uses  of 
slavery.  Tlie  North  again  got  upon  its  knees  and 
admitted  Missouri  with  a  slave  constitution,  and 
again  suffered  the  mortification  of  self-degradation. 

Again,  in  1854,  they  demanded  the  repeal  o( 
the  Missouri  compromise  line.  Again,  in  north- 
ern men,  whom  they  had  demoralized  and  cor- 
rupted by  the  contaminating  influence  of  slavery, 
united  to  a  corresponding  lust  for  ofSce,  they 
found  the  willing  tools  wherewith  to  consummate 
this  treachery.  Liberty  received  a  blow  in  the 
face,  and  slavery  was  taken  by  the  hand. 

Again,  in  1857,  the  slave  power  brought  all  its 
energies  to  bear  to  convert  this  territory,  which 
had  been  thrown  open  to  it  by  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  compromise  line,  into  a  slave  State.  To 
•the  everlasting  infamy  of  James  Buchanan's  Ad- 
ministration be  it  said,  with  a  few  honorable  ex- 
ceptions, it  lent  the  whole  force  and  power  of  its 
authority  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  foul  crime. 
But,  thank  God,  the  people  ofthe  North  at  last  had 
become  aroused,  and  they  determined  that  slavery 
should  no  longer  be  the  master  of  liberty.  They 
felt  it  in  their  hearts,  they  expressed  it  with  their 
lips,  that  they  would  no  longer  be.  the  tools  of 
slavery,  or  the  indifferent  spectators  of  its  en- 
croachments. They  declared  that  Kansas  should 
be  free.  The  slave  powerswore  itshould  be  slave; 
and  then  and  there  this  war  commenced  which  is 
now  deluging  this  land  with  blood.  After  along 
and  not  a  bloodless  struggle  justice  and  freedom 
triumphed,  and  Kansas  to-day  is  a  beaming  star 
of  liberty  in  the  western  horizon.  The  Soutlisaw 
in  this  triumph  the  ultimate  overthrow  of  their 
most  cherished  institution.  They  became  alarmed, 
and  felt  and  knew  that  if  the  people  ofthe  North 
were  unwilling  to  submit  to  further  degradation 
thereafter  they  must  depend  on  themselves  for  the 
protection  of  slavery,  as  their  northern  friends 
•were  powerless  to  stem  the  tide  which  was  rising 
and  swelling  toward  universal  liberty. 

So,  in  1860,  at  the  Charleston  convention  they 
.  demanded  that  additional  guarantees  for  slavery 
be  incorporated  in  the  platform  of  the  Democratic 
party.  The  northern  Democracy  saw  at  once  that 
to  yield  to  them  on  this  point  was  certain  defeat. 
The  South  repudiated  Douglas  in  thatconvention 
for  the  reason  that  they  did  not  believe  him  sound 
on  the  slavery  question.  As  an  evidence  of  iiis 
unsoundness  they  pointed  to  his  Freeport  speech, 
made  in  1858,  in  joint  debnte  with  PresidentLin- 
coln.  In  this  speech  he  enunciated  the  doctrine 
that  Territorial  Legislatures  possessed  the  power 
to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories  by  "  un- 


friendly legislation."  This  was  anything  but 
orthodox  in  their  view.  Another  objection  to 
Senator  Douglas  was  that  he  had  been  opposed 
to  the  Lecotnpton-Kansas  constitution.  Conse- 
quently Douglas  was  thrown  overboard.  They 
demanded  that  slavery  should  be  recognized  as  a 
national  institution,  and  that  Congress  should 
protect  it  in  the  Territories  by  affirmative  legisla- 
tion. The  northern  Democracy  positively  refused 
to  accede  to  this.  The  consequence  was  that  the 
southern  Democracy  seceded, and  nominated  their 
own  candidate, upon  their  own  platform,  thereby 
breaking  up  the  Democratic  party  and  depriving 
it  of  all  hope  of  success  in  the  then  approaching 
presidential  campaign.  Who  can  say  but  that 
the  northern  wing  of  the  Democratic  party  is  re- 
sponsible for  this  war?  for  had  the  northern  De- 
mocracy been  willing  to  concede  at  that  conven- 
tion to  the  demands  of  the  South,  and  accept  a 
platform  agreeable  to  it,  the  nominee  of  that  con- 
vention would  have  been  elected  President,  and 
this  "cruel  and  bloody  war,"  as  the  Opposition 
delight  to  call  it,  would  have  been  avoided,  or,  at 
any  rate,  postponed.  Let  the  responsibility  rest 
where  it  legitimately  belongs.  It  is  dishonorable 
in  any  man  to  say  that  the  Republican  party  is 
responsible  for  this  war,  when,  as  I  have  shown, 
itperhaps  might  have  been  avoided  had  the  north- 
ern Democracy  been  willing  to  have  covered  them- 
selves with  a  thicker  coating  of  degradation  than 
they  had  ever  before  worn,  and  sacrificed  their 
dignity  and  mSnhoodtothe  behests  of  slavery. 

I  am  well  aware  that  the  Opposition  persist- 
ently charge  that  the  abolitionists  are  responsible 
for  the  war  and  are  the  authors  of  the  war.  This 
charge  is  as  false  as  is  the  assertion  that  slavery 
is  divine.  Had  there  been  no  slavery  in  this 
country  there  never  would  have  been  an  abolition- 
ist or  an  agitator;  the  inhuman  and  barbarous 
system  of  slavery  created  tlie  abolitionist  and  the 
agitator.  In  this  instance  the  evil  produced  the 
good — the  wrong  the  right;  and  the  good  and  the 
right  must  prevail.  Slavery  has  piled  up  the 
mountain  which  will  fall  upon  it  and  crush  it  to 
dust.  Slavery  alone  is  the  cause  of  the  war,  and 
he  who  attributes  this  war  to  any  other  cause 
than  slavery  is  wide  of  the  mark.  The  man  who 
to-day,  after  three  years  of  war  and  desolation, 
would  raise  even  a  straw  to  shield  or  protect  sla- 
very, deserves,  and  at  no  very  distant  day  will 
receive,  the  merited  condemnation  of  a  united, 
happy,  prosperous,  and  liberty-loving  people. 

It  is  a  humiliating  and  saddening  spectacle  to 
witness  how  persistently  and  unrelentingly  the 
Opf)Osition  pursue  our  most  worthy  President, 
and  with  what  vehemence  they  denounce  his  war 
policy,  if  such  policy  in  their  opinion  tends  in  the 
least  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery. 
If,  under  the  war  power  ofthe  Administration,  a 
rebel  sympathizer,  who  disgraces  the  soil  of  Illi- 
nois, is  arrested  and  imprisoned,  if  a  disloyal 
paper  is  suppressed,  they  at  once  set  up  a  tre- 
mendous howl  about  personal  liberty  and  the 
freedom  ofthe  press.  If  an  attempt  is  made  to 
expel  or  censure  a  member  of  Congress  for  utter- 
ing disloyal  sentiments,  another  distressing  howl 
goes  up  in  protestation  against  the  Administra- 
tion. Their  denunciation  is  all  against  Lincoln. 
They  utter  none  against  Davis.  Our  soldiers  may 
be  starved  inLibby  prison;  they  may  be  butch- 
ered in  cold  blood,  as  at  Fort  Pillow  and  else- 
where; Union  men  all  through  the  South  may  be 
indiscriminately  plundered  and  then  dragged  to 
the  gallows,  and  they  have  no  voice  to  raise 
against  it  or  denounce  it.  The  reason  of  this  is 
obvious.  They  care  more  to  regain  political 
power  than  for  the  triumph  of  liberty  and  justice. 

The  eloquent  and  scholarly  Sumner  may  be 
knocked  down  in  the  United  States  Senate  by  a 
southern  ruffian  and  blackguard :  northern  dough- 
faces say,  "  Served  him  right."  AGiddings  and 
an  Adams  may  be  censured  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  because  they  have  tlie  manhood 
to  raise  their  voices  in  behalf  of  liberty  and  jus- 
tice: northern  doughfaces  cry  outagain,  "  Served 
them  right."  The  incorruptible  Parker,  Cod- 
ding, and  Garrison  maybe  mobbed,  stoned,  and 
imprisoned,  for  daring  to  give  utterance  to  the 
sublime  and  eternal  princijiies  of  truth,  and  lib- 
erty, and  justice,  and  these  same  northern  dough- 
faces rise  up  and  cry  out,  "  Served  them  right." 
A  northern  man  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  liberty 
may,  within  the  limits  of  a  slave  State,  have 
the  eflrontery  to  raise  his  voice  against  oppres- 


sion, and  say,  "  Your  system  ofslavery  is  wrong, 
and  you  ought  to  abolish  it:"  a  coat  of  tar  and 
feathers  or  the  halter  may  be  administered  as  a 
corrective  of  such  heretical  expressions,  and  the 
northern  doughfaces  again  cry  out,  "  Served  him 
right."  A  minister  ofthe  gospel  may  find  it  to 
be  his  duty  to  say  to  his  people,  "  It  is  right 
that  you  should  do  unto  others  as  you  would  they 
should  do  unto  you;"  that  you  ought  to  let  the 
bondman  go  free;  and  he  is  immediately  de- 
nounced as  an  abolition  agitator,  and  the  var- 
nished hypocrites  of  his  church  call  upon  him 
at  once  and  say  they  cannot  tolerate  the  expres- 
sion of  such  opinions  in  the  pulpit,  as  they  are 
calculated  to  irritate  the  South,  and  he  must  stop 
them  or  they  will  withdraw  their  support.  Con- 
sequently the  poor,  good  preacher  must  close  his 
lips  to  such  divine  and  heaven-born  truths  or 
starve,  and  this,  too,  in  afree  State;  and  again  the 
northern  doughfaces  say,  "Served  him  right." 
To  crown  ail  this  record  of  infamy,  the  martyr, 
Elijah  P.  Lovejoy,  is  mobbed  and  murdered  on 
the  free,  broad  prairies  of  Illinois,  simply  for 
the  crime  of  publishing  a  paper  dedicated  to  the 
advocacy  of  the  rights  of  mankind;  and  again 
these  northern  doughfaces  cry  out,  "Away  with 
him,"  "Served  him  right."  O  liberty!  where 
is  thy  power.'  0  justice!  where  is  thy  strength.' 
But  thank  God,  that  day  is  gone,  and  gone  for- 
ever. Let  us  take  courage;  the  world  is  better; 
their  sufferings  and  their  trials  were  not  in  vain; 
liberty  is  stronger;  justice  is  surer;  and  the  idols 
of  oppression,  ignorance,  and  prejudice,  which 
have  been  worshiped  so  long,  are  crumbling  to 
dust.  And  so  the  good  work  goes  bravely  on. 
It  is  as  irresistible  as  the  avalanche  and  as  grand 
as  the  Alps. 

Sir,  I  am  in  favor  in  the  fullest  sense  of  personal 
liberty.  I  am  in  favor  of  the  freedom  of  speech. 
The  freedom  of  speech  that  I  am  in  favor  of  is  the 
freedom  which  guaranties  to  the  citizen  of  Illi- 
nois, in  common  with  the  citizen  of  Massachu- 
setts, the  right  to  proclaim  the  eternal  principles 
of  liberty,  truth,  and  justice  in  Mobile,  Savan- 
nah, or  Charleston  with  the  same  freedom  and 
security  as  though  he  were  standing  at  the  foot  of 
Bunker  Hill  monument;  and  if  this  proposed 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  is  adopted  and 
ratified,  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  this  glo- 
rious privilege  will  be  accorded  to  every  citizen 
of  the  Republic.  I  am  in  favor  ofthe  adoption  of 
this  amendment  because  it  will  secure  to  the  op- 
pressed slave  his  natural  and  God-given  rights. 
I  believe  that  the  black  man  has  certain  inaliena- 
ble rights,  which  a»e  as  sacred  in  the  sight  of 
Heaven  as  those  of  any  other  race.  I  believe  he 
has  a  right  to  live,  and  live  in  a  state  of  freedom. 
He  has  a  right  to  breathe  the  free  air  and  enjoy 
God's  free  sunshine.  He  has  a  right  to  till  the 
soil,  to  earn  his  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow, 
and  enjoy  the  rewards  of  his  own  labor.  He  has 
a  right  to  the  endearments  and  enjoyment  of  fam- 
ily ties;  and  no  white  man  has  any  right  to  rob 
him  of  or  infringe  upon  any  of  these  blessings. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  this  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  for  the  sake  ofthe  seven  mil- 
lions of  poor  white  people  who  live  in  the  slave 
States  but  who  have  ever  been  deprived  of  the 
blessings  of  manhood  by  reason  of  this  thrice- 
accursed  institution  of  slavery.  Slavery  has  kept 
them  in  ignorance,  in  poverty,  and  in  degradation. 
Abolish  slavery,  and  school-houses  will  rise  upon 
the  ruins  ofthe  slave  mart,  intelligence  will  take 
the  place  of  ignorance,  wealth  of  poverty,  and 
honor  of  degradation;  industry  will  go  hand  in 
hand  with  virtue,  and  prosperity  with  happiness, 
and  a  disinthralled  and  regenerated  people  will  rise 
up  and  bless  you  and  be  an  honor  to  the  American 
Republic. 

Slavery  has  shed  every  drop  of  blood  which 
has  been  spilled  in  this  war.  It  has  filled  thou- 
sands of  graves  with  our  heroic  dead.  It  has 
filled  our  hospitals  with  our  shattered  heroes.  It 
has  swept  American  commerce  from  the  ocean. 
It  has  carried  desolation  and  mourning  lo  the 
hearthstones  of  our  northern  homes  from  Maine 
to  California;  consequently  I  am  the  unyielding 
and  persistent  enemy  of  slavery  and  the  earnest 
supporter  of  any  and  all  lawful  measures  for  its 
speedy  and  effectual  extinction.  It  is  this  demon 
of  slavery  which  has  called  from  their  happy 
homes  in  Illinois  one  hundred  and  seventy-five 
thousand  of  her  sons  as  brave  and  heroic  as  ever 
the  sun  shone  upon.   Donelson,Shiloh,  Arkansaa 


1864 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2991 


Post,  Vicksbuig,  and  many  other  wcll-fought 
fields  attest  their  devotion  to  liberty  and  Union. 
Their  self-sacrificing  heroism  to  maintain  the 
honor  and  glory  of  the  Republic  has  won  for 
them  a  fame  more  enduring  than  granite  and  a 
plnc«  in  the  hearts  of  their  countrymen  so  long 
as  liberty  shall  be  loved  and  justice  respected. 

1  wish  we  could  emulate  ihe  example  of  the 
soldiers.  The  Democrat  and  the  Republican  have 
gone  together,  side  by  side,  fighting  these  great 
battles  for  liberty  and  Union.  They  have  allowed 
no  former  political  differences  to  divide  them,  or 
to  weaken  their  devotion  to  the  cause.  They 
have  fought  side  by  side.  If  the  Democrat  fails 
in  battle  the  Republican  gathers  him  in  his  arms, 
composes  his  limbs  in  death,  hollows  out  a  little 
place  in  the  earth,  and  therein  deposits  his  heroic 
and  sacred  remains;  he  covers  liim  tenderly  with 
the  earth;  he  marks  the  spot  where  he  lies,  that 
you  may, know  a  hero  sleeps  there;  he  drops  a 
tear  upon  the  grave,  and  rushes  again  into  the 
thickest  of  the  fight.  If  the  Republican  falls,  his 
Democratic  comrade  extends  to  him  the  same  sa- 
cred charity,  forgets  that  he  was  a  Republican, 
and  only  remembers  that  he  was  a  heroic  soldier 
of  the  Union.  Why  cannot  we,  far  from  the 
roar  of  the  battle,  secure  in  the  enjoyments  of 
peace — secured  only  by  the  heroism  and  devotion 
of  the  Army — forget  that  we  ever  have  been  par- 
tisans, and  unite,  with  heart  and  hand,  for  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the  establish- 
ment of  "Liberty  and  Union,  one  and  insepa- 
rable.?" 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  already  occupied  too  much 
time.  There  is  a  great  deal  more  that  I  would 
like  to  say,  but  I  must  forbear.  I  implore  the 
House  to  adopt  thi^3  resolution.  I  implore  it  to 
stand  by  the  Army  and  the  country  and  the  war 
policy  of  the  Administration,  and  the  day  is  not 
far  distant  when  we  may  rejoice  in  the  glorious 
consummation  of  the  eternal  principles  of  liberty, 
truth,  and  justice.  There  shall  be  no  more  slavery 
and  no  more  oppression,  no  more  tyranny  and 
no  more  injustice,  and  our  voices  may  go  up  to- 
gether in  one  grand  diapason  which  will  ascend 
to  heaven  over  a  country  reunited,  over  a  people 
disinthralled,  and  God  will-bless  us. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  joint 
resolutions  under  consideration,  Mr.  Speaker, 
propose  to  amend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  so  as  to  prevent  the  existence  of  slavery 
in  any  of  the  States.  Sir,  I  cannot  favor  this 
amendment  with  my  vote,  for  many  reasons: 

L  The  time  proposed  for  the  agitation  of  this 
question  is  most  inopportune.  Our  country  is 
rent  by  the  throes  of  civil  strife,  and  the  Consti- 
tution that  you  seek  to  amend  by  these  resolu- 
tions is  being  tested  by  the  intense  fires  of  rebel- 
lion. Under  such  circumstances  it  is  unwise  to 
make  any  alteration  whatever.  It  is  doing  a 
double  injury  to  that  sacred  instrument,  being,  in 
my  judgment,  wrong  in  point  of  time  as  well  as 
impolitic  and  entirely  unnecessary.  In  fact,  sir, 
I  am  convinced  that  the  occasion  does  not  npw, 
nor  is  it  likely  to,  occur  that  will  justify  any 
amendment  of  the  kind  proposed. 

2:  It  in  substance  says  to  the  people  of  the  se- 
ceded States  that  wc  never  will  live  on  terms  of 
peace  within  the  Union  so  long  as  slavery  has 
any  existence  among  them,  and  to  this  extent 
prevents  any  restoration  of  the  Union  or  reen- 
forcoment  of  the  Constitution  within  their  terri- 
tory, except  after  subjugation  and  armihilation 
shall  have  been  fully  accomplished  with  all  its 
dire,  bloody,  and  barbarous  accompaniments. 

3.  It  tends  to  that  which  at  this  time  our  people 
have  most  to  fear,  a  centralization  of  power  and 
a  consolidated  Government.  It  strikes  at  the 
root  of  all  State  institutions,  overturns  and  sets  at 
naught  all  local  laws,  and  while  it  throws  away 
every  hope  of  reconciliation,  either  now  or  in  the 
future,  it  at  the  same  moment  looks  to  the  en- 
slavemen.t  of  the  white  citizens  of  the  country. 

Sir,  if  this  is  the  beginning  of  a  rad;cal  change 
in  our  Constitution,  is  it  not  the  forerunner  of 
other  usurpations  of  a  like  nature  with  those  that 
the  Executive  of  this  Government  has  from  time 
to  time  resorted  to,  setting  aside  the  laws2vnd  the 
Constitution,  and  the  rights  of  individuals  and 
States  guarantied  by  them.'  This  change  once 
commenced  will  not  stop,  but  go  on  from  usurpa- 
tion to  usurpation,  until  individuals  and  States 
are  swallowed  up  in  acommon  ruin.  The  Presi- 
dent and  those  who  surround  him  have  so  far 


ignored  all  law  and  righls  that  we  may  nextexpect 
to  see  introduced  in  this  body  amendments  per-* 
manently  striking  out  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 
Then  will  follow  the  erasure  of  the  second  section 
of  article  four  of  the  Constitution,  third  clause: 

"  No  person  lielil  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under 
tlip.  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  anotlier,  Siluill,  in  conse- 
quenco  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  he  discharged 
from  such  service  or  labor,  hut  sliall  be  delivered  up  on 
claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be 
due." 

Which  you  have  practically  done  already.  Pol- 
lowing  in  the  wakeof  the  extinction  of  this  char- 
tered right  will  be  the  destruction  of  a  free  press, 
to  be  placed  under  the  absolute  control  and  dic- 
tation of  an  Executive,  perhaps  an  ambitious  one, 
and  allowed  only  to  publish  such  matter  as  shall 
meet  the  approving  caprice  of  his  excellency  or 
some  of  his  agents  who  shall  be  assigned  to  this 
degrading  duty.  Then,  sir,  the  right  of  free  speech, 
freedom  of  conscience,  and  trial  by  jury  will  be 
demanded  to  complete  the  holocaust  on  the  altar 
of  a  despotism  as  ruthless  as  it  is  unrelenting. 
This  fearful  sacrifice  of  our  liberties  will  be  inter- 
spersed at  will  by  the  agreeable  pastime  of  stealing 
property,  gobbling  up  Legislatures,  men  thrown 
in  and  let  out  of  prison,  being  neither  informed 
why  they  were  put  in  or  why  they  were  let  out, 
and  redress  denied  for  wrongs  inflicted.  This 
you  have  tried  to  do  by  the  act  of  March  3, 1863, 
section  four,  which  makes  the  order  of  the 
President  a  good  defense  against  such  arrests,  to 
wit: 

"  Tliat  any  order  of  the  President,  or  underhls  authority, 
made  at  any  time  during  the  existence  of  the  present  re- 
bellion, shall  be  a  defense  in  all  courts  to  any  action  or 
prosecution,  civil  or  criminal,  pending,  or  to  be  com- 
menced, for  any  search,  seizure,  arrest,  or  imprisonment, 
made,  done,  or  committed,  or  acts  omitted  to  be  done,  un- 
der and  by  virtue  of  such  order,  or  under  color  of  any  law 
of  Congress,  and  such  defense  may  be  ujiide  by  special 
plea  or  under  the  general  issue." 

This  section  the  party  in  power  were  quite 
aware  the  Supreme  Court  would  declare  uncon- 
stitutional, and  to  remedy  that  you  have  passed 
the  seventh  section,  limiting  the  time  in  which 
suit  must  be  instituted  to  two  yeai-s.  This  yt)u 
could  do,  this  you  did  do,  but  was  it  rightor  just 
thus  to  act? 

A  most  remarkable  similarity  exists  in  the 
acts  of  this  Administi-ation  toward  the  people  of 
the  North  and  those  that  were  perpetrated  by  the 
mother  country  against  the  colonies,  and  which 
called  forth  from  those  colonies  and  now  these 
States  such  {ible,  persevering,  and  just  appeals 
for  I'edress.  These  like  acts  in  a  great  measure 
produced  the  Revolution,  whereby  the  mother 
country  lost  the  colonies.  Some  may  think  I 
speak  without  the  record.     To  it  I  appeal. 

In  the  first  Continental  Congress,  in  an  address 
containing  a  declaration  of  rights,  it  was  held  that 
seizing  or  attempting  to  seize  any  American  in 
order  to  transport  him  over  the  seas  for  trial  was 
a  violation  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
colonies.  Does  not  this  Administration  almost 
daily  transport  citizens  from  State  to  State,  from 
fort  to  fort  without. any  legal  procedure  whatever.' 
It  broke  up  and  dispersed  or  imprisoned  the  Le- 
gislature of  Maryland.  Parliament  in  like  manner 
in  1767  suspended  the  functions  of  the  New  York 
Assembly.  My  friends  from  Illinois  have  the  mis- 
fortune to  have  a  Governor  at  this  time  who  as- 
sumed a  like  despotic  prerogative.  In  1765  the 
stamp  act  was  passed ;  and  if  you  examine  it  you 
will  find  the  same  interference  with  the  right  of  trial 
by  jury  through  an  admiralty  jurisdiction,  trans- 
ferring decisions  of  the  law  and  trials  of  persons 
from  the  colonial  courts,  where  it  of  right  belonged, 
to  the  admiralty  courts  of  England,  presided  over 
by  the  pets  of  the  Crown;  and,  sir,  now,  in  1864, 
the  right  of  trial  by  Jury  is  interrupted  by  mili- 
tary power,  in  each  case  the  result  being  alike. 
The  Gazetteer  of  that  day  tells  us  that  one  Cap- 
tain McDougal  was  arrested  in  New  Y-ork  be- 
cause he  saw  fit  to  speak  freely  his  opinions.  How 
many  hundreds  of  such  cases  have  occurred  since 
this  Administration  came  into  power?  This  was 
one  of  the  grievances  complained  of  by  the  colo- 
nies, and  redress  being  refused  they  fell  back  upon 
their  inalienable  right  of  life  with  liberty  if  life  at 
all. 

In  1774  town  meetings  were  interdicted  by  act 
of  Parliament.  What  ha've  gentlemen  from  Ken- 
tucky to  say  as  to  the  same  despotic  proceeding 
ill  their  own  sovereign  State?  Her  recent  history 
shows  that  without  even  the  flimsy  pretext  of  un 


unconstitutional  enactment,  similar,  ay,  worse, 
interferences  have  taken  place  with  the  freedom 
of  speech.  Public  meetings  in  my  own  district 
have  been  interrupted  under  the  gwasi  approval  of 
the  police,  and  would  have  been  broken  up  but 
for  the  gritof  those  who  composed  the  assembly. 
Sir,  I  am  one  of  those  who  obey  the  laws.  I 
never  did  and  never  will  counsel  or  countenance 
any  resistance  thereto,  but  when  the  right  of  the 
■people  to  assemble  peaceably  and  discuss  their 
grievances  is  trampled  down  by  unconstitutional 
enactments  or  the  illegal  and  unwarranted  exercise 
of  military  force,  then,  then,  sir,  I  would  say  to 
the  people: 

"Think  through  whom  your  life-blood  traclis  its  parent 
course. 
And  then — strike  home  !" 

The  suspension  of  newspapers  occurred  at  the 
same  early  period  that  marked  the  interference 
with  public  meetings  by  t^  minions  of  the  Brit- 
ish Crown.  In  our  owti  day,  side  by  side  with 
the  breaking  up  of  public  assemblages,  goes  the 
invasion  of  newspaper  offices  and  the  suppression 
of  their  [)ublication.    Is  not  the  parallel  complete? 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  cling  to  the  States  as  a  ship- 
wrecked man  clings  to  the  plank.  They  gave 
the  Constitution  birth.  We  lived  under  it  liap- 
pily,  cheerfully,  and  prosperously  up  to  the  ad- 
vent of  this  Administration.  I  believe  a  change 
of  the  Administration  will  again  make  us  united, 
happy,  and  prosperous.  1  look  to  its  approach 
with  a  hope  full  of  promise.  I  will  hail  it  as  a 
glad  return  from  the  decaying  era  of  the  Roman 
republic,  when  spies,  informers,  and  a  despotic 
military  power  prevailed  against  civil  liberty,  and 
made  her  the  "  lone  mother  of  dead  empires." 
But  if  the  great  conservative  party  of  the  country 
is  beaten  in  the  coming  presidential  campaign  I 
see  no  hope,  unless  a  power  mightier  than  man's 
so  rules  the  heart  and  judgment  of  the  Executive 
as  to  cause  him  to  acknowledge  his  errors,  cor- 
rect them,  and  by  carrying  out  the  principles  enun- 
ciated in  his  inaugural  entitle  himself  to  the  good 
opinion  of  all  who  love  truth  and  constitutional 
liberty.  If  this  unlooked-for  change  should  occur, 
such  another  exhibition  will  be  witnessed  as  took 
place  in  Congress  in  April,  1861,  when  the  nation, 
through  her  representatives,  spoke  almost  as  one 
man  in  favor  of  crushing  the  rebellion,  yet  main- 
taining, "  unimpaired,  the  rights  of  the  States." 

Sir,  there  is  a  fixed  and  growing  belief  in  the 
public  mind  thattheconductof  this  Administration 
is  not  what  it  should  be;  hence,  1  in  all  sincerity 
desire  a  change  such  as  will  reestablish  confidence 
among  the  ))eopIe,  and  thus  strengthen  the  capa- 
city of  the  North  to  restore  the  Union,  and  pre- 
serve, protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  enacted  under  its  provisions.  Let  us  get  rid 
of  all  laws  extracted  through  imaginary  implica- 
tions of  thatinstrument.  Let  the  Administration 
walk  up  to  the  line  of  policy  and  principle  upon 
which  a  lai'ge  majority  of  the  people  agree,  stand 
firmly  and  immovably  there,  and  I  will  predict 
no  failure  in  the  success  of  our  efforts  to  bring 
about  amity  among  the  now  parted  States.  This 
feeling  was  shown  at  the  period  to  which  I  have 
alluded  through  the  channel  of  volunteering, 
whereas  now,  under  the  changed  policy  of  the 
Administration,  drafting  has  failed  and  volunteer- 
ing is  of  the  past.  Universal  conscription  comes 
next.  The  beginning  of  the  war  found  a  united 
North  and  a  divided  South  in  sentiment  and  ac- 
tion. How  is  it  to-day  ?  Under  the  inroads  upon 
the  Constitution  by  those  in  power  we  find  the 
South  united,  and  the  North,  to  a  great  extent, 
almost  equally  divided. 

Sir,  I  maintain  that  the  only  mode  in  which 
the  Union  can  be  restored  and  put  on  the  march 
of  a  newer  and  more  glorious  progress,  is  by 
having  due  regard  to  the  mutual  advantages  and 
interests  of  the  States.  This  will  rest  our  liber- 
ties on  a  solid  basis.  This  cannot  be  done  by 
laying  waste  their  lands,  or  by  carrying  off  their  • 
property,  or  by  endeavoring  to  make  the  African 
that  which  God  did  not  intend — the  physical, 
mental,  and  social  equal  of  the  white  man.  Nor 
can  it  be  done  by  tinkering  with  the  Constitu- 
tion as  is  now  proposed.  Let  the  Constitution 
alone.  It  is  good  enough.  Under  it  we  grew  in 
power  and  dignity  until  the  civilized  world  were 
compelled  to  admit  the  "capacity  of  man  for 
self-government."  Let  the  old  constitutional 
tree  stand  in  all  its  fullness  and  b'eauty,  not  a 
leaf  withered  and  dropping,  not  a  bough  dead  and 


2992 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15. 


lopped  ofF;  let  it  stand,  and  under  its  refreshing 
sliade,  beneath  its  green  branches,  there  will  yet 
repose  a  united,  happy,  and  prosperous  people. 

The  heart  of  the  nation  has  been  wonderfully 
stirred  by  the  following  words  of  an  American 
poet,  so  that  they  have  passed  into  household 
language: 

"  VVoodman,  spare  that  tree  I 
Toiicli  not  a  single  bough  j 
In  youth  itshfltered  me, 
And  I-ll  protect  it  now." 

Paraphrasing  these  touching  words,  I  to-day 
invoke  this  House  to  protect  the  Constitution  of 
our  fathers. 

JVIr.  ROLLINS,  of  Missouri,  next  addressed 
the  House.  [His  speech  will  be  published  in  the 
Appendix.] 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  desire,  before  proceed- 
ing with  any  remarks  upon  this  joint  resolution, 
to  submit  an  amendriferit. 

The  SPEAKER.  One  amendment  is  pending 
offered  yesterday  by  the  gentleman  from  Wis- 
consin, [Mr.  Wheeler.] 

Mr.  PENDLETON,  is  not  an  amendment  to 
the  amendment  in  order? 

The  SPEAKER.  If  it  is  germane  to  the 
amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Wisconsin. 
.  Mr.  PENDLETON.  What  I  propose  is  to 
strike  out  that  portion  of  the  bill  which  submits 
the  amendment  of  the  Constitution  to  the  Legis- 
latures of  tlie  several  States,  and  to  insert  a  pro- 
vision submitting  it  to  the  conventions  of  the 
several  States,  so  that  the  ratification,  if  at  all, 
shall  be  by  conventions  of  three  fourths  of  the 
States. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  can  only  in- 
troduce his  amendment  to  accomplish  that  pur- 
pose by  moving  a  substitute  for  tlie  entire  reso- 
lution. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  offer  my  amendment, 
then,  in  the  shape  of  a  substitute. 

Mr.  ARNOLD.  Will  the  gentleman  yield  to 
me  for  five  minutes? 

Mr.  PENDLETON.     I  will. 

Mr.  ARNOLD.  1  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio  whether  with  that  amendment  he  will 
vole  for  the  resolution? 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  Iwillnot.  There  is  no 
difliculty  in  answering  that  question;  but  I  desire, 
if  gentlemen  intend  to  submit  a  proposition  of 
this  kind  to  the  States  for  ratification,  that  they 
shall  submit  it  to  conventions  which  are  elected 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  passing  on  it,  and  not  to 
Legislatures  already  elected  upon  other  and  dif- 
ferent issues. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  approach  the  discussion  of  this 
question  with  great  diffidence.  I  believe  in  the 
constant  progress  of  political  science,  and  I  am 
willing  always  to  yield  to  its  just  demands.  I 
believe  in  the  constant  amelioration  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  human  race,  and  I  am  anxious  in  every 
position  in  social  or  political,  in  private  or  pub- 
lic life,  to  aid  in  every  movement  toward  that 
result.  I  believe  in  the  constant  development  of 
the  human  intellect;  and  I  think  it  our  bounden 
duty  to  apply  its  maturing  powers  to  the  ever- va- 
rying condition  of  affairs  which  the  ages  in  their 
course  evolve.  I  revere  the  wisdom  and  the  vir- 
tue of  the  good  men  who  have  gone  before  us; 
but  I  am  unwilling  blindly  to  believe  that  either 
their  principles  or  their  actions  have  attained  to 
absolute  perfection.  I  regard  their  achievements 
as  the  landmarks  by  which  our  course  ought  to 
be  directed,  not  as  barriers  by  which  our  prog- 
ress should  be  stayed,^ 

But,  sir,  I  am  profoundly  convinced  that  wise 
men  will  not  lightly  touch  the  organic  law  of  a 
Government  which  has  lield  its  beneficent  sway 
over  thirty  million  people,  and  that  their  hesita- 
tion will  be  akin  to  solemn  dread  when  that  Gov- 
ernment by  the  sparing  exercise  of  extremely 
limited  powers  has  been  able  to  maintain  social 
order  without  retarding  an  unparalleled  develop- 
ment of  material  prosperity  in  the  midst  of  the 
enjoymentof  civiland  personal  liberty  unequaled 
in  the  history  of  the  world.  This  Constitution 
has  existed  for  seventy-five  years;  for  sixty  its 
provisions  have  been  unchanged.  Three  times 
only  has  the  hand  of  change  touched  it:  once 
when,  in  obedience  to  the  requirements  of  the 
conventions  which  ratified  it,  tlie  First  Congress 
proposed  amendments  to  the  States;  again  in 
17i)4,  when'  the  Third  Congress  pro|)osed  an 
amendment  to  limit  the  power  of  the  Federal  judi- 


ciary; and  again  after  the  struggle  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1801,  when  it  became  necessary  to  change 
the  mode  of  electing  the  Presidentand  Vice  Pres- 
ident. It  is  worthy  of  attention  that  not  one  of 
these  amendments  added  to  the  powers  which 
were  delegated  to  the  United  States,  and  not  one 
of  them  added  to  the  powers  which  were  prohib- 
ited to  the  States.  All  of  them  except  the  last, 
in  reference  to  the  election  of  President  and  Vice 
President,  were  guarantees  of  the  personal  liberty 
of  the  citizen,  or  declarations  of  the  inviolability 
of  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States. 

Sir,  these  sixty  years  have  been  eventful  in  the 
life  of  the  nation.  Three  million  people  have  be- 
come thirty  million.  Our  western  boundary,  then 
hidden  in  the  almost  unknown  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, now  touches  the  Pacific,  whose- laugh- 
ing waves  reflect  the  gems  which  sparkle  on  the 
golden  shore.  France,  Spain,  Mexico  on  the 
south  and  Great  Britain  on  the  north  have  added 
to  the  extent  of  this  magnificent  domain.  We 
have  had  wars  upon  the  sea  and  wars  upon  the 
land.  We  have  had  wars  of  invasion,  and  have 
repelled  the  invader.  We  have  had  foreign  wars, 
and  have  tasted  the  triumphs  of  conquest.  We 
have  had  struggles  for  the  emoluments  of  oflSce; 
we  have  had  struggles  for  the  political  powers  of 
the  Government;  we  have  had  partisan  strife;  we 
have  had  sectional  strife;  and  this  Constitution 
was  sufficient  for  all  of  these  things. 

But  a  change  has  come  over  us.  New  prin- 
ciples have  been  asserted.  A  new  party  has  come 
into  power,  and  that  party,  in  the  first  term  of  its 
administration,  in  the  midst  of  the  civil  war  which 
was  coincident  with  its  attainment  of  power,when 
a  million  and  a  half  of  men  with  serried  ranks  and 
glittering  bayonets  invoke  the  arbitrament  of  the 
sword,  calls  upon  us  to  change  in  a  vital  point  this 
Constitution. 

I  object  to  this  action  for  many  reasons.  I  ob- 
ject to  it  because  the  time  is  not  auspicious.  I 
know  full  well  thatin  theexcitements  of  war, when 
all  the  elements  of  mind  and  matter  are  brought 
into  conflict,  we  attain  in  a  moment,  as  it  were, 
to  results  which  the  experience  of  an  age  of  peace- 
ful life  would  not  develop.  But,  sir,  these  are 
times  for  inventing  and  not  for  perfecting.  They 
are  times  for  experimenting  and  not  for  the  full 
maturing  of  plans.  They  are  times  in  which  to 
try  expedients.  But  it  requires  the  self-posses- 
sion, the  deliberation,  the  freedom  from  excite- 
ment which  belong  to  times  of  peace  to  lay  se- 
curely and  justly  and  wisely  the  foundations  of 
a  permanent  free  Government. 

In  18G1,  before  a  drop  of  blood  was  shed,  be- 
fore an  army  was  put  into  the  field,  before  excite- 
ment was  rife,  before  exacerbation  had  sprung 
up,  an  eminent  statesman  then  in  the  Senate, 
now  in  the  Cabinet,  spoke  on  this  subject.  His 
theme  was  the  perils  which  environed  the  Union, 
and  the  true  method  of  avoiding  them.  All  eyes 
were  directed  to  him,  all  ears  were  intent  to  hear 
him.  The  country  stood  silent  to  catch  the  word 
of  hope.  Gentlemen  who  were  here  at  that  time 
will  remember  how  this  House  was  deserted  in 
order  that  we  might  hear  from  Mr.  Seward,  in 
the  Senate,  his  remedy  for  the  evils  and  his  plans 
to  allay  the  excitements  of  that  hour.  He  con- 
cluded his  speech  with  the  remark  which  I  desire 
to  commend  to  my  friends  on  the  opposite  side 
of  this  Chamber: 

"  But  if  the  measure  were  practicable  I  should  prefer  a 
diffeient  course,  namely,  when  the  eccentric  movements 
of  secession  and  disunion  shall  have  ended,  in  whatever 
form  that  end  may  come,  and  the  angry  excitements  of  the 
hour  shall  liave  subsided,  and  calmness  shall  have  once 
more  resumed  its  accustomed  sway  over  the  public  mind, 
then,  and  not  till  then — one,  two,  three  years  hence — X 
would  cheerfully  advise  a.convention  of  the  people,  to  be 
assembled  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution,  to  consider 
and  decide  whether  any  and  what  amendments  of  the  na- 
tional organic  law  ought  to  be  made." 

1  confidethe  weight  of  the  objection  I  first  make 
to  the  passage  of  this  resolution  to  the  wisdom 
and  soundness  of  the  views  expressed  at  that  time 
by  that  Senator. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  object  to  the  passage  of  this 
resolution  for  tliissimplereason,  that  it  is  impos- 
sible that  the  amendment  proposed  should  be  rat- 
ified without  a  fraudulent  use — I  select  the  term 
advisedly — without  a  fraudulent  use  of  the  power 
to  admit  new  States  or  a  fraudulent  use  of  the 
military  power  of  the  Federal  Government  in  the 
seceded  Stales. 

There  are  thirty-five  States.  Twenty-seven  are 
necessary  to  ratify  this  amendment.     There  are 


nineteen  free  States.  Suppose  you  get  them  all, 
where  do  you  get  the  others  ?  Count  also  Mary- 
land, Missouri,  West  Virginia,  even  Delaware, 
if  you  please,  and  you  have  but  twenty-three. 
Where  are  the  other  four?  Gentlemen  tell  me  they 
have  provfded  for  the  admission  of  Colorado, 
Montana,  and  Nevada.  This  addition  to  the  num- 
ber of  States  increases  to  the  same  extent  the 
number  necessary  for  the  ratification.  If  you  get 
them  ail,  four  are  still  wanting.  If  you  intend  to 
make  up  this  number  by  the  addition  of  new 
States  you  will  have  to  add  sixteen;  three  fourths 
of  which,  twelve,  will  be  the  proper  proportion 
for  the  number  added,  and  the  remaining  four  to 
make  up  the  deficiency  among  the  old  States.  Are 
gentlemen  prepared  to  carve  sixteen  new  States 
out  of  this  territory  in  the  West  for  this  purpose? 

Will  gentlemen  call  on  the  southern  States  to 
furnish  the  requisite  number?  Does  any  man 
suppose  that  Kentucky,  if  left  to  her- unbiased 
choice,  will  ratify  this  amendment?  Will  you 
call  on  Tennessee?  Tennessee  is  to-day  in  pos- 
session of  a  military  governor,  and  not  repre- 
sented in  either  House  of  Congress.  Arkansas? 
Arkansas  begs  to-day  that  you  will  recognize  her 
as  a  State  and  admit  her  Senator.  And  he  can- 
not be  admitted.  Louisiana?  General  Banks  is 
again  its  military  governor.  He  is  already 
ashamed  of  the  farce  which  was  enacted  there  a 
short  time  since,  and  is  about  to  get  rid  of  the 
pretense  of  a  government  which  a  little  while  ago 
he  set  up  in  the  person  of  our  quondam  colleague, 
Michael  Hahn.  South  Carolina?  Is  she  to  be 
called  upon?  Why,  sir,  the  possession  of  Hilton 
Head  did  not  give  hold  upon  that  State  enough  to 
secure  the  admission  of  delegates  to  the  Baltimore 
convention. 

If  these  States  are  to  vote  in  their  present  con- 
dition, it  would  be  a  broad  farce  if  it  were  not  a 
wicked  fraud. 

If  they  are  to  be  reorganized  under  the  procla- 
mation of  the  President,  or  under  an  act  of  Con- 
gress, upon  the  basis  of  one  tenth  of  the  popula- 
tion, it  must  be  effected  through  the  exercise  of 
military  powerand  by  the  votes  of  the  dependents 
and  hangers-on  and  contractors  and  cormorants 
who  follow  an  army,  and  if  you  should  attempt 
to  amend  the  Constitution  by  such  means,  what 
binding  obligation  would  it  have  ?  What  binding 
obligation  ought  it  to  have?  Do  you  suppose 
the  States  now  in  secession,  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  and  where  you  have  hardly  a  foothold, 
would  ever  submit  to  it?  Do  you  really  propose 
to  establish  over  them  by  force  of  arms  a  Consti- 
tution which  you  have  just  changed  by  force  of 
arms  ? 

If  thr.t  is  your  purpose,  I  warn  you  now  that 
you  will  destroy  the  last  lingering  hope,  faint, 
.•jiiiall  as  it  now  is,  that  you  will  ever  be  able  to 
restore  this  Union,  or  even  to  maintain  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Federal  Government  over  those 
States. 

But,  sir,  I  object  to  the  passage  of  this  resolu- 
tion because  in  my  judgment  this  amendment,  or 
this  change — I  will  not  call  it  an  amendment — of 
the  Constitution  is  not  within  the  power  con- 
ferred by  the  Constitution.  The  arguments  which 
my  friend  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Mallort]  and 
my  friend  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Edgerton]  have 
made  upon  that  subject  relieve  me  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  dwelling  long  upon  it.  I  know  what 
the  language  of  the  Constitution  is.  I  desire  to 
ask  gentlemen  opposite,  and  I  address  my  ques- 
tion particularly  to  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Thayer]  who  spoke  this  morning, 
whether  they  contend  that  three  fourths  of  the 
States  can  make  any  and  every  change  of  thiis 
Constitution.  The  gentleman  said  this  morning, 
that  they  can  change  the  number  of  Representa- 
tives here  in  the  Federal  Congress.  I  grant  it. 
He  said  that  they  could  change  the  length  of  tenure 
of  the  presidential  office.     I  grant  it. 

Mr.  STROUSE.  What  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania made  those  assertions?  To  whom  doea 
the  gentleman  refer? 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  refer  to  the  gentleman's 
colleague  over  the  way,  [Mr.  Thayer,]  who 
spoke  this  morning.  But  is  it  competent  under 
the  Constitution  for  three  fourths  of  the  States  to  .3 
change  the  Government  into  a  hereditary  mon-  | 
archy;  to  abolish  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, and  convert  this  Government  into 
an  autocracy?  It  certainly  is  not.  That  would 
be  revolution,  not  amendment     The  States  can- 


i 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


wBftfftaTiiriM  I'l  nmi-w  'i  iri 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Conghess,  1st  Session. 


FRIDAY,  JUNE  17,  1864. 


New  Series No.  188. 


not,  under  the  prcte;ise  of  amending  the  Consti- 
tution, subvert  the  structure,  spirit,  and  theory 
of  this  Government. 

i\'Ir.  THAYER.  Does  the  gentleman  expect 
me  to  answer  ills  question  now.' 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  Certainly.  I  will  yield 
to  tiie  g:entleinan  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  THAYER.  I  say  distinctly  that  it  is  in 
the  power  of  the  people  of  this  country  to  erect 
any  Government  that  the  people  may  choose.  I 
will  say,  further,  that  the  weakness  of  an  argu- 
ment is  often  shown  by  putting  an  extreme  case 
like  that  which  the  gentleman  puts,  and  which  is 
scarcely  within  the  range  of  human  probability. 
Mr.  PENDLETON,  it  is  not  a  question  of 
human  probability.  The  question  is  whetherthe 
power  exists  under  the  Constitution  to  do  it. 

Mr.  THAYER.  In  answer  to  that  I  will  say 
that  the  powers  of  the  people  under  the  Consti- 
tution are  unlimited  except  in  the  case  of  the  par- 
ticulars in  which  by  the  Constitution  they  are 
limited. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  That  is  a  different  prop- 
osition. The  gentleman  thinks  that  there  is  power 
under  the  prett,nse  of  amending  the  Constitution 
to  revolutionize  it.  He  thin"ks  it  competent  to 
change  this  Government  into  a  monarchy  or  into 
an  oligarchy;  to  change  it  not  by  the  mere  force 
of  arms  under  the  rights  of  revolution,  but  under 
this  written  Constitution.  He  believes  that  one 
fourth  of  the  States  are  bound  hand  and  foot,  and 
must  submit  to  anything  that  the  other  three 
fourths  attempt  to  impose  upon  them. 

Mr.  THAYER.  I  think  it  competent  for  a 
majority  of  the  people  of  this  country  to  determ- 
ine what  shall  be  the  character  of  the  institutions 
of  the  country. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.     Do  you  think  it  compe- 
tent for  a  majority  to  do  it  under  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution  .' 
Mr.  THAYER.     I  do. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  Then  why  is  it  that  three 
fourths  of  the  States  are  required  to  ratify  the 
amendment  of  the  Constitution  ?  Why  not  sim- 
ply require  a  majority  of  all  the  people  of  the 
States. > 

Mr.  THAYER.  Because  three  fourths  of  the 
States  is  the  constitutional  majority  which  it  re- 
quires to  accomplish  it.  When  I  speak  of  a  ma- 
jority I  mean,  ofcourse,  a  constitutional  majority. 
Mr.  PENDLETON.  Exactly.  That  is  the 
Constitution.  And  therefore  it  is  not  competent 
for  a  majority  of  the  people,  under  the  Consti- 
tution, to  change  this  Government  as  they  see  fit. 
Mr.  THAYER.  When  I  spoke  of  a  majority, 
1  meant  a  constitutional  majority. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.     I  beg  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio  to  indulge  me  for  a  single  question. 
Mr.  PENDLETON.     For  only  a  single  one. 
Mr.  WADSWORTH.  I  wish  to  know  wheth- 
er, under  the  doctrine  of  the   gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania, [Mr. Thayer,]  three  fourths  of  the 
Stales  could  compel  all  the  States  to  have  slavery. 
Mr.  PENDLETON.     I   yield   for  a  moment 
that  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  may  say 
"  yes"  or  "  no"  to  that  proposition. 

Mr.  THAYER.  I  believe  that  under  the  Con- 
stitution three  fourths  of  the  States  might  legalize 
it  in  all  the  States;  and  allow  me  to  add  that  in 
saying  that  I  stand  by  that  Constitution  which 
gentlemen  on  that  side  of  the  House  make  a  great 
show  of  upholding  until  there  is  a  practical  ques- 
tion presented  under  it  for  our  action,  when  they 
oppose  its  plain  provisions. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  agree  to  no  such  doc- 
trine. I  repudiate  it  entirely.  There  is  in  three 
fourths  of  the  States  neither  the  power  to  estab- 
lish nor  to  aboli.sh  slavery  in  all  the  States.  The 
■  gentleman  says  I  put  an  improbable  case.  I  ad- 
mit it.  I  did  so  purposely.  I  desired  to  test  the 
extent  of  the  constitutional  power.  I  desired  to 
show  that  the  power  was  to  amend,  not  to  revo- 
lutionize, not  to  subvert  the  form  and  spirit  and 
theory  of  the  Government.  The  Federal  Gov- 
ernment has  powerover  the  relations  of  the  States 
with  foreign  nations,  and  the  relations  of  the 
States  as  between  anti  among  themselves.  It  has 


188 


no  power  over  the  purely  interna!  affairs  of  the 
State.     This  principle  was  as  familiar  as  house- 
hold words  three  years  ago.     Every  power  del- 
egated to  the  Federal  Government  relates  either 
to  the  international  or  the  inter-State  relations  of 
the  United  States.     Every  power  prohibited  to 
the  States  affects  the   same  relations,  and  them 
only.     The  domestic  internal  affairs  of  a  State, 
having  no  connection  with  the   Federal  Govern- 
ment, or  with  foreign  nations,  or  with  the  other 
States,  are  reserved  to  the  absolute,  exclusive  sov- 
ereign  power  of  the  States  respectively,  and   to 
the  people  thereof.     The  other  States  are  not  af- 
fected  by  them,  and   have  no  interest  in  them. 
The  Federal  Government  has  no   cognizance  of 
them.     The  power  of  amendment  which  is  con- 
fided to  three  fourths  of  the  States  does  not  roach 
them,  nor  the  power  to  regulate  them,  but  is  lim- 
ited to  the  subjects  and  powers  delegated   to  the 
United  States.     It  is  not  competent,  in  my  judg- 
ment, for  three  fourths  of  the  States  to  abolish 
that  provision  of  the  Constitution   by  which  no 
new  State  shall  be  formed  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  any  other  State,  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the 
junction  of  two  or  more  Stales,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Legislatures,  and  give  to  the  Congress 
the  power  to  subdivide  or  unite  the  States;  nor  is  it 
competent  for  three  fourths  of  the  States  to  amend 
the  Constitution  so  as  to  give  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment the  power  to  appoint  the   Governors  of 
the  States,  nor  to  prescribe  the  qualifications   of 
electors  in  the  State,  nor  the  number  or  qualifi- 
cations of  the  members  of  its  Legislature,  nor  to 
amend  theconstitution  of  theState.  Three  fourths 
of  the  States  nnight  change  the  v^ar-making  power, 
or  the  power  to  regulate  commerce,  or  the  power 
to  make  treaties.  Three  fourths  of  the  States  may 
abolish  the  three-fifihs  rule  of  representation,  or 
the  provision  for  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves, 
or  the  rule  for  imposing  direct  taxes.     All  these 
amendments  may  be  made,  because  they  relate 
to   inter-State  affairs.     They   relate  to  tlio  con- 
nections of  the  States  as  between  themselves,  or 
as  between  the  States  and  foreign  nations.     But 
neither  three  fourths  of  the  States,   nor  all  the 
States  save  one,  can   abolish  slavery  in  that  dis- 
senting State,  because  it  lies   within  the   domain 
reserved  entirely  to  each  State  for  itself,  and  upon 
it  the  other  States  cannot  enter. 

I  have  said  nothing  about  the  purposes  sought 
to  be  accomplished  by  this  amendment.  I  do  not 
intend  to.  If  the  institution  of  slavery  were  all 
that  gentlemen  in  this  debate  have  declared  it  to 
be,  if  its  abolition  were  as  desirable  as  they  assert, 
I,  for  one,  would  still  not  yield  the  position  which 
1  have  taken.  I  would  deny  the  power  of  the 
States  to  touch  it  outside  their  own  limits,  and  I 
find  my  satisfaction  in  the  fact  that  the  people  of 
the  States  themselves  could  and  doubtless  would 
correct  the  evil.  But  if  this  amendment  were 
within  the  constitutional  power  of  amendment; 
if  this  were  a  proper  time  to  consider  it;  if  three 
fourths  of  the  States  were  willing  to  ratify  it; 
and  if  it  did  not  require  the  fraudulent  use  of 
power  either  in  this  House  or  in  the  executive 
department  to  secure  its  adoption,  I  would  still 
resist  the  passage  of  this  resolution.  It  is  another 
step  toward  consolidation,  and  consolidation  is 
despotism;  confederation  is  liberty. 

I  believe,  sir,  in  the  doctrine  of  State  rights. 
I  know  it  is  fashionable  to-day  to  denounce  it. 
I  know  that  regard  for  it  has  been  diminished  in 
the  public  mind;  and  I  know  also  that  in  the 
same  degree  has  love  of  union  waned,  and  want 
of  harmony  among  the  States  increased. 

The  colonies  were  originally  independent  of  each 
other.  Their  only  connection  was  through  the 
British  Crown.  New  York  was  as  independent 
of  Virginia  as  of  India;  Massachusetts  was  as 
independent  of  Pennsylvania  as  of  New  Zea- 
land. At  times,  when  threatened  with  an  Indian 
war,  or  pressed  by  some  other  common  danger, 
they  took  counsel  together,  and  asked  for  their 
common  protection.  In  early  times  the  New 
England  colonies  formed  a  league,  but  it  was 
finally  dissolved  in  1688.  In  1754  war  with  France 
was  imminent,  and  delegates  from  the  colonies  met 


at  Albany.  The  convention  was  held  under  the 
auspices  of  the  British  Government.  The  drle- 
gates  unanimously  declared  in  favor  of  a  Federal 
Union,  and  adopted  a  scheme  of  confederation 
prepared  by  Franklin.  It  was  disapproved  by 
the  mother  Government  and  by  every  provincial 
Assembly.  The  encroachments  of  the  Crown 
roused  the  colonies  again  to  the  necessity  of 
union.  In  1774  they  sent  delegates  to  Philadel- 
phia. They  were  sent  for  consultation  and  ad- 
vice. They  exhausted  their  power  in  doing  that. 
Their  successors  met  in  1775.  It  was  the  revo- 
lutionary Congress.  It  was  that  Congress  whose 
State  papers  Lord  Chatham  declared  to  be  un- 
surpassed in  the  history  of  diplomacy.  Their 
autliority  was  to  take  counsel;  their  legislation 
was  recommendation.  Tliey  sat  for  a  year, 
and  then  they  declared  that  the  united  colonies 
were  free  and  independent  States — not  a  State — 
but  each  a  free  and  independent  State;  and  to 
maintain  this  declaration  they  pledged  each  to 
the  other  "  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their 
sacred  honor."  This  declaration  converted  col- 
onics into  independent  States,  whose  sole  relation 
to  each  other  would  thenceforth  depend  upon 
their  own  will. 

On  the  same  day  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
were  proposed.  They  were  adopted  by  the  first 
State  in  July,  1778,  by  the  last  in  1781.  We  have 
been  told  lately  by  one  high  in  authority  that  the 
Stateswercneveroutofthe  Union.  What  was  their 
condition  between  July,  1776,  and  July,  1778.' 
They  were  independentStates  cooperating,  acting 
in  unison,  uniting  their  armies  for  their  common 
defense.  There  Vvfere  no  defined  relations,  no  fixed 
duties,  no  prescribed  obligations.  There  was  no 
treaty,  no  compact,  no  contract;  some  of  them 
were  ready  to  enter  into  confederation,  some  had 
authorized  their  delegates  to  agree  to  and  sign  arti- 
cles. Butthis  had  not  been  done,  and  until  it  was 
done  the  cooperation  was  purely  voluntary,  and 
each  Stale  was  the  sole  judge  of  the  extent  and 
character  of  its  cooperation.  The  pressure  of  war 
ceased.  The  Articles  of  Confederation  were  dis- 
regarded; the  Union  was  fastgoingto  pieces;  the 
Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution  met. 
The  student  of  political  history  will  find  much  to 
interest  him.  The  men  of  this  clay  would  find  food 
for  reflection  in  the  history  of  parties  and  of  men 
in  that  Convention.  Randolph  and  Madison  of 
Virginia,  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina,  scarcely 
less  than  Hamilton,  were  advocates  of  a  strong 
consolidated  Government.  Oppressed  by  a  sense 
of  the  insufficiency  ofthe  power  of  the  Confedera- 
tion of  which  they  each  had  large  experience,  they 
sought  a  remedy  in  centralization.  They  were 
citizens  of  large  States,  and  large  States  were  safe 
by  reason  of  their  numbers  and  wealth.  The  del- 
egates from  the  small  States  were  opposed  to  con- 
solidation. New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware  were  the  friends  of  confedera- 
tion. I  have  not  time  to  trace  the  action  ofthe 
Convention.  I  will  content  myself  with  one  or 
two  particulars  as  illustrations  of  the  spirit  ofthe 
members  and  of  the  conclusions  which  were  at- 
tained. 

Mr.  Plamilton  proposed  that  the  Governors  of 
the  States  should  be  appointed  by  the  General 
Government.  Mr.  Pinckney  declared  himself 
warmly  in  favor  of  this  plan,  and  desired  in  addi- 
tion to  give  the  Governor  n  control  over  State 
laws.  .It  met  apparently  with  little  favor,  how- 
ever, and  was  not  pressed. 

The  power  of  the  national  Legislature  to  neg- 
ative the  laws  ofthe  States  elicited  much  discus- 
sion. Mr.  Randolph  proposed  that  the  power 
should  extend  to  all  laws  "  contravening,  in  the 
opinion  ofthe  national  Legislature,  the  articles  of 
Union  or  any  treaty  subsisting  under  the  author* 
ity  of  the  Union."  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney  pro- 
posed that  it  should  extend  to  "  revise  the  laws 
ofthe  several  States  that  may  be  supposed  to  in- 
fringe the  powers  exclusively  delegated  by  the 
Constitution  to  Congress,  and  to  negative  and 
annul  such  as  do."  Mr.  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney  moved  "that  the  national  Legislatiire 
should  have  authority  to  negative  all  laws  which 


2994 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


tliey  should  jude;e  to  be  improper."  Mr.  Madi- 
son seconded  the  motion.  "  He  could  not  but 
regard  an  indefinite  power  to  negative  legislative 
acts  of  the  Slates  as  absolutely  necessary  to  a 
perfect  system."  The  debate  was  warm.  Mr. 
Pinckney's  motion  was  rejected,  Ma.ssachusetts, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia  only  voting  for  it. 
And  tlie  proposition  of  Mr.  Randolph  was  also 
rejected,  Massncluisetts  and  Virginia  alone  vot- 
ing for  it.  (Madison  Papers,  732,  735,  1116.) 
It  was  in  this  debate  tluit  Mr.  Madison  said: 

='.?hnulil  no  sndi  precaution  br.  taken  tlie  only  renu^dy 
woulil  lie  an  appeal  to  coercion.  Was  such  a  roineily  eligi- 
ble i"  Was  it  practiciihli; .'  Conid  llie  national  resources, 
if  exerted  to  llie  ulniost,  enforce  a  national  decree  atjainst 
Massacliuselty,  abetted,  perhaps,  hy  several  of  iier  iieigli- 
bor<?  tt  would  lint  he  possible.  Any  government  for  the 
United  Slates  formed  on  the  supposed  practicability  of 
usin;;  i'orce  against  the  unconstitutional  proci;cdin;;s  of  the 
States  would  prove  as  visionary  as  the  governnicntof  Con- 
gress."—A/arfiso7i  Papers,  6-22. 

And  on  the  question  whether  any  negative  of 
any  kind  on  State  laws  should  be  given,  the  vote 
stood:  New  Hampshire,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  in  favor  of,  and  Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  against  it.  (Madison 
Papers,  1412.) 

The  rule  of  suffrage  in  the  national  Legislature 
was  so  difficult  of  adjustment  as  to  jeopard  the 
continuance  of  the  Convention.  The  contest  was 
between  those  who  insisted  on  an  equality  of  votes 
as  in  the  Confederation  and  those  who  desired  to 
apportion  the  votes  according  to  numbers  or  other- 
wise. The  large  States — Massachusetts,  Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia,  South  Carolina — voted  stead- 
ily for  an  inequality  of  vote.  This  rule  for  the 
first  branch  was  readily  adopted.  New  Jersey 
and  Delaware  alone  dissenting.  And  upon  tlie 
question  of  applying  the  same  rule  to  the  Senate, 
Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  Soutli  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  voted  for 
it.     (Madison  Papers,  843.) 

An  accommodation  was  finally  effected  between 
the  parties  by  giving  to  each  Slate  representation 
in  the  House  according  to  population, and  in  the 
Senate  an  equal  representation;  and  against  this 
adjustment  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South  Car- 
olina, and  Geprgia  voted  to  the  last;  Massachu- 
setts divided.     (Madison  Papers,  1107.) 

I  have  not  time  to  discuss  the  various  views 
put  forward  in  relation  to  the  various  modes  of 
electing  the  President,  nor  to  show  the  position 
of  the  Slates  and  the  delegates  on  that  point. 
The  same  general  spirit  pervaded  the  discussion, 
and  the  voles  were  determined  generally  by  the 
desire  or  the  fear  of  a  strong  consolidated  gov- 
ernment. 

The  Constitution  was  adopted.  It  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  States  for  ratification. 

Madison  and  Hamilton,  both  members  of  the 
Convention,  both  disappointed  by  the  defeat  of 
some  of  their  favorite  provisions,  both  anxious 
for  a  stronger  national  Government,  and  for  the 
subordination  if  not  the  destruction  of  the  State 
governments,  understood  well  the  intention  of 
the  Convention  and  the  meaning  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. They  urged  its  ratification  in  the  Feder- 
alist. <i 

The  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Garfield]  has 
spoken  of"  the  pestilent  doctrine  of  State  rights;" 
and  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr. 
Baldwin]  has  said  "  State  sovereignty  never  was 
anything  more  than  a  dream  of  theorists."  1 
confront  them  with  Hamilton: 

"The  State  governments,  by  their  original  constitutions, 
are  invested  with  complete  sovereignty."  *  *  * 
*  "  An  entire  consolidation  of  the  States  into  one  com- 
plete national  sovereignty  would  imply  an  entire  subor- 
dination of  the  parts;  and  whatever  powers  might  remain 
in  them  would  be  altogether  dependenton  ihegeneral  will. 
But  as  the  plan  of  the  Convention  aims  only  at  a  partial 
union  or  consolidation,  the  State  governments  would  clear- 
ly retain  all  the  rights  of  sovereignty  which  ihey  before 
had,  and  vvhicii  were  not  by  tliat  act  exclusively  delegated 
to  the  United  States."  *  *  *  *  "Tlie  rule 
that  all  the  authorities  of  which  the  States  are  not  ex- 
plicitly divested  in  favor  of  the  Union  remain  with  them 
in  full  vigor,  is  not  only  a  theoretical  consequence  of  that 
division,  (i.e.,  of  sovereign  power,)  but  is  clearly  admitted 
by  the  whole  tenor  of  the  instrument  whicti  contains  the 
articles  of  the  proposed  Constitution."— J-'edevaHjf,  Nos.  31, 
32. 

I  confront  them  with  Madison: 

"In  this  relation,  then,  the  proposed  Government  can- 
not be  considered  a  national  one,  since  its  jurisdiction  ex- 
tends to  certain  enujiierated  articles  only,  and  leaves  to  the 
several  States  a  residuary  and  inviolable  sovereignty  over 
all  other  objects," — Federalist,  No.  39. 


My  colleague  [Mr.  Garfield]  says,  "The 
States  have  no  flag,  have  no  army,  cannot  declare 
war,  cannot  make  peace;  how  then  can  they  be 
sovereign  ?"  Sovereign  power  can  forbear  the  ex- 
ercise of  any  attribute;  can  delegate  its  exercise 
to  another.  It  requires  an  act  of  sovereign  power 
to  delegate  these  powers  of  declaring  war  and 
making  peace.  But  if  the  gentleman  denies  the 
sovereign  power  of  the  Stales  because  they  liave 
agreed  to  delegate  certain  powers  to  the  Federal 
Government,  upon  what  ground  will  he  claim 
sovereignty  for  the  Federal  Government,  whose 
powers  are  all  delegated,  and  which  cannot  now 
and  never  could  provide  a  tribunal  or  a  law  by 
which  the  citizen  of  a  State  may  recover  from  a 
citizen  of  the  same  State  the  amount  of  a  simple 
promissory  note .'' 

The  Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  States, 
not  by  the  people  as  a  nation,  nor  yet  by  the  peo- 
ple of  the  States,  but  by  the  States  themselves: 

"Each  State  in  ratifying  the  Constitution  is  considered 
as  a  sovereign  body,  independent  of  all  others,  and  only  to 
be  bound  by  its  own  voluntary  act." — Madison  Papers, 
No.  39. 

The  States  ratified  the  Constitution,  and  the 
citizens  of  each  State  owed  obedience  to  it  by  rea- 
son of  the  ratification  by  that  State.  Their  alle- 
giance to  it  was  through  their  State,  given  by  its 
command,  transferred  by  its  act.  The  State  of 
Massachusetts  adopted  the  Federal  Constitution; 
by  that  act  that  State  became  a  member  of  the 
Federal  Union;  and  in  this  wise,  and  this  alone, 
the  citizens  of  Massachusetts  were  compelled, 
were  entitled,  to  recognize  its  authority.  IfMas- 
sachusetts  had  rejected  the  Constitution,  its  citi- 
zens would  have  owed  no  obedience  to,  would 
have  had  no  interest  in,  would  have  been  entitled 
to  no  protection  from  the  Federal  Goveifiment. 
Rhode  Island  did  not  ratify  the  Constitution  till 
May,  1790,  one  year  after  the  inauguration  of  the 
new  Government.  What  was  her  condition  in  the 
interval .-'  The  old  Confederation  had  been  entirely 
dissolved.  She  had  not  become  a  member  of  the 
new  one.  Was  she  not  then  an  independent,  sov- 
ereign State.'  Was  she  not  a  "State  out  of  the 
Union.?" 

The  discussions  during  this  period  had  caused 
a  searching  investigation  of  the  nature  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government.  Its  characteras  anational Gov- 
ernment had  been  asserted.  The  powers  and 
rights  of  the  Stales  had  been  questioned.  The 
ratifying  conventions  demanded  that  all  uncer- 
tainty on  this  point  should  be  dispelled.  The 
First  Congress  proposed  and  within  six  months 
nine  States  adopted  the  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution, that 

"  All  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution,  nor  proliibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved 
to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 

The  pure  character,  the  spotless  patriotism,  the 
unfaltering  firmness  of  Washington  sufficed  to 
delay  the  struggle  between  confederation  and 
consolidation  in  the  early  administration  of  the 
new  Government.  It  came  in  the  days  of  John 
Adams.  The  alien  and  sedition  laws  were  the 
occasion.  The  Slates  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky 
declared  their  fixed  opinion  and  purpose.  Other 
States  responded;  the  struggle  was  severe,  butits 
termination  gave  possession  of  the  administration 
for  twenty-four  years  to  Jefferson  and  Madison 
and  Monroe,  and  that  party  which  adhered  to  the 
declaration  of  principles  contained  in  the  Resolu- 
tions of  1798  and  1799.  They  declare  that  the 
powers  of  the  Federal  Government  result  "  from 
the  compact  to  which  the  States  are  parties;" 
that  they  are  "  limited  by  the  plain  sense  and  in- 
tenlion  of  the  instrument  constituting  that  com- 
pact;" that  they  "are  no  further  valid  than  they 
are  authorized  by  the  grants  enumerated  in  that 
compact;"  and  that  in  case  of  a  deliberate,  palpa- 
ble, and  dangerous  exercise  of  other  powers  not 
granted  by  the  said  compact,  the  States  who  are 
parties  thereto  have  the  right  and  are  in  duty 
bound  to  interpose  for  arresting  the  progress  of 
the  evil,  and  for  maintaining  within  their  respect- 
ive limits  the  authorities,  rights,  and  liberties  ap- 
pertaining to  them." 

Mr.  S()eaker,  1  have  entered  into  this  histor- 
ical exain illation  not  for  the  purpose  of  insisting 
upon  the  use  of  mere  names,  or  of  discussing  any 
questions  which  are  just  now  rather  speculative 
than  practical.  They  all  find  their  solution  in 
the  logical  deductions  from  these  premises.  I  de- 
.sired  rather  to  ausert  the  true  theory  and  nature 


of  the  Government  in  order  to  solve  this  pending 
question.  I  have  desired  to  maintain  that  the 
Slates  are  sovereign;  that  their  powers  are  inher- 
ent; that  they  comprise  the  undelegated  mass; 
that  the  Federal  Government  is  their  agent,  de- 
rives all  its  powers  from  them,  exercises  its  pow- 
ers in  their  name;  that  its  duties  are  few  and  de- 
fined, and  its  powers  are  few  and  simple,  some- 
times exclusive  and  far-reaching,  but  always  lim- 
ited to  the  grants  declared  in  the  Constitution.  I 
have  done  this  in  order  that  I  might  bring  vividly 
to  the  mind  of  each  gentleman  here  that  tiiis  Gov- 
ernment was  designed  to  be  a  confederation  of 
Slates,  not  a  consolidated  empire,  and  to  beg 
them,  amidst  the  temptations  of  these  evil  days, 
to  adhere  to  the  wise  design  of  its  original  forma- 
tion. 

The  experience  of  seventy-five  years  has  con- 
firmed the  wisdom  of  the  fathers.  The  States 
administering  their  own  internal  affairs,  the  Fed- 
eral Government  regulating  their  international 
and  inter-State  relations,  have  each  fulfilled  their 
respective  duties  and  exercised  in  harmony  their 
respective  powers.  We  have  had  peace  and  pros- 
perity; we  have  had  liberty  and  social  order; 
we  have  had  variety  of  institutions  in  the  parts, 
and  unity  and  vigor  in  the  whole;  we  have  solved 
the  problem  of  large  confederations;  we  have 
reconciled  the  liberty  of  the  citizen  with  the  ex- 
pansion of  empire;  individuals  have  been  free; 
communities  have  been  self-governing;  minori- 
ties have  been  protected.  The  theory  of  State 
sovereignly,  the  theory  of  State  rights,  has  done 
this.  I  beg  gentlemen  not  to  depart  from  it.  I 
beg  them  not  to  be  seduced  into  the  idea  that  we 
can  be  more  free'or  more  prosperous  or  more 
happy  by  breaking  down  the  Slates  and  substitut- 
ing for  their  just  influence  the  unbridled  will  of 
a  majority  of  the  whole  people.  We  do  not  need 
uniformity  of  institutions.  Their  very  variety 
develops  the  good  in  all.  Organized  communi- 
ties, with  all  the  powers  of  well-ordered  and  set- 
tled State  governments,  are  the  best  security  for 
the  personal  liberties  and  material  interests  of  all 
the  people.  We  of  the  Northwest  will  have  little 
to  fear  if  you  insist  upon  a  change.  Our  coun- 
try, rich  in  all  the  products  of  a  fruitful  soil,  is 
prolific  of  men.  If  the  rule  of  a  consolidated 
majority  is.  to  prevail,  we  can  from  our  northern 
prairies  send  down  a  countless  host  under  whose 
mighty  tread  the  institutions  of  pigmy  States  and 
small  communities  will  be  trampled  in  the  dust. 
Illinois  has  more  voters  than  New  Hampshire, 
Vermont,  and  Connecticut.  Ohio  has  more  voters 
than  Maine,  Massachusetts,  and  Rhode  Island. 
Teach  them  that  power  resides  in  numbers  alone; 
teach  them  that  the  institutions  of  the  States  are 
not  sacred  from  their  touch:  wiiile  they  attack 
the  institution  of  slavery  to-day  you  may  smile, 
but  to-morrow  you  will  tremble  when  your  re- 
ligion, your  manufactures,  yourcapital  are  wrest- 
ed from  your  control  and  subjected  to  their  will. 
You  have  no  safety  but  in  the  maintenance  of 
your  State  governments,  no  security  for  your 
liberty,  your  property,  your  prosperity  but  in 
the  protection  of  the  rights  of  minorities  under 
the  power  of  firm,  well-established  communities. 

We  have  gone  too  far  toward  consolidation  al- 
ready. Federal  powerisencroachingon  theStates. 
The  Executive  is  displacing  the  Legislature;  the 
rights  of  individuals  are  not  safe;  the  rights  of 
minorities  are  not  respected;  power  is  raising  it- 
self above  law,  above  Constitution,  and  putting 
the  safeguards  of  liberty  and  the  guarantees  of  good 
government  beneath  his  feet.  This  House  de- 
clares that  it  cannot  look  with  satisfaction  upon 
the  establishment  of  an  Austrian  empire  upon  the 
ruins  of  a  Mexican  republic,  and  thereupon  the 
President  makes  haste  humbly  to  tell  the  Emperor 
of  the  French  that  although  the  House  expresses 
the  unanimous  sentimentof  our  people,  hegoverns 
the  foreign  affairs  of  the  country,  and  that  he  will 
defy  that  sentiment  in  his  action.  Arguelles  seeks 
asylum  in  New  York.  He  is  demanded  as  a  slave- 
trader  by  the  Cuban  authorities,  and  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Secretary  of  State,  without  treaty, 
without  law,  without  judicial  investigation,  in  vi- 
olation of  the  rights  of  New  York,  in  violation  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  command 
that  he  be  secretly  kidnapped  in  the  night,  and 
that  to  avoid  a  habeas  corpus  he  be  hidden  away 
till  the  vessel  sails  for  Cuba.  We  must  retrace 
our  steps;  we  must  return  to  State  rights.  They 
are  the  conservators  of  liberty;  they  are  the  con-- 


1864. 


THE  COJsTGIlESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2995 


eervators  of  Union;  and  the  first  step  of  that  re- 
tain should  be  now  and  here,  in  our  firm  resolve 
to  remit  to. the  States,  where  the  Constitution  left 
it,  the  whole  subject  of  domestic  slavery. 

[Here  the  hammer  fell.] 

Mr.  STILES.  1  move  that  the  gentleman  have 
leave  to  proceed  for  ten  minutes. 

Mr.  PRICE.     I  object. 

Mr.  SPALDING.  I  desire  permission  of  the 
House  to  ask  thegentleman  fromOhio  aquestion. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  shall  be  very  happy 
to  answer  any  question  my  colleague  will  ask,  if 
the  House  will  permit  it. 

Several  Members  objected. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  desire  to  submit  this  sug- 
gestion to  the  House. 

Mr.  KALBFLEISCH.     I  object. 

Mr.  "WILSON.  Well,  sir,  I  move  that  the  time 
fixed  for  taking  a  recess  be  extended  till  this  res- 
olution has  been  disposed  of. 

The  SPEAKER.     That  motion  is  in  order. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  question  being  on  the  amendment  sub- 
mitted by  Mr.  Wheeler, 

Mr.  GANSON  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

The  amendment  was  disagreed  to. 

The  substitute  proposed  by  Mr.  Pendleton 
was  disagreed  to. 

The  joint  resolution  was  then  ordered  to  a  third 
reading,  and  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr  HOLMAN  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays 
upon  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  93,  nays  65,  not  voting  23;  as 
follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Anderson,  Arnold, 
UMily,  John  D.  lialdwiii,  Baxter,  Beanian,  Blaine,  Blair, 
Blow,  Boutwell,  Boyd,  Brandegee,  Brooinall,  Ambrose  VV. 
Clark,  Frc/uniaii  Clarke,  Col)b,  Cole,  Creswell,  Dawes, 
DeniiiiK,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  Farns- 
worili,  Fentoii,  Frank,  Garfield,  Goocli,  Grisvvold,  Hale, 
Higliy,  Hooper,  Hotclikiss,  Asaliel  W.  Hubbard,  John  H. 
Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Ingersoll,  Jenokes,  Julian,  Kasson, 
Kelley,  Kranci.s  W.  Kellogg,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Littlejolin, 
Xoau,  Longyear,  Marvin,  McClnrg,  Mclndoe,  Samuel  F. 
Miller,  Woorbead,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers, 
Leonard  Myers, Norton,  Odell,Cbarles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Pat- 
terson, Perliam,  Pike,  Price,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H. 
Kice,  Schenck,  Seofield,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Smith,  Smithers, 
Spalding,  Starr,  Stevens,  Thayer,  Tlionias,  Tracy,  Upson, 
Van  ValkeiiburghjElilin  13.  Washburne,  Webster,  VVlialey, 
Wheeler,  Williams,  Wilder,  Wilson,  Windom,  and  Wood- 
bridge— 93. 

N.\YS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
coiia,  Ashley,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Bliss,  Brooks,  Jan)es 
S.  Brown,  C'hanler,Coffrotli,  Cox,  (^ravens,  Dawson,  Deni- 
son,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  English,  Finck,  Ganson, 
Grider,  Harding,  Harrington,  Herrick,  Hohnan,  Hutchins, 
Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleiscli,  Kernan, 
King,  Law,  Lazear,  Le  Blond,  Long,  Mallorv,  Marcy,  Mc- 
Allister, McDowell,  McKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  James 
H.  fllorris, Morrison,  Noble,Jolin  O'Neill,  Pendleton, Pruyn, 
Uadl'ord,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Robinson,  Rogers,  Jajnes  S. 
Rollins,  Ross,  Scott,  John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele, 
Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  Chilton 
A.  White,  Joseph  W-.  Wliite,  and  Fernando  Wood— 65. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  William  G.  Brown, Clay,  Henry 
Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dumont,  Grinnell,  Hall, 
Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Ciiarles  M.  Harris,  Knapp,  McBride, 
Middleton,  Nelson,  Perry,  Pomeroy,  William  H.  Randall, 
Edward  H.  Rollins,  Stebbins,  Voorhees,  William  B.  Wash- 
burn, Winfield,  Benjamin  VVood,  and  Yeaman~23. 

So  the  joint  resolution  was  not  passed,  two 
thirds  not  liaving  voted  in  favor  thereof. 

During  the  call  of  the  roll, 

Mr.  WEBSTER  stated  that  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Davis,  of  Maryland,  was  detained  from  the  House 
by  illness,  and  was  paired  with  Mr.  Knapp,  also 
detained  by  illness.  Mr.  Davis  would  have  voted 
in  the  affirmative  and  Mr.  Knapp  in  the  negative. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  stated  that  his 
colleague,  Mr.  Davis,  had  paired  with  Mr.  Win- 

FtELD. 

Mr.  COX  stated  that  Mr.  Voorhees  had  paired 
with  Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire. 

Mr.  McBRIDE  stated  that  he  had  paired  with 
Mr.  Hall,  otherwise  he  would  have  voted  in  the 
affirmative.' 

Mr.  ASHLEY  changed  his  vote  from  the  af- 
firmative to  the  negative,  for  the  purpose  of  sub- 
mitting at  the  proper  time  the  motion  to  reconsider. 

Mr.  HARRIS, of  Illinois.  I,  when  very  busy, 
was  requested  by  Mr.  Grinnell,  of  Iowa,  to  pair 
with  him  on  this  question.  Without  reflection  or 
thinking  that  it  required  a  vote  of  two  thirds  to 
carry  the  resolution,  I  agreed  to  it,  which  I  now 
regret,  and  but  for  which  I  should  vote  in  the  neg- 
ative. 

The  vote  was  announced  as  above  recorded. 


Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
I  desire  to  know  whether  less  than  a  majority  is 
competent  to  lay  a  motion  to  reconsider  the  vote 
just  taken  on  the  table.-' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  only  pi-ovision  of  the 
Constitution  requiring  a  two  thirds  vote  is  upon 
the  passage  of  the  resolution. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Then  I  will  not  submit  a 
motion  to  reconsider. 

INTERNAL  REVENGE. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  desire  to  say  to  the  House 
that  if  a  quorum  is  present  at  half  past  seven  this 
evening  I  shall  endeavor  to  take  up  the  Senate 
amendments  to  the  internal  revenue  tax  bill. 

Mr.  COX.  Does  the  gentleman  desire  a  vote 
upon  them  to-night.' 

Mr.  MORRILL.     I  do. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  SENATE. 

.  A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Hicket, 
their  Chief  Clerk,  informed  the  House  that  the 
Senate  insist  upon  its  amendments  to  the  amend- 
ments of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  bill 
(S.  No.  145)  to  equalize  the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the 
United  States  Army,  agree  to  the  committee  of 
conference  asked  for  by  the  House  on  the  dis- 
agreeing votes  of  the  two  Houses  thereon,  and 
have  appointed  Mr.  Wilson,  Mr.  Grimes,  and 
Mr.  Nesmith  to  be  the  committee  of  conference 
on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

Also,  that  the  Senate  have  passed  a  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  247)  making  a  grant  of  land  to  the  State  of 
Wisconsin  to  build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Supe- 
rior, with  amendments;  in  which  the  concurrence 
of  the  House  was  requested. 

Also,  that  the  Senate  have  passed  an  act  (S.  No. 
264)  for  the  disposal  of  coal  lands  and  town  prop- 
erly in  the  public  domain;  in  which  the  concur- 
rence of  the  House  was  requested. 

Also,  that  the  Senate  have  passed,  without 
amendment,  an  act  (H.  R.  No.  513)  to  detach  the 
counties  of  Calhoun  and  Branch  from  the  west- 
ern judicial  district  and  annex  the  same  to  the 
eastern  district  of  the  State  of  Michigan. 

Also,  that  the  Senate  have  jiassed  an  act  (No. 
207)  making  appropriations  for  the  construction, 
preservation,  and  repairs  of  certain  fortifications 
and  other  works  of  defense  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1865,  with  amendments;  in  which  the 
concurrence  of  the  House  was  requested. 

Also,  that  the  Senate  agree  to  the  amendments 
of  the  House  to  the  bill  (S.  No.  106)  to  prohibit 
certain  sales  of  gold  and  foreign  exchange;  and 
also  to  the  bill  (H.R.No.  282)  to  amend  an  act 
entitled  "An  act  to  extend  the  lime  for  the  with- 
drawal of  goods  from  public  stores  and  bonded 
wai-ehouses,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved 
February  29,  1864. 

Also,  that  the  Senate  have  passed  a  bill  and 
joint  resolution  of  the  following  titles;  in  which 
the  concurrence  of  the  House  was  requested: 

An  act  (S.  No.  296)  in  relation  to  the  fees  and 
emoluments  of  the  marshal,  attorney,  and  clerk 
of  the  supreme  court  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  for  other  purposes;  and 

Joint  resolution  (S.  No.  8)  for  the  relief  of  the 
State  of  Wisconsin. 

ARMY  NEWS. 
The  SPEAKER,  by  unanimous  consent,  laid 
before  the  House  for  information  the  following 
communication  from  the  Secretary  of  War: 

War  Depaiitment, 
Washington,  June  15,  7  a.  m. 

Sir:  The  movement  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac  to  the 
south  side  of  Richmond,  across  the  Cliickahominy  river 
and  James  river-,  has  progressed  far  enough  to  admit  of  the 
publication  of  some  general  facts  without  danger  of  pre- 
mature disclosure. 

After  several  days'  preliminary  preparations  the  move- 
ment commenced  on  Sunday  night.  The  eighteenth  corps, 
under  command  of  General  Smitli,  marched  to  the  Wliite 
House  and  tlien  embarked  on  transports  for  Bermuda  Land- 
ing. Wright's  corps  and  Burnside's  moved  to  Jones's 
bridge,  wliere  they  crossed  tiie  Chickahominy  and  marched 
thence  to  Charles  City,  on  the  James  river.  Hancock's  and 
Warren's  corps  crossed  the  Chickahominy  at  Long  Bridge, 
and  marched  thence  to  Wilcox's,  on  the  James  river.  The 
James  river  was  to  be  crossed  liy  tlie  army  at  Powhatan 
Point. 

A  dispatch  from  General  Grant,  dated  Monday  evening, 
half  past  five  o'clock,  headqnanersWilcox's  Landing,  says 
that  the  advance  of  our  troops  had  reached  that  place,  and 
would  commence  crossing  the  James  river  to-morrow, 
(Tuesday,)  tlial  Smith's  corps  would  commence  arriving 
at  City  Point  that  night,  and  that  no  fighting  was  reported 
during  the  movement  except  a  little  cavalry  skirmishing 
yesterday. 

On  Tuesday  afternoon,  at  one  o'clock,  General  Grant  was 


at  Bermuda  Landing.  In  a  dispatch  from  him  dated  there 
of  that  date  he  says  :  "  Onr  forces  will  coniniejice  erossijig 
James  river  to-day.  The  enemy  show  no  signs  of  yet  hav- 
ing brought  troops  to  the  south  side  of  liichnionil.  Our 
movement  from  Cold  Harbor  to  the  James  river  has  been 
made  with  great  celerity,  and  so  far  without  loss  or  acci- 
dent."' 

An  ofticial  dispaich  dated  at  General  Butler's  headquar- 
ters, 2.20  p.  m.,  says  that  Smith's  corps  was  coming  in, 
five  thousand  having  already  landed. 

A  dispatch  from  General  Sherman's  headquarters,  dated 
at  three  o'clock  yesterday  afternoon,  near  Kcnesaw.  states 
that  the  general  is  in  front  advancing  his  lines  on  Kene- 
saw.  Another  unollicinl  dispaich,  dated  at  nine  o'clock 
last  night,  reports  some  advance  to-rt:'.y  ;  that  Thomas  has 
gained  ground,  and  that  one  rebel  brigade  is  nearly  sur- 
rounded. It  further  states  that  the  rebel  General  Polk  was 
killed  to-day  and  his  body  sent  to  Marietta. 

In  anotlier  part  of  General  Sherman's  East  Mississippi 
division  our  forces  have  not  met  with  the  success  that  has 
attended  compet'ent  cmnmanders.  General  Washburne, 
at  Memphis,  reports  that  the  expedition,  consisting  ol  three 
thousand  cavalry,  five  thousami  infantry,  and  sixteen 
pieces  of  artillery,  sent  out  from  there  under  command  of 
General  Stnrgis,  encountered  a  large  rebel  force  on  tlu^  10th 
instant,  under  command  of  Forrest,  at  Guntown,  on  the 
railroad  nnniing  south  from  Corinth,  and  after  a  severe 
fight,  in  which  our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  heavy, 
our  troops  were  worsted,  and  that  at  the  latest  accounts 
Sturgis  was  at  Colliersville,  retreating  toward  Memphis. 
He  further  states  that,  with  the  troops  that  had  lately  ar- 
rived, Mempliis  is  safe. 

General  Sherman,  having  received  news  of  Sturgis's  de- 
feat, reports  that  lie  has  already  made  arrangements  to 
repair  the  disaster,  and  placed  General  A.  J.  Smith  in  com- 
mand, who  will  resume  the  ofl'ensive  immediately. 

No  other  military  intelligence  has  been  received  by  this 
Department  since  my  last  telecram. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax,  SpeakerHouse  of  ReprencntatU'CS. 

ENROLLED  BILLS. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  Jersey,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Enrolled  Bills,  reported  that  they  had 
examined  and  found  truly  enrolled  bills  of  the  fol- 
lowing titles;  when  the  Speaker  signed  the  same: 

An  act  (S.  No.  106)  to  prohibit  certain  sales  of 
gold  and  foreign  exchange;  and 

An  acl(S.  No.  282)  to  amend  an  actentitled  "An 
act  to  extend  the  time  for  the  withdrawal  of  goods 
from  public  stores  and  bonded  warehouses,  and 
for  other  purposes, "approved  February  29,  1864. 

The  hour  of  half  past  four  havins,'- arrived,  the 
House  took  a  recess  till  half  past  seven. 


EVENING  SESSION. 

The  House,  at  half  past  seven  o'clock,  p.  m., 
resumed  its  session. 

BUSINESS  OF  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  ask  the  unan- 
imous consent  of  the  House  that  Friday  evening 
be  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of  business  from 
the  Committee  for  the  District  of  Columbia. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  it  was  ordered 
accordingly. 

NEW  YORK  CUSTOM-HOUSE. 

Mr.  HULBURD,  from  the  Committee  on  Pub- 
lic Expenditures,  made  a  report  in  i;eference  to 
the  New  York  custom-house;  which  was  laid  on 
the  table,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

VILLAGE  OF  CAHOKIA. 

Mr.  MOPtRISON,  by  unafiimous  consent,  in- 
troduced a  bill  to  amend  an  actentitled  "An  act 
confirming  the  proceedings  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  village  of  Cahokia,  in  the  State  of  Illinois," 
approved  May  1,  1820;  which  was  read  a  first 
and  second  time,  and  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Public  Lands. 

RHODA  "WOLCOTT. 

Mr.  HERRICK  submitted  the  following  priv- 
ileged report: 

The  committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  re- 
lief of  Rhoda  Wolcott  having  met,  have,  after  full  and 
free  conference,  agreed  to  recommend  and  do  recommend 
to  their  respective  Houses  as  follows : 

That  the  House  of  Representatives  do  concur  in  the 
amendment  of  the  Senate  with  an  amendment,  as  fol- 
lows : 

Strike  out  the  words  "  1st  day  of  January,  1861,"  and 
in  lieu  thereof  insert  the  words  "  14th  day  of  November, 
I860;"  that  the  Senate  do  agree  to  the  said  amendment 
to  the  amendment  of  the  Senate. 

L.  F.  S.  FOSTER, 
H.  GKATZ   BROWN, 
C.  R.  BUCK  A  LEW, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 
ANSON  HERRICK, 
JAMES  T.  HALE, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  Ike  House. 

The  report  was  adopted. 


2990 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15 


Mr.  HERRICK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  report  was  adopted;  and  also  moved 
that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CONSULAR  AND  DIPLOMATIC  BILL. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  submit  the  following  priv- 
ileged report. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

The  coiiimittee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  tlie  two  Houses  on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  40)  entitled  "An 
act  making  appropriations  for  the  consular  and  diplomatic 
expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year  ending  the  30th 
of  June,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes,"  having  met,  after 
a  full  and  free  conference  have  agreed  to  recommend  and 
do  recommend  to  their  respective  Houses  as  follows : 

That  the  House  recede  from  its  disagreement  to  the  sec- 
ond amendment  of  the  Senate  and  agree  to  the  same  with 
tlie  following  amendments:  strike  out  the  words  "  twenty- 
five"  and  insert  the  word  "thirteen  ;"  strike  out  the  word 
"  pupils"  and  insert  the  word  "  clerl<s." 

That  the  House  agree  to  the  twenty-eighth  amendment 
of  the  Senate. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  all  the  twenty-ninth  amend- 
ment after  the  enacting  clause,  and  that  the  following  be 
Inserted  in  lieu  thereof: 

That  the  President  be,  and  is  hereby,  authorized,  when- 
ever he  shall  think  the  public  good  will  be  promoted  there- 
by, to  appoint  consular  clerks,  not  exceeding  thirteen  in 
number  at  any  one  time,  who  shall  be  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  over  eighteen  years  of  age  at  the  time 
of  their  appoinlment,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  compensa- 
tion for  their  services  respectively  at  a  rate  not  exceeding 
$1,000  per  annum,  to  be  determined  by  the  President,  and 
to  assign  such  clerks  from  time  to  time  to  such  consulates 
and  with  snch  duties  as  he  shall  direct;  and  before  the  ap- 
poinlnient  of  any  such  clerk  shall  be  made,  it  shall  be  sat- 
isfactorily shown  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  after  due  ex- 
amination and  report  l)y  an  examining  board,  that  the 
applicant  is  qualified  and  fit  for  the  duties  to  wliich  he 
shall  be  assigned,  and  such  report  shall  be  laid  before  the 
President.  And  no  clerk  so  appointed  shall  be  removed 
from  office  except  for  cause  stated  in  writing,  which  shall 
be  submitted  to  Congress  at  the  session  first  following  such 
removal. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  its  thirtieth  amendment. 

'J'liat  the  House  recede  from  its  amendment  to  the  thirty- 
first  amendment  of  the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 
LYMAN  TRUMBULL, 
IRA  HARRIS, 
P.  G.  VAN  WINKLE, 
ilanagers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

JAMES  F.  WILSON, 
GODLOVE  S.  ORTH, 
Xtanagers  on  the  part  of  the  House, 

Mr.  WILSON.  This  is  the  same  as  the  re- 
port of  the  first  committee  of  conference  except 
that  part  which  relates  to  the  Belgian  minister. 
That  is  stricken  out.  The  Senate  recede  from 
iheir  amendment  entirely.  I  demand  the  pre- 
vious question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  orJered;  and  under  the  operation 
thereof  the  report  was  adopted. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  report  was  adopted;  and  also  moved 
that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MARQUETTE  AND  ONTONAGON  RAILROAD. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE  moved,  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, to  take  up  Senate  joint  resolution  No.  64, 
explanatory  of  an  actentitled  "An  actextending 
the  time  for  the  completion  of  the  Marquette  and 
Ontonagon  railroad  of  the  State  of  Michigan." 

Tiie  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  joint  resolutron  was  taken  up,  fead  6.  first 
and  second  time,  ordered  to  a  third  reading;  and 
it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time, and  passed. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed;  and 
also  rnoved  that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid 
upon  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PRESERVATION  OP  HARBORS. 

Mi-.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  to 
take  up  and  concur  in  the  verbal  amendments  of 
the  Senate  to  House  bill  No.  450,  to  provide  for 
the  repair  and- preservation  of  certain  public 
works  of  tlie  United  States. 

The  amendments  were  concurred  in. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  to  re- 
consider the  vote  by  which  these  Senate  amend- 
ments were  concurred  in;  and  also  moved  that 
the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  upon  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

STATE  GOVERNMENT  FOR  COLORADO. 

Mr.  ASHLEY  moved  to  take  up  Senate  bill 
No.  291,  to  amend  an  actentitled  "An  act  to  en- 
able the  ()«of)le  of  Coloi-ado  to  form  a  constitution 
and  Stuto  government,  and  for  tho  admission  of 


such  State  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  original  States." 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

It  provides  that  so  much  of  the  fifth  section  of 
the  act  to  which  this  act  is  an  amendment  as  pro- 
vides by  ordinance  for  submitting  the  constitu- 
tion to  the  people  of  the  State  for  their  ratification 
or  rejection,  atan  election  to  be  held  on  the  second 
Tuesday  of  October,  be  so  amended  as  to  read 
on  the  second  Tuesday  in  September. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading;  and  it 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  ASHLEY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  that 
the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

WISCONSIN. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE  moved,  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, to  take  from  the  Speaker's  table  Senate  joint 
resolution  No.  8,  forthereliefof  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  joint  reso- 
lution was  taken  up,  read  a  first  and  second  time, 
and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

CHEROKEES. 
Mr.  BOYD  presented  the  memorial  of  the  chief 
of  the  Cherokee  nation,  &c.,  which  was  referred 
to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  that 
the  Senate  amendments  to  the  tax  bill  be  consid- 
ered in  the  House  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
under  the  five  minutes  rule. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  Will  this  interfere  with  the 
Pacific  railroad  bill.? 

The  SPEAKER.  That  will  come  up  in  the 
morning  hour  to-morrow. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  the 
gentleman  from  Vermont  will  continue  the  con- 
sideration of  the  tax  bill. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  hope  it  will  be  disposed  of 
this  evening,  and  then  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 
will  be  the  next  business  in  order. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  parliamentary  ruling 
would  be  that  the  morning  hour  commences  this 
evening,  in  which  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  is  in 
order.  If  the  tax  bill  is  taken  up,  and  the  House 
adjourn  with  the  bill  undisposed  of,  it  would 
come  up  as  unfinished  business  to-morrow  for 
one  hour,  and  after  the  morning  hour  the  day  is 
assigned  to  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  If  gentlemen  desire  an  early 
adjournment  I  hope  they  will  take  up  this  bill  and 
consider  it  first.  It  is  important  that  it  should  be 
sentto  the  Senate, as  they  have  nearly  gotthrough 
with  the  tariff  bill. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  the 
House  will  proceed  with  this  now. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  hope  this  evening 
will  be  devoted  to  the  tax  bill,  and  then  again  to- 
morrow evening,  and  from  evening  to  evening 
until  disposed  of. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  suggest  that  an  arrangement 
should  be  made  by  which  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 
shall  come  up  to-morrow  morning. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  hope  we  shall  get  through 
this  bill  to-night. 

The  SPEAKER.  Is  there  unanimous  consent 
to  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  tax  bill? 

Mr.  SHANNON.  If  it  be  understood  that  if 
the  bill  is  not  finished  to-night  it  shall  go  over 
until  to-morrow  evening,  I  will  not  object. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  will  not 
consent  to  anything  which  overrides  the  tax  bill. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  that 
the  Pacific  railroad  bill  shall  be  considered  to- 
morrow ev-ening. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  it  was  so  agreed.^ 

MEMBER  SWORN  IN. 

Mr.  LOAN.  I  rise  to  a  privileged  question.  1 
desire  to  have  my  colleague,Mr.  Knox,  sworn  in 
as  a  member  of  the  House. 

Mr.  Samuel  Knox  was  then  qualified  by  taking 
the  oath  prescribed  by  the  act  of  July  2,  1862. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE — AGAIN. 
The  House,  by  unanimous  consent,  proceeded 
to  the  consideration  of  the  Senate  amendments  to 
the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  405)  to  provide  internal  rev- 
enue to  support  the  Government,  to  pay  interest 
on  the  public  debt,  and  for  other  purposes. 


Mr.  MORRILL.  The  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  recommend  a  concurrence  in  about 
three  hundred  and  ninety-fourof  theamendmenta 
of  the  Senate,  a  non-concurrence  in  about  two 
hundred  and  forty-two,  and  a  concurrence  in  about 
a  dozen  with  amendments.  I  desire  to  say  that 
the  committee  would  propose  some  amendments 
to  many  of  the  amendments  wherein  they  recom- 
mend a  non-concurrence;  but  some  of  them  are 
important  and  some  are  unimportant,  and  they 
thought  the  matter  could  be  better  arranged  in  a 
committee  of  conference.  They  ask  that  a  vote 
in  gross  be  taken  on  all  the  amendments  in  which 
we  propose  a  concurrence,  except  such  as  gentle- 
men may  desire  a  separate  vote  on.  That  the 
House  may  know  what  the  amendments  are  in 
which  we  ask  a  concurrence  and  in  which  a  non- 
concurrence,  I  send  the  report  to  the  Clerk's  desk 
to  be  read. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Whatcourse 
does  the  gentleman  propose.' 

Mr.  MORRILL.  A  vote  first  on  concurring 
in  the  three  hundred  and  ninety-fouramendments 
except  such  as  gentlemen  may  desire  a  separate 
vote  on. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, of  Illinois.  What  is  the 
recommendation  in  reference  to  taxing  whisky  on 
hand.' 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  committee  recommend 
a  concurrence  with  the  Senate. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  ask  a  sep- 
arate vote  on  that  early  and  often.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  With  the  permission  of 
the  gentleman  from  Vermont  I  desire  to  inquire 
what  effect  the  arrangement  entered  into  in  refer- 
ence to  this  bill  will  have  upon  the  Military  Com- 
mittee's business.' 

The  SPEAKER.  If  the  House  adjourn  to- 
night with  the  tax  bill  undisposed  of  it  comes 
up  as  unfinished  business  to-morrow  morning, 
and  remains  before  the  House  until  it  is  disposed 
of,  unfinished  business  having  priority  of  all  busi- 
ness except  privileged  questions  and  questions  of 
privilege.  If  there  was  a  morning  hour  to- 
morrow, wliich  never  occurs  when  there  is  un- 
finished business,  the  day  after  that  morning  hour 
would  be  devoted  to  the  business  reported  from 
the  Military  Committee. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  stated  at  the  time  that  I 
objected  to  any  arrangement  which  would  inter- 
fere with  the  business  pertaining  to  the  Military 
Committee. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  is  true,  when  the  first 
proposition  was  pending;  subsequently  another 
proposition  was  made  and  unanimously  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  intended  my  objection  to 
extend  to  all  such  arrangements. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  did  not  under- 
stand the  gentleman  so  to  object. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Let  us  go 
ahead  with  this,  and  we  will  soon  get  through 
with  the  bill. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  Will  we  get  through  to- 
night? 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  We  will  try. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  If  we  get  through  to-night 
will  the  Military  Committee  have  to-morrow? 

The  SPEAKER.     After  the  morning  hour. 

The  Clerk  will  now  read  the  listof  amendments 
in  which  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  rec- 
ommend concurrence. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  list,  giving 
only  the  numbers  of  the  amendments. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  must  call  for  the  reading 
of  all  the  amendments. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  hope  the  gentleman  will 
withdraw  that  demand.  There  are  six  hundred 
and  thirty-six  amendments,  and  we  shall  never 
get  through.  Let  the  Clerk  read  the  numbers 
slowly,  so  that  members  can  keep  the  run  of 
them. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  We  cannot  understand  what 
we  are  doing  in  that  way. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  The  bill  is  too 
important  to  be  passed  in  that  manner.  I  de- 
mand the  reading  of  each  amendment. 

The  amendments  of  the  Senate  in  which  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recommended 
concurrence  were  then  read  and  concurred  in  nem. 
con.  by  the  House,  except  in  the  following  in- 
stances in  which  special  action  was  taken: 

Thirty-first  amendment: 

On  page  13,  line  eighteen,  strike  otittheworda  "  false  oi 
fraudulent." 


1864, 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2997 


Thirty-second  amendment: 

On  same  page,  after  the  word  "return,"  In  the  same 
line,  insert  the  words  "v/hiclv  in  the  opinion  of  the  as- 
sessor is  I'alse  or  fraudulent." 

Tliirty-tliird  amendment: 

On  same  page,  iines  nineteen  and  twenty,  strike  out  the 
words  "  a  list  on  wliich  there  is"  and  insert  in  lieu  tliereof 
the  word  "  contains." 

Thirty-fourth  amendment: 

On  same  page,  in  line  twenty-two,  strike  out  the  words 
"by  suhpena,  to  be  served  by  any  assistant  assessor." 

Thirty-fifth  amendment: 

On  same  page,  after  the  word  "  officer,"  in  line  twenty- 
six,  insert  the  words  "  before  such  assessor." 

The  clause,  as  ajnended  by  these  several  amend- 
ments, reads  as  follows: 

And  if  any  person,  on  being  notified  or  required  as  afore- 
said, shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  give  such  list  or  return 
within  the  time  required  as  aforesaid,  or  if  any  person  shall 
not  deliver  a  monthly  or  other  list  or  return  without  notice 
at  the  time  required  by  law,  or  if  any  person  shall  deliver 
or  disclose  to  any  assessor  or  assistant  assessor  any  list, 
statement,  or  return,  which  in  the  opinion  of  the  assessor 
is  false  or  fraudulent,  or  contains  any  understatement  or 
Under-valuaiion,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  assessor  to  sum- 
mon such  person,  his  agent,  or  other  person  having  pos- 
session, custody,  or  care  of  books  of  account  containing 
entries  relating  to  the  trade  or  business  of  such  person,  or 
any  other  persons  as  he  may  deem  proper,  to  appear  before 
such  assessor  and  produce  such  book,  at  a  time  and  place 
therein  named,  and  to  give  testimony  or  answer  interroga- 
tories under  oath  or  affirmation  respecting  any  objects 
liable  to  duty  or  tax  as  aforesaid,  or  the  lists,  statements, 
or  returns  thereol',  or  any  trade,  business,  or  profession 
liable  to  any  tax  or  license  as  albresaid. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  My  reasons  for 
objecting  to  these  amendments  is  that  they  vio- 
late every  idea  of  individual  right  and  liberty 
which  belongs  to  the  common  law  and  to  our 
people.  The  clause  as  amended  proposes  to  al- 
low an  assessor  upon  mere  suspicion,  no  matter 
how  baseless  it  may  be,  that  a  party  has  made  a 
false  oath,  to  examine  into  all  of  his  private  ac- 
counts, to  call  for  his  books,  and  make  himself 
master  ofall  the  business  transactions  of  the  party. 
We  have  in  almost  every  State  in  the  Union  laws 
■which  call  for  oaths  as  to  personal  property, and 
so  far  as  I  have  any  knowledge  of  any  such  laws 
this  is  the  only  one  that  puts  it  in  the  power  of  a 
little  petty  officer  to  call  for  the  books  and  ac- 
counts of  a  merchant  or  a  person  engaged  in  gen- 
eral business,  and  examine  them,  and  make  his 
business  transactions  the  subject  of  an  inquiry. 
I  believe  it  to  be  all  wrong,  and  for  that  reason  I 
object  to  this  additional  power  which  is  given  by 
the  Senate  to  the  assessors.  It  was  bad  enough 
when  the  House  allowed  the  assessors  to  take 
the  responsibility,  when  it  is  alleged  that  a  cer- 
tain statement  is  false,  of  making  an  inquiry  into 
the  business  transactions  of  the  party.  We  are 
fast  hurrying  on  to  that  state  of  things  when  we 
not  only  disregard  private  rights,  but  everything 
■which  is  considered  sacred  under  the  common 
law.  I  hope  that  these  amendments  will  not  be 
concurred  in. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  only  difference  between 
the  provision  of  the  House  bill  and  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Senate  is  as  to  whether  the  assessor 
shall  believe  the  return  to  be  false  and  fraudulent, 
or  whether  it  shall  be  alleged  to  be  so.  It  is  only 
a  difference  of  expression.  According  to  the  pro- 
vision of  the  original  bill  every  assessor  has  a 
right,  if  he  alleges  fraud,  to  call  the  party  before 
him  to  verify  his  statement  by  oath.  How  can 
he  absolutely  know  that  it  is  false  and  fraudulent.? 
He  must  have  good  reason  to  suspect  it.  All  that 
is  done  is  to  call  the  partyand  examine  him, and 
let  him  take  the  oath  and  produce  his  books — 
nothing  else.  There  is  nothing  harsh  in  the  meas- 
ure, k  only  puts  the  party  on  his  oath,  the  same 
as  in  the  case  of  a  return  of  income.  I  can  see 
no  reason  why  these  amendments  should  not  be 
concurred  in.  I  think  the  amendments  of  the 
Senate  make  the  provision  a  little  softer  and  bet- 
ter than  the  original  bill  does. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  Does  it  not  go  furtherand 
require  the  production  of  books  and  the  disclos- 
ure of  all  the  affairs  of  the  party  on  mere  sus- 
picion? 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  was  in  the  bill  as  it 
'■went  from  the  House,  and  the  Senate  have  agreed 
;  to  it. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  This  puts  it  merely  upon 
suspicion  of  the  assessor.  It  does  not  require 
that  there  shall  be  any  charge  against  the  indi- 
vidual. He  acts  upon  mere  suspicion. 
;.  Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  If  the  gentle- 
man will  allow  me,  I  will  say  that  I  would  strike 


out  that  provision  as  it  existed  in  the  House  bill. 
But  I  am  here  willing,  as  I  am  forced  to,  to  con- 
cede that  the  House  bill  was  correct.  The  Senate 
amendment  goes  further.  It  allows,  without  any 
probable  cause,  every  little  petty  officer  of  all  this 
number  scattered  through  the  whole  country,  to 
take  advantage  of  his  suspicion,  whether  founded 
or  unfounded,  to  institute  an  investigation  into 
the  private  affairs  of  the  citizen.  I  prefer  that 
the  party  should  answer  under  oath,  and  if  he 
answer  falsely,  that  he  shall  be  prosecuted  for 
perjury.  That  is  the  law  as  it  generally  exists 
throughout  the  United  States  with  regard  to  the 
taxation  of  personal  property. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  think  the  gentleman  en- 
tirely misapprehends.  That  part  of  the  provision 
which  thegentleman  complains  of  is  in  the  House 
bill  and  is  left  untouched.  We  cannot,  therefore, 
amend  that  now. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.     ThatI  concede. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  As  it  stood  before,  the  as- 
sistant assessor,  as  well  as  the  assessor,  had  the 
right  to  summon  the  party  if,  in  his  judgment, 
the  return  was  fraudulent.  There  can  be  no  ab- 
solute certainty  of  a  fraud  which  is  not  investi- 
gated. The  amendment  of  the  Senate  is  to  take 
away  from  the  assistant  assessor  that  power, 
leaving  it  to  the  assessor  where  fraud  is  suspected. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  will  ask  the 
gentleman  if,  under  the  bill  as  he  reported  it,  it  was 
not  necessary  that  the  assessor  should  be  certain, 
that  he  should  know  that  the  return  was  false. 
In  other  words,  was  not  the  assessor  compelled 
to  assume  the  responsibility  in  order  to  be  able 
to  make  the  inquiry.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  No.  It  would  be  absurd  to 
ask  him  to  examine  the  books  and  take  the  oath 
of  the  party  if  he  knew  the  facts  himself.  These 
were  the  means  provided  in  the  original  bill  to 
ascertain  whether  the  return  was  fraudulent  or 
not,  but  the  idea  was  very  illy  expressed  in  the 
original  bill,  and  has  been  better  put  in  the  amend- 
ment. 

The  question  was  taken  on  the  amendments; 
and  there  were,  on  division — ayes  57,  noes  41. 

So  the  amendments  were  concurred  in. 

Thirty-sixth  amendment: 

Section  fourteen,  after  the  word  "  aforesaid"  strike  out 
the  words  "  and  to  enforce  such  writ  by  attachment  for 
contempt,"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  as  follows  : 

Such  summons  may  be  served  by  any  assistant  assessor 
of  t-he  district.  In  case  any  person  so  summoned  shall 
neglect  or  refuse  to  obey  such  summons  according  to  its 
exigency,  or  to  give  testimony,  or  to  answer  interrogato- 
ries as  required,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  assessor,  upon 
affidavit  proving  the  facts,  to  apply  to  the  judge  of  the 
district  court,  or  a  connnissioner  authorized  to  perform 
the  duties  of  such  judge  at  chambers,  for  an  attachment 
against  such  person  as  a  contempt.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of 
such  judge  or  commissioner  to  hear  such  application,  and 
if  satisfactory  proof  be  made,  to  issue  an  attacliment  di- 
rected to  some  proper  officer,  for  tlie  arrest  of  such  person, 
and  upon  his  being  brought  before  him  to  proceed  to  a 
hearing  of  the  case,  and  upon  such  hearing  the  judge  or 
commissioner  shall  have  power  to  hiake  such  order  as  he 
shall  deem  proper  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  requirements 
of  the  summons,  and  punish  such  person  for  his  default 
or  disobedience. 

Mr.  GANSON.  Mr.  Speaker,  this  amendment 
authorizes  the  officer  to  whom  this  application  is 
made  to  issue  an  attachment,  in  the  first  instance, 
against  the  person  as  for  contempt  In  my  judg- 
ment the  first  thing  that  the  officer  should  be  au- 
thorized to  do,  when  the  application  is  made  by 
the  assessor,  is  to  issue  an  order  to  the  party  to 
appear  and  show  cause  why  an  attachment  should 
not  issue  against  him,  instead  of  authorizing  the 
issuing  of  an  attachment  in  the  first  instance. 

In  the  next  place  my  objection  is  to  the  last  part 
of  this  clause,  which  vests  in  this  officer  the  power 
to  imposeany  punishment  that  he  may  deem  prop- 
er. 1  do  not  believe  in  the  propriety  of  investing 
all  these  officers  with  such  discretionary  power. 
I  think  there  should  be  some  limit  to  it.  1  think 
that  some  kind  of  punishment  should  be  prescribed 
by  the  statute  in  the  nature  of  a  fine.  We  should 
not  authorize  the  commissioner  to  commit  a  party 
to  jail.  Under  this  clause,  as  it  now  stands,  he 
might  imprison  a  man  for  five  years.  He  might 
sentence  him  to  be  hanged,  or  might  inflict  any 
punishment  he  chose.  There  is  no  limitation 
whatever.  I  think  the  nature  of  the  punishment 
should  be  indicated.  I  think  the  amendment  of 
the  Senate  an  improvementon  the  original  clause 
as  the  bill  passed  the  House;  but  I  am  also  of  opin- 
ion that  it  should  be  altered  in  those  particulars. 

Mr.  STEVENS.   This  provides  expressly  that 


bn  appearance  the  process  and  everything  shall 
be  open  to  answer. 

Mr.  GANSON.  Not  before  the  attachment  is 
issued. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  attachment  is  only  to 
bring  the  party  there,  and  then  the  answer  is 
open.  It  will  be  simply  one  process  instead  of 
two,  which  will  be  a  great  saving  in  time  and  ex- 
pense. It  takes  no  privilege  from  the  party.  He 
is  not  to  be  punished  until  he  is  heard.  This  is 
to  be  done  by  the  judge.  I  am  sorry  that  in  New 
York  they  can  hang  a  man  for  contempt.  [Laugh- 
ter.] If  that  is  the  law  there  it  is  certainly  not 
the  law  in  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  GANSON.     I  have  been  so  informed. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  gentleman  has  been 
misinformed.  I  recollect  that  they  put  Passmore 
Williamson  in  jail  for  saying  that  a  negro  was  a 
man.  [Laughter.]  It  was  a  great  contempt  of 
the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  GANSON.  They  put  a  man  in  jail  now 
without  process. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  saves  a  great  deal  of 
trouble.  It  does  away  with  the  law's  delays  of 
which  we  have  heard  so  much.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  GANSON.    What  abouttheamendment? 

Mr.  STEVENS.      I  think  it  is  right  as  it  is. 

Mr.  GANSON.  He  should  notbearrested  by 
process  in  the  first  instance;  he  may  have  a  good 
excuse.  This,  in  my  opinion,  is  unknown  to  any 
practice  I  have  ever  heard  of. 

Mr.  BOUTWELL.  I  think  that  the  gentle- 
man from  New  Yuvk  has  not  heard  the  section. 
Parties  liable  to  be  taxed  have  ten  days  in  which 
to  make  their  returns.  If  they  do  not  make  re- 
turns, or  the  returns  are  deemed  fraudulent,  then 
they  are  summoned  to  show  their  books  and  are 
put  under  oath.  If  they  refuse  they  are  to  be  pun- 
ished for  contempt.  It  is  a  very  proper  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  move,  in  the  fortieth  line, 
after  the  words  "judge  in  chambers"  to  insert 
the  words  "  on  eight  days'  notice  to  the  party." 
That  does  not  quite  meet  the  views  of  my  col- 
league, but  I  have  not  had  time  to  prepare  an 
amendment  to  do  that.  This  gives  the  party  an 
opportunity  to  appear  without  a  preliminary  or- 
der to  show  cause.  It  meets  the  objection  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  that  we  would 
have  two  proceedings. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  If  gentleman  will  look  at  it 
they  will  see  that  no  harm  can  come  to  the  Govern- 
ment by  adopting  this  amendment  to  the  amend- 
ment, and  that  it  will  be  acting  with  fairness 
toward  the  individual.  It  will  not  delay  by  direct- 
ing that  the  assessor  may  apply  for  his  attach- 
ment on  giving  five  or  eight  days'  notice.  If  the 
party  can  give  a  good  excuse  there  is  no  necessity 
for  arresting  him;  and  if  he  cannot,  they  can  then 
arrest  him.  It  is  in  accordance  with  all  the  prac- 
tice I  have  ever  heard  of.  He  will  have  notice, 
and  there  will  be  no  expense. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  46, 
noes  48. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  dis- 
agreed to. 

The  amendment  ofthe  Senate  was  concurred  in. 

Fifty-first  amendment: 

In  section  twenty, aflerthe  proviso,  "  That  on  the  hear- 
ing of  appeals  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  assessor  to  require 
by  summons  the  attendance  of  witnesses  and  the  produc- 
tion of  books  of  account  in  the  same  manner  and  under  the 
same  penalties  as  are  provided  in  cases  of  refusal  or  neglect 
to  furnish  lists  or  returns,"  add  as  follows  : 

The  bills  for  the  attendance  and  mileage  of  said  witnesses 
shall  be  taxed  by  the  assessor  and  paid  by  the  delinquent 
parties,  or  otherwise  by  the  collector  of  the  district,  on  cer- 
tificate of  the  assessor,  at  the  rates  usually  allowed  in  said 
district  for  witnesses  in  courts  of  justice. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin,  demanded  a  sep- 
arate vote. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  53, 
noes  39. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Sixty-third  amendment: 

Strike  out  "  $3  50"  and  insert "  $4  ;*'  so  that  it  will  read: 

And  there  shall  be  allowed  and  paid  to  each  assistantas- 
scssor  $4  for  every  day  actually  employed  in  collecting 
lists  and  making  valuations,  the  number  of  days  necessary 
for  that  purpose  to  be  certified  by  the  assessor ;  and  $3  for 
every  hundred  persons  assessed  contained  in  the  tax  list,  as 
completed  and  delivered  by  him  to  the  assessor. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  will  be  observed  that  the 
increase  made  by  us  from  $3  to  $3  50  has  been 
still  further  increased  by  the  Senate  to  §4.  This 
is  an  increase  of  $1  per  day  in  addition  te  the 


2998 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


very  large  incrense  for  making  out  lists.  If  it 
wei-e  proposed  to  reduce  the  pay  of  the  prin- 
cipal assessor  and  increase  the  pay  of  the  assist- 
ant assessor,  1  do  not  know  that  I  could  urge  any 
serious  ohjeclion;  but  with  the  compensation  of 
the  principal  assessor  so  high,  it  seems  to  me  this 
increase  is  Ijeyond  all  reason.  I  think  the  com- 
pensation of  ^3  50  a  day,  as  fixed  by  the  House, 
ought  to  be  adliered  to.  We  are  making  the  collec- 
tion of  the  revenue  enormously  expensive.  This 
will  be  a  subject  of  universal  comparison.  Our 
people  will  compare  it  with  the  expenses  of  their 
own  assessments  at  home,  and  with  the  expenses 
incurred  by  themselvesin  theenforcementof  their 
own  local  policy;  and  they  will  condemn  it,  be- 
cause of  the  amount  paid  to  the  collectors,  as- 
sessors, and  assistant  collectors,  which  so  largely 
exceeds  tliat  paid  to  State  officers  who  perform 
corresponding  services.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say 
tliat  the  compensation  provided  for  in  this  bill  for 
assessors  and  assistant  assessors  is  three-fold  the 
amount  paid  in  my  own  State  to  competent  men 
for  the  rendition  of  similar  services.  It  will  be 
condemned  everywhere  as  anattemptto  fuistupon 
the  country  a  body  of  officers  receiving  a  large 
compensation,  while  the  States  wisely  and  pru- 
dently secure  tlie  performance  of  the  same  services 
for  a  very  inconsiderable  sum  in  comparison  with 
this  amount. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  more  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means  examined  this  subject  the 
more  they  were  convinced  that  these  officers 
were  the  poorest  paid  and  the  hardest  working 
officers  engaged  in  the  service  of  collecting  the 
internal  revenue.  In  the  cities  it  is  utterly  im- 
possible to  get  competent  men  to  execute  the 
duties  of  the  office  of  assistant  assessor  without 
a  higher  compensation.  In  the  country  the  as- 
sistant assessors  have  to  hire  a  team,  if  they  do 
not  own  one,  and  travel  over  vast  distances  at 
their  own  expense.  1  know  that  in  one  district 
an  officer  who  had  been  wounded  in  the  service 
of  his  country  went  home  and  took  the  position 
of  assistant  assessor,  and  after  working  throe 
months  he  ascertained  he  had  paid  out  fifty  dol- 
lars more  than  he  had  received  from  the  Govern- 
ment. 

Mr.HOTCHKISS.  I  heard  no  complaint  until 
I  came  into  this  House  of  any  difficulty  of  get- 
ting competent  men  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
assistant  assessor  at  |3  a  day.  The  remedy  is 
to  be  found  in  having  smaller  districts — a  district 
in  each  town  or  township. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Would  that  diminish  the 
expense.' 

Mr.HOTCHKISS.  It  will  largely.  This  matter 
was  discussed  here  when  the  bill  was  before  the 
House  before,  and  the  motion  made  to  raise  the 
amount  half  a  dollar.  The  increasing  the  com- 
pensation of  these  officers  is  very  bad  policy.  It 
creates  a  prejudice  in  the  public  against  the  law, 
more  ihanany  other  objection  which  exists  against 
it.  It  is  creating  a  swarm  of  office-holders  to  be 
paid  a  higher  price  than  States  pay  their  officers 
for  the  performance  of  eimilar  duties.  The  States 
pay  this  class  of  men  not  more  than  ^1  50  or  ,^2 
at  the  outside.  These  men  get  a  larger  pay  under 
the  law  as  it  stood  before  the  amendment  than  any 
similar  class  of  officers  in  a  State,  and  I  hope  the 
amendment  will  not  be  concurred  in. 

Mr.  MORRIS,  of  New  York,  called  for  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Mr.  Holman  and 
Mr.  Morrill  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided; and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  57,  noes  55. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
upon  the  amendment. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  put;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  63,  nays  55,  not  voting  64; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Asliley,Jolin  U.Baldwin, 
Baxter,  Bcainan,  Blair,  Blow,  Boyd,  Brooks,  Cobb,  Cole, 
Oreswell,  Dawus,  Dixon,  Donnfilly,  Driggs,  Eclcley,  Eliot, 
English,  Griswold,  Hale,  Ilerrick,  Hii^by,  Iloopor,  Asaliel 
W.  Hubbard,  Jolin  H.  Hubbard,  liigersoll,  Julian,  Francis 
W.  Kellogg,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan,  Longyear, 
Marvin,  McAllister,  McBride,  McClurg,  Mcliidoe,  Moor- 
head,  Morrill,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  Odell,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Pendleton,  I'rice,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  Scofield, 
Scott,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Siuithers,  Spalding,  Stevens, 
Thayer,  Upson,  Ward,  Webster,  Williams,  Wilder,  Wil- 
son, and  Woodbridge— 63. 

NAYS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Ames,  Ancona,  Augus- 
tus C.  Baldwin,  Blaine,  Boutwell,  Broonuill,  James  S. 
Brown,  Clianler,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarltc, 
COX,  Dilwsffn,  Elian,  Bdgerton,  RUlridg«,  Fenton,  Finch, 


Frank,  Gaiison,  Harding,  Harrington,  Holman,  Hotcbklss, 
Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleiscli,  Kernan, 
Lazear,  Litllejolm,  Long,  Marcy,  McDowell.  McKinney, 
Samuel  F.  Miller,  Daniel  Morris,  James  K.  Morris,  Mor- 
rison, Amos  Myers,  Noble,  Radford,  John  H.  Ptice,  Robin- 
son, Itoss,  John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Sleelf,  Stiles,  Stuart, 
Sweat,  Tracy,  Wadsworth,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  Chilton 
A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  and  Ferjiando  Wood— 55. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  William  J.Allen,  Anderson, 
Arniild,  Baily,  Bliss,  Brandegee,  William  G.  Brown,  Clay, 
Coffroth,  Cravens,  Uemy  Winter  Davis, Thomas  T.  Davis, 
Deming,  Denison,  Duniont,  Farnsworth,  Garfield,  Gooch, 
Grldor,Grinnell,  Hall,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  CharlesM.  Har- 
ris, Hulburd,  Hutchins,  Jonckes,  Kasson,  Kelley,  King, 
Knapp,  Law,  Le  Blond,  Mallory,  Middleton,  William  H. 
Miller,  Nelson,  John  O'Neill,  "Orth,  Patterson,  Perham, 
Perry,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Pruyn,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  William 
H.  Randall,  Rogers,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins, 
Schenck,  Smith,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Strouse,  Thomas,  Van 
Valkcnburgli,  Voorhees,  William  B.  Washburn,  Whaley, 
Vi'heeler,  Windom.  Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yea- 
man — 04. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Seventieth  amendment: 

On  page  27,  line  ninety-one,  after  the  words  "assistant 
assessors"  insert  the  words  "revenue  agents  and  inspect- 
ors;" so  that  the  proviso  will  read  : 

Provided,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  be, 
and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  fix  such  additional  rates 
of  compensation  to  be  made  to  assessors  and  assistant  as- 
sessors in  cases  where  a  collection  district  embraces  more 
than  a  single  congressional  district,  and  to  assessors  and 
assistant  assessors,  revenue  agents  and  inspectors,  in  the 
States  of  Louisiana,  North  Carolina,  Mississippi,  &.C. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  do  not  think  we  ought  to 
authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  in- 
crease the  pay  of  these  officers  at  his  discretion, 
even  if  we  do  it  in  the  case  of  assessors  and  as- 
sistant assessors.  I  do  not  think  this  amend- 
ment ought  to  be  adopted. 

Mr.  KASSON.  The  gentleman  will  find  to- 
ward the  close  of  the  section  this  limitation: 

But  the  rates  of  compensation  thus  allowed  shall  not 
exceed  the  rates  paid  to  similar  officers  in  such  States  and 
Territories  respectively. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  Can  any  gentleman  tell  us 
what  those  rates  are.' 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  striking  out  the  words"  revenue  agents." 
I  trust  the  House  will  perceive  the  difficulty  there 
is  about  this  amendment  of  the  Senate.  With 
great  reluctance,  I  think,  the  House  concurred  in 
the  text  as  it  stands  in  the  original  bill.  The 
Senate  inserts  in  addition  the  v;ords  "revenue 
agents  and  inspectors,"  so  as  to  authorize  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  fix  additional  com- 
pensation to  assessors  and  assistant  assessors  in 
cases  where  a  collection  district  embraces  more 
than  a  single  congressional  district,  "and  to  as- 
sessors and  assistant  assessors,  revenue  agents 
and  inspectors,  in  the  States  of  Louisiana,  North 
Carolina,"  &c. 

Now,  sir,  it  is  true  that  there  is  a  proviso  that 
the  rate  of  compensation  thus  allowed  shall  not 
exceed  the  rates  paid  to  similar  officers  in  such 
States.     Who  knows  what  that  compensation  is .' 

Mr.  KERNAN.  There  are  no  such  officers  in 
the  States. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  There  are  no  such  officers 
as  revenue  agents  and  inspectors  in  the  States. 
They  have  no  connection  with  the  revenue  at  all. 
The  House  has  been  punished  within  the  last  two 
months  with  a  long  list  of  revenue  agents,  em- 
ployed by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  at  four 
dollars,  six  dollars,  and  I  believe  eight  dollars 
per  day  and  their  expenses,  and  I  presume  these 
revenue  agents  are  to  be  employed  in  the  same 
way. 

Mr.  UPSON.  I  call  the  attention  of  the  gen- 
tleman to  the  fourth  section  of  the  bill,  which 
shows  that  only  five  of  these  agents  are  to  be  em- 
ployed. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Will  the  gentleman  read 
that  section  ? 

Mr.  UPSON.  It  provides  that  "  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  may  appoint,  not  exceeding  five 
revenue  agents,  whose  duty  shall  be,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  aid 
in  the  prevention,  detection,  and  punishment  of 
frauds  upon  the  internal  revenue,"  and  so  on. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  That,  I  presume,  provides 
for  these  revenue  agents,  but  what  are  the  inspect- 
ors employed  for.'  What  are  their  duties  .'  Sim- 
ilar additional  compensation  is  to  be  paid  to  them. 

Mr.  BROOMALL.  The  gentleman  will  allow 
me  to  call  his  attention  to  the  commencement  of 
the  fifth  section,  which  provides  for  these  in- 
s  nf*c  toi's 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  fourth  and  fifth  sec- 
tions, accordang  to  my  recollection,  provide  for 


these  oflicers.  .  Here  is  a  proposition  to  appoint 
revenue  agents  and  inspectors  in  certain  States 
wliere  you  will  probably  not  collect  a  dollar  of 
revenue. 

Now,  sir,  I  have  been  in  portions  of  the  South 
myself  within  the  last  twelve  months,  wliere 
multitudes  of  public  officers  were  employed,  re- 
ceiving high  compensation,  whose  services,  from 
the  very  nature  of  things,  would  not  inure  one 
tithe  of  a  hair,  to  the  extent  of  one  dollar,  to  the 
benefit  of  this  Governinent.  There  are  multi- 
tudes of  such  officers,  and  you  here  authorize  not 
simply  their  multiplication,  but  by  the  vague 
terms  you  use  in  referring  to  the  pay  of  similar 
officers  in  the  States  you  authorize  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  to  exercise  unlimited  power  of 
compensating  these  agents  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out,  not  the  interestsof  the  Government, 
but  business  pertaining  to  the  organization  of  the 
political  power  of  the  country. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  If  the  gentleman  will  go 
through  his  speech  we  will  not  pass  this  amend- 
ment. These  officers  are  only  to  have  their  ex- 
penses paid  in  addition  to  their  salaries. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  think  the  gentleman  had 
better  withdraw  his  amendment,  and  let  us  vote 
down  the  whole  amendment  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     Very  well,  I  withdraw  it. 

The  amendment  of  the  Senate  was  not  con- 
curred in. 

The  seventy-fourtli  amendment  was  read  and 
concurred  in,  as  follows: 

Page  30,lines  three  and  four,  strike  out  "one  thousand" 
and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  fifteen  hundred;"  so  that  the 
section  will  read : 

Sec.  24.  Jlnd  be  it  further  enacted,  That  there  shall  be 
allowed  to  collectors,  in  full  compensation  for  their  ser- 
vices and  that  of  their  deputies,  a  salary  of  $1,500  per  an- 
num, to  be  paid  quarterly,  &c. 

Several  succeeding  amendments  were  then  read 
and  concurred  in. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  desire  to  inquire  whether 
tlie  seventy-fourth  amendment  has  been  disposed 
of. 

The  SPEAKER.     It  has  been  concurred  in. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Tiie  Clerk  passed  over  the 
amendments  so  rapidly  that  I  did  not  notice  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Clerk  passed  over  them 
at  the  usual  speed — rather  slowly,  the  Chair 
thought. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  amendment  was  concurred  in.  I 
trust  the  House  will  at  least  give  us  an  opportu- 
nity of  considering  the  amendment  by  a  reconsid- 
eration. Let  us  at  least  have  a  vote  on  the  amend- 
ment. [Cries  of  "  Oh  !  no."]  Then  I  shall  ask 
for  a  vote  upon  each  amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  thinks  the  motion 
to  reconsider  is  not  in  order,  as  the  House  is  now 
acting  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask,  then,  that  in  order  to 
facilitate  business  the  House  will  consider  the 
seventy-fourth  amendment,  which  is  to  increase 
the  salaries 

Mr.  FENTON.     Is  debate  in  order? 

The  SPEAKER.     It  is  not. 

Mr.  FENTON.     Let  us  proceed,  then. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Do  I  understand  that  the 
motion  to  reconsider  is  not  in  order.' 

The  SPEAKER.     The  Chair  is  under  the  im- 
pression that  it  is  not,  from  the  fact  that  the  Flouse 
has  decided  to  consider  the  amendments  as  if  in. 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union, 
where  a  motion  to  reconsider  is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Then,  to  avoid  the  neces- 
sity of  having  a  separate  vote  on  each  proposi- 
tion, which  1  do  not  desire  to  insist  on,  I  ask 
unanimous  consent  of  the  House  to  make  a  state- 
ment. 

Mr.  PRICE.     I  object. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Then  I  call  for  a  separate 
vote  on  each  amendment. 

Eighty-ninth  amendment: 

Section  twenty-seven,  line  eighteen,  strike  out  the  word 
"summons"  and  insert  in  lieuthereof  the  word  "notice." 

Mr.  HOLMAN  called  for  a  separate  vote. 
The  House  divided;  and  no  quorum  voting, 
The  SPEAKER  ordered  tellers;  and  appointed 
Messrs.  Holman  and  Shannon. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  again  ask  unanimous  con- 
sent to  have  the  vote  on  the  seventy-fourth  amend- 
ment reconsidered. 
Mr.  WILSON.     I  object  to  the  House  being 
reed  bv  one  member  to  do  anythinar.      "  ""'" 


forced  by 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


2999 


The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  60,  noes  20. 

The  SPEAKER  announced  that  the  amend- 
raeiil  was  concuned  in. 

Mr.  FIOLMAN.     Was  there  a  quorum  voting.' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Indiana 
deserted  his  post  as  teller. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 
The  tellers  appointed  by  the  Chair  did  not  report 
that  result. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  had  appealed  to 
gentlemen  to  vote,  and  some  were  coming  forward 
to  do  so  when  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  left 
his  post,  and  the  Chair  look  it  for  granted  that  he 
withdrew  the  demand  for  a  division.  The  Chair 
will  appoint  two  other  tellers;  and  Mr.  Noble 
and  Mr.  Baxter  will  please  act  as  such. 

The  House  again  divided;  and  the  tellers  re- 
ported— ayes  77,  noes  16. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  move  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  seventy-fourth  amendment  was  con- 
curred in. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  decides  that  that 
motion  is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  appeal  respectfully  from 
the  decision  of  the  Chair.  I  inquire  whether  we 
are  not  now  in  the  House,  and  controlled,  except 
in  regard  to  the  limitation  of  debate,  by  the  rules 
of  the  House.' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  decides  that  the 
House,  having  resolved  by  unanimous  consent  to 
consider  the  amendments  to  this  bill  the  same  as 
if  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union,  the  rules  that  govern  in  committee  apply 
in  the  House.  In  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  the  Union  no  motion  to  reconsider  is 
in  order  except  by  unanimous  consent.  The 
Chair,  therefore,  rules  the  motion  to  reconsider 
to  be  not  in  order.  From  that  decision  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  appeals;  the  question  is: 
"  Simll  the  decision  of  the  Chair  stand  as  the  judg- 
ment of  the  House?" 

Tlie  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  95, 
noes  L 

So  the  decision  of  the  Chair  was  sustained  by 
the  Flouse. 

Mr.  SCOFIELD.  I  ask  the  Chair  how  it  is 
that  the  yeas  and  nays  can  be  called,  if  we  are  act- 
ing as  if  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  slate 
of  the  Union  .' 

The  SPEAKER.  When  we  are  in  the  House, 
we  are  acting  under  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  which  provides  that  one  fifth  of  the 
members  present  can  always  order  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

Mr.  SCOFIELD.  I  understood  the  Chair  to 
say  that  we  were  acting  under  the  rules  which 
govern  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state 
of  the  Union.  That  is  why  I  voted  against  sus- 
taining the  decision  of  the  Chair. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  has  the  right 
to  vote  as  he  pleases. 

Mr.  SCOFIELD.     I  v/ish  to  explain 

The  SPEAKER.  No  explanation  is  neces- 
sary. 

Mr.  SCOFIELD.  I  understood  the  Chair  to 
decide  that  we  were  acting  as  if  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

The  SPEAKER.    No  debate  is  in  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  suggest  that  the  vote  be  taken 
on  reconsidering  the  seventy-fourth  amendment. 

Mr.  BEAMAN  and  others  objected. 

The  amendments  of  the  Senate  (commencing 
with  the  ninetieth  amendment)  in  which  concur- 
rence was  recommended  by  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  were  read,  and  were  severally 
voted  on  and  concurred  in  without  question,  ex- 
cept the  following,  on  which  special  action  was 
taken: 

Ninetieth  amendment: 

Section'  twenty-seven,  line  twenty-two,  strike  out  tlie 
word  "  summons"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the  word 
"notice." 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  debate  the  propo- 
sition, and  I  expect  to  enjoy  all  the  rights  of  the 
Representative  of  a  free  constituency  on  this  floor. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Indi- 
ana shall  enjoy  all  his  rights. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  intend  to  enjoy  them  to 
the  most  unlimited  extent  under  the  rules  of  the 
House.     I  expect  not  only  to  be  heard,  but- 


The  SPEAKER.    The  gentleman  from  Indi- 
ana is  not  in  order. 


Before  we  get  through  I  wil 


Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  gentleman  from  Indiana- 
is  discussing  the  question  before  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentlemen  will  debate 
the  ninetieth  amendment. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  rapid 
running  over  of  these  amendmetits  by  the  Clerk 
it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  distinguish  between  the 
amendments  recommended  by  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  and  those  not  recommended. 
It  will  therefore  occur  occasionally  that  a  number 
of  amendments  are  passed  over  without  notice. 
I  am  therefore  very  desirous  that  the  Clerk  shall 
read  the  amendments  in  such  order  as  that  mem- 
bers may  understand  exactly  as  to  what  they 
have  to  vote  upon. 

Mr.  UPSON.  I  make  the  point  of  order  that 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana  is  not  speaking  to  the 
amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  sustains  the  point 
of  order. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  do  not  think  there  is  any 
objection  to  the  amendment  of  the  Senate,  but  I 
wish  it  understood  that  the  Clerk  in  reading  the 
amendments  of  the  Senate  shall  not  run  over  them 
with  such  rapidity  as  to  deprive  members  of  their 
right  to  have  the  several  propositions  fairly  pre- 
sented for  a  vote  of  the  House. 

The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  with  the  reading  of  the 
amendments  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  appeal  to  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  to  withdraw  his  objection.  There 
are  over  six  hundred  amendments;  and  compel- 
ling the  Speaker  to  put  the  question  on  every  one 
of  them,  many  being  verbal  m  their  nature,  is  un- 
necessarily fatiguing  him  without  accomplishing 
any  good  result. 

Mr.  KERN  AN.  I  do  not  see  why  we  should 
not  agree  to  reconsider  the  vote  on  the  important 
amendment  to  which  he  has  referred,  and  which 
was  passed  over  hastily. 

Mr.  MORRILL      " 
agree  to  that. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     Let  us  go  back  at  once. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  does  not  want 
the  House  to  be  controlled  by  any  suggestion  in 
reference  to  his  convenience.  Pie  will  put  the 
question  on  each  of  these  six  hundred  and  thirty- 
six  amendments,  as  he  is  required  to  do,  and  he 
will  do  it  with  pleasure. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  Let  us  accommodate  each 
other  about  these  things.  We  do  not  wish  to 
throw  any  obstacles  in  the  way  of  transacting  the 
public  business,  but  if  there  is  to  be  this  sharp- 
ness on  the  other  side  gentlemen  on.  this  side  will 
stand  upon  their  rights.  Let  us  go  back  to  the 
amendment  indicated.  If  there  is  a  majority  for 
it,  let  it  stand;  if  not,  let  it  be  rejected. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  object. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  When  we  agreed  to  take 
these  amendments  up  out  of  their  usual  course 
we  did  not  expect  this  sharpness  on  the  other 
side.  The  amendments  have  been  run  over  rap- 
idly. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Clerk  cannot  speak  for 
himself,  and  the  Chair  will  state  that  when  he 
came  to  the  seventy-fourth  amendment  he  waited, 
expecting  as  the  Chair  did  that  there  would  be  a 
call  for  a  separate  vote,  but  there  was  none. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  do  not  make  any  reflection 
on  the  Clerk. 

Mr.  BALDWIN,  of  Massachusetts.  I  object 
to  going  back. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Thenlettheamendmentsbe 
read  and  voted  on  separately. 

Ninety-eighth  amendment: 

Strike  out  the  words  "  place  of  residence  of  the  person 
whose"  and  "shall  be;"  so  that  it  will  read  : 

And  the  said  officer  shall  also  cause  a  notification  to  tiic 
same  eft'ect  to  be  published  in  some  newspaper  within  the 
county  where  such  seizure  is  made,  if  any  such  thcru  be, 
and  shall  also  cause  a  like  notice  to  be  posted  up  at  the  post 
office  nearest  to  the  estate  so  seized,  and  in  two  other  pub- 
lic places  within  the  county. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  75, 
noes  7;  no  quorum  voting. 

The  SPEAKER  ordered  tellers;  and  appointed 
Messrs.  Steele,  of  New  York,  and  Littlejohn. 

The  House  was  again  divided;  and  the  tellers 
reported — ayes  86,  noes  7. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Ninety-ninth  amendment: 

Jnsert  the  words  "  except  by  special  order  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  Interniil  Revenue;  "  so  that  it  will  read: 
And  the  place  of  said  sale  shall  not  be  more  titan  five 


miles  distant  from  the  estate  seized,  except  by  special  or- 
der of  the  Co[nmissioner  of  Internal  Ilevcnue. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  That  is  an  extraordinary 
power  to  confer  upon  the  Commissioner  of  In- 
ternal Revenue,  and  I  ask  for  a  division. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  gentleman  would  not 
object  if  he  had  carefully  read  the  provision.  It 
is  intended  to  apply  to  a  number  of  States  not 
now  entirely  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  74, 
noes  19. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  to 
adjourn. 

Mr.  DAWSON  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  35,  nays  82,  not  voting  65;  as 
follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Ancona,  Daily,  Blaine, 
Brooks,  James  S.  Brown, ()lianler,Cravens, Dawson, Eden, 
Edgerton,  Eldridge,  English,  Finck,  Grider,  Harrington, 
fierrick,  tlolman,  William  Johnson,  ICalbfleiscli,  Lazcar, 
Long,  Marcy,  McDowell,  McKinney,  James  It.  Morris, 
Morrison,  Fruyn,  Radford,  Itobinson,  Ross,  Shannon,  Stiles, 
Sweat,  and  Fernando  Wood — 35. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Ashley,  Augustus 
C  Baldwin,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beainan,  Blair,  Bout- 
well,  Boyd,  Brooniall,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Cobb,  Cole,Cres- 
well,  Dawes,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  Fen- 
ton,  Frank, Ganson, Garfield,  Hale,  lligby,  Hriopp.r,  Hoieh- 
kiss,  Asaliel  VV.  Hubbard,  John  II.  Hubbard,  Ingeryoll, 
Philip  Johnson,  Julian,  Kasson,  Kelley,  Francis  VV.  Kel- 
logg, Orlando  Kellogg,  Kornan,  Knox,  Littlejohn,  Loan, 
Longyear,  Mallory,  i>Iarviii,  McAllister,  McClurg,  Mcln- 
doe,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris, 
Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  (Charles  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Pcr- 
ham.  Price,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  II.  Rice,  James  S.  Kol- 
lins,  Scoficld,  Scott,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Spalding,  Jolin  B. 
Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stevens,  Thayer,  Tracy,  Upson, 
Van  Valkenburgh,  Ward,  EJihu  B.  Washburne,  VVebster, 
Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Williams,  Wilder, 
Wilson,  and  Woodbridge— 82. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Anderson,  Ar- 
nold, Bliss,  Blow,  Brandegee,  William  G.  Crown,  Freeman 
Clarke,  Clay,  Cofrroth,Co"x,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas 
T.  Davis,  Deniing,  Denison,  Duniont,  Farnsworth,  Gooch, 
Grinnell,  Griswold,  Hall,  Harding,  Benjamin  G.  Harris, 
Charles  M.  Harris,  Hulburd,  Hutclii?is,  Jenckes,  Kins, 
Knapp,  Law,  Le  Blond,  McBride,  Middlcton,  William  H. 
Miller,  Amos  Myers,  Nelson,  Noble,  Odell,  John  O'Neill, 
Ortli,  Patterson,  Perry,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Saiiinel  J.Randall, 
William  H.  Randall,  Rogers,  Edward  II.  tiollins,  Scheiick, 
Smitli,  Starr,  Siebbins,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Thomas, Voorliees, 
Wadsvvortli,  William  B.'  Washburn,  Whaley,  Wheeler, 
WiLidom,  VVinfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yeainan — 65. 

So  the  House  refused  to  adjourn. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  now  suggest,  as  a  matter 
of  ordinary  courtesy  in  the  House,  that  after  the 
other  amendments  are  disposed  of  the  seventy- 
fourth  amendment  be  reconsidered. 

Mr.  BEAMAN.     1  object. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  will  say  to  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  that  I  am  very  anxious  to  make 
some  progress  in  this  bill  to-night,  so  as  to  not 
entirely  lose  the  evening.  When  we  get  through 
the  bill,  I  will  say  to  the  gentleman  from  Indiana, 
I  will  ask  the  House  to  go  back  and  consider  the 
seventy-fourth  amendment. 

Mr.  PIOLMAN.  Will  not  the  House  do  it  at, 
this  time .' 

The  SPEAKER.  Is  there  unanimous  consent 
that  when  the  other  amendments  are  disposed  of 
the  House  shall  go  back  and  consider  the  seventy- 
fourth  amendment.? 

There  was  no  objection. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  After  this  understanding  by 
the  House  I  withdraw  my  demand  for  a  separate 
vote  on  each  amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Clerk  will  proceed  with 
the  reading  of  the  amendments,  and  those  upon 
which  no  separate  vote  is  asked  will  be  consid- 
ered as  agreed  to. 

One  hundred  and  twentieth  amendment: 

In  section  thirty-seven,  line  three,  after  the  word  "  col- 
lector" insert  "  revenue  agent  or  inspector;"  so  that  the 
clause  will  read : 

Sec.  37.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  if  any  person 
shall  forcibly  obstruct  or  hinder  any  assessor  or  assistant 
assessor,  or  any  collector  or  deputy  collector,  revenue 
agent  or  inspector,  in  the  execution  of  this  act,  or  of  any- 
power  and  authority  hereby  vested  in  him,  or  shall  forcibly 
rescue,  or  cause  to  be  rescued,  any  property,  articles,  or 
objects,  after  the  same  shall  have  been  seized  by  him,  or 
shall  attempt  or  endeavor  so  to  do,  the  person  so  offending 
shall,  upon  conviction  thereof",  for  every  such  offense,  for- 
feit and  pay  the  sum  of  |f500,  or  double  the  amount  of 
property  so  rescued,  or  be  imprisoned  for  a  term  not  ex- 
ceeding two  year.^,  at  tlie  discretion  of  the  court. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  may  be  proper  to  place 
the  names  of  these  two  officers  in  this  place  on 
account  of  the  States  which  arc  in  rebellion,  but 


8000 


THE  COISTGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  15, 


that  is  certainly  the  only  reason  for  doing  so.  It 
struck  me  upon  the  first  blush  that  it  was  not 
necessary  at  all,  but  inasrnucli  as  it  has  been 
recommended  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  there  may  probably  be  a  necessity  for  it. 
I  ro.se  for  the  purpose  of  objectine;  to  this  Senate 
amendment,  but  it  may  be  that  ihe  fourth  and 
fiftli  sections  of  this  act  may  require  the  addition 
of  the  names  of  these  two  officers  to  this  section 
of  the  bill,  but  it  did  not  so  strike  me. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  It  must  be  apparent  to  every 
man  in  the  House  that  these  inspectors  and  rev- 
enue agents,  who  are  to  look  after  frauds,  should 
at  least  have  the  powers  of  assessors  and  collect- 
ors. 

The  Clerk  having  read  from  the  one  hundred 
and  sixty-third  to  the  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
eighth  amendments,  inclusive,  relating  to  the  tax 
on  whisky, 

Mr.  PR,UYN  said:  I  would  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Vermont  what  changes  are  proposed  by 
these  amendments. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  House  imposed  a  tax 
on  whisky  of  $1  until  January  next  and  fl  25 
after  that  time.  I'he  Senate  amendments  make 
the  duty  ^l  to  October,  $1  25  from  October  to 
January,  and  i^I  50  after  January  next. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  A  portion  of 
these  amendments  in  reference  to  the  time  at 
■which  various  transactions  shall  take  effect  have 
been  read,  and  I  have  hardly  had  time  to  notice 
■what  was  involved  in  them.  All  these  amend- 
ments ought  properly  to  go  together  as  they  re- 
late to  the  same  matter,  and  I  therefore  ask  that 
they  may  all  be  acted  upon  by  the  House  in  one 
vote. 

Mr.  EOUTWELL.     I  object. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  think  the  proposition  is 
right,  as  they  all  relate  to  tlie  tax  on  wliisky. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  committee  have  recom- 
mended a  non-concurrence  in  the  last  one.  At 
the  same  time  they  ought  all  to  be  acted  on  to- 
gether, and  1  suggest  that  the  House  non-concur 
in  them  all. 

Mr.  BOUTWELL.    I  withdraw  my  objection. 

The  several  amendments  were  then  all  non- 
concurred  in.  , 

One  hundred  and  sixty-ninth  amendment: 
Strike  out  liie  xvdids  "sucli  spirits,  and  also  on  the  in- 
terest of  all  persons  in  default  in;"  so  tliat  it  will  road: 

And  the  said  duty  shall  be  a  lien  on  the  distillery  used 
for  distilling  the  same,  with  all  llie  stills,  vessels,  fixtures, 
and  tools  therein,  and  on  Ihe  lot  or  traet  of  land  wher(^on 
the  said  distillery  is  situated,  until  the  said  duty  shall  be 
paid. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  call  for  a  sep- 
arate vote  upon  that  amendment.  The  language 
of  the  law  as  originally  adopted  by  the  House  is: 

And  tl;e  said  duty  shall  be  a  lien  on  such  spirits,  and  also 
on  the  interest  of  all  persons  in  default  in  the  distillery 
used  for  distillijig  the  sainu.  Sec. 

Thereby  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
of  the  House  provided  that  an  hone.st  owner  of 
premises,  which  he  may  have  leased,  could  not 
io.se  by  a  tenatit  or  be  held  responsible  for  his 
acts.  A  man  may  lease  a  piece  of  property  for 
one  purjjose  and  it  may  be  used  for  another;  he 
may  lense  it  generally,  and  it  may  be  used  for  a 
distillery.  Now,  by  the  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ate, although  a  piece  of  property  may  be  used  as 
R  distillery  iigainst  the  wish  of  the  owner,  the 
owner  runs  the  risk  of  losing  it  by  the  default  of 
the  distiller.  The  House  properly  limited  the 
k»S3  to  the  party  in  default. 

ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  I  rise  to  a  privileged  question. 
1  move  to  rucoiiHider  the  vote  by  which  the  con- 
stitutional amendment  was  rejected  thisaflernoon. 

The  SPEAKER.     The  motion  will  beentered. 

Mr.  COX.  I  move  to  lay  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider on  the  table. 

The  SPEAKER.     That  motion  is  not  in  oi-der. 

Mr.  COX.  What  will  be  the  effectof  the  mo- 
tion made  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio.' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  can  be  called  up  at  any 
time. 

Mr.  COX.     How  did  the  gentleman  vote.' 

The  SPEAKER.     With  the  prevailing  side. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  toa  point  of  order.  It 
is  that,  so  far  as  the  mere  question  of  the  consti- 
tutional amendment  is  concerned,  a  two-thirds 
vote  is  necessary  ;  but  with  reference  to  everything 
else  pertaining  to  a  vote  in  this  House  the  ordi- 
nary rules  govern;  und  therefore,  to  enable  u  party 


to  move  to  reconsider,  he  should  have  voted  in 
the  majority  instead  of  with  the  prevailing  side, 
and  therefore  a  member  who  voted  in  the  minor- 
ity cannot  move  to  reconsider. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  raise  another ' 
point  of  order. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  decide  one 
point  of  oi-der  at  a  time.  That  is  about  as  much 
as  the  Chair  can  decide  at  once.     [Laughter.] 

The  Chair  overrules  tlie  point  of  order  raised 
by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Holman.] 
The  gentleman  from  Ohio  has  a  right  to  make  the 
motion  to  reconsider^  The  Clerk  will  read  from 
Barclay's  Digest,  page  162. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

"A  fair  conslruetion  of  this  rule  will  permit  a  member 
who  has  voted  witli  the  prevailing  side  on  a  tie  vole  to 
move  a  reconsideration.  Such  is  evidently  the  spirit  of  the 
rule,  and  sueli  has  been  the  subsequent  practice." 

The  SPEAKER.  The  practice  is  that  any 
member  who  has  voted  on  the  pi-e  vailing  side  can 
move  to  reconsider,  and  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
voted  with  the  prevailing  side. 

Mr.  COX.     Was  this  a  tie  vote? 

The  SPEAKER.  It  was  not  a  tie  vote,  it  is 
true;  but  the  spirit  of  the  rule  applies  precisely 
the  same  to  tiiis  case.  A  member  who  votes  on 
the  side  which  succeeds  on  the  vote  can  move  a 
reconsideration.  That  has  been  the  practice,  and 
the  Chair  so  decides. 

Mr.  COX.  By  what  vote  can  the  reconsidera- 
tion be  carried — by  two  thirds  or  by  a  majority.' 

The  SPEAKER.  By  a  majority  vote;  but  on 
the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution  a  two-thirds 
vote  is  required 

Mr.  COX.  We  never  can  end  the  question 
under  that  ruling  of  the  Chair  so  long  as  there  is 
a  majority  in  favor  of  the  resolution  and  not  two 
thirds. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  is  incorrect, 
as  but  one  reconsideration  can  be  moved  on  any 
question.  That  exhausts  the  power  to  reconsider. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Within  what  pe- 
riod can  tli(!  motion  to  reconsider  be  made.' 

The  SPEAKER.  On  this  day  or  to-morrow, 
under  the  rules,  and  after  to-morrow  the  inotion 
to  reconsider  cannot  be  withdrawn  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Ohio,  except  by  the  consent  of  the 
House. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  make  the  point 
of  order  that  the  Speaker  has  already  decided  that 
we  are  acting  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 

The  SPEAKER.     That  is  true. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  And  that  the 
rules  applicable  to  that  committee  are  applicable 
to  us  now.  I  s'ubmit,  therefore,  that  being  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  the  rnotion  to  reconsider 
cannot  be  made. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  that 
point  of  order,  for  the  reason  that  although  the 
House  has  voted  to  act  upon  this  bill  as  in  Com- 
mittee ofthe  Whole,  yet  it  is  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives still,  or  else  tlie  pres(;nt  occupant  of 
the  chair  could  not  be  in  the  chair.  There  is 
one  member  ofthe  House  who  is  not  privileged 
to  preside  in  Cominitiee  ofthe  Whole,  and  that 
is  the  Speaker.  Some  other  mernber  must  occupy 
the  chair,  because  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
must  make  a  report  to  the  House,  and  the  Speaker 
must  be  in  the  chair  to  receive  that  report. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  The  otherrules 
applicable  to  the  Committee  ofthe  Whole  apply 
to  us,  as  the  House  has  decided  that  the  rules  ap- 
plicable to  the  Committee  ofthe  Whole  now  pre- 
vail, and  therefore  it  is  that  I  say  this  motion  can- 
not be  entertained. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  would  overrule 
the  point  of  order  on  the  additional  suggestion  of 
the  gentleman  from  Wisconsin,  from  the  fact  that 
this  is  the  House  of  Representatives,  atid  the 
yeas  and  nays  can  be  called,  and  can  be  taken  on 
an  adjournment,  or  on  a  motion  to  lay  upon  the 
table.  Neither  of  ihose  inotions  can  be  made  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole;  and  yet  the  Chair, 
with  the  general  consent  of  the  House,  has  enter- 
tained a  motion  to  adjourn  several  times  this  even- 
ing. 

Mr.  COX.  I  propose  to  call  the  previous  ques- 
tion on  the  motion  of  my  colleague  [Mr.  Ashley] 
at  this  tiiTie. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  cannot  do 
that,  for  the  rciason  that  the  rule  requii-cs  that 
when  a  motion  to  reconsider  is  submitted  at  it 
time  when  other  business  is  progressing,  it  must 


be  entered  on  the  Journal.  The  Chair  will  have 
the  rule  read  from  Barclay's  Digest,  page  152. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

"  It  is  in  order  on  the  same  or  succeeding  day  to  move 
a  reconsideration  and  liaveit  entered,  but  it  can  not  betaken 
up  and  considered  while  another  question  is  before  the 
House." 

Mr.  COX.  Why  cannot  I  make  the  motion  to 
lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  upon  the  table  now.' 

The  SPEAKER.  Because  it  would  be  in  direct 
conflict  with  the  rule  which  has  just  been  read. 

Mr.  COX.  I  do  not  propose  to  take  the  motion 
to  reconsider  "up,"  but  to  lay  it  on  the  table. 
[Laughter.]  I  make  the  point  of  order  that  I  have 
a  right  to  make  my  motion  novir  if  my  colleague 
had  a  right  to  make  his. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
point  of  order,  under  the  express  language  of  the 
rule  that  a  motion  to  reconsidercan  be  entered  but 
not  called  up  when  other  business  is  before  the 
House. 

Mr.  COX.  All  I  propose  is  to  have  my  motion 
entered  now. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  cannothave 
it  entered,  it  not  being  a  privileged  motion. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Is  there  anything  in  the 
rules  that  prevents  the  motion  to  lay  on  the  table 
being  made  at  the  proper  time,  when  the  subject 
comes  up  for  action? 

The  SPEAKER.     There  is  not. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Then  of  course  there  is  no 
necessity  for  making  the  motion  now. 

The  SPEAKER.     When  the  subject  comes 
up  the  motion  can,  of  course,  be  made. 
INTERNAL  REVENUE AGAIN. 

The  House  resuined  the  consideration  of  tho 
Senate  amendments  to  the  internal  revenue  bill, 
the  question  being  on  the  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
ninth  amendment. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  In  reference  to  the  particu- 
lar point  under  discussion  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
owners  of  a  distillery  may  let  it  to  an  irresponsi- 
ble party,  and  under  the  present  high  rate  of 
duties  he  may  go  on  and  distill  liquors  and  de- 
fraud the  Government,  and  then  abandon  the 
distillery.  Now  we  make  it  a  point  that  the 
owner  of  the  distillery  shall  see  to  it  that  he  lets 
it  to  a  responsible  party.  I  can  see  no  great 
hardship  in  that. 

Mr.  UPSON.  I  would  say  to  the  gentleman 
from  Vermont  that  such  cases  do  actually  occur, 
and  have  occurred  in  my  own  district. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  move  to  ainend 
the  amendment  by  striking  out  the  last  word. 
The  gentleman  from  Vermont  does  not  meet  the 
objection  which  I  inade.  It  does  not  follow, 
because  there  is  a  distillery  on  your  land,  that 
you  have  ever  assented  to  its  being  constructed 
there.  You  may  ov/n  lots  in  a  ciiy,  as  thousands 
of  others  have  had  the  misfortune  to  do,  and 
lease  them,  and  the  parties  to  whom  you  have 
leased  them  may  themselves  construct  the  dis- 
tillery, and  construct  it  against  your  wish;  but 
under  this  clause  you  become  responsible  for  the 
acts  of  the  distiller. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  would  say  to  the  gentle- 
man that  in  cases  of  this  kind  I  suppose  these  lots 
are  on  ground  rent. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.     Undoubtedly. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  A  sale  of  the  premises  would 
not  discharge  the  groutid  rent. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  Mr.  Speaker, 
with  very  great  respect  for  the  legal  opinion  of 
the  gentleman  fi-om  Pennsylvania,  I  can  hardly 
see,  when  you  forfeit  the  premises  themselves, 
when  you  forfeit  the  interest  which  each  person 
has  in  them,  how  the  owner  can  still  claim  his 
ground  rent.  Suppose  he  leases  the  premises  for 
a  year,  or  two,  or  three,  or  ten  years,  what  be- 
comes of  his  right  after  the  expiration  of  the 
term?  There. are  thousands  of  persons  in  the 
western  country  who  lease  their  lots  for  the  mere 
taxes,  expecting  to  sell  them  at  a  profit  after  a 
while.  The  ground  rent  amounis  to  the  tax  and 
nothing  more.  What,  under  this  section,  be- 
comes of  the  lot  then  after  the  lease  expires?  It 
is  absolutely  foifeited. 

I  do  not  know,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  it  is  in  order 
to  mention  the  Constitution  in  this  House.  I 
know  it  is  almost  out  of  order.  But  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  under  the  Constitution  this  section  can 
be  enforced.  But  the  fact  that  it  cannot  be  en- 
forced is  no  reason  why  we  should  pass  it.  I 
know,  from  the  past  action  ofthe  Houso,  that 


1864. 


THE  COIS'GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8001 


to  appeal  either  to  its  justice  or  to  the  obligations 
imposed  upon  it  by  the  Constitution  is  liie  very 
weakest  aiguaient  ihnt  a  man  can  use.  But  when 
you  have  no  ol  ject  in  iliis  proceciurc  except  to 
aid  a  fraud,  wlien  the  forfeiture  that  you  have  is 
pufficlent,  over  and  overa<;nin,  to  cover  the  amount 
that  the  €tovernment  may  claim,  it  seems  to  me 
to  be  idle  to  enter  on  a  doubtful  field  like  this, 
even  supposing  that  there  is  no  constitutional 
question  involved.  I  know  of  but  one  argument 
ill  favor  of  the  amendment,  and  that  is  the  argu- 
ment of  consistency.  You  have  already  destroyed 
the  right  existing  under  that  old  English  maxim 
which  makes  a  man's  house  his  castle.  You  have 
deprived  him  of  that  |)rotectioti.  You  have  al- 
ready deprived  a  man  of  the  privilege  of  trans- 
acting his  own  business  without  being  subjected 
to  the  idle  and  impudent  curiosity  of  parties  who 
wish  to  inquire  into  it;  and  it  would  be  almost 
inconsistent  to  adopt  any  measure  that  would  be 
no  encroachment  on  popular  rights. 

Mr.  BEAMAN.  I  rise  to  appoint  of  order.  I 
want  to  know  if  the  gentleman's  argument  has 
any  reference  to  his  amendment  to  strike  out  the 
last  word. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  point  of  order  is  not 
material,  as  the  gcnilcman's  time  has  expired. 

The  question  was  taken  on  Mr.  Brown's  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment;  and  it  was  rejected. 

Mr.GANSON.  1  move  to  strike  out  the  words 
"such  spirits."  I  do  not  see  why  we  should  ex- 
empt the  spirits  of  the  man  who  has  violated  the 
law. 

Mr.BOUTWELL.  If  the  spirits  can  be  found 
tliey  are  always  liable  for  the  duties  under  this 
act.  It  is  not  necessary  by  this  provision  of  law 
that  a  lien  should  be  put  upon  the  spirits,  for  all 
articles  subject  to  tax  arc  responsible  for  the  tax 
themselves.  That  is  so  by  the  old  sixty-ninth 
section  and  by  another  section  of  this  bill.  If  the 
spirits  can  be  found  they  are  liable  for  the  tax. 

I  think  the  amendment  as  it  comes  from  the 
Senate  is  a  desirable  one.  It  may  turn  out  to  be 
unconstitutional  as  the  gentleman  from  Wiscon- 
sin suggests,  but  as  he  has  great  respect  for  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  if  any  party 
is  aggrieved  he  can  submit  the  question  to  that 
court.  It  will  be  agreed,!  think,  that  its  decision 
is  as  good  as  the  opinion  of  the  Government. 

The  Government  has  suffered  fi'om  irresponsi- 
ble distillers  leasing  premises  for  distillingspirits; 
the  Govern  men  t  has  been  defrauded  of  itsjust  reve- 
nue, and,  although  there  may  be  cases  of  hardship, 
I  think  the  principle  is  a  safe  one  that  the  prop- 
erty of  the  distillery  should  be  held  responsible 
for  the  doings  of  the  distiller. 

Tlie  ainendment  to  theamendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  move  to  strike 
out  all  after  the  first  word. 

Mr.  BOUTWELL.  I  insist  that  the  gentle- 
man shall  confine  his  remarks  to  the  amendment 
which  he  has  submitted. 

Mr.  BROWN, of  Wisconsin.  The  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts,  in  his  zeal  to  suppresa  dis- 
cussion, might  as  well  wait  until  he  has  heard 
my  argument  before  he  raises  a  question  of  order. 
Gentlemen  who  believe  they  have  the  right  sel- 
dom wish  to  escape  from  discussion.  It  is  only 
those  who  believe  that,  by  brute  force,  by  a  nu- 
merical majority,  they  can  vote  down  any  prop- 
osition, whether  right  or  wrong,  who  resort  to 
such  rules  and  desire  to  apply  the  gag  to  mem- 
bers of  tills  House. 

N6w,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  argument  the  gentle- 
man makes  well  becomes  the  gentleman  who 
makes  it,  and  the  side  of  this  House  from  which  it 
comes.  It  is  an  argument  that  we,  acting  under 
our  oaths  to  do  our  duty  under  the  Constitution, 
and  to  comply  with  all  of  its  provisions,  shall 
pass  a  law  independently  of  these  oaths,  and  for- 
getting what  we  have  promised.  He  says  let  us 
pass  these  propositions,  and  if  they  are  wrong  the 
Supreme  Court  can  make  them  right!  It  fur- 
nishes a  key  to  the  action  of  this  House  during 
this  session  on  more  than  one  half  of  its  legisla- 
tion. Day  after  day  we  have  appealed  in  vain, 
not  only  to  the  protection  of  the  Constitution, 
but  to  the  protection  of  those  principles  of  justice 
which  lie  back  of  all  constitutions,  and  which  all 
men,  whether  born  under  the  despotic  sway  of  a 
Russian  czar  or  in  a  free  land,  have  recognized 
as  the  primary  object  of  all  legislation. 

We  have  followed  such  rules  because  the  nu- 
merical majority  of  this  House  liave  the  power. 


They  can  pass  this  bill  and  leave  to  the  courts  to, 
supply  what  w(>  have  left  undone. 

Any  attempt  l)y  any  parly,  under  the  plcit  of 
necessity,  to  take  the  pio))erty  of  the  innocent  as 
a  ]iuiiishment  fur  the  fault  of  the  guilty  is  dis- 
honest as  well  as  unconstitutional.  It  will  be  en- 
couraging the  spirit  of  plunder. 

[Here  the  hammer  fell.] 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  sorry  the  gentleman 
had  not  more  time,  for  his  argument  ia  so  ger- 
mane to  the  amendment.  [Laughter.]  I  regret 
that  he  should  not  have  a  larger  privilege;  but  if 
it  were  granted  to  him  some  of  the  rest  of  us 
would  ask  for  the  same  thing.  As  he  did  not  get 
to  the  amendment  we  arc  notenlightened  enough 
to  vote  with  him,  and  I  hope  the  amendment  will 
be  voted  down. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin,  withdrew  his 
amendment  to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  GANSON.  I  demand  the  yeas  and  nays 
upon  the  amendment. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  I  move  that  the  House 
adjourn. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  put;  and  it  was  decided  in  the 
negative — yeas  47,  nays  51,  not  voting  84;  as  fol- 
lows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Amea,  Bally,  John  I). 
liakhvin,  Beaman,  Coutwell,Broomall,  Amlirose  VV.  Cl.Trk, 
Colib,  Cole,  Cresvvcll,  Daw<;s,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Ecltley, 
Eliot,  Fenton,  Frank,  Higby,  Hooper,  Hotclikiss,  John  H. 
Hubbard,  Ingersoll,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Littlejahn,  Loan, 
Mcliride,  Mcliidoe,  Moorhead,  Morrill,  Norton,  Charles 
O'Neill,  I^erliain,  Price,  Alexaiidvr  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice, 
IShaniion,  Sloan,  Sniithers,  Stevens,  Upson,  Van  Valken- 
bingli,  Elihu  B.  VVashburnc,  Webster,  Wilson,  and  Wood- 
bridge— 47. 

NAYS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
coiia,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  James  S.  Brown,  Clianler, 
Co.x,  Cravens,  Dawson,  Eden,  Edgerion,  Eldridge,  Finck, 
Ganson,  Garfield,  Grisvvold,  Hale,  Harding,  Herrick,  Hol- 
man,  Philip  Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Kernan,  Lazear,  Marcy, 
Marvin,  i\lcAllister,  McDowell,  McKinney,  James  U.  Mor- 
ris, Morrison,  Leonard  Myers,  Odell,  Pendleton,  Pruyn, 
Robinson,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross,  Scofield,  Seott,  John  B. 
Sieele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Tracy,  Wads- 
worth,  Ward,  Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Wil 
liams,  and  Fernando  Wood — 51. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Anderson,  Arnold,  Ashley,Ba.t- 
ter,  Jilaine,  (ilair.  Bliss,  Blow,  Boyd,  liraiidegee,  Brooks, 
William  G.  Urown,  Freeman  Clarke,  Clay,Coffr()th,  Henry 
Winter  Davis.  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Deming,  Dcnison,  Driggs, 
Duniont,  English,  Farnsvvortli,  Gooch,  Grider,  Grinnell, 
Hall,  Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Charles  M.  Harris, 
Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Ilutchins,  Jenekes,  William 
Johnson,  Julian,  ICasson,  Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  King, 
Knapp,  Knox,  Law,  Le  Blond,  Long,  Longyear,  Alallory, 
McClurg,  Middleton,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  William  H.  Miller, 
Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers,  Nelson,  Not)le,John  O'Neill, 
Oith,  Patterson,  Perry,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Radlord,  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  William  H.  Kahdall,  Rogers,  Edvvard  H.  Rollins, 
Schcncii,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Stuart,  Sweat, 
Thayer,  Tliomas,  Voorhees,  William  B.  Washburn,  Wha- 
ley,  Wheeler,  Wilder,  Windom,  Wintield,  Benjamitt  Wood, 
and  Yeaman — 84. 

So  the  amendment  was  not  concurred  in. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  NORTON  stated  that  Mr.  Arnold  was 
detained  at  home  on  account  of  sickness. 

Mr.  L.  MYERS  stated  that  Mr.  Amos  Myers 
had  left  the  House  on  account  of  illness. 

And  then,  on  motion  of  Mr.  MORRILL,  (at  ten 
o'clock  and  thirty-five  minutes  p.  m.,)  the  House 
adjourned. 

IN  SENATE. 
Thursday,  June  16,  1864. 
Prayer  by  the  Cliaplain,  Rev.  Dr.  Bowman. 
The  Journal  of  yesterday  was  read  and  approved. 

PETITIONS  AND  MEMORIALS. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  seven  petitions  of  citizens 
of  Vermont  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mil- 
itary and  na  vnl  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  ininsur- 
rectionliry  districts;  which  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  MORGAN  presented  a  memorial  of  citi- 
zens of  Boston,  Massachilsetts,  and  a  petition  of 
citizens  of  Huntington  county,  Pennsylvania, 
praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  276) 
to  secure  to  persons  in  the  military  and  naval  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States  homesteads  on  confiscated 
or  forfeited  estates  in  insurrectionary  districts; 
which  were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Public 
Lands. 

Mr.  SUMNER  presented  six  petitions  of  men 
^tnd  women  of  the  United  States  praying  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment  of 


the  Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit  its  ex- 
istence in  any  portion  of  the  Union;  which  were 
referred  to  the  select  committee  on  slavery  and 
freed  men. 

Mr.  WADE  presented  a  memorial  of  citizens  of 
Ohio  engaged  in  the  manufacture  and  working  of 
marble,  remonstrating  againstany  increase  of  the 
duty  on  marble;  which  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance. 

TREASURY  PRINTING  AND  ENGRAVING. 

Mr.  WADE  submitted  the  following  resolu- 
tion; which  was  considered  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, and  agreed  to: 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Finance  be  instructed 
to  inquire  in  what  manner  the  engraving  and  printing  oftho 
fractional  currency,  bonds,  notes,  and  other  Government 
securities  is  conducted  in  the  Treasury  buHding;  what 
safeguards  have  been  adopted  forthe  protection  of  the  pub- 
lic interests,  and  to  secure  the  integrity  of  the  said  issues  of 
notes  and  bonds,  and  for  the  safety  of  the  dies  and  plates 
used  in  printing  the  same  ;  what  expenditures  have  been 
made  for  the  purchase  of  machinery,  and  for  labor  and 
materials;  wliat  alterations  have  been  made  in  the  Treas- 
ury building  for  the  accommodation  of  the  said  work,  and 
the  cost  of  the  same,  as  well  as  their  effect  upon  the  sta- 
bility and  convenience  of  the  building;  from  what  appro- 
priations the  said  expenditures  have  been  made  ;  and  that 
the  said  committee  liave  power  to  send  tor  persons  and 
papers. 

REPORTS  FROM  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  CHANDLER,  from  the  Committee  on 
Commerce,  to  whom  was  referred  the  petition 
of  citizens  of  New  Albany,  Indiana,  praying  that 
New  Albany  may  be  made  a  district  for  the  in- 
spection of  steamboats  and  for  the  collection  of 
customs,  reported  adversely  thereon. 

Healso,  from  thesamecommittee.to  whom  was 
referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  520)  for  the  relief  of 
Samuel  Beaston,  master  of  the  schooner  George 
Harris,  asked  to  be  discharged  from  its  further 
consideration,  and  that  it  be  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Claims;  which  was  agreed  to. 

Healso,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom  was 
referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  519)  repealing  cer- 
tain provisions  of  law  concerning  seamen  on 
board  of  public  and  private  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  reported  it  without  amendment. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (S,  No.  290)  for  increased 
facilities  of  telegraph  communication  between  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  States  and  the  Territory  of 
Idaho,  reported  it  with  an  amendment. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  on  Naval  Af- 
fairs, to  v/liom  was  referred  the  petition  of  Wil- 
liam Rogers  Hopkins,  asked  to  be  discharged  from 
its  further  consideration;  which  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE,  from  the  Committeeon  Com- 
merce, to  whom  was  referred  the  petition  of  the 
American  Shipmasters'  Association,  submitted  a 
report  accompanied  by  a  bill  (S.  No.  310)  forthe 
promotion  of  comtnerce  and  the  improvement  of 
navigation.  The  bill  was  read,  and  passed  to  a 
second  reading;  and  the  report  was  ordered  to  be 
printed. 

PREVENTION  OF  SMUGGLING. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Committee  on  Com- 
merce, to  whom  was  referred  the  amendment  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  bill  (S.  No. 
266)  to  prevent  smuggling,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses, recommend  that  the  Senate  non-concur  in 
the  amendment.  I  make  that  motion,  and  also 
that  the  Senate  ask  for  a  conference  on  the  sub- 
ject. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  desire  to  suggest  to  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce  whether 
we  had  not  better  simply  non-concur.  That  will 
send  the  bill  back  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  put  it  upon  the  House  to  ask  a  confer- 
ence, as  I  think  ought  to  be  done  in  this  case,  as 
the  amendment  here,  which  purports  to  be  a  sub- 
stitute for  the  entire  bill,  is  in  all  essential  par- 
ticulars the  bill  itself.  I  think  when  the  other 
House  sends  to  us  an  amendment  as  a  substitute 
to  our  bill,  which  amendment  is  substantially  the 
bill  itself,  we  have  a  right  to  non-concur  and  ask 
them  to  take  the  initiative  in  any  further  pro- 
ceedings. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Very  well;  I  withdraw 
the  motion  for  a  conference. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  concurring  in  the  amendment  of  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

The  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 

THOMAS  J.  GALBRAITH. 
Mr.  WILKINSON.    The  Committee  on  In- 


S002 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


dian  AfFairs,  to  whom  was  referred  the  petition 
of  Thomas  J.  Galbraith,  asking  certain  relief, 
have  instructed  me  to  report  a  joint  resolution, 
and  I  ask  for  its  present  consideration.  I  pre- 
sume there  will  be  no  objection  to  it. 

The  joint  resokition  (S.  No.  67)  for  the  relief 
of  Thomas  J.  Galbraith  was  read  twice  by  its 
title. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Is  there  any 
objection  to  the  present  consideration  of  the  joint 
resolution.' 

Mr.  POWELL  and  others.     Let  it  be  read. 

The  Secretary  read  the  resolution.  It  proposes 
to  direct  the  proper  accounting  officers  of  the  In- 
terior and  Treasury  Departments  to  settle  and  ad- 
just the  money  and  property  accounts  and  claims 
of  Thomas  J.  Galbraith,  as  agent  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Sioux  Indians  of  Minnesota,  upon 
principles  of  equity  and  justice;  and  to  allow  him 
credit  for  all  moneys  and  property  actually  ex- 
pended by  him,  in  good  faith,  in  and  about  the 
affairs  of  his  agency,  and  for  the  use  of  the  In- 
dians, upon  his  affidavit  or  affidavits,  duly  sworn 
to,  of  such  expenditure;  and  he  is  to  be  discharged 
from  all  liability  for  or  on  account  of  Indian  trust 
property,  which,  by  his  affidavit  or  affidavits, 
shall  clearly  appear  to  have  been  destroyed  or 
taken  and  carried  away  by  hostile  Indians,  or  by 
the  troops  or  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  of 
the  State  of  Minnesota,  against  his  will,  and  with- 
out his  fault  or  connivance.  In  addition  to  these 
affidavits,  the  officers  may,  in  their  discretion, 
require  corroborative,  countervailing,  or  explan- 
atory evidence  of  the  matters  and  statements  in 
the  affidavits  set  forth  and  sworn  to. 

Mr.  POWELL.  It  strikes  me  that  that  is  a 
very  loose  mode  of  legislation. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Does  the  Sen- 
ator object  to  the  present  consideration  of  the 
resolution.'' 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  have  no  objection  to  its  be- 
ing considered  now. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  No  objection 
to  its  present  consideration  being  made,  tlie  joint 
resolution  is  before  the  Senate  as  in  Committee 
of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  POWELL.  It  strikes  me  that  to  allow 
the  accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury  to  settle 
those  accounts  upon  the  mere  affidavit  of  the 
party  as  to  the  property  that  was  in  his  hands 
IS  not  proper.  There  ought  to  be  some  further 
evidence  about  it.  I  do  not  object  to  the  present 
consideration  of  the  resolution,  but  I  merely  state 
this  as  a  reason  why  I  cannot  vote  for  it.  If  the 
Senator  will  amend  it  so  as  to  provide  for  proof 
outside  of  the  affidavit  of  the  party,  it  would  per- 
haps be  proper  to  pass  it. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  I  think  I  can  explain  the 
case  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Kentucky.  There  is  at  the  end  of  this  res- 
olution a  proviso  that  the  accounting  officers  may 
require  such  further  proof  to  sustain  the  affida- 
vits of  Mr.  Galbraith,  the  petitioner,  as  in  their 
discretion  they  shall  deem  necessary  and  proper. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Allow  me  to  make  a 
suggestion  to  the  Senator  from  Minnesota.  The 
provision  of  the  resolution,  as  I  understand  the 
reading  of  it  from  the  Secretary's  table,  is  that 
as  to  property  which  was  taken  by  hostile  Indians 
his  affidavit  shall  be  sufficient,  and  he  shall  notbe 
accountable  for  it.  I  have  no  objection  to  that. 
The  resolution  also  provides  that  he  shall  not  be 
accountable  for  property  taken  by  our  own  citi- 
zens. There  is  no  reason  in  the  world  why  his 
affidavit  should  be  taken  for  that.  He  can  obtain 
the  testimony  of  the  people  of  Minnesota  who 
took  the  property,  and  account  for  it,  and  he  ought 
to  be  responsible  for  it  if  they  have  taken  it.  To 
that  portion  of  the  resolution  I  object. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  suggest  to  my  friend  from 
Minnesota  that  perhaps  the  resolution  had  better 
go  over  and  be  printed,  and  each  Senator  can  have 
it  on  his  desk  in  the  morning. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  I  will  consent  to  letitgo 
over,  and  I  ask  that  the  resolution  and  the  peti- 
tion be  printed. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  suggest  also  that  the 
letters  from  the  Department  on  the  subject  be 
printed. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     The  resolu- 
tion will   be  printed,  as  a  matter  of  course;  but 
the  motion  to  print  the  petition  must  go  to  the 
Committee  on  Printing. 
Mr.  DOOLITTLE.    The   papers  are  short, 


and  1  ask  by  unanimous  consent  that  an  order 
be  made  to  print  them. 

The  PRESIDENT  jiro  tempore.  The  order 
may  be  made  by  unanimous  consent.  The  Chair 
hears  no  objection. 

BILLS  INTRODUCED. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas,  asked,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent  obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill 
(S.  No.  30D)  for  the  relief  of  Clara  Moore,  execu- 
trix of  the  late  Eli  Moore;  which  was  read  twice 
by  its  title,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Claims. 

He  also  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent  ob- 
tained, leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  SH)  for 
the  relief  of  W.  H.  and  C.  S.  Duncan;  which  was 
read  twice  by  its  title,  and,  with  papers  presented 
by  him,  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Claims. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  Lloyd,  Chief  Clerk,  announced  that  the 
House  had  agreed  to  the  report  of  the  committee 
of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  tv^o 
Houses  on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  relief 
of  Rhoda  Wolcolt,  widow  of  Henry  "Wolcott, 
and  to  the  report  of  the  committee  of  conference 
on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  40)  making  appropriations 
for  the  consular  and  diplomatic  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  theyearending  theSOth  of  June, 
1865. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
had  passed  the  bill  (S.  No.  291)  to  amend  an  act 
entitled  "An  act  to  enable  the  people  of  Colorado 
to  form  a  constitution  and  State  government,  and 
for  the  admission  of  such  State  into  the  Union  on 
an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States;"  and 
the  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  64)  explanatory  of  an 
act  entitled  "An  act  extending  the  time  for  the 
completion  of  the  Marquette  and  Ontonagon  rail- 
road of  the  State  of  Michigan." 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  had  signed  the  fol- 
lowing enrolled  bills;  and  they  were  thereupon 
signed  by  the  President  pro  iem^jore; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  106)  to  prohibit  certain  sales  of 
gold  and  foreign  exchange; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  282)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An 
act  to  extend  thetimefor  the  withdrawal  of  goods 
from  public  stores  and  bonded  warehouses,  and 
forotherpurposes, "approved  February  29, 1864; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  513)  to  detach  the  counties 
of  Calhoun  and  Brancli  from  the  western  judicial 
district  and  annex  the  same  to  the  eastern  district 
of  the  State  of  Michigan; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  291)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  enable  the  people  of  Colorado  to  form 
a  constitution  and  State  government,  and  for  the 
admission  of  such  State  into  the  Union  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  original  States;" 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  40)  making  appropriations 
for  the  consular  and  diplomatic  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  30th  June,  1865, 
and  for  other  purposes;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  64)  explanatory  of 
an  act  entitled  "An  act  extending  the  time  for  the 
completion  of  the  Marquette  and  Ontonagon  rail- 
road of  the  State  of  Michigan." 

DUTIES  ON  SALT. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  move  to  suspend  all 
prior  orders  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  House 
bill  No.  356,  requiring  proof  of  payment  of  duties 
on  foreign  salt  before  payment  of  the  allowances 
provided  for  by  the  acts  of  July  29,  1813,  and 
March  3,  1819. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  was  con- 
sidered as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole.  It  pro- 
vides that  the  allowance  of  bounty  to  vesj^els  em- 
ployed in  the  Bank  and  other  cod  fisheries,  as 
provided  for  in  the  act  of  July  29,  1813,  laying  a 
duty  on  imported  salt,  granting  a  bounty  on 
pickled  fish  exported,  and  allowances  to  certain 
vessels  employed  in  the  fisheries,  and  the  act  of 
March  3,  1819,  amendatory  thereof,  shall  not 
hereafter  be  paid  to  any  such  vessel  until  satis- 
factory proof  shall  have  been  furnished  to  the 
collector  of  customs,  charged  with  the  payment 
of  the  bounty,  that  the  import  duty  imposed  by 
law  oh  foreign  salt  imported  into  the  United  States 
has  been  duly  paid  on  all  foreign  salt  used  in  cur- 
ing the  fish  on  which  the  claim  to  the  allowance 
of  bounty  is  based. 


Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  wish  to  say  simply 
that  in  the  remarks  I  made  the  other  day  on  the 
question  of  the  fishing  bounties  I  stated  that  this 
bill  had  become  a  law.  In  that  .supposition  I  was 
mistaken,  and  therefore  I  make  this  explanation 
to  the  Senate  now. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  ordered  to 
a  third  reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

CONVENTION  WITH  PERU. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  SUMNER,  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  521)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  pro- 
vide for  the  payment  of  the. claims  of  Peruvian 
citizens  under  the  convention  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  Peru  of  the  12th  of January, 1863," 
approved  June  1, 1864,  was  considered  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole.  It  proposes  to  amend  the 
act  approved  June  1,  1864,  by  striking  out,  after 
the  word  "January,"  the  word  "last,"  and  in- 
serting in  lieu  thereof  the  words  "eighteen  hun- 
dred and  sixty-three;"  and  also  so  as  to  author- 
ize the  Secretary  of  State  to  pay  to  each  of  the 
persons  mentioned  in  the  act  the  interest  that  may 
be  found  due  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the 
settlement  of  the  claims. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  ordered  to 
a  third  reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

EXEMPLIFICATION  OF  LAND  RECORDS. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  move  to  take  up  for  con- 
sideration Senate  bill  No.  278. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  should  like  to  know  what 
it  is, 

Mr.  HARLAN.  It  is  a  bill  reported  from  the 
Committee  on  PublicLands  prescribing  the  terms 
on  which  exemplifications  shall  be  furnished  by 
the  General  Land  Office. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  (S.No. 
278)  prescribing  the  terms  on  which  exemplifica- 
tions shall  be  furnished  by  the  General  Land  Office 
was  read  the  second  time  and  considered  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole. 

It  provides  that  from  and  after  the  1st  day  of 
July  next,  all  exemplifications  of  patents,  or  pa- 
pers on  file  or  of  record  in  the  General  Land 
Office,  which  may  be  required  by  parties  inter- 
ested, shall  be  furnished  by  the  Commissioner 
upon  the  payment  by  such  parties  at  the  rate  of 
fifteen  cents  per  hundred  words,  and  two  dollars 
for  copies  of  township  plates  or  diagrams,  with 
an  additional  sum  of  one  dollar  for  the  Commis- 
sioner's certificate  of  verification  witli  the  General 
Land  Office  seal.  One  of  the  employes  of  the 
office  is  to  be  designated  by  the  said  Commissioner 
as  the  receiving  clerk,  and  the  amounts  so  received 
are,  under  the  direction  of  the  Commissioner,  to 
be  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States. 
The  fees  stipulated  are  not  to  apply  to  authen- 
ticated copies  which  may  be  required  by  the 
officers  of  any  branch  of  the  Government,  nor  to 
such  unverified  copies  as  the  Commissioner  in  his 
discretion  may  deem  proper  to  furnish. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  ordered 
to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading,  read  the  third 
time,  and  passed. 

PUNISHMENT  OF  GUERRILLAS. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  take  up  the  House 
bill  to  provide  for  the  more  speedy  punishment 
of  guerrillas  and  for  other  purposes,  which  was 
up  the  other  morning. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate,  as 
in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  resumed  the  con- 
sideration of  the  bill  (H.  R.No.  511)  to  provide 
for  the  more  speedy  punishment  ofguerrillas,  and 
for  other  purposes,  the  question  being  on  the 
amendment  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs  and  the  Militia. 

Mr.  WILSON.  On  further  consultation  with 
the  committee  I  am  authorized  to  propose  a  modi- 
fication of  the  amendment,  so  as  to  retain  all  the 
words  which  the  committee  proposed  to  strike 
out  except  the  word  "  and,"  in  the  eleventh  line 
of  the  first  section,  the  result  of  which  will  be  to 
make  the  bill  read,  "  shall  have  power  to  carry 
into  execution  all  sentences  against  guerrillas  for 
robbery,  arson,  burglary,  rape,  assault  with  in- 
tent to  commit  rape,  and  for  violation  of  the  laws 
and  customs  of  war." 

The  result  of  this  amendment  is  to  confine  the 
bill  entirely  to  the  punishment  of  that  class  of 
men  for  tliese  offenses.  I  am  told  by  Colonel 
Holt  that  in  the  trials  ofguerrillas  the  specifica- 
tions are  always  for  some  act  embraced  in  these 
words.     If  tlie  word  "  and"  in  the  eleventh  line 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3003 


be  stricken  out,  it  will  be  confined  simply  to 
guerrillas  who  commit  tlic  offenses  specified.  1 
hope  the  amendment  will  be  agreed  to,  and  the 
bill  passed. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  When  this  bill  was  before 
tlie  Senate  at  a  former  day,  I  rose  to  support,  as 
well  as  I  might  be  able  to  do,  the  amendment 
proposed  by  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 
It  was  to  strike  out  the  words  in  brackets  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  lines  and  a  portion  of  the 
thirteenth  line,  but  without  meatiing,  if  those 
words  were  stricken  out,  to  vote  for  the  bill  un- 
less it  should  be  altered  in  another  particular. 
The  doubt  that  I  have  now  is  whether  the  amend- 
ment which  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  with 
the  consent  of  the  Senate,  has  just  proposed,  gets 
clear  of  the  difficulty  that  I  think  would  have  ex- 
isted in  relation  to  the  bill  if  it  had  been  amended 
as  originally  proposed;  and  that  difficulty  is  that 
there  is  no  definition  at  all  of  who  are  guerrillas. 
The  bill  will  read,  if  amended  as  now  contem- 
plated by  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  so  as  to 
confine  it  to  guerrillas  who  commit  robbery,  ar- 
son, and  the  other  offenses  here  named;  but  who 
are  guerrillas?  1  do  not  know.  There  is  no  desig- 
nation of  the  term,  as  far  as  I  am  advised,  in  the 
books  of  criminal  law,  and  in  the  absence  of  any 
legislative  definition  of  the  term,  if  you  leave  it 
to  the  different  courts-rjiartial  before  whom  the 
question  may  be  from  tinie  to  time  pending,  there 
may  be  as  many  different  decisions  as  there  are 
differences  of  views  upon  the  meaning  of  that 
term  by  the  different  courts-martial  or  military 
commissions;  and  I  should  prefer,  therefore,  if  it 
cnn  be  done,  that  there  should  be  some  definition 
of  the  term  itself.  The  honorable  member  seems 
to  suppose,  if  I  understood  him,  that  that  defini- 
tion will  be  found  in  the  bill,  if  it  passes  as  he 
now  proposes  it  to  pass;  but  in  that  1  submit  he 
is  mistaken.  There  are  two  things  to  be  estab- 
lished before  the  party  can  be  punished.  The 
particular  offense  designated,  irrespective  of  the 
party  by  whom  it  may  be  perpetrated,  is  first  to 
be  established,  was  it  a  case  of  robbery,  arson, 
&c.?  And  the  second  is,  was  the  perpetrator  a 
guerrilla.''  If  he  was  not  n  guerrilla,  then  he 
could  not  be  punished  under  this  bill.  The  pur- 
pose of  the  bill  is  to  draw  wifiiin  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  military  a  certain  description  of  our  peo- 
ple who  are  supposed  to  be  outside  of  the  protec- 
tion to  which  other  citizens  are  entitled. 

Now,  I  do  not  know,  Mr.  Presidcnt^what  has 
been  the  practice  of  the  confederate  authorities. 
In  one  sense,  in  the  legal  sense,  in  the  constitu- 
tional sense,  (and  if  the  war  was  terminated  the 
courts  would  so  hold,)  no  commission  from  any 
branch  of  that  alleged  government  would  be  a  de- 
fense as  against  homicide  or  either  of  the  other 
species  of  offenses  stated  in  this  bill.  If  the  war 
was  to  terminate  to-morrow  successfully  for  us, 
and  of  course  unsuccessfully  for  the  other  side, 
and  the  commander-in-chief  of  that  army  should 
be  indicted  for  treason,  the  courts  would  be  com- 
pelled to  hold  that  he  could  seek  no  defense  at 
all  behind  a  commission  issued  by  a  coconspira- 
tor and  a  cotraitor.  In  one  sense,  therefore,  he 
would  be  considered  a  guerrilla.  But  as  the  war 
is  not  terminated,  aii^  as  the  principles  of  hu- 
manity demand  that  this  species  of  warfare,  if  it 
can  be  called  warfare,  is  not  to  be  carried  on, 
which  will  bring  about  retaliation  from  one  side 
or  the  other,  we  have  been  willing  to  recognize 
thatgovernment  as  a  government  in  point  of  fact, 
and  to  deal  with  it,  because  it  is  a  government  in 
point  of  fact,  as  if  it  was  a  government  legally  es- 
tablished, so  far  as  to  authorize  us  to  make  ex- 
changes of  prisoners  and  to  recognize  their  offi- 
cers as  contradistinguished  from  their  privates, 
and  to  make  exchanges  in  the  same  way  in  which 
we  would  make  exchanges  if  the  confederate 
government  had  been  a  long-established  and  sep- 
arate foreign  government. 

Now,  I  can  very  well  imagine  that  those  who 
are  called  guerrillas  in  the  popular  sense,  and 
who  will  be  held  to  be  guerrillas  by  these  mili- 
tary commissions,  will  be  found  to  have  been  act- 
ing under  some  sort  of  authority  derived  from 
some  branch  of  that  confederate  government.  If 
we  should  punish  them  as  having  without  the 
slightest  authority  robbed  and  murdered,  it  might 
lead  to  retaliation  as  against  our  own  prisoners, 
a  condition  of  retaliation  which,  if  possible,  I  am 
sure  every  humane  man  will  agree  with  me  in 
saying  should  be  avoided.      The  safety  of  our 


troops,  the  honor  of  the  nation,  may  demand  k; 
but  unless  that  safety  and  that  honor,  or  some 
equally  imperative  reason,  demand  it  in  any  par- 
ticular case  all  the  impulses  of  humanity  would 
repel  it.  Now,  I  should  like  to  know  from  my 
friend,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs,  what  he  understands  by  the  term 
"guerrilla?"  Who  is  a  "  guerrilla"  in  the  sense 
in  which  the  term  is  used  in  this  bill  ?  If  he  is 
authorized  to  say,  and  can  satisfy  me,  that  "  guer- 
rilla" is  a  well-established  term  in  the  law,  and 
so  established  that  to  inflict  punishmentupon  the 
party  will  not  properly  subject  us  to  retaliation 
upon  our  men  who  have  committed  no  such  of- 
fense, then  I  will  vote  for  this  bill,  provided  it  is 
true  that  the  same  object  cannot  be  obtained  in  a 
different  way. 

This  bill — I  may  not  perhaps  correctly  under- 
stand it — deals  with  tlie  offenses  mentioned  where 
ever  they  may  be  committed.  It  deals  with  them, 
therefore,  if  committed  in  Maryland  or  in  either 
of  the  loyal  States;  and  if  it  does,  then  it  takes 
from  the  civil  authority  of  those  States  the  right 
which  the  constitution  and  laws  of  those  States 
give  to  them  and  to  nobody  else — the  right  to  try 
them.  That,  I  suppose,  the  committee  do  not 
contemplate,  and  if  they  did,  according  to  my 
view,  it  would  be  a  clear  violation  of  the  Consti- 
tution. It  would  be  substituting  in  Maryland 
military  authority  for  the  civil  authority.  Any 
of  my  fellow-citizens  may  be  taken  lipandcharged 
with  these  offenses, and  called  aguerrilla;  he  may 
not  have  committed  an  offense;  he  may  not,  in  the 
judgment  of  our  courts,  be  a  guerrilla  at  all,  in  any 
sense  in  which  that  term  can  be  used;  but  yet  he 
may  be  convicted,  sentenced,  and  executed  by  this 
military  commission;  and  what  makes  it  still  more 
obnoxious,  in  my  view,  is  that  a  party  in  that  sit- 
uation, although  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  within  a  nearer 
distance  from  the  Executive  of  Maryland,  cannot 
appeal  to  the  executive  power  of  either  the  State 
or  the  United  States  to  save  him  from  the  punish- 
ment. 

There  may  be,  I  know,  in  a  time  of  war,  v/here 
the  Army  is  a  necessity  for  trying  by  a  drum-head 
court-martini  an  offense  committed  on  the  spot 
which  is  calculated  to  affect  the  efficiency  of  the 
Army.  Nobody,  1  suppose,  ever  contemplated 
thatunless,  upon  the  ground  of  military  necessity, 
unless,  upon  the  foundation  of  the  war  power  ex- 
ercised because  of  the  necessity  of  each  case,  Con- 
gress had  a  right  to  interfere  with  the  laws  and 
constitutions  of  the  States,  and  give  the  decision 
of  all  such  questions  as  the  violation  of  our  laws  to 
the  judgment  of  a  court-martial.  But  now  what 
laws  are  violated  upon  which  this  commission  is 
to  sit  in  judgment  ?  Congress  has  passed  no  law, 
has  not  the  authority  to  do  it,  for  the  punishment 
of  murder  committed  within  the  limits  of  the 
States.  The  whole  jurisdiction  in  reference  to 
offenses  within  the  limits  of  the  States  is  with 
the  States;  and  this  military  commission,  there- 
fore, who  are  to  sit  in  judgment  for  the  purpose 
of  trying  whether  a  citizen  of  Maryland  has  com- 
mitted robbery,  or  arson,  or  burglary,  or  either 
of  the  other  offenses  named,  must  look  to  the 
laws  of  Maryland  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
what  by  those  laws  is  murder,  arson,  burglary, 
&c.;  so  that  you  are  giving  to  this  military  com- 
mission the  authority  to  consider  and  execute 
Maryland  law.  I  only  mention  Maryland  by 
way  of  illustration.  You  may  be  giving  them, 
if  there  are  any  military  from  whom  a  military 
commission  may  be  constituted  in  the  State  of 
Massachusetts,  the  right  to  decide  as  against  a 
citizen  of  Massachusetts  whether  he  has  com- 
mitted murder,  arson,  burglary,  or  the  other  of- 
fenses contrary  to  the  definition  of  those  offenses 
as  prescribed  by  Massachusetts  law.  I  do  not 
believe,  with  tlie  well-known  devotion  to  lib- 
erty which  belongs  to  the  sons  of  Massachusetts, 
that  they  ever  would  consent  to  be  subjected  to 
any  other  jurisdiction  in  relation  to  such  matters 
excepttheirown  State  jurisdiction,  and  especially 
would  they  not  consent  to  be  subjected  to  a  mili- 
tary jurisdiction. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Mr.  President,  this  is  another 
of  the  series  of  strange  and  absurd  bills  that  these 
extraordinary  times  have  originated.  That  the 
criminals  who  are  designated  in  this  bill  ought  to 
be  punished,  I  suppose  nobody  will  controvert; 
but  all  men  ought  to  be  punished  according  to 
law,  and  not  in  conflict  with  lav/,  and  especially 


with  constitution.  I  should  like  to  have  the  at- 
tention of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Maryland 
while  I  propound  a  question  or  two  to  him.  1 
ask  the  honorable  Senator,  who  certainly  is  one 
of  the  ablest  lawyers  not  only  of  the  Senate  but  of 
the  nation,  if  a  military  court  can  take  cognizance 
of  and  punish  for  any  offenses  not  ari.sing  in  the 
military  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  or 
in  the  militia  of  the  States  when  in  the  actual  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Anthony 
in  the  chair.)  The  hour  of  one  o'clock  having 
arrived,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  the  Chair  to  call 
up  the  special  order,  which  is  the  unfinished  busi- 
ness of  yesterday,  being  House  bill  No.  51,  to 
establish  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's  Affairs. 

ORDER  OP  BUSINESS. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  move  to  postpone  that 
and  all  prior  orders  and  take  up  the  tariff  bill. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  1  hope  the  Senator  will 
permit  me  to  offer  an  amendment  to  this  bill  be- 
fore it  passes  from  the  consideration  of  the  Sen- 
ate, that  it  may  lie  over  with  the  bill. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  amend- 
ment can  he  received  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  can  be  offered  after- 
wards.    I  do  not  want  my  motion  disolaced. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.     Very  well;  l'  can  wait. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Maine. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  hope  the  Senate  will  pro- 
ceed with  the  consideration  of  the  bill  which  is 
now  regularly  before  it.  We  have  been  engaged 
upon  it  two  days;  why  not  finish  it?  It  is  a 
measure  of  great  importance.  The  public  ex- 
pectation is  following  it,  and  large  numbers  of 
people  are  depending  upon  its  passage,  numbers 
counted  by  the  hundred  thousand — we  hope 
soon,  in  the  progress  of  victory,  to  be  counted  by 
the  million — being  the  frcedmcn  of  the  country. 
I  say,  sir,  they  have  a  right  to  look  to  our  care 
and  protection;  and  this  bill  seeks  to  secure  it. 
I  hope,  thei'efore — if  I  may  appeal  to  the  Sena- 
tor from  Maine — that  he  will  not  interpose  his 
measure  to  arrest  the  final  decision  of  the  Senate 
on  a  bill  which  is  so  humane  in  its  object,  in 
which  so  many  people  take  an  interest,  and  which 
is  so  well  calculated  to  serve  the  public  good. 
The  tariff  bill  is  sure  to  pass;  it  can  be  taken  up 
any  day  when  no  other  measure  is  before  the 
Senate;  it  need  not  put  aside  an  important  meas- 
ure. I  hope,  therefore,  that  the  Senate  will  pro- 
ceed with  the  consideration  of  the  bill  before  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  All  I  can  say  is  that  the 
tariff  bill  and  the  internal  revenue  bill  are  the 
two  essential  measures  which  we  must  pass  before 
the  Senate  adjourns.  It  so  happens  that  my  per- 
sonal attention  is  necessary  to  both  of  them.  I 
am  very  sorry  that  it  is  so.  I  should  be  very  glad 
to  be  rid  of  both  of  them ,  if  I  could  avoid  the  labor 
which  I  must  necessarily  go  through.  The  in- 
ternal revenue  bill  is  before  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives to-day.  It  will  be  probably  finished 
there  to-day  or  to-morrow,, and  then  come  to  us 
undoubtedly  for  a  committee  of  conference;  and 
it  is  important  that  when  that  is  done  the  tariff 
bill  should  be  in  a  condition  to  go  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  with  the  amendments  that  may 
be  made  by  the  Senate.  I  expect  that  after  that 
bill  is  placed  in  that  position,  according  to  the  or- 
dinary course  of  business  my  personal  attention 
will  be  necessary  to  the  internal  revenue  bill,  (if 
I  should  with  the  approbation  of  the  Senate  hap- 
pen to  be  upon  the  committee  of  conference, 
which  perhaps  is  not  unlikely  under  the  circum- 
stances,) not  only  in  the  ordinary  time  devoted  to 
such  matters,  butduring  thesessions  ofthe  Senate 
in  order  to  get  the  business  through.  That  was 
my  motive  for  moving  to  take  up  the  tariff  bill 
now.  I  did  not  see  ahead  of  me  any  particular 
time  when  I  could  give  it  that  personal  attention 
which  it  is  necessary  that  I  should  give  to  it  in  the 
Senate,  for  some  days,  or  so  as  to  get  the  bill  back 
to  the  House  of  Representatives  in  time  to  have 
the  amendments  ofthe  Senate  to  it  there  consid- 
ered in  connection  with  the  internal  revenue  bill. 
I  think  that  is  important.  In  addition,  I  will  say 
that  I  have  been  applied  to  by  many  members  of 
the  Senate  on  both  sides  of  the  Chamber  who  have 
requested  that  I  should  bring  up  this  bill  and  have 
it  dis'posed  of  as  soon  as  possible.  Having  said 
this,l  will  only  add  that  the  matter  is  in  the  hands 
of  the  Senate,  and  I  have  no  wish  about  it  one  w:.y 


3004 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  la 


or  the  other.   The  Senate  can  do  what  it  sees  good. 
I  have  done  my  dutv  in  making  the  moti/)n. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  'We  were  led  to  believe  at  the 
end  of  the  last  week  that  this  week  would  be  left 
open  for  the  consideration  of  measures  that  did 
not  come  from  the  Finance  Committee.  I  think 
the  chairman  of  that  committee  so  stated  himself 
distinctly  to  the  Senate.  With  that  understand- 
ing we  have  proceeded  with  the  consideration  of 
several  measures  this  week, and  yet  onceortwice 
the  Senator  has  brought  forward  measures  from 
his  committee  which  have  displaced  those  we 
were  considering. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  is  a  little  in 
error.  I  said  last  Friday  that  I  was  in  hopes  to 
get  the  two  appropriation  bills  to  which  I  then 
referred,  the  Indian  appropriation  bill  and  the  for- 
tification bill,  through  before  the  end  of  that  week, 
and  that  in  that  case  I  saw  nothing  to  interfere 
with  the  business  of  this  week.  We  have  since, 
however,  reported  the  tariff  bill,  and  the  question 
presents  itself  precisely  under  the  circumstances 
Lhave  stated.  When  that  bill  shall  be  out  of  the 
way,  it  is  probable  there  will  be  several  days 
■when  I  shall  have  no  otherbusiness  to  present.  But 
the  Senate  can  judge  of  this  matter  as  well  as  I 
can.  I  have  stated  frankly  the  condition  of  the 
two  bills,  and  it  is  for  the  Senate  to  decide  what 
is  the  propriety  of  the  case  in  view  of  the  situa- 
tion of  the  public  business. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  It  becomes  a  question  be- 
tween the  importance  of  the  two  measures  under 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case,  one  meas- 
ure having  been  already  proceeded  wiih  to  a  cer- 
tain stage  and  there  being  a  chance  of  arriving  at 
some  decision  oneway  or  the  other  very  speedily, 
and  the  other  not  having  been  taken  up.  Now, 
I  submit  that  it  is  bad  economy  to  cut  oIF  the  con- 
sideration of  a  measure  that  has  been  proceeded 
with  for  two  days  in  order  to  take  up  a  measure 
that  has  not  been  touched.  I  am  not  aware  of 
any  disposition  to  proiract  the  debate  on  the  bill 
to  establish  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen.  Certainly 
there  is  not  on  my  part,  or  on  the  part  of  the 
friends  of  the  bill;  and  I  really  hope  the  Senate 
will  be  willing  to  go  on  with  it,  and  let  us  before 
we  part  this  afternoon  finish  it. 

Mr.WILSON.  Mr.  President,  the  other  day  the 
President  of  the  United  States  sent  here  a  message 
in  reference  to  the  military  exigencies  of  the  coun- 
try, and  a  bill  was  presented  according  to  tiie  rec- 
ommendation of  the  message  and  the  suggestion 
of  the  Secretary  of  War.  That  bill  was  con- 
sidered for  a  short  time  and  then  went  over.  The 
Senator  from  Maine  came  in  the  next  day  and 
claimed  the  time  which  we  all  gave  to  him,  as  we 
generally  do,  and  as  I  certainly  generally  am  will- 
ing to  do.  The  Senatorfrom  Maine  then  haying 
finished  or  nearly  finished  all  the  business  of  his 
committee  which  was  before  the  Senate,  told  us 
that  they  were  engaged  in  examining  the  tariff 
bill,  and  that  the  coming  week,  which  is  the  pres- 
ent week,  would  be  left  open  for  the  considera- 
tion of  other  business.  Supposing  that  that  was 
to  be  the  case,  supposing  that  no  bills  from  the 
Finance  Comrnitteevv^ere  to  be  called  up  this  week, 
I  yielded  to  my  colleague  who  had  charge  of  the 
other  measure  to  which  he  has  referred,  as  I 
ought  not  to  have  done.  He  supposed  that  meas- 
ure would  take  but  a  short  time  for  its  considera- 
tion, and  that  the  bill  in  my  charge  would  soon 
be  reached.  The  Senator  from  Maii.e  soon  came 
in  and  claimed  Monday,  and  tlien  the  day  before 
yesterday  and  yesterday  were  occupied  by  the 
bill  in  charge  of  my  colleague.  I  have  yielded 
the  measure  to  which  I  refer,  which  I  have  been 
pressed  every  day  for  the  last  week  or  ten  days 
to  bring  to  a  conclusion,  and  the  Senator  from 
Maine  now  comes  in  here  and  asks  us  to  consider 
the  tariff  bill,  when  I  supposed  there  was  no 
earthly  probability  of  its  being  touched  this  week, 
and  I  have  written  to  men  who  have  inquired  of 
me  in  regard  to  it  that  it  would  not  come  up  this 
week.  The  Senator  from  Maine  last  week  prom- 
ised to  give  us  all  this  week,  but  now  he  comes 
in  to-day  in  the  middle  of  tlie  week  and  asks  to 
take  up  the  tariff  bill  for  consideration.  I  do  not 
like  generally  to  vote  against  any  request  the 
Senatorfrom  Maine  makes  on  behalf  of  his  com- 
mittee, because  I  know  how  much  he  has  to  do, 
but  I  really  think  this  motion  of  his  is  contrary 
to  all  the  understandings  we  had  in  regard  to  this 
week's  work. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     I  really  think  that  there 


ought  not  to  be  any  implied  charge  against  me  of 
a  want  of  good  faith,  and  I  am  sorry  that  my  friend 
from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Wilson]  should  have 
indulged  in  any  remark  that  would  lead  to  a  sup- 
position of  that  kind.  The  Indian  approjiriation 
bill  took  two  days,  instead  of  one,  as  I  supposed 
would  be  sufficient  for  it.  It  took  all  Friday  and 
all  Saturday,  leaving  me  with  the  fortification  bill 
still  on  my  hands.  1  had  that  taken  up  this  week, 
and  it  was  disposed  of  in  aboutan  hour.  Now,  1 
believe  the  bill  to  which  my  friend  alludes  has  al- 
ready taken  two  days  in  its  discussion,  and  is  not 
much  nearer  a  decision  than  it  was  when  it  began, 
and  I  can  say  the  same,  I  think,  in  reference  to 
the  bill  of  his  colleague  that  has  been  discussed 
for  three  days. 

Mr.  SUMNER.    Portions  of  three  days. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  most  of  three  days. 
Each  of  them  has  taken  more  time  than  both  of 
the  bills  which  1  brought  forward  before  the  Sen- 
ate last  week  and  th.is  week.  I  did  make  a  re- 
mark that  Senators  would  probably  have  all  of 
this  week  for  their  bills,  and  1  supposed  that  would 
be  the  case,  but  I  did  not  presume  that  my  having 
said  so  imposed  a  binding  obligation  on  me  not  to 
make  a  motion  in  regard  to  what  I  consider  the 
necessary  b"siness  of  the  Senate,  if  circumstances 
should  make  it  proper. 

Now,  sir,  I  have  simply  stated  the  condition  of 
these  two  great,  necessary,  essential  measures  to 
carrying  on  the  Government.  Senators  know 
as  well  as  I  do  that  we  cannot  get  along  without 
them.  I  have  stated  frankly  my  condition.  I 
have  no  personal  request  to  make  of  any  Senator 
in  regard  to  it.  I  only  say  that  under  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  state 
to  the  Senate  the  exact  condition  of  these  two 
bills  and  the  necessities  we  are  under  about  them. 
I  make  the  motion,  and  it  is  for  the  Senate  to 
judge.  Any  decision  that  the  Senate  may  come 
to  will  be  quite  satisfactory  to  me,  whether  it  be 
one  way  or  the  other. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Senator 
from  Maine  moves  to  postpone  the  pending  and 
all  other  prior  orders  for  the  purpose  of  proceed- 
ing; to  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
494)  to  increase  the  duties  on  imports  and  for 
other  purposes. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

RIIODA  WOLCOTT. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  Before  proceeding  with  the 
tariff  bill,  I  ask  consent  to  be  allowed  to  make  a 
report  from  a  com  in  it  ice  of  conference. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Chair 
will  receive  the  report. 

Mr.  FOSTER  submitted  the  following  report: 

The  committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  llie  bill  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  relief 
of  Rhoda  Wolcott,  widow  of  Ilenry  VVolcott,  having  met, 
have,  after  a  full  and  free  conference,  agreed  to  recommend 
and  dn  recommend  to  their  respective  Houses  as  follows  : 

1.  That  the  House  of  Ropresentatives  do  concur  in  tlie 
amendment  of  the  Senate  with  an  amendment  as  follows: 
strike  out  the  words  "  1st  day"  of  January,  1861,"  and  in 
lieu  thereof  insert  "14tli  day  of  November,  1860." 

2.  Tliat  the  Senate  do  agree  to  the  said  amendment  to 
the  amendment  of  the  Senate. 

L.  F.  S.  FOSTER, 

B.  GRATZ  BROWN, 

C.  R.  BUCKAbEW, 

^    Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

ANSON  HERRICK, 
JAMES  T.  HALE, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  The  original  bill  as  it  came 
from  the  House  of  Representatives  proposed  to 
give  to  the  person  named  in  the  bill  a  pension  as 
the  widow  of  a  soldier  in  the  war  of  1812,  begin- 
ning from  the  time  of  his  death  in  1812  or  1813. 
The  Senate  struck  out  the  time  specified  in  the 
House  bill  and  fixed  the  1st  day  of  January,  1861, 
for  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  the  pension. 
The  committee  of  conference  have  agreed  to 
change  the  time  to  the  14ih  of  November,  18G0, 
and  as  the  pension  is  only  four  dollars  a  month, 
the  change  from  the  amendment  of  the  Senate 
makes  a  difference  only  of  some  six  dollars,  which 
is  certainly  a  very  small  matter.  I  hope  the  re- 
port will  be  agreed  to. 

The  report  was  concurred  in. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  Lloyd,  Chief  Clerk,  announced  that  the 
House  had  passed  a  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No. 
93)  to  authorize  the  Postmaster  General  to  ex- 


tend the  contract  with  the  Overland  Mail  Com- 
pany. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
insisted  upon  its  amendment  to  the  bill  (S.  No, 
55)  in  relation  to  the  circuit  court  in  and  for  the 
district  of  Wisconsin,  and  for  other  purposes, 
disagreed  to  by  the  Senate,  asked  a  conference  on 
the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  thereon, 
and  had  appointed  Mr.  J.  F.  Wilson  of  Iowa, 
Mr.  J.  S.  Brown  of  Wisconsin,  and  Mr.  F.  E. 
WooDBRiDGE  of  Vermont,  managers  at  the  con- 
ference on  its  part. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
had  disagreed  to  the  amendments  of  the  Senate 
to  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  450)  to  provide  for  the 
repair  and  preservation  of  certain  public  works 
of  the  United  States,  asked  a  conference  on  the 
disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  thereon,  and 
had  appointed  Mr.  E.  B.  WASHBURNEof  Illinois, 
Mr.  J.  W.  LoNGTEAR  of  Michigan,  and  Mr.  N. 
Perrt  of  New  Jersey,  managers  at  the  confer- 
ence on  its  part. 

BILLS  BECOME  LAWS. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  President 
of  the  United  States  had  on  the  15th  instant  ap- 
proved the  following  acts  and  joint  resolution: 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  149)  concerning  certain 
school  lands  in  township  forty-five  north,  range 
seven  east,  in  the  State  of  Missouri; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  198)  making  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  the  Army  for  the  year  ending 
the  30th  of  June,  1865,  and  for  other  puiposes; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  383)  to  incorporate  the 
Home  for  Friendless  Women  and  Children;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  55)  granting 
certain  privileges  to  the  city  of  Des  Moines,  in 
the  State  of  Iowa. 

TARIFF  BILL. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
proceeded  to  consider  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  494)  to 
increase  the  duties  on  imports,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  As  the  bill  is  a  long  one, 
I  move  that  the  amendments  proposed  by  the 
Committee  on  Finance  be  acted  upon  as  they  are 
reached  in  the  reading  of  the  bill. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  That  course 
will  be  adopted. 

The  Secretary  read  the  bill  until  he  reached 
the  firstamendment  of  the  Committee  on  Finance, 
which  was  in  section  one,  line  ten,  to  strike  out 
the  word  "  five"  after  the  word  "  twenty,"  and 
to  add  after  the  word  "  upon"  the  words  "  and 
in  addition  thereto  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem;"  so 
as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  teas  of  all  khids  20  cents  per  pound,  and  In  addition 
thereto  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  As  the  amendment  proposed 
by  the  committee  is  somewhat  new  and  tends  to 
reduce  the  duty  fixed  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, I  should  be  glad  to  hear  what  has  led 
to  the  imposition  of  an  ad  valorem  duty  instead 
of  a  specific  duty  as  before. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  20  cents  a  pound  is 
the  old  duty,  as  the  Senator  knows.  The  House 
of  Representatives,  on  the  jecommendation  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  have  added  five 
cents  a  pound  to  it.  There  was  a  good  deal  of 
doubt  expressed  on  all  hands  whether  tea  would, 
under  the  circumstances,  bear  a  larger  duty  than 
was  put  upon  it  before.  The  Finance  Commit- 
tee, however,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  as  there 
was  a  very  considerable  difference  in  the  value 
of  the  teas  imported,  it  would  be  worth  while  to 
leave  the  old  specific  duty,  and  then  put  the  ad- 
dition, if  any  were  made,  in  the  shape  of  an  ad 
valorem  duty.  It  may  be  a  little  more  in  some 
cases  and  a  little  less  in  others  than  the  House 
of  Representatives  propose.  We  had  no  very 
fixed  opinions  on  the  subject,  but  we  thought  at 
all  events  that  by  making  this  change  the  matter 
would  be  left  open  for  discussion  in  a  committee 
of  conference  between  the  two  Houses,  and 
probably  we  might  arrive  at  a  just  conclusion, 
whereas  if  we  leave  the  clause  precisely  as  it  has 
come  from  the  House  of  Representatives  the  mat- 
ter will  be  concluded. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  have  no  objection  to  leav- 
ing the  matter  open  for  discussion  between  the 
two  Houses  to  be  decided  hereafter,  but  I  object 
to  the  passage  of  the  bill  with  the  provision  in  this 
form . 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3005 


Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  present  duty  on  tea,  I_ 
think,  is  20  cents  u  pound,  and  the  Hnuae  of 
Representatives  propose  to  increase  it  5  cents 
specifically.  Our  comntiittee  strike  out  that  in- 
crease, but  they  impose  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  10 
per  cent,  in  addition  to  the  present  specific  duty. 
1  am  very  little  informed  as  to  the  grade  of  this 
articleor  the  nature  of  the  article  itself  in  themar- 
ket,  but  my  general  impression  derived  from  con- 
versations with  importers  of  tea  has  been  that  it 
is  a  very  difficult  thing  to  ascertain  the  real  price 
of  the  article  abroad.  There  is  no  general  stand- 
ard by  which  you  can  test  the  price  abroad. 
Most  of  our  importers  do  not  buy  the  tea  in  the 
shape  in  which  it  is  imported  here,  but  they  buy 
it  in  the  leaf  and  cure  it.  All  the  expense  of  what 
may  be  considered  the  manufacture  of  tlie  tea  is 
cast  upon  the  importer  who  pursues  his  trade  in 
thnt  way,  as  the  largest  of  them  I  believe  do. 
Some  do  it  for  less,  some  for  more.  The  cost  of 
the  tea  to  them  is  ascertained  by  the  original  cost 
of  the  leaf,  with  the  addition  of  the  expenses  to 
which  they  are  subjected  in  fitting  it  for  exporta- 
tion from  Cliina  or  from  Japan,  and  the  expense 
of  freight  to  the  United  States.  As  I  understand 
— the  chairman  of  the  committee  perhaps  has  in- 
formed himself  more  fully  than  1  have,  and  tlic 
Senator  from  New  York  of  course  knows  more 
about  it  than  1  do — there  is  no  uniform  price  at 
any  moment.  It  costs  some  less  and  some  more, 
and  as  this  additional  ad  valorem  charge  is  to  be 
upon  the  invoice  cost,  and  not  upon  the  home 
value,  it  would  be  exceedingly  difficult  for  the 
appraiser  to  ascertain  with  anything  even  approx- 
imating to  accuracy  what  the  invoice  cost  of  the 
particular  article  was,  unless  he  took  it  from  tlie 
invoice  of  tlie  shipper.  Thatinvnice  is  notaccu- 
rate,  cannot  be  made  accurate.  This  trade  goes 
on  for  a  number  of  months,  and  they  make  up 
the  cost  of  a  particular  shipment  by  charging  it 
its  proportion  of  theamount  of  thecost  of  a  much 
larger  stock;  so  that  it  very  often  happens,  aa  I 
under.stand,  that  the  invoice  of  one  shipment, 
when  they  settle  their  accounts  at  the  end  of  a 
year,  is  found  to  be  higher  or  sometimes  lower 
than  it  should  be.  The  actual  proper  cost  which 
should  be  charged  to  each  sliipment  cannot  be 
ascertained  until  the  work  of  the  whole  season  is 
performed. 

Now,  1  submit  to  the  chairman  of  the  Finance 
Committee  whether  i^  would  not  be  better — it 
would  save  tlie^e  importers  a  great  deal  of  trou- 
ble, and  perhaps  give  the  Government  more  money 
— to  adopt  the  proposition  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives adding  5  cents  a  pound  to  the  spe- 
cific duty.  These  importers,  too,  will  be  subjected 
to  the  provision  which  the  laws  on  the  subject 
contaif)  that  if  their  invoice  shall  be  found  to  be 
put  below  a  certain  percentage  of  what  the  ap- 
praiser shall  find  to  be  the  actual  proper  invoice 
cost,  they  will  incur  a  penalty — F  forget  what  it 
is — 10,  15,  or  20  per  cent.,  and  without  any  fault 
of  their  own.  IfyouaddSor  10  cents  specific  duty 
it  seems  to  me  it  will  perhaps  operate  more  justly 
than  by  imposing  an  ad  valorem  duty.  1  malte 
these  suggestions  of  course  with  comparative  ig- 
norance,and  will  go  by  the  judgment  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance,  provided  their  attention  has 
been,  as  it  no  doubt  has  been,  called  to  the  subject. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  suppose  there  may  be 
somewhat  more  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the  exact 
value  of  tea  than  of  other  articles. 

Mr.  MORGAN.     It  varies  very  much. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  But  there  are  many  other 
articles  in  regard  to  which  there  is  an  equal  diffi- 
culty. Still  it  seemed  to  us  manifestly  proper 
tiiat  where  there  is  such  a  very  large  difference  in 
the  value  of  the  article  imported  as  there  is  in  dif- 
ferent qualities  of  tea,  it  might  be  well  to  make  a 
discrimination.  I  do  not  think  that  the  importa- 
tion of  teas  will  be  troubled  very  much  by  the  5 
cents  additional  duty,  but  if  you  lay  the  5  cents 
additional  duty  on  the  pound,  and  make  it  all 
specific,  it  has  no  reference  to  the  cost  or  value 
of  the  article;  and  the  Senator  knows  as  well  as 
I  do  that  there  is  a  very  great  difference. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     I  know  there  is. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  importers  seem  to 
object  to  this  proposition  very  much;  butal though 
1  iiave  great  respect  for  many  individual  men,  I 
have  learned  in  some  degree  to  exercise  my  own 
judgment  in  reference  to  these  matters,  irrespect- 
ive of  the  arguments  of  importers  or  manufactur- 
ers.    To  be  sure,  the  judgment  of  the  committeo 


is  necessarily  very  imperfect,  but  they  come  to 
conclusions  on  the  facts  in  the  best  way  they  cnn 
get  at  them,  and  it  is  for  the  Senate  to  do  the  same. 
I  do  not  suppose  there  is  really  any  very  great 
difficulty  about  ascertaining  the  value  of  the  va- 
rious grades  of  teas.  If  the  business  is  precisely 
as  the  Senator  from  Maryland  states,  the  import- 
ers Icnow  what  the  teas  cost  them  wlien  they  buy 
them;  they  know  the  cost  of  manufacturing  them, 
if  it  may  be  so  called,  when  they  prepare  them 
for  shipment,  and  if  they  make  an  honest  state- 
ment of  the  cost  per  pound  there  is  no  danger  of 
their  suffering.  AH  they  have  got  to  do  is  to  state 
it  fairly  and  honestly  according  to  what  they 
know.  If  they  pay  the  money  in  the  first  place, 
and  in  the  next  place  if  they  manufacture  the  ar- 
ticle and  it  has  no  market  price,  it  is' not  a  subject 
of  fluctuation;  they  know  the  actual  cost  on  tlie 
spot.  At  any  rate,  I  think  there  is  enough  of 
value  in  the  suggestion  not  to  conclude  the  matter 
as  it  stands  in  the  bill,  but  to  adopt  the  amend- 
ment of  the  committee  and  let  it  be  further  con- 
sidered. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  do  not  know  anything  about 
this  particular  tax,  but  there  is  one  principle  which 
has  been  stated  by  the  chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Finance  to  which  1  do  not  assent.  Any- 
body who  has  been  conversant  with  tlie  legisla- 
tion of  Congress  for  the  last  few  years  must  have 
noticed  the  great  tendency  that  there  is  to  leave 
everything  to  be  adjusted  by  committees  of  con- 
ference at  the  last;  and  we  pass  bills  when  we  do 
not  know  what  is  in  them,  simply  because  they 
have  gone  to  committees  of  conference  and  in  the 
course  of  time  those  committees  have  made  the 
best  report  they  could.  The  result  has  been  that 
the  laws  in  many  cases  have  been  made  by  com- 
mittees of  confrrence  instead  of  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress.  Now,  sir,  instead  of  refusing  to 
make  an  amendment,  or,  making  an  amendment, 
trusting  to  a  committee  of  conference  to  adjustany 
mistake  there  is  in  it,  I  think  the  effort  of  Con- 
gress should  be  to  fix  legislation  itself,  and  leave 
as  little  as  possible  to  committees  of  conference. 

Mr.  CLARK.  This  matter  was  very  carefully 
considered  by  the  Committee  on  Finance,  and  1 
think  there  is  very  good  reason  underlying  the 
action  of  the  committee.  It  is  the  information  of 
the  committee  that  the  production  of  tea  has  very 
much  diminished  in  China,especially  of  the  higher 
grades,  by  the  action  of  the  rebels  in  that  empire. 
Tlie  finer  teas  are  produced  mainly  in  certain  lat- 
itudes where  the  rebels  there  have  been  operating 
largely.  Tiie  disparity  between  the  price  of  those 
finer  teas  and  the  lower  teas  is  very  large  now, 
and  by  the  non-production  of  the  finer  kinds  it 
will  evidently  be  more  from  time  to  time.  Now, 
while  the  committee  keep  the  duty,  as  it  has  been, 
a  fixed  duty,  that  is  a  duty  per  pound  of  20  cents 
upon  all  kinds  of  tea,  it  seemed  to  them  that 
if  an  additional  duty  was  imposed  it  might  as 
well  be  of  an  ad  valorem  kind  to  meet  that  very 
discrimination  and  distinction  in  regard  to  teas. 
It  is  not  a  new  principle.  On  many  articles  we 
impose  a  fixed  specific  duty  and  an  additional  ad 
valorem  duty. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  It  has  not  been  done  in  this 
case  before. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Not  in  regard  to  tea;  and  the 
committee  on  first  consideration  did  not  propose 
an  ad  valorem  duty.  In  fact,  their  consideration 
at  first  mainly  was  whether  there  should  be  any 
additional  duty  at  all,  whether  the  present  duty  of 
twenty  cents  a  pound  was  not  as  much  as  the  ar- 
ticle would  bear,  because  the  information  of  the 
committee  is  that  only  about  one  half  the  amount 
of  tea  that  was  produced  two  years  ago  is  now 
produced,  and  that  only  about  one  half  is  imported 
into  this  country  and  sold  that  was  imported  for- 
merly. The  consumption  of  tea  has  very  much 
diminished  since  the  duty  has  been  increased.  I 
think  the  Senator  from  New  York  can  give  in- 
formation to  that  fact.  The  committee,  therefore, 
hesitated  whether  it  would  bearan  additional  duty; 
but  desiring  to  get  all  the  revenue  they  possibly 
could,  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  if  any  ad- 
ditional duty  was  imposed, it  should  be  an  adva- 
lorem  duty  of  ten  per  cent.,  yielding  probably  as 
much  as  the  Scents  a  pound  specific  duty.  We 
cannot  tell  precisely  how  much  it  will  yield,  but 
we  think  it  better  to  assess  the  additional  duty  in 
that  way. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  What  is  the  falling  off  in 
the  higher  kinds.' 


Mr.  CLARK.  The  falling  off  is  mostly  in  the 
higher  liinds,  owing  to  the  non-production  of  the 
article  and  the  increased  cost  of  it  caused  by  tlio 
rebellion  in  China,  and  then  the  imposition  of  the 
high  duty  on  the  lower  grades.  That  is  the  in- 
formation the  committee  have. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  should  like  to  have  the 
question  divided.  There  are  really  two  amend- 
ments proposed  by  the  committee.  The  first  ia 
to  strike  out  "  5"  in  the  tenth  line. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  amend- 
ment  is  divisible. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  hope  the  question  will  be 
first  taken  on  striking  out  "5"  after  "  20." 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
will  be  so  taken  at  the  request  of  the  Senator. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  1  suppose  the  objection  to  a 
specific  duty  of  25  cents  a  pound  on  tea  is  that 
under  such  tax  all  qualities  of  tea  would  be  taxed 
the  same;  in  other  words  that  the  cheaper  tea.s 
would  pay  as  high  a  tax  as  teas  of  a  higher 
quality.  If  the  statement  made  by  the  honorable 
Senator  from  New  Hampshire  [Mr.  Clark]  be 
correct,  the  objection  to  a  specific  tax  i  think  ia 
proportionably  removed  by  the  fact  tliat  the  higher 
grades  of  tea  are  [iroduced  in  less  quantities  than 
they  were,  and  that  we  get  a  less  variable  quality 
of  the  article  than  we  did  before  the  rebellion  in 
China.  The  difficulty  about  this  amendment  as 
it  suggests  itself  to  my  mind  is  that  it  gives  us  all 
that  is  objectionable  in  the  two  systems  of  levy- 
ing duties,  the  specific  and  the  ad  valorem  sys- 
tems. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Allow  me  to  say  to  the  Sena- 
tor that  we  have  that  in  a  great  many  cases. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  am  aware  of  that,  but  it 
is  a  question  whether  it  is  desirable  to  preserve 
the  difficulties  of  the  two  systems  where  we  can 
avoid  it.  Tlie  difficulties  of  the  ad  valorem  sys- 
tem are  very  generally  understood  by  all  intelli- 
gent persons  who  have  given  their  attention  to 
the  matter  of  imports.  1  have  now  in  my  pos- 
session a  statement  prepared  on  oath  by  revenue 
officers  at  San  Francisco,  showing  and  establish- 
ing that  for  a  long  period  of  time  the  invoices 
under  the  ad  valorem  system  had  been  prepared 
at  San  Francisco,  and  not  at  the  place  from 
whence  the  goods  were  exported.  There  was  a 
regular  system  of  false  invoices  at  that  port  for  a 
long  time,  and  the  cures  and  remedies  that  are 
applicable  i)y  diligence  on  the  part  of  the  revenue 
officers  and  by  prosecutions  in  the  courts  have 
been  applied,  but  it  is  almost  impossible  to  avoid 
them.  You  have  no  protection  in  point  of  fact 
but  in  the  integrity  of  the  importer  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  perspicacity  and  ability  of  your  ap- 
praisers on  the  other.  I  very  much  incline  to 
think  that  the  25  cents  specific  duty  on  this  par- 
ticular article  had  better  be  adhered  to,  and  the 
ad  valorem  system  abandoned.  I  think  it  is  prob- 
able that  will  simplify  the  matter  and  give  us 
more  revenue. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  want  to  suggest  to  the  Senator 
and  to  the  Senate  that  there  is  already  a  wide  dif- 
ference between  these  qualities  of  teas  at  the  place 
of  production,  some  of  them  costing  30,  45,  or  50 
cents,  and  others  as  high  as  a  dollar.  Sup- 
pose that  kind  of  tea  which  costs  a  dollar  is  very 
much  diminished  in  production,  it  goes  up  very 
much  higher  in  price  of  course,  and  yet  you  im- 
pose on  that  the  same  tax  precisely  as  on  the  lower 
grades.  What  is  the  coimequence?  You  make  the 
poor  man  who  consumes  the  lower  quality  pay 
just  as  much  tax  as  he  who  consumes  the  costly 
article.  You  make  the  tax  fall  very  unequally. 
By  a  specific  duty  of  20  cents  a  pound  we  secure 
the  revenue  to  a  very  great  degree  against  any 
such  fraud  as  the  Senator  apprehends;  and  I 
admit  what  he  says  in  regard  to  the  frauds  here- 
tofore practiced,  and  by  the  imposition  of  an  ad 
valorem  duty  you  do  get  a  little  more  revenue  from 
these  higher  grades  to  be  paid  by  those  who  con- 
sume them,  as  they  ought  to  pay.  That  is  the 
object. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  first  amendment  to  strike  out  the  word 
"five"  after  "  twenty"  in  line  ten  of  section  one. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN  called  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resulted — yeas  19,  nays  15;  as  follows: 

YE.\S  —  Mcssrt!.  AiUliniiy,  Clark,  Cowan,  Dixon,  Doo- 
little,  Ffsscnderi,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  lleiulricl<s,  Hicks, 
Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Jiicliarilson,  IlidiUe,  Saulsbury, 
Van  Winkle,  VVilley,  and  Wilson— 19. 

NAVS— Measra.  IJrown,  Huckaluw,  Chandler,  Conness, 


8006 


THE  COJSTGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


Liavis,  Hale,  Harris,  Howard,  Jolinson,  Morgan,  Powell, 
Ramsey,  Spragiie,  Sumner,  and  Ten  Eyck — 15. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Carlile,  Collamer,  Harding,  Harlan, 
Henderson,  Lane  of'Indiana,  McDougall,  Morrill,  Nesmith, 
Ponierov,  Sherman,  Truinhnll,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wriglit— 15. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Question 
now  recurs  on  the  next  branch  of  the  amend- 
ment, to  insert  after  "  pound"  the  words  "  and 
in  addition  thereto  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

Mr.  HENDRICKS  called  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resulted — yeas  29,  nays  7;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark,  Con- 
ness,  (;owan,  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster, Grimes, 
Hale,  HarriSjHicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Johnson,  Lane  of ICan- 
sas,  Morgan,  Ramsey,  Riddle,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Sum- 
ner, Ten  Eyck,  Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  Willey,  and 
Wilson— 29. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Davis,  Hendricks,  Nesmith, 
Powell,  Richardson,  and  Saulsbury — 7. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Carlile,  Collamer,  Dixon,  Harding, 
Harlan,  Henderson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  McDougall,  Morrill, 
Pomeroy,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  in  line  thirty  of  section  two,  to  strike 
out  the  word  "  also"  after  "  and." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendments  were  in  section  two, line 
forty-nine,  to  strike  out  "  10"  and  insert  "  15;" 
in  line  fifty  to  strike  out  "  50"  and  insert  "  75;"  in 
line  fifty-two  to  strike  out  "  10"  and  insert  "  15," 
and  to  strike  out  "  20"  and  insert  "  30;"  in  line 
fifty-three  after  "dollar"  to  insert  "and  25  cents;" 
in  line  fifty-four  to  strike  out  "  20"  and  insert 
"30;"  in  line  fifty-five  to  insert  "  5"  after  "  40;" 
after  "  thousand"  in  line  fifty-five  to  strike  out 
"  $1  50  per  pound  and  40  per  cent,  ad  valorem; 
valued  at  over  $40  and  not  over  ^75;"  in  line  fifty- 
nine  to  strike  out  "  70"  and  insert  "  40;"  in  line 
sixty  to  strike  out  "  f,2  50"  and  insert  "^3;"  so 
as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

Third.  On  cigars  of  all  kinds,  valued  at  $15  or  less  per 
thousand,  75  cents  per  pound  and  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem; 
valued  at  over  $15  and  not  over  $30  per  thousand,  $1  25 
per  pound  and  30  per  cent,  advalorem;  valued  at  over $30 
and  not  over  $45  per  thousand,  $i2  per  pound  and  50  per 
cent,  cid  valorem;  valued  at  over  ,5'15  per  thousand,  $3  per 
pound  and  60  per  cent,  ad  valorem:  Provided,  That  paper 
cigars  or  cigarettes,  including  wrappers,  shall  be  subject  to 
the  same  duties  imposed  on  cigars. 

Mr.  CLARK.  These  amendments  are  to  make 
this  bill  conform  to  the  internal  revenue  bill. 

The  amendments  were  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  three,  line 
fifteen,  after  the  word  "  inch"  to  insert  "  and  not 
more  than  two  inches;"  and  after  "  or"  in  line 
sixteen  to  insert  "  less  than  one  inch  and  not;" 
and  in  line  twenty  to  strikeout  "  fourth"  and  in- 
sert "  half;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  bar  iron,  rolled  or  hammered,  comprising  flats  less 
than  three  eighths  of  an  inch  and  not  more  than  two  inches 
thick,  or  less  than  one  inch  and  not  more  than  six  inches 
wide;  rounds  less  than  three  fourths  of  an  inch  or  more 
than  two  inches  in  diameter;  and  squares  less  than  three 
fourths  of  an  inch  or  more  than  two  inches  square,  licent 
per  pound. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  do  not  propose  to  say  any- 
thing about  that  at  this  moment,  but  I  simply 
give  notice  that  at  the  next  stage  of  the  bill,  when 
we  come  into  the  Senate,  1  shall  probably  call  at- 
tention to  that  amendment.  1  merely  make  the 
remark  now  that  I  may  not  be  considered  as  pass- 
ing it  over.  I  have  seen  communications  in  re- 
gard to  it  which  I  have  not  yet  sufficiently  ex- 
amined. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  inline  twenty-eight 
of  section  three,  to  strike  out  "80"  and  insert 
"  70;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  all  iron  imported  in  bars  for  railroads  and  inclined 
planes,  made  to  patterns  and  fitted  to  bo  laid  down  on  such 
roads  or  planes  without  further  manufacture,  70  cents  per 
one  hundred  pounds. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  should  like  to  have  a  vote 
on  that  amendment  when  we  come  into  the  Sen- 
nte.  I  am  in  favor  of  reducing  the  rate  to  60 
cents,  which  was  the  previous  duty  on  railroad 
iron. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  You  ai-e  in  favor  of  striking 
out  80 

Mr.  POMEROY.  But  lam  in favorof  insert- 
ing "60"  inslead  of  "70." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  amendment  can  be 
moved  in  the  Senate.  1 


Mr.  CONNESS  and  other  Senators.  Itcan 
be  moved  now. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  The  question  is  on  the 
amendment  of  the  Finance  Committee,  and  I  sup- 
pose that  is  subject  to  amendment. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.     It  is. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Then  I  move  to  amend  the 
amendment  by  striking  out  "70"  and  inserting 
"  60."  That  gives  us  $13  50  a  ton  in  gold,  and 
it  is  all  the  railroads  can  bear.  I  suppose  every 
Senator  has  had  his  attention  called  to  this  matter, 
and  it  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  it.  Sixty  cents 
a  hundred  pounds  is  the  duty  vje  have  been  pay- 
ing on  railroad  iron  in  gold,  which  amounts  now 
to  about  $24  or  $25  a  ton  in  currency. 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  committee  gave  their  at- 
tention largely  to  this  matter.  They  considered 
well  the  iron  interest,  both  that  which  is  produced 
in  this  country  and  that  which  is  imported, and 
concluded  on  the  whole  to  reduce  the  rate  pro- 
posed by  the  House  of  Representatives  from 
80  to  70  cents.  Senators  will  bear  in  mind  that 
we  have  increased  the  internal  revenue  tax  upon 
iron.  We  have  increased  it  on  pig  iron  and  we 
have  increased  it  on  rolled  iron.  1  went  into  the 
matter  and  made  a  careful  calculation,  taking  the 
old  tax  imposed  on  iron  produced  in  this  country 
and  taking  the  old  tariff  duty  on  iron  imported, 
and  I  found  that  to  make  the  duty  on  imported  iron 
correspond  exactly  with  the  tax  imposed  upon 
domestic  iron  we  should  make  this  duty  74  cents 
and  a  fraction;  but  considering  that  there  was  a 
large  demand  for  railroad  iron,  that  it  was  very 
difiicult  to  supply  the  iron  in  this  country,  and 
that  the  mills  were  all  engaged,  and  very  profita- 
bly engaged,  supplying  as  much  as  their  capacity 
would  allow  them  to  supply,  we  concluded  to  put 
the  duty  a  little  lowerand  make  it  70  cents.  The 
existing  duty  is  60  cents.  We  raised  it  to  70 cents 
instead  of  80  as  proposed  by  the  other  House.  If 
we  carried  the  duty  up  in  the  same  proportion 
that  we  carried  up  the  internal  revenue  tax,  it 
should  be  74  2-10  cents,  instead  of  70  as  wo  pro- 
pose. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  But  the  tax  under  the  inter- 
nal revenue  bill  is  payable  in  curi'ency. 

Mr.  CLARK.  That  is  true,  but  we  caiinotgo 
into  that  matter  because  we  do  not  know  v/hat 
will  be  the  difference  betvi/een  gold  and  currency. 
That  fluctuates.  We  are  making  a  law  to  last 
until  it  shall  be  the  pleasure  of  Congress  to  alter 
it  again.  The  difference  between  gold  and  cui-- 
rency  fluctuates;  it  maybe  higher  to-day, it  may 
be  lower  to-morrow,  and  vice  versa.  We  endeavor 
to  do  what  we  think  will  be  just  in  regard  to  this 
matter.  If  you  make  a  discrimination  in  regard 
to  railroad  iron  you  may  go  through  the  whole 
tariff  and  make  the  same  discrimination  and  no- 
body can  tell  where  you  will  finally  land.  All 
the  duties  on  imported  goods  are  payable  in  coin. 
The  duties  on  railroad  iron  are  not  alone  payable 
in  coin,  but  all  the  duties  alike  are  payable  in  coin. 

The  principle  that  has  governed  the  committee 
in  adjusting  this  tariff  has  been  to  make  the  duties 
correspondent  with  the  internal  revenue,  to  ad- 
vance the  one  as  we  advance  the  other,  keeping 
in  mind  that  sonae  articles  could  bear  a  still  heavier 
tax  so  that  we  could  get  more  revenue,  but  we 
thought  we  ought  not  to  impose  a  duty  on  rail- 
road iron  more  than  it  would  bear  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  revenue,  because  there  is  such  a  demand 
for  it  in  certain  quarters  to  be  laid  down  under  con- 
tracts already  made,  and  if  we  impose  a  very 
heavy  duty  it  would  lead  to  the  countermanding 
of  those  orders.  The  information  of  the  commit- 
tee is  that  large  numbers  of  orders  have  already 
been  countermanded.  The  committee  do  not  de- 
sire to  prohibit  it  coming  into  the  country  for  the 
wants  of  the  country,  neither  do  the  committee 
desire  to  break  down  the  domestic  manufacturers. 
They  adjusted  the  two,  and  the  committee  thought 
that  70  cents  was  the  proper  point  for  them  to  fix, 
keeping  in  mind  these  two  considerations.  It  is 
60  cents  now;  the  House  of  Representatives  pro- 
pose to  put  it  at  80.  We  thought  that  too  high, 
and  took  the  medium  ground,  making  it  70. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  What  is  the  tax  in  the  in- 
ternal revenue  bill  ? 

Mr.  CLARK.  Two  dollars  a  ton  on  pig  iron, 
and  three  dollars  on  bar  iron.  It  is  about  3  per 
cent,  on  the  whole. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.     On  railroad  iron } 

Mr.  CLARK.  On  the  manufacture  of  railroad 
iron  it  is  about  3  per  cent. 


Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have  no.doubt  the  com- 
mittee have  considered,  and,  to  use  the  language 
of  the  honor-able  member  from  New  Flanipsliire, 
have  "largely"  considered  this  question,  meaning 
by  it  that  they  have  maturely  considered  it.  The 
objection  1  have  to  this  amendment  is  not,  if  it 
could  be  collected  without  materially  affecting 
the  public  interest,  that  I  would  object  to  fixing 
the  duty  at  70  cents,  or  even  to  the  amount  named 
by  the  House  of  Representatives;  but  the  pros- 
pect of  its  being  raised  from  the  present  tax  which 
is  60  cents,  and  upon  the  faith  of  which  the  pres- 
ent orders  have  been  given  that  are  now  unexe- 
cuted, has,  as  the  honorable  member  tells  us,  led 
to  a  great  many  of  those  orders  being  counter- 
manded, and  countermanded  because  the  railroad 
companies  who  had  ordered  the  iron  felt  that 
they  would  not  be  able  to  meet  their  contracts. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  meant  that  they  had  been 
countermanded  because  of  the  great  increase  pro- 
posed by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  understand  that.  Now,  I 
am  very  apprehensive  that  they  will  not  be  able 
to  meet  the  increase  of  10  cents  a  hundi-ed  pounds 
upon  the  present  duty  as  proposed  by  the  com- 
mittee. There  is  no  competition  in  point  of  fact 
now  between  the  foreign  manufacturer  of  rail- 
road iron  and  the  domestic  manufacturer. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Oh,  yes,  there  is. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  When  I  say  there  is  no  com- 
petition I  mean  there  is  none  to  any  extent;  and 
I  say  so  for  this  reason,  which  was  given  by  the 
honorable  member  from  New  Hampshire  himself: 
all  our  manufactories  of  iron  are  now  engaged  on 
behalf  of  the  Government;  they  cannot  supply 
the  demand  for  railroad  iron;  they  will  not  un- 
dertake to  supply  that  demand;  and  all  the  rail- 
road iron  that  the  country  has  needed  for  the  last 
four  or  five  months,  and  will  need  perhaps  dur- 
ing the  continuance  of  this  rebellion,  must  be 
supplied  from  abroad;  and  the  only  question  is 
whetlier  the  companies  can  meet  the  price  which 
railroad  iron  bears  abroad  with  the  duty  which 
you  propose  to  put  upon  it.  If  they  cannot,  or 
if  that  be  doubtful,  it  seems  to  me  to  be  better  to 
lose  the  difference  in  the  revenue  which  we  may 
be  able  to  collect,  even  if  the  iron  came  in  (butit 
would  not  come  in  according  to  my  hypothesis) 
between  the  60  and  the  70  cents,  than  to  put  an 
end  to  these  improvements  of  ours.  Six  months, 
ay,  one  month  during  which  these  improvements 
may  be  arrested,  will  lose  to  the  country  more 
than  the  whole  amount  which  will  be  realized  by 
a  duty  of  70  cents  instead  of  60  cents. 

I  do  not  know  how  it  is  with  other  railroads, 
but  the  railroad  of  which  I  know  more  than  any 
other,  because  of  its  locality,  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  railroad,  has  been  obliged  to  supply  its  whole 
demand  for  railroad  iron  from  abroad,  and  1  think 
that  company  have  now  large  outstanding  orders 
given  upon  the  faith  that  the  tariffon  railroad  iron, 
as  it  existed  at  the  time  the  orders  were  sent  out, 
would  not  be  changed ;  but  I  do  notknow  whether 
they  have  countermanded  those  orders,  nor  do  I 
know  that  they  will  not  be  able  to  meet  their  con- 
tracts. They  are  comparatively  a  very  rich  com- 
pany. Notwithstanding  the  inroads  upon  their 
road  made  by  the  rebels,  they  have  been  doing  an 
immense  business,  and  have  been  able  to  pay  6 
per  cent,  besides  reconstructing  their  railway,  be- 
cause of  the  peculiar  locality  of  the  road,  and  the 
condition  of  the  country  in  other  respects,  which 
has  increased  in  some  measure  the  business  they 
otherwise  would  have  had.  But  if  it  be  at  all 
doubtful  whether  a  duty  of  70  cents  will  not  put 
it  out  of  the  power  of  the  railroad  companies 
whose  roads  are  now  in  progress  or  those  who 
want  railroad  iron  to  repair  their  roads  to  get  it 
from  abroad,  and  they  cannot  get  it  here,  1  sug- 
gest that  it  would  be  better  to  leave  the  duty  as  it 
now  is,  at  60  cents. 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  tax  iipon  all  domestic  iron 
would  put  it  out  of  their  power  to  get  the  iron,  as 
much  as  the  increased  duty  of  10  cents  a  pound 
on  foreign  iron  would.  I  desire  to  state  one  fact 
to  the  Senator,  and  to  the  Senate,  in  regard  to  the 
value  of  iron,  stated  by  those  who  are  desirous  of 
importing  iron;  and  that  is  that  a  ton  of  American 
railroad  iron  is  worth  now  from  $115  to  $120,  and 
a  ton  of  foreign  imported  railroad  iron  is  worth 
about  $116  or  §119.  1  see  that  the  Senator  from 
Kansas  shak'rs  his  head. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  1  presume  the  Senator  haa 
not  been  purchasing  any  lately. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3007 


Mr.  CLARK.  No,  but  I  have  the  information 
from  those  who  arc  importing  it,  who  want  to 
get  tiie  duty  down,  and  wlio  would  tlierefore  be 
liicely  to  put  the  foreign  article  as  iiigli  as  it  would 
bear.  If  they  bear  that  relative  value  in  the  mar- 
ket, being  about  tlie  same  in  price,  the  American 
iron  being  worth  a  little  more,  because  somewhat 
belter  in  quality,  if  we  were  to  impose  on  the 
foreign  article  a  duty  not  over  that  which  we  im- 
pose upon  the  domestic  article  we  should  be  do- 
ing what  wa.s  just.  Now,  I  submit  to  the  Sena- 
tor from  iVlaryland  that  while  it  is  not,  as  he 
sayK,  desirable  to  interfere  with  the  operations  of 
trade,  it  is  not  desirable  to  break  down  the  iron 
csialilisliments  of  this  country. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     I  admit  that. 

Mr.  CLARK.  They  are  now  in  a  prosperous 
condition  it  is  true;  but  if  it  should  be  found 
that  by  admitting  the  foreign  article  at  a  less  duty 
than  would  correspond  with  the  tax  upon  the 
domestic  article  we  had  injured  those  establish- 
ments  

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  will  permit  me 
to  put  myself  right  in  this  matter.  I  object  to 
the  amendment  merely  so  far  as  it  relates  to  tax- 
ing the  railroad  iron,  and  1  do  that  on  the  ground 
that  the  domestic  manufacturers  are  not  in  a  con- 
dition to  supply  it. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  do  not  understand  that  tlic 
Senator  from  Maryland  is  wrong  now;  but  1  was 
directing  his  attention  to  a  consideration  that  he 
did  not  advert  to.  While  we  have  been  desirous 
to  admit  the  railroad  iron  at  as  low  a  duty  as  is 
consistent  with  the  intei-ests  of  the  country,  we 
have  been  careful  on  the  other  hand  not  to  admit 
it  at  so  low  a  duty  as  would  in  any  way  injure 
the  labor  and  establishments  of  our  own  coun- 
try. That  is  the  point  we  have  endeavored  to 
attain. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  have  usually,  I  believe, 
sustained  the  views  of  the  Finance  Committee  in 
regard  to  tlieir  efforts  to  increase  the  tariff.  I 
think  1  feel  as  sensibly  as  any  man  can  the  ne- 
cessity of  doing  it.  The  condition  of  the  coun- 
try at  this  time  is  such  as,  it  seems  to  me,  to  de- 
mand a  very  large  revenue;  and  if  it  were  not  for 
that  consideration  I  should  have  proposed  that 
the  duty  on  railroad  iron  be  taken  off  entirely. 
The  condition  of  things  now  is  such  that  it  is  al- 
most impossible  to  build  any  railroad  in  this  coun- 
try. The  scarcity  of  labor,  and  the  high  price  of 
labor,  and  ti»e  extraordinary  price  of  all  other 
articles  among  us,  make  it  almost  impossible 
now  to  build  a  railroad  anywhere;  and  1  think  if 
it  were  not  a  time  of  war  1  should  have  followed 
the  example  of  the  Senators  from  New  England 
when  they  were  building  their  railroads  some  years 
ago,  and  proposed  to  take  off  the  duty  entirely. 
1  lived  in  Massachusetts  when  they  were  makuig 
every  possible  effort  to  build  railroads  in  that 
State;  and  by  some  legislation  of  Cotigress  I  think 
the  tariff  on  foreign  iron  was  remitted  for  a  given 
period;  I  do  not  remember  how  long;  I  have  not 
the  act  before  me.  1  say  that  if  it  were  not  now 
for  the  fact  that  we  need  revenue  more  than  we 
did  at  any  former  period,  and  were  it  not  that  it 
is  indispensably  necessary  for  the  success  and 
prosperity  of  the  country  and  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  to  raise  money,  I  should  have 
moved  to  strike  off  for  one  year  the  duty  on  rail- 
ro'\d  iron  altogether.  I  believe  the  increase  of  the 
getieral  wealth  of  the  country  caused  by  the  con- 
struction of  railroads  which  cannot  be  built  at 
present  prices  would  be  such  that  the  country 
would  not  on  the  whole  be  a  loser;  but  I  would 
not  propose  that  at  this  time.  I  think  this  interest 
of  the  country  can  do  no  less,  however,  than  to 
ask  that  the  tariff  remain  as  it  was  in  this  respect. 
Now,  $13  50  in  gold  is  paid  on  a  ton  of  railroad 
iron,  and  that  makes  those  who  are  building  roads 
in  this  country  now  pay  between  two  and  three 
tliousand  dollars  a  mile. 

In  regard  to  the  use  of  the  foreign  iron  and 
.American  iron,  I  can  say  that  the  best  quality  of 
foreign  iron  is  worth  as  much  per  ton  as  the 
American  iron,  every  dollarof  it.  There  are  in- 
ferior grades,  to  be  sure,  that  sell  for  less,  but  the 
best  quality  of  foreign  iron  is  equal  to  any  Amer- 
ican iron  not  only  in  price  but  in  durability. 
There  was  a  prejudice  at  one  time  against  using 
foreign  iron  because  some  poor  foreign  iron  was 
imported  at  a  low  price  and  sold  and  used  and 
found  to  be  brittle  and  almost  worthless.  That 
applies,  however,  only  to  a  poor  quality  of  the 


foreign  iron.  The  best  quality  of  A  No.l  rail 
iron  made  abroad  is  equal  in  quality  and  value  to 
the  standard  of  any  American  iron  produced  in 
this  country.  I  know  something  of  the  Ameri- 
can manufacture  and  I  know  that  last  year  some 
of  our  establishments  divided  over  50  per  cent. 
on  their  capital.  They  have  been  flourishing  be- 
yond precedent  during  the  last  twelve  months, 
and  in  fact  almost  ever  since  the  war  began.  It 
is  an  interest  that  does  not  need  this  protection. 
It  has  become  in  fact  almost  a  monopoly  in  itself. 
I  know  establishments  in  Pennsylvania  that  last 
year  not  only  watered  their  stock  but  paid  50  per 
cent,  after  that. 

The  internal  revenue  tax  to  which  the  Senator 
from  New  Hampshire  referred,  I  believe  is  about 
$3  a  ton  in  currency.  Last  year  it  was  $1  50, 
and  the  additional  $1  50  put  on  this  year  in  cur- 
rency only  makes  it  just  about  equal  to  !^1  50 
paid  last  year  or  the  year  before  in  gold.  When 
we  consider  the  advanced  price  of  iron,  the  in- 
ternal Revenue  tax  on  it  is  not  anything  of  mo- 
ment. All  that  you  put  on  in  that  way  the 
manufacturers  will  just  advance  so  much  on  their 
iron.  You  might  put  on  $10  internal  revenue  tax 
on  iron  to-day,  and  the  only  effect  would  be  that 
the  manufacturers  would  add  just  ^10  to  the  price 
of  their  iron  and  sell  it  and  divide  their  50  per 
cent,  as  before. 

But  I  am  not  going  to  argue  the  question  here. 
We  shall  have  another  vote  on  it  in  the  Senate, 
perhaps,  though  that  will  not  be  necessary  if  my 
amendment  prevails.  I  think  the  interest  of  the 
country  would  be  subserved  by  my  proposition. 
I  know  that  the  interest  of  the  poor  struggling 
States  in  the  West  will  be  subserved  by  enabling 
them  to  build  their  railroads.  They  cannot  build 
them  if  they  have  to  pay  ^(^'2,327  a  mile  more  than 
they  have  been  in  the  liabit  of  paying  hitlierto  for 
the  railroad  iron. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  Thisduty  upon  railroad 
iron  operates  with  peculiar  hardship  upon  the  new 
States.  New  England  and  all  the  older  States 
have  their  railroads  already  built  and  in  operation. 
We  have  now  three  or  four  companies  in  Minne- 
sota who  are  trying  to  build  their  roads,  and  one 
of  them  has  already  entered  into  a  contract  for 
the  iron  for  about  three  hundred  miles.  The  pres- 
ident of  that  road  told  me  the  otiier  day  that  if 
the  duty  proposed  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives be  put  upon  iron,  he  would  be  obliged  to 
countermand  the  order  entirely,  but  that  they 
could  pay  and  lay  the  track  under  the  old  duty 
of  GO  cents  per  hundred  pounds. 

As  was  said  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Ma- 
ryland, the  development  of  the  country  is  worth 
a  little  something  even  in  war  times.  It  matters 
a  little  something  to  the  country  whether  these 
railroads  shall  be  built  or  whether  they  are  to  be 
stopped.  It  seems  to  me  that,  considering  the 
present  price  of  gold,  the  duty  of  60  cents  a  hun- 
dred pounds  is  all  that  the  purchasers  of  iron 
can  stand,  particularly  when  you  consider  the 
scarcity  of  labor  and  the  great  dilKculty  that  rail- 
road corporations  are  laboring  under  in  order  to 
build  their  roads.  It  is  almost  an  impossibility 
now,  if  the  entire  duty  on  iron  was  taken  off,  to 
go  on  and  construct  railroads  as  the  necessities  of 
the  country  require.  The  labor  of  the  new  States 
is  in  the  battle-field.  The  great  body  of  the  young 
laboring  men  of  my  State  and  the  new  States  gen- 
erally are  to-day  at  the  front,  fighting  this  rebel- 
lion,anditis  a  little  harsh,  inasmuch  as  this  duty 
bears  more  heavily  on  the  new  States,  who  have 
not  their  railroads  already  constructed,  to  impose 
this  additional  duty  upon  railroad  iron.  I  hope 
the  amendmentof  the  Senator  from  Kansas  will  be 
adopted. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  agree  with  the  remark  made 
by  the  Senator  from  Minnesota,  that  the  devel- 
opment of  the  country  is  something.  I  go  fur- 
ther; it  is  a  great  deal.  But  the  railroad  interest 
is  not  the  only  interest  in  the  country,  nor  the  only 
interest  that  needs  to  be  developed,  nor  the  only 
interest  by  which  thecountry  is  developed.  I  do 
not  agree  with  the  Senator  from  Kansas,  if  he 
means  that  it  would  be  well  for  the  country  that 
these  iron  establishments  should  stop  for  a  year; 
because  to  let  the  iron  come  in  free  vi^ould  result 
in  destroying  these  establishments  in  thecountry, 
and  I  do  not  agree  with  him  that  it  would  be  well, 
for  the  sake  of  building  a  road  through  any  State 
in  the  West  or  from  one  side  of  the  continent  to 
the  other,  to  break  down  the  labor  of  the  country. 


I  suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Kansas  that  a  more 
'wise  policy,  in  my  judgment,  would  Ik,'  that  while 
we  build  tiio  railroads  we  should  build  up  on  each 
side  of  the  railroads  all  the  various  Liraiiches  of 
industry  which  sup|]ort  and  sustain  the  railroads. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  I  should  like  to  ask  the 
Senator  whether  the  iron  interest  has  not  pros- 
pered under  the  duty  as  it  now  stands.' 

Mr.  CLARK.  Under  the  great  demand  for 
products  in  this  country,  almost  every  business 
in  the  country  has  prospered.  I  agree  with  the 
Senator  from  Minnesota,  if  he  means  that  these 
establishments  have  been  largely  employed.  All 
the  establishments  of  iron  in  the  country  have 
been  called  upon  by  the  Government  and  other 
interests  to  furnish  their  products.  But  suppos- 
ing the  war  be  over  and  there  is  not  a  call  for  that 
branch  of  the  manufacture,  what  becomes  of  your 
iron  establishments.''  Then  they  need  the  pro- 
tection they  always  have  had;  and  you  must  not 
adjust  your  tariff  particularly  to  the  situation  of 
to-day,  but  to  the  great  and  continuing  interests 
of  the  country;  and  I  want  to  see  not  only  one 
interest,  not  only  this  or  that  interest  developed, 
but  I  want  to  see  all  the  interests  of  the  country 
developed. 

And  here  I  want  to  make  a  remark  to  the  Sena- 
tor from  Minnesota,  in  the  utmost  kindness,  and 
that  is  in  regard  to  the  labor  of  the  West,  which 
he  says  is  on  the  battle-field.  That  has  been  a 
serious  drain  on  the  new  States;  but  he  will  bear 
in  mind  one  thing  beyond  that,  that  while  the  old 
States  have  furnished  their  quotas,  many  of  them, 
and  others  have  been  endeavoring  to  furnish  their 
quotas  upon  the  battle-field,  they  have  furnished 
many  of  the  young  men  that  have  gone  to  the 
West  and  then  gone  to  the  battle-field.  They 
have  thus  furnished  twice  over.  You  cannot  ex- 
pect us  to  furnish  the  new  States  of  the  West  with 
settlers  and  to  furnish  our  full  quota  always  and 
readily  on  the  battle-field  besides.  Ifitisadrain 
on  them,  itis  a  drain  on  us  also;  and  in  this  re- 
mark I  do  not  mean  to  be  invidious,  nor  to  say 
that  the  West  has  not  done  all  and  even  more 
than  all  she  could  be  called  on  to  do.  I  feel  a  glory 
in  her,  history.  But  I  desire  to  suggest  to  the  Sen- 
ator that,  while  they  have  been  called  upon,  we 
have  been  called  upon  and  also  have  supplied 
many  of  the  men  which  I  glory  have  gone  from 
their  country  and  sustained  their  country  and  our 
country  together.  We  all  bear  these  burdens, 
and  we  must  all  bear  them,  and  we  should  be  will- 
ing to  stand  together. 

While  1  will  go  as  far  as  any  man  in  pro- 
tecting the  railroad  interest;  while  I  will  go  as 
far  as  any  man  in  helping  my  friend  from  Kan- 
sas to  build  his  road,  and  my  friend  from  Min- 
nesota to  build  his  road;  and  while  the  commit- 
tee will  go  as  far  as  anybody,  we  ask  that  you 
shall  consider  also  the  other  interests  of  the 
country;  that  while  you  protect  one  you  shall 
not  strike  down  another.  The  committee  have 
endeavored  to  go  between  the  two.  While  they 
do  not  go  with  the  Houseof  Representatives,  and 
put  upon  railroad  iron  a  tax  of  80 cents  a  hundred 
pounds,  they  would  not  eithergo  to  the  old  tariff 
and  put  simply  a  tax  of  GO  cents;  but  they  pro- 
pose a  tax  of  70  cents.  That  would  not  be  so  high 
as  we  should  impose  if  we  followed  the  rule  of  pro- 
portion to  impose  a  corresponding  duty  upon  the 
foreign  article  with  that  which  we  impose  on  the 
domestic  product. 

I  am  told — I  did  not  hear  the  remark  of  the 
Senator  from  Maryland — that  he  said  or  intimated 
that  but  small  quantities  of  railroad  iron  were 
furnished  in  this  country.  Sir,  very  large  quan- 
tities are  furnished  in  this  country,  and  it  is  an 
interest  that  should  be  protected.  I  am  told  that 
the  interest  is  large;  I  know  itis  large.  I  did  not 
preserve  the  figures  that  were  given  to  us,  but  the 
interest  is  a  very  large  one,  and  one  which  the 
country  should  protect. 

Now,  let  me  say  here, once  forall,  that  I  desire 
to  see  this  country  a  great  manufacturing  shop-^ 
if  I  may  so  speak — not  only  a  manufacturing 
shop  but  an  agricultural  region  besides;  that  we 
shall  rely  upon  ourselves,  and  produce  for  our- 
selves, and  support  ourselves,  and  if  the  Govern- 
ments of  the  Old  World  feel  any  hostility  to  the 
republican  institutions  of  the  New  I  want  that 
the  time  shall  come  when  we  can  say  to  them, 
"  Thank  God,  we  can  live  and  will  live  without 
you."  So,  sir,  while  I  would  say  to  these  rail- 
roads, "  Go  to  the  old  countries  and  buy  the  iron 


3008 


THE  CON^GRESSIOISrAL  GLOBE. 


June  16. 


which   you  need,  atill  do  not  break  down  these 
estnblislimf iits  wliich  we  have  at  home." 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  1  hope  that  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  New  Hampshire  did  not  sup- 
pose thiU  in  my  alhision  io  itic  embarrassments 
of  the  West  at  this  particular  time  I  intended  to 
draw  any  comparison  between  the  West  and  the 
East. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Not  at  all.  I  only  desired  to 
present  a  further  consideration. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  Tliere  is  one  great  dif- 
ference, however,  now  between  the  two  districts 
of  country.  The  East  is  rich;  the  West,  these 
new  States,  as  a  general  rule,  are  poor;  their 
people  have  just  about  the  same  industry,  and  the 
same  patriotism,  and  the  same  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  their  country  that  tlie  East  has.  I  do 
not  suppose  they  have  anymore.  I  am  sure  the 
country  will  not  say  they  have  any  less.  But 
in  advocating  this  amendment  I  do  not,  as  the 
honorable  Senator  says,  advocate  the  railroad  in- 
terests. I  advocate  the  interests  of  the  country. 
I  do  not  care  how  much  you  tax  a  railroad  com- 
pany, provided  you  do  not  stop  the  building  of 
roads,  the  development  of  the  resources  of  the 
country.  Whatare  any  of  the  new  States  worth, 
or  any  of  our  old  State.s  worth,  if  it  were  not  for 
the  railroad  system  .'  What  could  we  have  done 
to-day  in  putting  down  this  rebellion  but  for  our 
railroad  system  all  over  the  country?  It  matters 
not  to  me  whether  the  railroad  companies  make 
money  or  lose  money,  the  nation  gains  by  their 
construction.  When  railroads  arc  built  in  the 
new  States  they  become  great  States  at  once, 
they  are  brought  nearer  to  the  seaboard,  prop- 
erty is  equalized,  and  the  productions  of  the  new 
States,  underagenerous  railroad  system,  will  add 
enormously  to  the  wealth  and  to  the  treasure  of 
the  nation.  In  all  hgitimate  and  proper  ways 
it  is  wise,  in  my  judgment,  for  the  country  to 
encourage  the  building  of  railroads  in  the  new 
States,  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  corporations,  but 
for  thejbenefit  of  the  country  at  large,  for  the  de- 
velopment of  its  resources,  for  the  purpose  of 
augmenting  its  wealth. 

We  have,  as  I  said  before,  in  our  own  ^tate 
about  four  hundred  miles  of  railroad  under  con- 
tract. The  iron  has  already  been  purchased;  it 
has  not  arrived  here  yet;  and  it  now  seems  to  me 
— and  1  am  so  advised — that  if  we  raise  thi^tax, 
those  orders  will  have  to  be  countermanded, and 
instead  of  the  Treasury  profiting  by  it  the  Gov- 
ernment will  actually  lose  by  it;  instead  of  get- 
ting the  60  cents  on  the  hundred  pounds,  you 
will  get  nothing,  because  they  cannot  afford  to 
pay.  The  reason  of  it  is  obvious.  As  the  Sen- 
ator from  Kansas  said,  it  is  a  very  difficult  mat- 
ter to  build  roads  now  in  this  embarrassed  con- 
dition of  the  country  under  the  most  favorable 
circumstances,  and  1  think  it  is  wise  in  the  Gov- 
ernment to  do  everything  in  our  power  to  favor 
the  construction  of  new  railroads  in  that  section 
of  country  where  they  are  most  needed. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  regret  exceedingly  that 
I  am  compelled  to  differ  from  my  friend  from 
Minnesota  on  this  occasion.  If  I  had  my  way  1 
would  absolutely  proliibit  the  introduction  of  for- 
eign iron.  Our  mountains  are  filled  with  the 
purest  ores  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  This  nation 
to-day  should  be  an  exporter  of  iron  instead  of 
an  importer.  There  is  no  reason  on  earth  why 
we  should  buy  a  single  pound  of  iron  from  any 
other  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

But  at  present  the  question  is,  what  tax,  what 
duly  will  raise  the  largest  revenue.?  If  you  can 
show  me  that  the  tax  imposed  by  the  committee 
will  raise  a  larger  revenue  than  any  other,  1  ask 
no  further  question.  During  the  continuance  of 
this  war  individual  interests  must  suffer  and  will 
suffer.  All  individual  interests  suffer.  It  is  un- 
avoidable. We  are  in  a  state  of  war.  The  ques- 
tion is,  can  we  save  this  nation,  can  we  carry 
this  Government  through  financially.'  And  indi- 
vidual interests  are  nut  to  be  taken  into  account  in 
the  slis^htestdegree  while  thatcondition  continues. 
If  I  had  my  way,  1  would  raise  a  wall  of  fire  be- 
tween this  nation  and  Great  Britain.  I  not  only 
would  not  allow  her  iron  to  come  here,  but  I 
would  not  allow  a  single  fabric  manufactured  in 
Great  Britain  to  enter  a  single  port  of  ours  dur- 
ing the  continuance  of  this  war.  What  do  we 
owe  Great  Britain, sir?  She  has  sent  outcruisers, 
English  ships,  built  of  English  timber,  manned 
with  Englishmen,  provisioned  with  English  pro- 


visions, sailing  under  British  colors,  to  prey  upon 
our  commerce,  until  she  has  virtually  driven  that 
commerce  from  tlie  face  of  the  earth.  Sir,  I  am 
prepared  to-day  to  say  to  Greeit  Britain,  "Pay 
that  bill,  principal  and  interest,  and  there  shall 
be  no  commercial  intercourse  between  you  and 
us  until  that  bill  is  paid,"  and  if  she  did  not  pay 
the  bill,  and  England  got  into  war  with  any 
Power  on  earth,  1  do  not  care  if  it  was  the  King 
of  Dahomey,  I  would  let  loose  a  fleet  of  fast- 
sailing  steamers  that  should  make  her  drink  the 
cup  to  its  dregs.  That  is  what  I  am  prepared  to 
say  to  Great  Britain  to-day.  We  owe  her  no 
comity,  and  I  will  give  her  no  comity  by  my  vote. 
I  hope  the  result  of  this  duty  will  be  to  prohibit 
the  introduction  of  a  pound  of  English  iron  until 
the  end  of  this  war,  and  let  railroad  interests  and 
any  other  interests  suffer;  it  is  nothing  to  me.  I 
am  for  the  tax  and  the  highest  tax. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  It  would  do  very  well,  if 
Minnesota  had  all  her  roads  built  as  Michigan 
has,  to  talk  in  this  way,  but  our  roads  are  not 
built  yet.  For  instance,  there  is  one  company 
in  my  State  that  will  pay  under  the  old  duty  more 
than  a  million  dollars  into  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States  on  iron  which  they  have  already 
contracted  for  or  bargained  for.  If  the  bill  be 
passed  as  the  House  of  Representatives  sent  it 
to  the  Senate,  or  if  this  tax  be  very  materially 
raised,  the  orders  will  be  countermanded,  and  the 
Government  will  not  get  one  dollar  into  the  Treas- 
ury. It  will  receive  now  more  than  a  million 
dollars  from  my  State  alone  under  the  rates  of 
duties  as  they  stand.  So  the  Government  is  not 
aided  any  by  prohibiting  this  iron  from  coming 
from  Europe. 

I  always  have  been  a  pretty  high  tariff  man. 
I  do  not  believe  in  encouraging  foreign  manufac- 
turers very  much,  but  I  do  not  believe  at  this 
time  it  is  wise  to  lay  so  heavy  a  duty  on  a  partic- 
ular article  as  to  prohibit  the  construction  of  works 
of  internal  improvement  which  may  be  necessary 
to  the  prosperity  and  advancement  of  the  nation. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  am  very  unwilling  to  pro- 
long the  debate,  but  yet  I  cannot  quite  agree  with 
the  Senator  from  Michigan  in  favor  of  prohibition, 
nor  can  I  agree  entirely  witti  those  who  are  advo- 
cating a  less  duty  on  account  of  certain  special  in- 
terests, on  account  of  railroads  still  to  be  built. 
I  should  be  very  glad  myself  to  accommodate 
those  interests,  but  the  question  is  one  of  much 
higher  importance.  It  is  a  question  of  revenue; 
it  is  a  question  of  national  importance;  and  I  shall 
be  governed  entirely,  not  only  in  relation  to  this 
matter  of  iron  which  is  now  before  us  but  in  con- 
sidering every  part  of  the  bill,  by  the  national 
necessities  of  the  case.  The  proposition  of  the 
Senator  from  Kansas  is  to  reduce  the  duty  to  60 
cents  a  hundred  pounds.  That  is  the  present 
rate.  The  Finance  Committee  propose  to  make 
it  70  cents;  the  House  of  Represetitatives  have 
made  it  80.  If  the  Finance  Committee  are  satis- 
fied that  a  greater  amount  of  revenue  will  be  de- 
rived from  the  duty  as  fixed  by  them  I  shall  sus- 
tain the  committee,  because  I  deem  it  of  the  high- 
est importance  that  we  should  pass  a  tariff  for 
revenue,  not  a  prohibitory  tariff,  not  a  protective 
tariff,  but  a  tariff  to  meet  the  present  necessities 
of  the  Government.  I  shall,  therefore,  sustain 
the  report  of  the  committee. 

Mr.POMEROY.  I  only  desire  in  a  single  word 
to  reply  to  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire, 
who  seems  to  think  that  this  is  a  movement  to- 
ward breaking  down  the  iron  interests  of  the  coun- 
try. So  far  from  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  state 
the  fact  that  the  iron  interests  of  the  country  un- 
der the  present  tariff  have  prospered  beyond  all 
precedent,  and  this  proposition  is  not  to  lower  the 
tariff;  it  is  no  blow  at  the  iron  interests  of  the 
country.  I  know  the  internal  revenue  tax  upon 
that  interest  is  a  slight  tax.  The  price  of  the  iron 
has  increased  over  forty  per  cent,  from  what  it 
was  before  we  levied  the  tax.  But  if  they  are  able 
under  the  present  tax  to  make  dividends  beyond 
all  precedent,  and  beyond  those  of  any  other  cor- 
porations in  the  country,  and  it  is  impossible  for 
them  to  supply  the  demand,  I  want  to  know  how 
it  is  a  blow  at  the  iron  manufacturing  interests  of 
the  country  to  let  the  tariff  remain  as  it  is. 

Now,  the  Senator  very  well  remarks,  the  war 
will  be  over  after  a  little,  and  then  there  may  not 
be  the  demand  that  there  is  now.  No  one  of  us 
can  tell  for  an  absolute  certainty,  1  admit,  what 
the  demand  will  bej  but  what  ara  the  probabilities 


of  a  demand  ?  The  whole  southern  country  have 
manufactured  no  iron,  and  1  suppose  imported 
but  little.  Their  railroads  must  be  out  of  repair. 
Our  Army  do  little  else  when  they  come  to  a  rail- 
road than  bend  and  destroy  the  iron,  make  it  as 
useless  as  they  can;  and  when  the  war  is  closed 
those  roads  must  be  rebuilt,  and  then  all  the 
manufacturing  establishments  in  the  country  that 
are  making  railroad  iron  and  building  locomotives 
will  have  enough  to  do.  You  cannot  get  a  loco- 
motive now  in  twelve  months  in  any  manufac- 
turing establishment  in  this  country;  their  con- 
tracts reach  over  twelve  months  ahead;  and  if  the 
war  should  stop  to-day,  instead  of  this  interest 
being  diminished  it  would  be  increased.  The  de- 
mand for  railroad  iron  and  for  locomotives,  from 
the  very  fact  of  the  destruction  they  have  been 
subject  to  during  the  war,  would  increase  the 
business  largely.  I  venture  to  say  that  there  will 
be  fifty  per  cent,  more  iron  laid  down  during  the 
next  year,  if  we  have  peace,  than  there  ever  has 
been  laid  in  any  previous  year. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Allow  me  to  make  a  sugges- 
tion to  the  Senator  on  this  point  in  regard  to  the 
production  of  locomotives,  and  the  difficulty  of 
getting  them.  The  Senator  is  right;  there  is  a 
difficulty;  and  why?  Because  that  business  had 
become  so  poor  before  the  breaking  out  of  the 
war  that  almost  all  of  the  locomotive  shops  in  the 
country  had  ceased  to  manufacture.  There  was 
not  a  locomotive  establishment  in  all  my  region 
of  country  that  had  not  stopped.  There  were  two 
right  in  my  own  city,  but  both,  by  the  very  pov- 
erty of  the  business,  had  broken  down,  had  ceased 
to  manufacture.  Now  there  is  a  little  time  when 
there  is  a  demand,  but  you  cannot  induce  some 
of  these  establishments  to  gointoit  again  because 
it  is  so  fluctuating. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  cannot  tell  how  it  is  with 
the  manufacturing  establishments  in  New  Hamp- 
shire; I  am  not  acquainted  with  those;  but  in  New 
Jersey  and  Massachusetts  I  know  they  are  pressed 
beyond  precedent  and  have  been  for  a  year  back. 
They  have  flourished  not  only  up  to  the  war,  but 
since  the  war. 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  same  would  be  true  in 
regard  to  another  interest;  for  instance  take  the 
woolen  interest.  The  Government  are  consum- 
ing so  large  an  amount  of  woolen  manufactures 
for  the  clothing  of  the  Army  and  other  matters  of 
that  kind  that  it  calls  into  exercise  all  the  power 
of  the  mills;  but  would  the  Senator  think  it  just, 
while  we  impose  a  duty  upon  wool  all  over  the 
country  and  a  tax  upon  that  manufactured,  that 
there  shall  be  no  corresponding  protection  against 
the  foreign  article?  While  you  adjust  one  side 
you  must  adjust  the  other  too. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  There  is  a  great  difTerence 
between  the  production  of  wool  in  regard  to  the 
interests  of  the  country  and  that  of  building  rail- 
roads. The  railroad  interest  of  the  country  pro- 
motes the  development  of  almost  every  other  in- 
terest in  the  country.  The  production  of  wool  is 
simply  a  production  of  one  interest  of  the  coun- 
try, and  I  do  not  know  that  the  wool-growers 
need  the  tariff  that  we  put'upon  it.  Wegetsome 
revenue  on  it,  but  it  is  not  worth  anything  as 
protection,  because  the  very  kind  of  wool  that 
we  put  the  tariff  upon,  the  fine  Saxony  wool  that 
the  tariff  is  highest  upon,  cannot  be  produced  in 
_this  country.  You  may  bring  the  very  same 
sheep  on  which  that  wool  is  grown  in  foreign 
countries,  and  place  them  here,  and  they  will  pro- 
duce a  different  article  of  wool.  You  cannotpro- 
duce  the  same  peach  if  you  transplant  it  to  another 
climate,  and  you  cannot  grow  the  same  wool. 
Wool  is  like  any  other  product;  it  is  subject  to 
the  climate  and  the  country  where  it  is  produced. 
This  tariff  on  fine  wool  is  no  protection,  because 
we  cannot  produce  the  article  in  this  country. 

I  only  want  to  add  that  the  Senator  from  Mich- 
igan not  only  would  have  this  tariff  increased, 
but  he  would  have  it  prohibitory ;  and  still  further, 
the  British  people  having  behaved  so  badly,  if 
they  get  into  a  war  with  anybody  else  he  would 
turn  in  and  fight  them. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  As  they  have  been  fight- 
ing us. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  It  occurs  to  me  if  they  have 
behaved  themselves  so  that  we  should  fight  them 
at  all,  we  ought  not  to  wait  for  them  to  get  into 
a  war  with  some  other  nation.  I  do  not  think  it 
is  the  highest  point  of  gallantry  to  strike  a  man 
when  he  ia  engaged  in  fighting  somebody  else. 


THE  CONGRES 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 


FRIDAY,  JUNE  17,  1864. 


New  Series No.  189. 


I  have  never  thought  the  etiquette  of  the  thing 
was  very  good  for  one  nation  to  fight  another 
while  engaged  in  a  foreign  war.  I  hold  that  if 
we  should  fight  Great  Britain  at  all  we  should 
fight  them  on  principle,  whether  they  are  engaged 
in  war  with  another  nation  or  not,  and  not  take 
advantage  of  their  weakness  and  then  pitch  in. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Let  me  beg  of  gentle- 
men not  to  raise  such  a  discussion  on  this  bill. 
This  is  going  off  on  another  tack  entfrely. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  suggest,  as  that  is  a  ques- 
tion concerning  our  foreign  relations,  I  think  it 
oughttobe  referred  to  that  committee.  [Laugh- 
ten] 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  am  willing  to  refer  the 
question  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Senator  does  not 
mean  to  misrepresent  me.  I  did  not  say  that  we 
should  go  to  war  with  Great  Britain;  but  I  would 
make  her  drink  to  the  dregs  the  bitter  cup  she  has 
presented  to  our  lips.  We  are  engaged  in  the 
.most  gigantic  war  the  world  has  ever  seen,  and 
England  sees  fit  to  let  loose  her  eruisers  upon 
our  commerce  under  a  pretended — I  do  not  know 
what  you  call  it — but  under  a  pretended  authority 
from  a  man  by  the  name  of  Jeff.  Davis,  and  the 
result  has  been  that  she  has  driven  sixty  per 
cent,  of  our  commerce  from  the  ocean  to-day.  I 
simply  say  I  would  let  her  drink  the  very  cup 
slie  has  piesented  to  our  lips  in  the  time  of  our 
humiliation  and  sorrow.  I  would  let  private  in- 
dividuals take  out  letters  of  marque,  and  I  would 
let  them  drive  the  English  flag  from  the  seas  as 
she  has  driven  ours.  That  is  all  1  said  and  all  I 
meant. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  want  the  Senate  to  vote 
whether  they  will  increase  this  tariff  or  not.  The 
amendment  I  have  moved  is  to  let  the  tariff  re- 
main, as  it  has  during  the  last  two  years,  at  60 
cents  per  one  hundred  pounds.  The  amendment 
of  the  Committee  on  Finance  increases  it  to 
seventy  cents.  That  is  the  only  question  before- 
the  Senate,  and  the  only  question  on  which  we 
are  to  vote. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  House  of  Represent- 
atives put  this  tax  at  a  somewhat  higher  rate,  as 
we  judged,  than  was  necessary,  in  order  to  equal- 
ize the  matter  with  reference  to  the  internal  rev- 
enue bill.  We  did  not,  however,  propose  to  in- 
terfere with  it  much  until  some  representations 
were  made  to  us  by  these  delegations  from  the 
railroad  companies;  and  I  would  warn  gentlemen, 
while  they  give  the  utmost  credit  in  point  of  in- 
tention and  integrity  to  everybody  who  speaks  to 
them  on  the  subject  of  these  duties,  either  in  the 
shape  of  an  irnporteror  manufacturer  or  anybody 
else,  just  to  hold  themselves  at  liberty  to  decide 
the  question  afterwards  according  to  their  own 
judgment,  and  not  take  everything  they  hear  for 
granted;  because  there  is  a  style  of  dealing  in 
generalities  to  a  very  large  extent  on  all  sides 
that  you  will  find  to  be  a  vgry  unsafe  guide  in 
legislation,  if  you  listen  to  all  that  is  said  in  refer- 
ence to  these  matters. 

Now,  sir,  with  regard  to  this  tax  the  question 
i.?  a  very  simple  one.  We  fixed  a  rate  of  duty 
when  we  adjusted  the  tariff  in  the  internal  revenue 
bill  before.  The  Senator  from  Kansas  says  the 
manufacturers  of  railroad  iron  have  been  niaking 
money,  and  in  some  cases  making  very  large 
sums.  Probably  that  is  true  in  some  cases,  not 
in  all.  The  Senator  knows  that  in  all  times  the 
conduct  of  affairs  under  different  companies  pro- 
duces different  results  according  in  some  measure 
to  fortune, and  in  another  measure  to  ability;  but 
it  is  utterly  unsafe  to  legislate  from  what  appears 
to  be  the  case  in  feverish  times.  You  cannot 
.  judge  of  a  man  in  a  fever  as  you  can  of  a  man  in 
health,  and  you  cannofjudge  of  a  nation  in  fever 
as  you  can  of  a  nation  in  health.  You  cannot 
legislate  safely  with  reference  to  the  present  price 
of  gold,  because  we  do  not  know  how  long  it  will 
continue  or  what  changes  will  take  place,  and  very 
rapidly;  and  so  far  as  the  very  large  price  of  gold 
is  to  be  considered  as  affecting  the  question,  it  is 
offset,  sofifr  as  the  manufacturers  are  concerned, 
by  other  considerations,  the  very  great  increased 

189 


price  of  labor,  and  many  other  facts  of  a  similar 
description. 

The  policy  of  the  country,  I  take  it,  is  to  get 
money  to  support  the  Government  principally 
from  internal  taxation,  and  to  an  exceedingly 
large  degree  from  manufactures.  If  you  propose 
to  get  money  from  them  you  must  enable  them  to 
pay  it;  becausp  if  you  so  legislate  as  to  break 
down  manufacturers  or  to  check  their  prosperity 
or  affect  their  prosperity  seriously,  that  source  of 
revenue,  which  is  the  great  source  of  revenue,  is 
dried  up,  and  you  fail  in  that  most  important  par- 
ticular. The  tariff  is  adjusted  and  was  adjusted 
before  upon  that  simple  principle  with  reference 
to  the  internal  revenue  taxation;  and  any  gentle- 
man will  see  on  the  slightest  consideration  in  the 
world  that  on  no  other  principle  can  you  pos- 
sibly accomplish  your  object.  You  may  lessen 
perhaps  the  revenue  in  some  degree  derived  from 
imports,  but  that  is  of  comparatively  small  im- 
portance, because  although  you  depend  u|>on  that 
to  a  degree,  you  depend  upon  the  ii'iternal  taxa- 
tion to  a  very  much  greater  degree. 

Carrying  out  that  principle  we  imposed  a  cer- 
tain duty  upon  manufactures  of  railroad  iron,  and 
we  imposed,  when  we  passed  the  last  tariff  bill, 
what  we  supposed  to  be  a  corresponding  duty 
upon  imports  of  the  same  article  in  order  to  ac- 
complish the  two  purposes,  get  the  money  from 
both  sources,  because  that  is  the  great  thing,  and 
especially  to  protect  the  one  great  source  of  rev- 
enue. 1'hat  the  manufacturers  have  prospered 
may  be  true;  it  is  true;  and  it  is  our  good  fortune 
that  they  have  prospered,  because  we  are  thereby 
enabled  to  derive  more  revenue  from  the  same 
source.  Instead  of  oppressing  them  we  increase 
their  ability,  and  we  derive  benefit  from  that  in- 
crease of  ability. 

Those  are  the  general  principles.  I  do  not 
mean  to  enlarge  upon  them.  Senators  will  find 
them  running  all  through  the  bill.  It  is  necessa- 
rily founded  upon  those  ideas. 

But  takethis  article  of  railroad  iron.  We  have 
imposed  additional  burdens  upon  the  manufac- 
turers of  railroad  iron  in  this  country,  and  to 
protect  them  we  propose  to  impose  a  correspond- 
ing duty  in  the  tariff.  We  had  these  representa- 
tions fron*  railroad  companies  and  railroad  men 
made  to  us.  To  a  certain  extent,  undoubtedly, 
the  representations  are  correct;  the  burdens  are 
heavy  upon  them;  but  because  they  are  heavy 
upon  them  you  cannot  legislate  for  the  moment 
and  say  we  will  relieve  them,  when  by  doing 
that  for  a  particular  interestyou  may  breakdown 
this  very  interest  which  we  v/ish  to  sustain,  and 
they  will  take  the  consequences  hereafter  to  a 
much  more  serious  extent  than  any  consequences 
could  be  visited  upon  -them  now.  If  you  build 
up  the  interest  in  this  country,  as  is  the  policy, 
by  degrees,  you  lessen  the  price  of  the  article. 
That  is  a  very  familiar  principle.  If  you  break 
down  the  interest,  you  are  in  the  hands  of  the 
foreigner.  Suppose,  then,  that  we  gain  for  a  few 
railroads  and  a  few  railroad  companies  a  mo- 
mentary benefit  at  the  present  time,  but  suppose 
that,  at  the  same  time,  you  stop  substantially  the 
manufacture  here  of  much  the  largest  half  of  all 
that  is  used  in  this  country;  Senators  must  see 
that  hundreds  of  miles  of  railroad  are  not  built 
in  a  day  or  a  week  or  a  month  or  a  year  or  in 
several  years,  and  the  time  must  come  when  they 
must  experience  the  same  difficulty. 

But  tliat,  however,  is  all  outside  of  the  question 
of  revenue.  In  taking  this  matter  into  considera- 
tion we  did  not  feel  disposed  to  go  so  high  as  the 
House  of  Representatives  have  gone,  oreven  quite 
to  lay  a  corresponding  duty  to  that  laid  in  the  in- 
ternal revenue  bill ,  because, as  my  friend  from  New 
Hampshire  [Mr.  Clark]  said,  it  was  carefully 
calculated.  We  did  feel  disposed  to  relieve  these 
railroad  companies  and  the  railroad  interests, be- 
cause theyare  the  interests  of  the  country  just  as 
much  as  we  could;  and  for  that  reason  instead  of 
putting  the  duty  at  80  cents  or  even  at  74  and  a 
fraction  or  at  75 — which  I  was  rather  disposed 
to  do  on  the  whole — it  was  struck  down  to  70 
cents,  below  what  would  be  a  corresponding  duty 


in  point  of  fact.  While  we  impose  this  additional 
burden  upon  the  manufacturers  of  the  article  in 
this  country  and  tell  them  they  must  pay  so  much 
nrore  into  the  Treasury,  will  you  hazard  their 
ability  to  meet  the  call  which  you  make  upon 
them,  and  for  a  purpose  which  after  all  is  a  tem- 
porary purpose?    That  would  not  be  just. 

I  acknowledge  the  great  importance  of  tlie  rail- 
road interest;  I  acknowledge  the  very  great  im- 
portance of  encouraging  them;  I  acknowledge 
their  vast  value  and  consequence  to  the  country; 
but,  sir,  I  must  say  that  with  reference  to  all  those 
matters  there  is  an  interestahead  of  them  all,  and- 
that  is  the  interest  of  the  country  as  involved  in 
this  contest.  Myopinion  has  been — it  may  lie  a 
narrow  opinion — with  reference  to  the  Pacific 
railroad,  important  as  I  considered  thatgreat  work 
to  be,  that  it  ought  not  to  be  undertaken  while  the 
country  was  burdened  with  so  tremendous  a  re- 
sponsibility with  regard  to  many  matters  as  it  has 
upon  it;  that  all  things  tliat  could  be  defined 
should  be  deferred.  The  Senate  judged  differ-, 
ently.  I  was  one  of  a  very  small  minority.  It 
was  undertaken.  Sir,  important  as  these  mat- 
ters are,  there  is  one  thing  still  more  important, 
as  I  said ,  and  that  is  the  obtaining  of  revenue  and 
the  keeping  alive  the  sources  of  revenue  upon 
which  we  must  depend  in  order  to  accomplish 
these  purposes.  It  was  with  a  view  to  that,  ad- 
justing the  tax  as  well  as  we  could,  and  leaning 
to  the  side  of  the  railroads  who  desired  that  this 
duty  should  be  made  a."?  light  as  possible,  that  we 
did  strike  off  one  half  the  increased  duty  pro- 
posed by  the  House  of  Representatives;  and  I 
think  that  ought  to  satisfy  any  intere.sl  or  any 
person  connected  with  it.  We  thought  it  w;i3 
certainly  all  the  forbearance  which  it  was  possible 
to  exercise  on  such  a  subject. 

Mr.  WILKINSON..  There  is  one  thing  about 
the  statement  which  the  honorable  Senator  has 
made,  and  also  which  the  Senator  frotn  New 
Hampshire  made,  that  I  do  not  exactly  under- 
stand,.and  which  I  wish  they  would  explain  to 
the  Senate:  that  if  we  were  to  equalize  this  tax 
as  compared  with  the  internal  revenue  tax  which 
is  laid  on  our  manufactures  of  iron,  it  would  make 
the  duty  on  foreign  iron  74  cents  on  the  hundred 
pounds. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire  calculated  it. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  I  should  like  to  know 
how  he  arrived  at  that  estimate;  whether  he  cal- 
culates the  currency  in  which  the  internal  reve- 
nues are  paid,  equally,  dollar  for  dollar,  with  gold, 
which  is  paid  on  all  imports.? 
.  Mr.CIjlRK.  Certainly.  We  cannot  go  into 
the  fluctuations  of  gold.  We  do  not  undertake 
to  do  that  on  any  one  of  these  measures. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  That  is  the  way  the  cal- 
culation is  made.  These  import  duties  are  }iaid 
in  coin,  which  is  worth  twice  as  much  as  cur- 
rency; because  gold  is  worth  nearly  two  hundred 
per  cent.  Instead  of  making  them  equal,  you 
have  just  doubled  the  duty  on  fiweign  iron  as  long 
as  gold  stands  at  one  hundred  and  ninety-eight 
per  cent. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Then  on  that  principle 
you  might  just  as  well  omit  laying  any  duties 
whatever  under  the  new  tariff.  We  might  as  well 
say  gold  has  made  all  the  difference  in  the  world 
and  we  will  not  lay  any  duties.  If  we  said  that, 
where  should  we  be.' 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  I  do  not  ask  that  that 
rule  shall  govern  all  the  way  through,  but  I  do 
think  it  is  legitimate  to  a  certain  extent  when  vast 
interests  of  the  country  are  involved.  I  know 
very  well  that  in  a  calculation  of  this  kind,  where 
gold  is  going  up  one  day  and  down  the  next,  no 
satisfactory  explanation  or  opinion  can  be  arrived 
at  in  regard  to  its  real  value. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Senator  from  Kan- 
sas stated  a  short  time  since  that  the  iron  inter- 
ests had  prospered  beyond  precedent  during  the 
past  year  or  two,  and  that  they  had  now  orders 
on  hand  which  would  last  them  twelve  months, 
or  words  to  that  effect.  Sir,  I  rejoice  in  that  pros- 
perity.    I  rejoice  in  the  prosperity  of  aijy  inter- 


3010 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


est  connected  with  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  particularly  with  the  prosperity  of  the  iron 
interest.  What  is  the  result  of  that  prosperity? 
Every  dollar  that  has  been  earned  by  these  com- 
panies has  gone  into  new  founderies,  new  ma- 
chine shops,  new  mills;  and  to-day  what  we  want 
is  not  foreign  iron,  but  the  foreign  skilled  labor- 
ers to  work  up  oar  own  iron;  and  that  is  pre- 
cisely what  we  are  receiving  by  thousands.  We 
wish  not  to  take  their  iron,  but  to  take  their  ni'ii 
who  make  iron;  and  the  high  prices  that  this 
prosperity  has  enabled  our  iron-masters  to  pay 
for  labor  is  utterly  denuding  England  of  her  most 
skilled  labor  at  the  time  when  we  require  it.  Sir, 
this  is  the  first  instance  in  the  history  of  the  woild 
that  in  time  of  civil  war  immigration  into  the 
country  engaged  in  civil  war  has  increased,  it 
jsincreasing  beyond  all  precedent.  At  first  im- 
migration fell  off.  We  received  very  few  immi- 
grants the  first  year  of  this  war;  but  to-day  the 
Governments  of  Europe  are  actually  trembling 
at  the  monstrous  tide  of  skilled  immigration  that 
is  seeking  our  shores  and  Be(;king  our  liigh  prices 
of  labor. 

As  I  said  before,  I  rejoice  at  all  this  prosper- 
ity. I  do  not  care  if  the  iron-masters  did  make 
last  year,  as  the  Senator  says,  50  per  cent.  The 
result  is  that  we  have  50  percent,  more  faciliiies 
next  year  than  we  had  for  increasing  our  product; 
and  again  we  shall  have  perhaps  more  than  50 
percent,  additional  of  skilled  laborers  to  use  those 
facilities  in  its  production.  1  would  go  for  a 
higher  duty  than  the  committee  have  recom- 
mended if  1  could  have  an  opportunity  to  vote 
for  it. 

jMr.  WILKINSON.  It  would  be  unjust  in  me 
to  do  so,  but  perhaps  I  should  do  so,  too,  if  we 
liad  as  laige  an  iron  interest  in  Minnesota  as  they 
liave  in  Miciiigan. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Mr.  President,  it  has  not 
been  the  policy  of  Congress  to  discourage  rail- 
road enterprises,  but  on  the  contrary  the  policy 
has  b'een  to  encourage  them.  That  policy  has 
been  shown  in  the  large  grants  of  lands  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  railroads.  In  short,  a  few 
years  since  the  duties  upon  railroad  iron  were 
remitted  by  acts  of  Congress,  and  I  believe  in 
some  cases  those  duties  were  paid  back  after  they 
had  been  yiaid  into  the  Treasury,  so  as  to  encour- 
age the  construction  of  important  lines  of- rail- 
road . 

A  Senator  wlio  has  lived  in  the  eastern  portion 
of  the  Confederacy  cannot  very  well  judge  to  what 
extent  the  construction  of  a  railroad  develops  the 
country  adjoining  it;  I  would  not  undertake  to 
say  to  what  extent.  It  is  a  very  surprising  spec- 
tacle that  is  presented  immediately  after  thecon- 
struclion  of  a  railroad  through  a  section  of  coun- 
try. The  lands  that  have  lain  wild  and  waste 
are  immediately  settled  upon  and  improved;  they 
become  a  source  of  wealth  to  the  country.  The 
whole  country  is  advantaged,  as  Congress  has 
declared  by  its  policy  for  a  number  of  vears,  by 
the  construction  of  railroads  especially  in  the 
newer  States.  Who  can  judge  of  the  advantages 
to  the  country  by  the  construction  of  two  or  three 
railroads  that  will  go  over  the  State  of  Iowa;  two 
or  three  railroads  running  from  the  eastern  to  the 
western  boundary  of  Minnesota;  two  or  three 
railroads  running  westward  across  the  State  of 
Kansas.'  Why,  sir,  it  would  open  up  an  im- 
mense region  of  country  that  is  now  lying  waste, 
and  it  would  fill  the  Treasury  to  some  extent  from 
the  production  of  that  labor;  more,  I  undertake 
to  say,  than  we  shall  realize  by  an  oppressive 
tax  upon  railroad  iron. 

But  what  is  the  argument  now  .'  We  propose 
to  place  an  enormous  tax  upon  railroad  iron.  Of 
course  every  Senator  admits  that  to  that  extent 
it  discourages  railroad  enterprises.  The  argu- 
ment is  that  we  must  encourage  the  production  of 
railroad  iron  in  our  own  country.  It  is  the  old 
doctrine  of  a  protective  policy  which  has  been  ex- 
ploded in  this  country,  which  is  not  the  doctrine 
of  this  country  now,  and  advantage  is  being  taken 
of  the  present  condition  of  the  country  to  fasten 
that  policy  u];)on  us;  a  policy  to  whicli,  I  think, 
the  Niirthvveat  will  never  agree. 

Hut  take  this  single  case:  I  find  in  the  internal 
revenue  bill  that  passed  the  Senate  very  recently 
that  railroad  iron  produced  in  the  country  is 
ta.xed  ^3  on  the  ton,  while  this  bill  proposes  to 
tax  imported  railroad  iron  above  !|15  on  the  ton, 
taxing  the  imported  article  above  ^1:2  more  than 


that  which  is  produced  in  the  country.  And  yet 
different  Senators  say  that  this  interest  is  likely 
to  languish  under  a  discrimination  like  that! 
They  cannot  insist  upon  it;  and  the  Senator  from 
Kansas  is  well  supported  in  his  position  that 
scarcely  any  interest  of  the  country  has  made 
money  more  rapidly  than  the  iron  interest  since 
the  tax  that  was  imposed  two  years  ago. 

I  am  in  favcu'  nf  a  fair  tax  upon  railroad  iron, 
but  1  am  not  in  favor  of  one  which  will  be  a  bur- 
den upon  the  enterprises  that  are  being  under- 
taken in  the  Northwest.  Indiana  has  no  interest 
in  this  question,  for  her  railroad  system  is  sub- 
stantinlly  completed;  but  Iowa,  Minnesota,  and 
Kmius:)s,  States  in  the  development  of  wliich  we 
all  feel  an  interest,  arc  largely  to  be  affected  by 
this  policy. 

Mr.  CONNESS.    Add  my  State,  if  you  please. 

Mr.  HENDPa.CKS.  1  do  not  know  to  what 
extent  California  is  interested  in  it;  but,  sir,  it 
seems  to  me  strange  that  during  one  weelc  of  this 
session  we  shall  pledge  the  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  build  a  railroad  from  the  Missouri  river 
westward  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  during  the 
next  week  of  the  session  a  jjolicy  shall  be  advo- 
cated that  will  oppress  an  enterprise  of  that  sort. 
I  am  not  in  favor  of  such  a  policy.  I  shall  b^ 
happy  to  see  a  railroad  constructed  to  the  Pacific 
ocean,  but  1  feel  an  equal  interest  in  the  construc- 
tion of  railroads  in  the  great  States  of  the  North- 
west, those  States  in  wliich  New  England  as  well 
as  Indiana  has  a  large  interest. 

Mr.  CLARK.  1  cannot  agree  with  the  Sena- 
tor from  Indiana  that  the  people  of  the  East  do 
not  appreciate  the  value  of  a  railroad.  They  ap- 
preciate it  very  largely.  They  know  very  well 
that  it  adds  to  the  value  of  every  acre  of  the  soil; 
they  know  very  well  that  it  adds  to  the  value  of 
every  ton  of  coal;  they  know  very  well  that  it 
adds  to  the  value  of  every  cord  of  wood  and  every 
hundred  of  the  hay  and  every  bushel  of  the  corn. 
But  that  is  not  the  only  interest.  We  are  in  a 
condition  in  which  we  need  a  revenue  and  must 
have  a  revenue,  or  the  country  must  perish;  and 
if  the  country  perishes,  your  acres,  your  coal, 
your  wood,  and  your  corn  will  become  of  very 
little  value.  I  submit  to  the  Senator  from  Indiana 
that  if  he  will  just  look  at  the  tax  that  we  pro- 
pose to  put  upon  railroad  iron  it  is  smaller  in 
comparison  than  the  duty  upon  almost  any  other 
article  in  the  whole  catalogue  of  the  tariff.  We 
do  not  tax  it  20  per  cent.,  nor  19  per  cent.,  as  the 
value  of  iron  is  now. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  desire  to  understand 
the  Senator.  This  will  be  a  duty  of  §15  in  gold 
upon  what  he  assumes  now  to  be  the  value  in 
paper  money.  Railroad  iron  is  not  worth  more 
than  |C0  a  ton  in  gold. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  have  been  saying  all  along  to 
the  Senator  that  I  had  not  made  the  distinction 
and  did  not  propose  to  make  the  distinction  in 
regard  to  the  currency.  We  cannot  adjust  the 
tariff  upon  that  basis.  A  ton  of  railroad  iron  is 
worth  in  New  York  from  i|H5  to  $120  in  cur- 
rency, and  the  tax  on  that  ton  of  railroad  iron  is 
not  19  per  cent. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Certainly,  if  the  Sena- 
tor will  allow  me  to  interrupt  him,  he  must  make 
liis  calculations  u[)on  a  gold  basis  when  he  un- 
dertakes to  tax  an  imported  article,  because  the 
importer  must  pay  for  it  in  gold.  Our  green- 
backs will  not  pay  for  an  article  that  is  produced 
abroad;  but  you  are  taxing  an  article  which 
when  it  comes  into  ourpoits  must  be  paid  for  in 
gold,  and  the  tax  is  to  be  paid  for  in  gold. 

Mr.  CLARK.  1  understand,  precisely,  that 
that  will  be  so  substantially  if  the  tax  was  laid 
for  to-day  and  only  to-day,  and  things  were  to 
continue  as  they  are;  but  we  hope  they  are  not 
to  continue.  We  are  legislating  for  the  country 
for  a  long  series,  it  may  be,  of  years;  at  least  for 
years.  While  I  would  go  with  the  Senator,  and 
would  encourage  railroads,  and  if  the  country 
was  at  peace  and  her  Treasury  was  full  would 
be  even  willing  to  make  the  duty  the  very  lowest 
consistent  with  our  manufactures  at  home,  yet 
when  we  need  a  revenue  I  submit  to  the  Senate 
we  cannot  be  expected  to  do  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Mr.  President,  I  am  unwill- 
ing to  say  that  we  are  now  legislating  on  this 
matter  for  a  long  number  of  years.  Indeed,  I 
regard  our  present  legislation  as  temporary  or 
provisional  in  its  character.  It  is  to  meet  the  ex- 
igency of  the  hour;  and  it  is  on  tiiat  account  pre- 


cisely that  I  am  ready  to  follow  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Finance,  at  least  in  opposing 
the  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Kansas. 

Let  me  say,  sir,  what  I  have  said  very  often  on 
this  floor  since  this  rebellion  has  began,  that  on 
important  propositions  there  is  one  rule  which  I 
have  always  followed,  and,  by  the  blessing  of 
God,  I  will  follow  to  the  end.  It  is  this:  show 
me  how  I  can  best  contribute  to  the  strength  and 
the  resources  of  my  country,  and  in  that  way  en- 
able it  to  reach  that  end  which  we  all  desire,  and 
1  shall  vote  for  it.  At  this  moment  I  know  no 
way  in  which  I  can  contribute  more  than  by  add- 
ing to  the  financial  resources.  Show  me,  there- 
fore, how  1  can  best  secure  means  with  v/hich  to 
carry  on  the  war  to  its  successful  close,  and  [ 
shall  vote  for  «t.  If,  therefore,  by  placing  the  tax 
at  70  cents  I  can  promise  myself  a  larger  income 
than  by  placing  it  at  60  cents,  I  shall  vote  for  70 
cents.  Therefore,  as  I  have  said,  to  that  extent 
I  follow  the  Senator  from  Maine. 

But  the  question  renaains  (though  we  are  not 
to  vote  u]ion  it  imrnediately ;  the  first  vote  is  to 
be  taken  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Kan- 
sas) as  to  the  recommendation  of  the  committee. 
The  committee  propose  to  cut  down  the  House 
proposition  from  80  to  70  cents.  On  that  I  do 
not  know  that  the  Senator  from  Maine  explained 
himself  with  perfect  clearness.  Indeed  I  diti  not 
understand  whether  in  his  opinion,  after  tlic  in- 
quiry which  he  has  necessarily  given  to  the  sub- 
ject, he  was  satisfied  that  this  interest  would  not 
bear  a  tax  of  80  cents,  and  in  that  way  be  more 
productive  to  the  country  than  a  tax  of  70  cents; 
because  if  it  would  be  more  productive  to  the 
country  than  70  cents,  I  should  be  disposed  to 
adopt  it.  But  as  our  first  vote  is  to  be  taken  on 
the  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Kansas,  I  say 
nothing  more  on  the  other  question. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Antuo.vy 
in  the  chair.)  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of 
the  Senator  from  Kansas  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Committee  on  Finance,  by  striking 
out  "70"  and  inserting  "CO." 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  that  motion. 

'I'he  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  should  like  to  know 
one  thing  before  voting  on  this  question.  The 
Senatorfrom  Massachusetts  assumes  that  70cents 
will  raise  more  revenue  than  GO  cents,  and  seems 
to  intimate  that  80  cents  will  raise  more  than  70. 
I  have  been  informed  that  orders  that  were  issued 
for  the  importation  of  iron  have  been  counter- 
manded in  consequence  of  the  resolution  recently 
passed  adding  50  per  cent,  to  the  tariff.  I  should 
like  to  know  (for  I  have  only  conversed  with  one 
or  two  persons  about  this)  whether  there  is  any 
information  which  is  regarded  as  reliable  to  show 
that  by  putting  a  duty  of  80  cents  or  70  cents  on 
the  hundred  pounds  we  would  derive  a  larger  rev- 
enue than  from  a  duty  of  60  cents.  I  am  infortned 
that  the  effect  of  putting  the  duty  so  high  is  to 
prevent  the  importation  of  iron. 

We  might  pass  a  non-intercourse  act,  and  the 
Senator  from  Michigan  I  think  avowed  himself  in 
favor  of  that.  We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  tiiis 
war  spending  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  for 
the  purpose  of  enforcing  a  non-intercourse  act 
upon  ourememies,  guarding  their  coasts.  We  sup- 
pose that  that  is  one  of  the  means  of  putting  down 
these  rebels  which  the  Senator  from  Massachu- 
setts desires.  If  we  voluntarily  impose  a  non-in- 
tercourse act  upon  ourselves,  and  it  must  be  upon 
the  ground  that  a  non-intercourse  will  help  us,  as  " 
the  Senator  from  Michigan  seems  to  think,  in 
that  event  we  had  belter  withdraw  our  fleets  and 
open  to  the  commerce  of  the  world  these  rebel 
ports;  for  that  would  ruin  them  the  soonest,  ac- 
cording to  his  view.  This  is  not  a  mathematical 
matter,  I  am  aware;  but  still  persons  who  have 
dealt  in  iron  and  who  understand  the  railroad 
transactions  of  the  country  and  the  manufacturing 
interests  of  the  country  would  be  able  to  arrive  at, 
probably,  an  approximate  correct  statement.  1 
did  not  like  the  principle  which  was  avowed  by 
the  Senator  frorn  iMaine  as  the  reason  for  adding 
to  the  amount  of  revenue  heretoforeimposed.  He 
placed  it,  as  I  understood  him,  solely  upon  this 
proposition:  that  we  have  lately  passed  an  internal 
revenue  bill  in  which  we  liave  imposed  an  addi- 
tional tax  upon  the  manufacturers  of  railroad  iron 
in  this  country,  and  we  must  therefore  impose  a 
corresponding  additional  tax  upon  iron  that  is  im- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3011 


ported  fiom  abroad.  Do  we  know  that  the  tax 
lieretofore  impospd  was  tlie  proper  one?  That 
assumca  thut  our  legislation  heretofore  established 
the  true  standard,  the  very  thing  which  I  am  told 
it  did  not  do.  I  am  informed  that  the  result  of 
our  former  li'gislation  has  been  to  stop  enterprises 
and  prevt-nl  the  importation  of  iron  which  would 
otherwise  have  been  imported,  and  that  in  fact  it 
has  led  to  the  countermanding  of  orders  that  have 
been  given  for  the  importalion  of  iron,  and  will 
etop  tlio  construction  of  railroads.  If  that  be  so 
wo  made  a  mistake  before,  and  this  should  not  go 
i\]or)g pari  passu  hereafter  in  our  legislation. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  lean  only  say,  in  reply 
to  the  Senator,  that  the  committee  were  not  satis- 
fied that  such  was  the  fact. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  should  like  to  know,  in 
regard  to  that,  whether  the  committee  was  satis- 
fied that  70  cents  will  raise  more  revenue  than  60 
cents. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  trust  it  will ;  we  be- 
lieve it  will;  but  wc  cannot  tell. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  On  the  foreign  article  it 
would  laisc  the  larger  revenue.' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Yes,  sir,  because  we  do 
not  believe  it  is  sufficiently  higli  to  restrict  the 
importation. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  17,  nays  20;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Carlile,  Comiess,  Davis,  Doo- 
little,  Harlan,  Hendricks,  Johiipon,  Laneof  Kniisas,  Pome- 
roy,  Powell,  Ramsuy,  Kicliardsori,  Riddle,  Saiilsbury, 
Trinnbull,  and  Wilkinson — 17. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Buekalew,  Cliandler,  Clark, 
Cowan,  Di.\ojj,  Fesscnden,  Foot,  Foster,  Harris,  Hicks, 
Lane  of  Indiana,  Morgan,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
Ten  Eyck,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  and  Willey— 20. 

AfiSEN'J"— Messrs.  Collamer,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harding, 
Henderson,  Howard,  Howe,  McDougall,  Morrill,  Nesmitii, 
Wilson,  and  Wright— 12. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  re- 
jected. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
now  is  on  the  amendinent  of  the  committee  re- 
ducing the  tax  from  80  to  70  cents. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  in 
eection  three,  lin*  forty-nine,  after  the  word  "on" 
to  strike  out  the  word  "galvanized;"  after  the 
word  "  plates"  to  sti-ike  out  the  words  "  galvan- 
ized iron^"  after  the  word  "  iron"  to  insert  the 
words  "galvanized  or;"  and  in  line  fiftyafterthe 
word  "  batteries"  to  insert  "  or  otherwise;"  so 
that  the  clause  v/ill  read: 

On  tin  plates,  or  iron  galvanized  or  coated  with  any 
metal  by  electric  batteries,  or  otherwise,  2^  cents  per  pound. 

Tl^  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  will  move  to  amend 
that  clause  further  in  the  forty-ninth  line  by  stiik- 
ing  out  the  word  "  or"  and  inserting  "  and;"  so 
as  to  read,  "tin  plates  and  iron  galvanized." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  three, 
after  line  fifty-one,  to  strike  out  the  following 
clause: 

On  band  and  hoop  iron>not  less  than  one  and  one  half 
inch  wide  and  not  less  than  one  eighth  of  an  inch  thick,  1^ 
cent  per  pound. 

On  band  and  hoop  iron  less  than  one  and  one  half  inch 
np.d  not  less  that)  three  fourths  of  an  inch  wide,  and  less 
llian  one  eighth  «f  an  inch  thick,  and  not  less  than  No.  15 
wire  gauge,  1^  cent  per  pound. 

On  band  and  hoop  iron  less  than  three  fourths  of  an  inch 
wide  and  less  than  No.  15  wire  gauge,  If  cent  per  pound. 

And  to  insert  in  lieu  tliereof: 

On  all  band,  hoop,  and  scroll  iron  from  one  half  to  six 
inches  in  width,  not  tliinner  than  cue  eighth  of  an  inch, 
li cent  per  pound. 

On  all  band,  hoop,  and  scroll  iron  from  one  half  to  six 
inches  wide,  under  one  eighth  of  an  inch  in  thickness,  and 
not  thinner  than  No.  20  wire  gauge,  1 J  cent  per  pound. 

On  all  band,  hoop,  and  scroll  iron  thinner  than  No.  20 
wne  gauge,  IJ  cent  per  pound. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  riext  amendment  was  in  section  three,  line 
seventy-one, after  the  word  "  rods"  to  insert  "  ji 
cent  per  pound;"  and  after  the  word  "and"  to 
insert  the  word  "on;"  so  that  the  clause  will 
read : 

On  slit  rods  1^  cent  per  pound,  and  on  all  other  descrip- 
tions ot  rolled  or  hammered  iron,  not  otherwise  provided 
for,  li  cent  per  pound. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  three,  line 
one  hundred  and  eight,  to  strike  out  "6^"  and 
to  insert  "9;"  and  in  line  one  hundred  and  nine 


to  strike  out  "Sj"  and  insert  "  12;"  so  that  thfe 
clause  will  rend: 

On  scrowf;,  coninionly  called  wood  screws,  two  inches 
or  over  in  length,  9  cents  perpound  ;  less  than  two  Inches 
in  lengtli,  12  cents  per  pound. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  three,  bne 
one  hundred  and  twenty-eiglit,  to  strike  out"  9" 
and  insert  "  7;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read; 

On  old  scrap  iron,  ^7  per  ton:  Provided,  That  nothing 
shall  be  deemed  old  ir<in  that  has  not  been  in  actual  use 
and  fit  only  to  be  remanulactured. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Tlie  next  amendment  was  in  section  three,  line 
one  hundred  and  thirty-one,  to  strike  out  the 
word  "  or"  and  to  insert  "  and  steel ;"  so  that  it 
will  read: 

On  steel,  in  ingots,  bars,  coils,  sheets,  and  steel  wire, 
not  less  than  one  I'mirth  of  one  inch  in  diameter,  valued  at 
7  cents  per  pound  or  less,  2r  cents  per  pound  ;  valued  at 
above  7  cents  and  not  above  11  cents  per  pound,  3  cents 
perpound;  valued  at  above  11  cents  per  pou]id,  ;Ji  cents 
per  pound,  and  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  read  the  next  par- 
agraph of  the  bill,  as  follows: 

On  steel  wire  less  than  one  fourth  of  an  inch  in  diam- 
eter and  not  less  than  No.  16  wire  gauge,  2^  cents  per 
pound,  and  in  addition  thereto  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ; 
less  or  finer  than  No.  16  wire  gauge,  3  cents  per  pound, 
and  in  tiddilion  thereto  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  CLARK.  1  propose  to  amend  that  par- 
agraph by  striking  out  "  15"  where  it  occurs  in 
lines  one  hundred  and  forty  and  one  hundred 
and  forty-two,  and  inserting  "20,"  so  as  to  get 
a  little  more  duly.  It  is  an  amendment  agreed 
upon  by  t]ie  committee. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  three, 
line  one  hundred  and  sixty-six,  after  the  word 
"knives"  to  strike  out  the  word  "or"  and  to 
insert  "  and;"  and  in  line  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
seven,  after  the  word  "  kinds"  to  strike  out  the 
words,  "  valued  at  ^3  or  less  per  dozen,  50  cents 
per  dozen, and  in  addition  thereto  25  per  cent. ad 
valorem;  valued  at  over  ^3  per  dozen,  50  cents 
per  dozen,  and  in  addition  thereto  40,"  and  to 
M)sert"50;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read:  "On 
pen-knives,  jack-knives,  and  pocket-knives  of 
all  kinds,  50  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  wish  to  propose  an  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment  of  the  committee;  and 
that  is,  to  add  tifter  the  words  "  50  per  cent,  ad 
valorem"  the  words  "  and  50  cents  per  dozen." 
I  do  not  luiow  whether  the  amendment  would 
come  in  now  properly,  or  after  the  amendment 
of  the  committee  has  been  acted  upon. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  It  comes  in 
properly  now. 

Mr.  DIXON.  The  object  of  the  amendment 
is  to  tax  a  class  of  cheap  cutlery  and  make  them 
pay  a  revenue. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  hope  the  amendment 
to  the  amendment  will  not  be  agreed  to.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  we  have  increased  the  ad  valorem 
tax  from  twenty-five  to  fifty  percent,  on  thatchcap 
class  of  cutlery.  If  the  amendment  proposed  by 
my  friend  from  Connecticut  should  be  adopted 
the  result  will  be  that  you  will  exclude  entirely 
a  very  considerable  class  of  cheap  cutlery  that  is 
not  and  cannot  be  manufactured  in  tiiis  country. 
The  proof  to  the  committee  was  very  conclusive 
on  that  subject.  We  have  already  put  the  duty 
quite  as  high  as  it  will  well  bear.  It  will  be  no- 
ticed that  as  the  bill  came  to  us  from  the  House 
of  Representatives  the  tax  was  put  at  "50  cents 
per  dozen, and,  in  addition  thereto,  25  per  cent,  ad 
valorem."  We  propose  to  make  the  ad  valorem 
duty  50  per  cent.,  doubling  the  percentage,  and  to 
strike  out  the  specific  duty.  There  are  many  dif- 
ferent qualities  of  knives,  and  I  thought  1  liad  a 
paper  here  showing  the  different  qualities  which 
this  proposiiion  would  exclude;  but  I  find  that  1 
have  mislaid  it;  it  is  not  among  my  papers.  Some 
of  them  do  not  cost  more  than  two  or  three  cents 
apiece;  and  if  you  puton  a  tax  of  50  cents  perdozen 
and  50  per  cent,  ad  valorem  you  will  exclude  them 
altogether.  We  gave  a  great  deal  of  considera- 
tion to  this  tnatter,and  the  committee  became  per- 
fectly satisfied  on  inves!.igation  that  the  amount 
of  duty  we  pro[)osed  was  sufficient. 

Mr.  DIXON.  The  Senator  from  Maine  is  en- 
tirely correct  with  regard  to  the  fact  tliat  there  is 
a  class  of  cheap  cutlery   imported,  at   almost  a 


nominal  value,  not  worth  over  2  or  3  or  4  centsi 
apiece;  some  of  them  but  25  cents  a  dozen,  and 
some  even  less.  A  duty  of  50  percent.  a(Zraiorei/i 
upon  that  article  of  course  would  be  nominal;  it 
amounts  to  nothing  comparatively.  I  de.'ire  in 
the  first  place  to  procure  a  revenue  from  this 
source.  This  species  of  goods  can  afford  to  pay 
a  higher  tax,  can  afford  to  pay  50  cents  a  dozen; 
and  even  if  they  were  excluded  by  such  a  tax  it 
would  be  no  injury,  because  they  are  almost  val- 
ueless, and  a  better  class  of  goods  would  be  man- 
ufactured and  imported.  But  if  they  are  lobe 
imported  and  used,  they  can  certainly  afford  to 
pay  50  cents  per  dozen.  The  duty  which  is  placed 
upon  them  by  the  amendment  of  the  committee 
of  50  per  cent,  advalorem  would  amount,  for  in- 
stance, on  knives  that  are  worth  about  20  cents 
a  dozen  to  just  10  cents,  less  than  1  cent  on  each 
knife.  It  is  plain  that  if  that  class  of  goods  are  to 
be  iinported  and  their  importation  is  to  be  en- 
couraged, a  higher  rate  of  revenue  may  be  raised 
from  them. 

Mr.  CLARK.  It  was  in  order  to  get  some 
revenue  out  of  them  that  tlie  committee  were  in- 
duced to  change  the  duty  as  it  stood  in  the  bill 
originally.  Thut  was  a  leading  consideration. 
It  was  very  plain  to  the  committee,  and  made 
very  plain  by  the  evidence  before  us,  that  a  dozen 
of  knives  costing  say  20  cents  could  not  be  taxed 
50  cents  a  dozen  and  then  taxed  25  per  cent,  ad 
valorem  in  addition,  because  it  would  entirely  ex- 
clude them,  and  we  should  get  no  revenue  from 
them.  As  they  did  notcome  in  competition  with 
anything  we  produced  in  this  country  it  was 
thought  desirable  on  the  part  of  the  committee 
that  they  should  comfc  in  and  pay  such  duty  as 
they  could  bear.  The  committee,  therefore, 
changed  this  clause  and  imposed  a  duty  of  50 
percent,  advalorem  upon  all  classes  of  these  goods, 
which  is  a  very  high  duty,  and  sufficiently  pro- 
tective for  anything  that  we  manufacture  in  this 
country,  and  perhaps  as  high  a  rate  of  duty  as 
the  article  will  bear  when  imported. 

Mr.  DIXON.  The  Senator  from  Maine  slated 
that  these  knives  were  imported  at  a  cost  of  2  or 
3  cents  a  piece,  which  is  true.  Some  of  them  do 
not  cost  over  20  or  30  cents  a  dozen.  What 
does  a  duty  of  50  per  cent,  ad  valorem  sunouni  to 
upon  them  .'  Tlie  price  is  so  low  that  itamounts 
to  nothing.  The  Senator  says  they  do  notcome 
in  competition  with  our  manufactures.  They  do. 
Those  low-priced  goods  do  come  in  competition 
with  articles  manut'actured  in  this  country,  ami 
although  the  duty  sounds  large — 50  per  cent. — it 
is  really  nominal. 

Mr.  CLARK.  It  is  true,  the  price  of  the  knife 
is  small;  but  I  submit  that  1  cent  or  2  cents  is 
something  of  a  duty  upon  it,  though  2  cents  is  a 
small  price  for  a  knife. 

Mr.  DIXON.  Then  why  not  put  on  a  specific 
duty  on  this  cheap  knife? 

Mr.  CLARK.  Because  it  will  exclude  the  im- 
portation of  the  article,  and  we  shall  get  nothing 
iVom  it. 

Mr.  DIXON.     I  do  not  think  it  will.  ♦ 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  judgment  of  the  commit- 
tee was  that  it  would,  and  therefore  the  commit- 
tee changed  it;  and  it  was  on  the  very  ground 
that  they  could  not  save  the  importation  of  the 
article  and  get  any  revenue  at  the  duly  that  had 
been  fixed  upon  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
that  they  were  induced  to  change  it. 

Mr.  DIXON.  A  duty  of  50  cents  a  dozen  is 
only  about  4  cents  on  each  knife.  It  must  be  a 
very  miserable  article  that  would  be  excluded  by 
the  imposition  of  such  a  duty  as  that,  and  per- 
haps it  had  better  be  excluded,  so  far  as  the  use 
of  the  article  is  concerned.  If  you  want  to  get 
revenue,  you  will  get  next  to  none  by  the  prop- 
osition of  the  committee. 

Mr.  CLARK.  It  is  true,  it  is  a  very  miserable 
article,  and  if  the  only  question  were  whether  the 
article  had  better  come  in  or  not,  and  that  was  the 
only  consideration,  perhaps  we  should  exclude  it 
altogether;  but  we  want  revenue  out  of  every- 
thing out  of  which  we  can  get  it,  and  where  an 
article  does  not  come  in  competition  with  any- 
thing wc  manuficture  we  desire  that  it  shall  come 
in,  if  it  is  not  a  hurtful  article,  in  order  to  obtain 
revenue  out  of  it.  The  question  was,  how  shall 
we  adjust  this  tax  so  as  to  obtain  the  largest 
amount  of  revenue?  The  committee  said,  "  Cer- 
tainly it  will  not  do  to  impose  upon  a  dozen  of 
knives  costing  20  cents  a  tax  of  50  cents."     We 


3012 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


tax  no  other  article  in  the  world  in  that  way  that 
1  know  of.  They  therefore  adopted  this  duty  of 
SO  per  cent,  ad  valorem  as  the. fairest  way  to  get 
the  proper  revenue  from  all  classe.s. 

Mr.  DFXON.  In  my  judgment,  though  of 
course  my  judgment  is  inferior  to  that  of  the 
committee,  a  mucii  larger  revenue  can  be  raised 
by  puttina:  on  this  additional  tax  of  50  cents  per 
dozen  upon  these  goods.  As  I  have  already  said, 
the  revenue  received  now  is  merely  nominal.  The 
duty  is  so  low  that  it  amounts  to  scarcely  any- 
thing. _  These  goods  can  pay  more  revenue,  and 
my  object  is  to  procure  more  revenue  from  this 
source.  If  you  put  on  a  tax  of  50  cents  a  dozen 
on  these  knives,  it  only  amounts  to  3  or  4  cents 
on  each  knife.  I  say  that  that  knife  can  afford 
to  pay  that  duty.  If  it  can  be  imported  at  all,  it. 
can  be  imported  with  that  duty  and  the  Govern- 
ment can  receive  it;  and  that  the  Senator  says  is 
what  the  committee  desire.     It  is  what  I  desire. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Both  of  us  are  aiming  at  the 
same  object.  The  Senator  from  Connecticut  says 
he  desires  to  obtain  the  largestamount  of  revenue: 
the  committee  desire  to  obtain^  revenue.  The 
committee  considered  it  with  that  viewand  only 
that  view,  how  they  could  get  the  largest  amount 
of  revenue  out  of  it.  The  Senator  looks  at  it  in 
that  view.  Then  it  is  a  question  between  the 
judgment  of  the  committee,  who  have  maturely 
considered  the  subject,  and  the  judgment  of  the 
Senator  from  Connecticut.  We  think  this  duty 
will  give  us  the  largest  revenue. 

Mr.  DIXON.  1  think  the  committee  were 
wrong. 

The  amendmentto  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  amendmentof  the  committee  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  in 
section  three,  line  one  hundred  and  eighty,  to 
strike  out  "  35"  and  to  insert  "  40;"  and  in  line 
one  hundred  and  eighty-two  to  insert  the  words 
"of  steel"  before  the  word  "  partially,"  and  also 
to  strike  out  the  words  "of  steel"  after  "  manu- 
factured;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  all  manufactures  of  steel,  or  of  which  steel  shall  be 
a  component  part,  not  otherwise  provided  for,  40  percent. 
ad  valorem:  Provided, 'Vhat  all  articles  of  steel  partially 
manufactured,  or  of  which  steel  shall  be  a  component  part, 
nototherwise  provided  for,  shall  pay  thesanie  rate  of  duty 
asif  wliolly  manufactured. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  move  to  amend  the  amendment 
of  the  committee  by  striking  out  "  40"  and  in- 
serting "  45." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  will  simply  say  that  I 
had  some  doubt  myself  whether  that  tax  ouglu 
not  to  be  45  per  cent,  instead  of  40  per  cent,  ad 
valorem;  but  we  were  at  considerable  [lains  to  in- 
vestigate the  subject;  we  consulted  the  proper  au- 
thorities on  the  subject,  that  is  to  say,  people 
learned  in  those  matters,  and  we  finally  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  a  tax  of  40  per  cent,  would  do, 
and  was  a  sufficient  protection  to  those  engaged 
in  the  manufacture  of  steel  in  this  country.  Our 
judgment  may  be  wrong. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  think  when  it  is  seen  how 
much  the  duly  on  steel  has  been  raised 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     The  tax. 

Mr.  DIXON.  And  the  tax,  too;  but  when  it 
is  seen  how  much  the  duty  on  steel  has  been 
raised  in  this  bill,  and  how  much  the  internal  rev- 
enue tax  on  steel  is,  it  will  be  apparent  to  the  Sen- 
ate that  the  committee  v/ere  right  when  they  pro- 
posed a  tax  of  45  per  cent.  I  think  they  were 
right  then,  and  I  liope  the  Senate  will  adopt  their 
first  conclusion. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  How  much  has  the  duty 
on  steel  been  raised.? 

Mr.  DIXON.  It  has  been  raised  nearly  50  per 
cent.;  1  think  just  50  per  cent.  At  any  rate,  it  has 
been  largely  increased,  more  than  I  profiose  to 
raise  it  here. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  is  mistaken 
about  that.  It  has  not  been  raised  50  per  cent. 
However,  I  will  not  make  any  opposition  to  it. 

Theamendmentto  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  adopted. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  three,  line 
one  hundred  and  ninety-two,  to  strike  out  the 
words  "  2  cents"and  to  insert  "  li;"  so  that  the 
clause  will  I'ead:  "On  old  scrap  lead,  fit  only  to 
be  remanufactured,  1|  cent  per  pound." 

Tlie  amendment  v/as  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FOOT.  I  ask  the  Senate  to  pass  over  for 
tiie  present  the  fourth  and  fifth  sections  of  this 
bill,  and  for  this  reason:  my  c/-.U°ague,  as  it  is 


known,  is  detained  from  the  Senate  in  conse- 
quence of  indisposition.  These  two  sections 
embrace  the  subject  of  wool  and  woolen  manu- 
factures, a  subject  upon  which  he  has  devoted 
particular  attention,  and  so  far  as  the  article  of 
wool  is  concerned  our  constituency  are  particu- 
larly and  deeply  interested.  Having  spoken  to 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  on  the  subject,  I 
understand  he  has  no  objection  to  the  postpone- 
ment of  the  consideration  of  these  sections  until 
to-morrow.  If  my  colleague  shall  not  be  able  to 
be  in  attendance  then,  I  shallask  no  further  delay. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  That  course 
will  be  taken  if  there  be  no  objection.  The 
Chair  hears  none. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  re^d  the  sixth  sec- 
tion of  the  bill.  The  first  amendment  of  the 
committee  in  that  section  was  in  the  clause  im- 
posing a  duty  on  all  manufactures  of  cotton,  in  line 
nineteen,  after  the  word  "yard,"  to  insert  "if 
colored,  stained,  painted,  or  printed,  5|  cents  per 
square  yard;"  and  in  line  twenty-one  to  strike 
out  "  15"  and  insert  "  20;"  so  that  the  clause  will 
read: 

On  finer  and  lighter  goods  of  like  description,  exceed- 
ing one  hundred  tlireads  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred 
threads  to  the  square  inch,  counting  the  warp  and  filling, 
unbleached, 5  cents  per  square  yard  ;  if  bleached,  SJcents 
p-er  square  yard;  if  colored,  stained,  painted,  or  printed,  5^ 
cents  per  square  yard,  and  in  addition  thereto  20  per  cent. 
ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  six,  line 
twenty-seven,  to  strikeout"  15"  and  insert"  20;" 
so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  goods  of  like  description,  exceeding  two  hundred 
threads  to  the  square  inch,  counting  the  warp  and  filling, 
unbleached,  5  cents  per  square  yard  ;  if  bleached,  .'ii  cents 
per  square  yard^  if  colored,  stained,  painted,  or  printed,  5^ 
cents  per  square  yard,  and  in  addition  tliereto  20  per  cent. 
ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  six,  line 
fifty-six,  to  insert  the  word  "  square"  before  the 
word  "  yard." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  six,  line 
sixty-four,  after  the  word  "cents,"  to  insert 
"per  dozen;"  and  in  line  sixty-five,  after  the 
words  "  advalorem,"  to  strike  out  the  words  "  on 
the  excess;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

Fourth.  On  spool  thread  of  cotton,  6  cents  per  dozen 
spools,  containing  on  each  spool  not  exceeding  one  hun- 
dred yards  of  thread,  and  In  addition  thereto  30  per  cent. 
ad  valorem  ;  exceeding  one  hundred  yards,  for  every  addi- 
tional liundred  yards  of  tliread  on  each  spool,  or  fractional 
pan  thereof  in  excess  o;  one  hundred  yards,  6  cents  per 
dozen,  and  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  six,  line 
sixty-six,  after  the  word  "  frames"  to  insert"  and 
on  all  cotton  hosing;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read: 
"On  cotton  shirts  and  drawers,  woven  or  made 
on  frames,  and  on  all  cotton  hosing,  35  per  cent. 
ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendmentwas  in  section  seven, line 
seventeen,  to  strike  out  "25"  and  insert  "30;" 
so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  flax  or  linen  yarns  for  carpets,  not  exceeding  No.  8 
Lea,  and  valued  at  24  cents  or  less  per  pound,  30  per  cent. 
ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agi-eed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  seven,  line 
nineteen,  after  the  word  "  thirty  "to  insert"  five;" 
so  that  it  will  read :  "  On  flax  or  linen  yarns  valued 
above  24  cents  per  pound,  35  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  seven,  line 
twenty-nine,  after  the  word  "  on,"  to  insert  the 
words  "gunny  cloth,  gunny  bags,  and;"  so  that 
it  will  read: 

Third.  On  gunny  cloth,  gunny  bags,  and  cotton  bagging, 
or  other  manufacture  not  otherwise  provided  for,  suitable 
for  the  uses  to  which  cotton  bagging  is  applied,  composed 
in  whole  or  in  part  of  hemp,  jute,  flax,  or  other  material, 
valued  at  10  ceiits  or  less  per  square  yard,  3  cents  per 
pound. 

The  anoendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  seven,  line 
forty-one,  after  the  word  "  twenty"  to  insert  the 
word  "five;"  and  in  line  forty-two  to  strike  out 
"25" and  insert  "30;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  jute  yarns,  25  per  cent,  ad  v(ilorcm.    On  all  other 


manufactures  of  jute  or  Sisal  grass,  not  otherwise  provided 
for,  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  in 
section  eight,  line  eight,  after  the  word  "  on,"  to 
insert  "  spun  silk  for  filling  in  skeins  or  cops,  and 
on;"  in  line  ten,  after  the  woid  "  organzine,"  to 
strike  out  "25"  and  insert  "40;"  and  in  line 
eleven,  after  the  words  "  floss  silks,"  to  strike  out 
"25"  and  insert  "40;"  so  tliat  it  will  read: 

On  spun  silk  for  filling  in  skeins  or  cops,  and  on  silk  in 
the  gum  not  more  advanced  than  singles,  tram,  and  thrown 
or  organzine,  40  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  On  floss  silks  40 
per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  VAN  WINKLE.  I  move  to  amend  this 
amendment — I  believe  it  is  in  accordance  with  the 
views  of  the  committee — by  inserting  after  the 
word  "  cops"  the  words  "25  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem." This  spun  silk  for  filling  is  not  produced 
in  this  country,  but  it  is  now  used  considerably 
in  themanuf\\cture  of  silk  goods,  and  will  be  much 
more  extensively  used  if  the  duty  is  brought  down 
to  the  rate  I  propose.  Under  the  tariff  of  1861 
it  was  an  unenumei'ated  article,  and  paid  60  per 
cent.,  which  has  suppressed  the  manufacture  I 
believe.  I  propose  to  make  the  duty  on  spun 
silk  for  filling  in  skeins  or  cops  25  [ler  cent,  ad 
valorem,  and  then  to  leave  the  duty  on  silk  in 
the  gum  as  the  committee  reported  it. 

Theamendmentto  theamendinentwas agreed  to, 
and  the  amendment,  as  amended,  was  adopted. 

The  next  amendmentwas  in  section  eight,  line 
seventeen,  after  the  word  "  vails"  to  insert 
"laces;"so  as  to  make  "laces"  pay  a  duty  of 
60  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  eight,  line 
twenty-two,  after  the  word  "  value"  to  insert 
"including  women's  and  children's  dress  goods 
and  piece  good^in  all  forms,"  and  in  line  twenty- 
four  to  strike  out  "50"  and  to  insert  "60;"  so 
that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  all  manufactures  of  silk,  or  of  wliich  silk  is  the 
component  material   of  chief  value,  including  women's 
and  children's  dress  goods  and  piece  goods  in  all  forms,' 
not  otherwsie  provided  for,  60  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  nine,  line 
eleven,  after  the  word  "  China"  to  strike  out  the 
word  "and,"  and  after  "porcelain"  to  insert 
"and  Parian;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  China,  porcelain,  and  Parian  ware,  gilded,  orna- 
mented, or  decorated  in  any  manner,  50  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to.  , 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  nine,  line 
fourteen,  after  the  word  "China"  to  strike  out 
the  word,  "and,"  and  after  "porcelain"  to  in- 
sert "  and  Parian;"  and  in  line  nineteen,  to  strike 
out  "40"  and  insert  "45;"  so  that  the  clause 
will  read: 

On  Chinai,  porcelain,  and  Parian  ware,  plain  white,  and 
not  decorated  in  any  manner,  and  all  other  earthen,  stone, 
or  crockery  ware,  white,  glazed,  edged,  printed,  painted, 
(lipped,  or  cream  colored,  composed  of  earthy  or  mineral 
substances,  and  not  otherwise  provided  for,  45  per  cent. 
ad  valorem. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  believe  it  to  be  in  order 
to  propose  an  amendment  to  the  amendment  of 
the  committee. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.     It  is. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  propose  to  move  to  strike 
out  the  words  "  forty-five"  and  to  insert  "  fifty" 
in  line  nineteen,  on  page  27..  I  will  state  the  reason  _ 
why  I  do  it.  The  manufacture  of  plain  white  . 
China  is  an  infant  business  in  this  country;  it  is 
scarcely  yet  upon  its  legs;  and  it  requires  the  fos- 
tering care  of  the  Government.  I  will  state  a  fact 
connected  with  this  business  to  show  why  it 
should  receive  favor  at  the  hands  of  Congress. 
I  am  aware  of  a  locality  in  which  there  is  about 
$600,000  of  capital  invested  in  this  business.  The 
difference  in  the  price  of  material  and  the  price  of 
labor  between  this  country  and  England  is  such 
that  unless  considerable  protection  is  afforded  to 
this  branch  of  business,  which  is  likely  to  reflect 
not  only  credit  upon  ourselves  as  manufacturers 
but  to  be  of  great  benefit  to  the  country,  the  en- 
terprise must  cease.  Allow  me  to  call  attention 
to  a  few  of  the  articles  which  enter  into  this  man- 
ufacture, and  to  show  the  contrast  between  the 
cost  in  England  and  what  it  is  here.  China  clay, 
per  ton  of  2,000  pounds,  costs  $!)  in  Staffordshire 
and  PO  in  this  country,  more  than  300  per  cent. 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8013 


You  brought  him  in  and 


Flint,  and  spar,  per  ton  of  2,000  pounds,  cost  in 
Staffordshire  $9  per  ton  and  $20  in  this  country. 
Coal  per  ton  in  England,  of  2,240  pounds,  costs 
|2,  and  vvlierc  this  manufacture  is  going  on  |f8  45 
per  ton.  Labor  is  200  percent,  higher  here  than 
it  is  in  En,2;land. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  mere  statement  of  the  great  contrast  and  the 
character  of  the  business  to  be  thus  protected  is 
sulScient  to  secure  an  increase  of  this  duty  to  50 
per  cent.,  which  is  considered  by  the  persons  who 
arc  engaged  in  the  business  as  essential  for  their 
protection  and  the  continuation  of  this  useful 
branch  of  industry. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  All  I  can  say  about  it  is 
this:  these  gentlemen  came  to  us  and  asked  us  for 
5  percent,  additional  and  said  that  would  satisfy 
them,  and  we  put  it  on.  How  much  they  ask  now 
through  their  Senators  I  cannot  tell.  I  believe 
there  is  but  one  establislimont  in  New  Jersey.  We 
gave  them  just  what  they  asked  for. 

JMr!  TEN  EYCK.  I  fear  there  is  some  mis- 
understanding about  this,  because  the  gentleman 
who  called  upon  me  was  referred  by  me  directly 
to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

IMr.  FESSENDEN 
introduced  liim. 

IMr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  brought  him  to  the  door 
of  the  committee-room.  1  not  only  had  it  from 
his  own  mouth  as  io  the  rate  of  duty  he  desired, 
but  he  also  furnished  me  with  a  memorandum 
stating  that  to  be  what  he  considered  essential. 
He  did  state  and  has  stated  in  this  letter  that  they 
could  scrape  along  upon  47g  per  cent.;  that  if  I 
could  not  succeed  in  inducing  the  committee  to 
give  them  this  duty  of  50  percent,  ad  valorem,  they 
could  make  out  with  47|  per  cent.  Under  those 
circumstances,  according  to  my  duty,  I  proposed 
the  highest  duty  that  they  asked.  Without  un- 
dertaking to  make  any  great  point  on  this  matter 
I  should  like  to  have  the  views  of  the  Senate  on 
this  question  after  I  have  made  this  statement 
showing  the  character  of  the  business. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Will  the  Senator  suffer  me 
to  ask  him  what  is  the  present  duty.'  Is  it  not 
less  than  this.' 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.     Yes,  sir. 
Mr.  JOHNSON.     How  have  they  been  going 
along.' 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  They  are  going  along  by 
industry  and  enterprise  with  their  business,  and 
will  be  able  to  continue  it,  provided  there  is  an 
increased  duty  imposed  on  the  foreign  article  suf- 
ficient to  enable  them  to  pay  the  income  tax  and 
the  increased  price  of  coal,  labor,  and  all  the  ma- 
terials embarked  in  this  business. 

The  Senator  perhaps  did  notlisten  to  tlicstato- 
ment  I  made  and  the  statictics  I  gave  shovv'ing 
that  unless  this  particular  kind  of  business  was 
protected  it  must  be  destroyed,  for  labor  in  this 
country  was  200  per  cent,  higher  than  it  is  in  Eng- 
land where  this  manufacture  is  carried  on  exten- 
sively, and  the  materials  which  go  to  make  this 
mechanism  cost  more  in  this  country  than  they 
do  in  Staffordshire,  England. 
■  Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  additional  duty 
which  we  require  of  them  by  the  internal  levenue 
bill  is  2  per  cent.  We  raised  it  from  3  to  5.  Tiic 
duty  on  the  foreign  article  was  pulup5  per  cent., 
and  we  have  added  5  per  cent,  more,  thus  increas- 
ing it  to  10  per  cent.;  and  if  they  got  along  by 
industry  and  frugality  before,  I  think  lliey  can 
scrape  along  now. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  It  is  a  very  sad  case  that 
the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  makes.  Some  of 
his  constituents  have  gone  into  a  business  tiiatis 
not  profitable,  where  the  labor  costs  200  per  cent. 
more  than  in  England,  and  materials  300  per  cent, 
more  than  they  do  in  England.  They  have  made 
a  bad  investment;  and  in  order  to  make  the  busi- 
ness profitable  which  of  itself  is  unprofitable  he 
wants  to  impose. such  a  tax  as  will  cut  off  revenue 
and  prohibit  competition  from  abroad,  and  com- 
pel our  people,  who  make  some  profits  in  other 
pursuits,  to  pay  large  prices  to  an  unprofitable 
business  to  enable  them  to  go  on.  I  think  myself 
that  is  the  basis  of  the  argument  of  the  whole 
productive  system;  but  it  has  not  been  made 
quite  so  bare  as  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  has 
made  it. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  trust  that  my  friends  do 
not  sustain  the  character  that  the  Senator  from 
Indiana  seems  to  be  disposed  so  willingly  to  cast 


upon  mo.  I  happen  to  be  acquainted  with  these 
genilcmf-n,  and  know  them  to  be  of  tlie  higKest 
character  and  standing  in  the  community  where 
they  live;  none  more  so.  They  have  started  a 
new  enterprise  in  this  country — one  that  is  calcu- 
lated to  reflect  credit  and  honor  upon  the  mechan- 
ism of  the  country.  It  is  a  young  and  infant 
branch  of  business.  Being  industrious,  active, 
energetic,  laborious  men,  they  have  been  enabled 
to  make  iliis  thing  work  along.  Their  ambition 
is  embarked  in  it.  Although  they  are  influenced 
as  all  other  men  are  to  have  reasonable  gains  and 
accumulations  derived  from  their  business,  yet 
still  they  are  not  such  lYien  as  would  desire  either 
to  preclude  a  fair  copipetition  or  to  prevent  other 
men  keeping  the  just  rewards  of  their  labor  in  the 
line  of  business  they  are  pursuing. 

I  have  brought  this  matter  before  the  Senate 
and  I  have  endeavored  to  commend  it  to  their 
consideration  with  the  full  knowledge  that  these 
men  would  ask  no  more  than  tliey  reasonably 
believed  to  be  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  of 
their  business.  I  have  proposed  the  amendment 
to  the  Senate,  and  they  can  do  with  it  as  they 
see  fit. 

Theamendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  amendment  was  adopted. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  in 
section  nine,  line  twenty-six,  after  the  word 
"chalk  "to  insert  "  and  cliffstone;"  so  that  it  will 
read;  "On  wliite  chalk  and  cliffstone,  $10  per 
ton." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  nine, after 
line  twenty-nine,  to  insert:  "On  whiting  and  Paris- 
white,  1  cent  per  pound.  On  whiting  ground  in 
oil,  2  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  nine,  after 
line  forty-three,  to  insert  the  following: 

On  cyliiidei'  midcrown  glass,  poli.slieil,  iiotexcccdiiiKten 
liy  firti'Pn  iiiclii's  fquiire,  2i  cents  per  square  foot;  al)nve 
tliiit,  and  not  exceeding  sixteen  by  twenty-four  inches 
square,  4  cents  per  square  foot:  above  that,  and  not  ex- 
ceeding twenty-four  by  tnirty  incl)es  sfjuare,  6  cents  per 
square  foot;  above  that,  and  not  exceeding  twenty-four  l)y 
sixty  inches,  20  cents  per  square  foot ;  all  above  that,  40 
cents  per  square  foot. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  nine,  line 
seventy-two,  after  tlie  word  "plates"  to  insert 
the  word  "  not;"  so  that  it  will  read:  "On  all 
cast  polished  plate  glass,  silvered,  or  looking- 
glas.=!  plates  not  exceeding  ten  by  fifteen  inches 
square,  4  cents  per  square  foot." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  nine,  line 
eighty-eight,  after  the  word  "  sweetmeats"  to  in- 
sert the  word  "  or." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  ten,  line 
nine,  after  the  word  "annatto*'  to  strike  out  the 
word  "aniline;"  in  line  ten,  after  the  word  "  of" 
to  insert  "barytes,"  and  strike  out  the  word 
"  cliffstone;"  and  in  line  twelve,  after  the  word 
"  size",  to  strike  out  the  word  "  nickel;"  so  that 
the  clause  will  read: 

First.  On  annatto  seed,  extract  of  annatto,  crude  barytes, 
nitrate  of  barytes,  carniined  indigo,  crude  tica,  extract  of 
safflovver,  flnisliing  powder,  gold  size  and  patent  size,  co- 
balt, oxyd  of  cobalt,  smalt,  zaffre,  and  terra  alba,  20  per 
cent.  a<l  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  read  the  next  para- 
graph, as  follows: 

Second.  On  albumen,  astestos,  aspbaltuni,  crocus  col- 
cottra,  blue  or  Human  vitriol  or  sulphate  of  eoppi'r,  bnne  or 
ivory  drop  black,  murcxide,  rose  red,  ultramarine, Indian  red 
and  Spanish  brown,  25  per  cent,  ad  ealorein. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  move  to  amend  that 
clause  in  the  sixteenth  line  by  striking  out"  rose 
red."  That  is  one  of  the  aniline  dyes  that  is 
afterwards  provided  for. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  eleven,  line 
fifteen,  after  the  word  "  pounds"  to  insert  the 
words  "of  lime, 25  per  cent,  ad  valorem;"  so  that 
the  clause  will  read: 

On  acetate  or  pyrolignite  of  ammonia,  70  cents  per  pound  ; 
of  baryta,  40  cents  per  pound  ;  of  iron,  strontia,  and  zinc,  50 
cents  per  pound  ;  ofb^ad,  10  cents  per  pound  ;  of  magnesia 
and  soda,5U  cents  pi  r  pound;  of  lime,  25  per  cent,  mi  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 


Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  "  10"  in  the  four- 
teenth line  of  that  clause  should  be"  20;"  so  as  to 
read,  "of  lead,  20  cents  per  [)ound."  I  move 
that  amendment. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Tlie  next  amendment  was  in  section  eleven, 
after  line  sixteen  to  insert  "  on  aniline  dyes,  35 
per  cent,  ad  valorem.'^ 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  committee  authorize 
me  to  move  to  amend  that  amendment  by  insert- 
ing after  the  word  "dyes"  the  words  "  jjl  per 
per  pound, and;"  so  that  it  will  read:  "  On  aniline 
dyes  $1  per  pound, and  35  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed 
to;  and  theamendment,  as  amended,  was  ado4)ied. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  eleven, 
after  line  twenty-five  to  insert:  "  On  opium  pre- 
pared for  smoking,  100  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

Tlie  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  VAN  WINKLE.  I  call  the  attention  of 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  to  the  clause  of  this 
section  beginning  at  the  twentieth  line: 

On  articles  npt  otherwise  provided  for,  made  of  gold, 
silver,  German  silver,  or  platina,  of  whicli  either  of  these 
metals  shall  be  a  component  part,  40  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

I  think  the  word  "  or"  ought  to  be  inserted 
after  "  platina." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  right. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Foster 
in  the  chair.)  That  word  will  be  inserted  if  there 
be  no  objection. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  eleven, 
after  line  thirty-four  to  strike  out:  "  On  cassia, 
25  cents  per  pound;  on  ground  cassia.  Scents  per 
pound;  on  cinnamon,  40  cents  perpound." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  There  are  several  amend- 
ments here  to  which  I  feel  inclined  to  call  the  at- 
tention of  the  Senate,  because  they  are  important, 
and  there  may  be  some  difference  of  opinion  con- 
cerning them.  The  House  of  Representatives 
raised  the  duty  on  spices  very  largely.  The 
Committee  on  Finance  have  stricken  out  all  the 
increased  duties  on  spices.  They  were  not,  I  be- 
lieve, originally  reported  from  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, although  the  committee  afterwards  moved 
them.  The  increased  duties  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  were  put  on  the  ground  that  these 
spices  are  articles  of  luxury:  cassia,  cinnamon, 
peppers,  cloves,  nutmegs,  mace,  &c.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Finance  were  very  much  disposed  to 
look  upon  them  rather  as  articles  of  necessity 
in  common  use  than  articles  of  luxury .  It  is  un- 
doubtedly true  that,  being  articles  not  raised  in 
this  CQuntry,  and  articles  of  which  everybody 
uses  a  portion,  you  can  lay  increased  duties  upon 
thetn  without  any  apparent  difliculty;  and  the 
duties  were  accordingly  very  largely  increased  by 
the  House  of  Representatives. 

For  instance,  on  cassia,  which  costs,  I  think, 
somewhere  about  13  cents  a  pound,  the  present 
duty  is  15  cents,  more  than  100  per  cent.  The 
House  of  Representatives  propose  to  impose  a 
duty  of*  25  cents.  Cinnamon  costs  about  22g 
cents  a  pound;  the  present  duty  is  25  cents,  mcJre 
than  100  percent.;  and  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives propose  to  raise  the  duty  to  40ceiits  a  |(0und. 
Cloves  cost  about  1^  cents  a  pound ;  the  present 
duty  is  15  cents,  20U  per  cent.,  and  on  that  they 
lay  a  duty  of  40  cents  a  pound.  Mace  costs  24 
cents  a  pound;  the  present  duty  is  30  cents,  and 
that  is  proposed  to  be  raised  to  50  cents.  Nut- 
megs cost  about  331  cents  a  pound;  the  present 
duty  is  30  cents,  and  the  House  propose  to  raise 
it  75  cents.  Black  pepper  costs  about  6  c-  nts  a 
pound;  the  present  duty  is  12  cents,  and  that  is 
raised  in  this  bill  to  20  cents.  Red  pepper  costs 
6|  cents  a  pound;  the  present  duty  is  12  cents, 
and  that  is  raised  to  25cents.  Pimento  costs  about 
5  cents;  the  present  duty  is  12  cents,  and  that  is 
raised  to  20  cents.  I  may  not  be  entirely  accurate 
in  my  statement  of  the  cost  of  these  various  ai-ti- 
cles,  but  I  speak  from  a  table  which  has  been  fur- 
nished me,  and  which  I  believe  to  be  substantially 
correct.    ^ 

Now,  you  may  get  a  large  revenue  perhaps  out 
of  these  articles,  calculating  that  the  usual  amount 
will  be  imported  and  used. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.     How  much  .? 
Mr.  FESSENDEN.     I  have  not  calculated  it. 
It  is  importitnt  unquestionably  in  a  revenue  point 
of  view.     We  have  been  pressed  very  hard,  and 


3014 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


so  liave  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  letters 
and  articles  in  newspapers,  to  raise  the  duties  on 
spices.  We  uridersrand  (he  reason  of  that  very 
well.  There  is  said  to  bo  ft  very  large  stock  on 
hand  in  the  country,  and  if  we  raise  the  duties  at 
this  rate,  largi!  amounts  of  money  will  be  made 
out  of  tiiem,  and  probably  there  will  be  no  great 
revrniie  for  a  year  or  two.  The  Senalor  from 
New  Yorlc  [Mr.  Morgan]  I  suppose  is  probably 
aware  of  that  fact. 

But  the  difficulty  is  this:  they  are  articles  all 
of  which  can  be  very  easily  smuggled;  and  we 
know  that  very  great  preparations  are  being  made 
to  smuggle  all  sorts  of  articles  over  the  border 
from  the  British  provinces.  Take,  for  instance,  a 
barrel  of  nutmegs.  They  can  be  imported  into 
Canada,  and  people  can  bring  them  here  in  their 
pockets.  A  person  could  make  quite  a  pretty 
sum  on  a  barrel  of  them  in  that  way.  It  will  be 
seen,  therefore,  that  the  temptation  for  smuggling 
IS  very  large;  and  so  it  is  with  regard  to  all  these 
articles.  The  committee,  therefore,  on  looking  at 
!he  whole  matter,  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
for  a  very  considerable  period  of  time,  at  any  rate, 
we  could  not  get  any  largely  increased  revenue  in 
consequence  of  the  amount  of  those  articles  in 
'he  country  at  the  present  time,  and  it  is  very 
doubtful  whether,  if  we  put  on  such  large  duties, 
we  would  at  any  time  get  very  large  amour)ts, 
and  as  the  duties  are  now  not  less  than  100  per 
cent.,  I  believe,  in  any  case,  and  in  some  cases  200 
per  cent,  on  articles  which  were  considered  to  be 
articles  rather  of  necessity,  as  they  are  in  common 
use  by  everybody,  as  for  instance  the  article  of 
pepper,  we  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  best 
not  to  impose  an  additional  duty  on  spices.  But  as 
it  is  a  question  of  so  much  importance,  1  deemed 
it  my  duty  not  to  let  it  be  passed  over  in  the  Senate 
without  notice,  but  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate 
to  it,  to  see  whether  the  views  of  the  committee 
would  be  sustained  or  not. 

The  PRESIDINGOFFICER,  (Mr.  Foster  in 
the  chair.)  The  question  is  on  the  amendment 
proposed  by  the  committee  to  strike  out  lines 
thirty-five,  thirty-six,  and  thirty-seven,  on  the 
32d  page. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  move  that  the  Sen- 
ate proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive  busi- 
ness. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  If  the  Senator  will  give 
us  ten  minutes  longer  I  shall  have  no  objection  to 
his  motion. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

Mr.  CLARK.     Let  us  go  on  with  the  bill. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  We  cannot  get  through 
with  it  to-day. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  Is  the  motion 
to  adjourn  withdrawn.'' 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  If  any  gentleman  wants 
to  say  a  word  I  will  withdraw  it. 

Mr.  C0NNES3.  I  ask  the  Senator  from  In- 
diana to  withdraw  the  motion  until  some  bills 
from  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  table 
can  be  read, at  least,  so  that  they  may  be  referred. 
There  is  a  joint  resolution  there  of  some  conse- 

?uence  regarding  the  overland  mail  service,  and 
ask  leave  to  have  it  read  now. 
Mr.  HENDRICKS.  1  withdrew  the  motion 
to  adjourn  to  enable  the  Senator  from  California 
to  call  up  some  bill,  but  the  Senator  from  Kansas 
now  appeals  to  me,  and  says  he  wants  to  make 
a  motion,  and  of  course  I  shall  not  resist. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  move  that  the  Sen- 
ate proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive 
business,  and  while  the  change  is  going  on  these 
bills  can  be  read. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Pending  that  motion  1  hope 
those  bills  will  be  read  by  consent. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Senator 
from  California  asks  unanimous  consent  that  the 
bills  on  the  table  from  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives be  read  for  reference. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  That  can  be  done 
while  the  doors  are  being  closed.  I  insist  on  my 
motion.     Let  that  be  done  afterwards. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  It  is  very  important  that 
those  bills  should  be  referred  to  the  committees 
to-day,  because  the  committees  meet  to-morrow 
morning. 

Mr.  POWELL.  That  can  be  done  while  we 
are  closing  the  doors. 


Mr.  POMEROY.  It  may  be  done  by  unani- 
mous consent. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Why  not  have  it  done  now  .> 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Kansas  to 
proceed  to  the'consideration  of  executive  busi- 
ness. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

HOUSE  BILL  REFERRED.. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Now,  I  call  for  the  reading 
of  those  bills. 

The  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.93)  to  author- 
ize the  Postmaster  General  to  extend  the  contract 
with  the  Overland  Mail  Company  was  read  twice 
by  its  title. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  With  the  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate 1  should  like  to  have  that  resolution  put  on 
its  passage.  ["Oh,  no."]  Then  I  move  thatit 
be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and 
Post  Roads. 
■    The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PRESERVATION  OF  PUBLIC  WORKS. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  its  amend- 
ments to  the  bill  (II.  R.  No.  450)  to  provide  for  the 
repair  and  preservation  of  certain  public  works 
of  the  United  States,  disagreed  to  by  the  House 
of  Representatives;  and  it  was 

Resolved,  That  tlie  Senate  insist  upon  its  amendments  to 
tlio  said  l)ill  disagiend  to  by  llie  House  of  Representatives, 
and  agree  to  tlie  conl'etence  asked  by  tlie  House  on  tlie  dis- 
agreeing votes  of  ihe  two  Houses  tliereon. 

Ordered,  Tiiat  the  conferees  on  tlie  part  of  the  Senate  be 
appointed  by  tlie  President  yro  tempore. 

The  PRESIDENT  jjro  tempore  appointed  Mr. 
Chandler,  Mr.  Morrill,  and  Mr.  Morgan. 

COURTS  IN   WISCONSIN. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  amend- 
ment of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  bill 
(S.  No.  55)  in  relation  to  the  circuit  court  in  and 
for  the  district  of  Wisconsin,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses, disagreed  to  by  the  Senate  and  insisted  on 
by  the  House;  and  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  insist  upon  its  disagreeiTient 
to  the  amendment  of  the  House  to  the  said  bill,  and  agree 
to  the  conference  asked  by  the  House  upon  the  disagreeing 
votes  tliereon. 

Ordered,  That  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  be 
appointed  by  the  President  pro  tempore. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;)ro  tempore  appointed  Mr. 
Trumbull,  Mr.  Collamer,  and  Mr.  Powell. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  1  now  move  that  the 
Senate  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive 
business. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  While  the  doors  are 
being  closed  I  desire  to  make  a  privileged  motion, 
to  reconsider  the  vote  on  the  passage  of  Senate 
bill  No.  296. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.     What  bill  is  that.? 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  It  is  a  bill  abolishing 
the  fees  of  the  marshal  of  this  District.  I  ask 
that  the  vote  be  reconsidered. 

Mr.  CLARK.     Oh,  no;  not  now. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Foster 
in  the  chair.)  The  motion  can  be  received  only 
by  unanimous  consent  while  the  order  to  clear 
the  galleries  is  being  executed  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  object. 

The  PRESIDING"  OFFICER.  The  motion 
being  objected  to,  it  cannot  be'entertained. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  only  want  it  entered. 
I  believe  it  is  a  privileged  motion. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  It  cannot  be 
entertained  while  the  order  of  the  Senate  is  being 
executedexcept  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Senate.  The  Chair  will  entertain  the  motion  if 
there  be  no  objection;  but  if  objected  to  it  cannot 
be  received. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  did  not  hear  any 
objection. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Chair 
understood  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire  to 
object  to  the  motion.  The  Chair,  however,  will 
entertain  the  motion  if  there  be  no  objection. 

Mr.  HALE.     There  is  objection. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  Then  the  mo- 
tion cannot  be  entertained. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of 
executive  business;  and  after  some  time  spent 
therein,  the  doors  were  reopened,  and  the  Senate 
adjourned. 


HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

TiiuESDAY,  June  IG,  18G4. 
The  House  met  at  twelve  o'clock,  m.     Prayer 
by  the  Chaplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Channing. 
The  Journal  of  yesterday  was  i-eadand  approved. 

FITZGERALD  AND  BALL. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  C  HANLER  the  bill  (S.  No. 
244)  for  the  relief  of  Daniel  Fitzgerald  and  Jon- 
athan Ball  was  taken  fi-om  the  Speaker's  table, 
read  a  first  and  second  time,  and  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Patents. 

Mr.  CHANLER  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  referi'ed;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PROTECTION  OF  HARBORS,  ETC. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Last  even- 
ing the  House  permitted  a  bill  in  relation  to  riv- 
ers and  harbors,  with  amendments  of  the  Senate, 
to  be  taken  from  the  Speaker's  table  and  consid- 
ered. The  amendments  were  concurred  in,  and 
the  action  of  the  House  was  reconsidered,  and  the 
motion  to  reconsider  was  laid  on  the  table.  Upon 
an  examination  of  the  amendments  there  seems 
to  be  some  doubt  in  regard  to  the  precise  mean- 
ing of  some  of  them.  I  ask  the  House  to  take 
from  the  table  the  motion  to  reconsider,  and  have 
the  Senate  amendments  non-concurred  in. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  can  be  done  by  unani- 
mous consent. 

There  was  no  objection;  and  the  bill  was  taken 
up  and  the  Senate  amendments  non-concurred  in. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  that 
the  House  request  a  committee  of  conference. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

LEAVE  OF  ABSENCE. 

On  request  of  Mr.  PATTERSON,  leave  of 
absence  was  granted  for  ten  days  to  Mr.  Rollins, 
of  New  Hampshire,  on  account  of  sickness. 

On  request  of  the  SPEAKER,  leave  of  absence 
for  one  week  was  granted  to  Mr.  Spalding,  who 
was  unexpectedly  called  away. 

FEES  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  WILSON,  a  bill  (S.  No. 
296)  in  relation  to  the  fees  and  emoluments  of  the 
marshal,  attorney,  and  clerk  of  the  supreme  court 
of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses, was  taken  from  the  Speaker's  table,  read 
a  first  and  second  time, and  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee for  the  District  of  Columbia. 

VOTES  RECORDED. 

By  unanimous  consent,  Mr.  Perry  wasallowed 
to  record  his  vote  in  the  negative  on  the  proposed 
amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

By  unanimous  consent,  Mr.  Washburn,  of 
Massachusetts,  was  allowed  to  record  his  vote  in 
the  affirmative  on  the  proposed  amendment  to  the 
Constitution. 

SECURITY  OF  PASSENGERS  ON  STEAMERS. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  by  unan- 
imous consent,  introduced  a  bill  to  amend  an  act 
entitled  "An  act  to  provide  for  the  better  security 
of  the  lives  of  passengers  on  board  of  vessels  pro- 
pelled in  whole  or  in  part  by  steam,  and  for  other 
purposes;"  which  was  read  a  first  atid  second 
time,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Com- 
merce. 

DRAFT — COMMUTATION. 

Mr.  A.  MYERS  asked  unanimous  consent  to 
introduce  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  be  re- 
quested to  inquire  into  and  report  upon  the  expediency  of 
so  amending  the  several  acts  lor  enrolling  and  calling  out 
the  national  forces  as  to  make  the  period  of  each  draft  for 
a  term  not  exceeding  eighteen  months,  and  raising  the 
commutation  to  the  sum  of  $400;  and  also  into  the  ex- 
pediency of  requiring  those  drafted  but  exempt  by  reason 
of  physical  disability,  who  are  able  to  pay  commutation, 
to  do  so,  and  also  of  permitting  colored  persons  to  be 
accepted  as  substitutes  for  drafted  white  men. 

Mr.  CHANLER  objected. 

CIVIL  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  now  ask  to  report  from 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  a  bill  making 
appropriations  for  sundry  civil  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865, 
and  for  other  purposes.  I  will  ask  that  the  items 
of  the  bill  be  read  now,  and  if  any  gentleman 


1864 


THE  COISrGliESSlONAL  GLOBE. 


3015 


desires  to  raise  points  of  order  he  can  do  it,  and 
then  I  want  it  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the 
Wiiole  on  tiie  state  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE;  of  Illinois.  Does  the  bill 
inchide  any  items  of  appropriation  not  authorized 
by  exi.sting  hiw .' 

IMr.  STEVENS.  We  suppose  that  we  have 
strictly  complied  with  the  rules.  We  have  left 
out  all  appropriations  for  private  purposes. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     Let  the  bill  be  read. 

Mr.  FERNAINDO  WOOD.  Is  the  bill  before 
the  House? 

The  SPEAKER.  It  is;  the*  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  have  a  right  to  report  appro- 
priation bills  at  any  time. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  bill  is  read  now  to  al- 
low gentlemen  to  raise  points  of  order. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  If  points  of  order  can  be 
raised  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of 
the  Union  there  will  be  no  objection  to  its  imme- 
diate reference. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  shall  object  to  any 
consent  of  (hat  kind. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  have  no  objection  to  either 
mode  of  disposing  of  the  matter. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  want  the  bill  read  now, 
and  the  points  of  order  made  at  once  if  they  are 
to  be  made. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  bill.  The 
following  item  was  read: 

For  rebuilding  sea-wall,  ami  repair  to  tower  and  dwell- 
ing at  Nayat  Point  liglit-liouse,  Rliode  Island,  $6,000. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  There  may  be  some  law  au- 
thorizing this  appropriation.  I  hope  the  law  will 
be  shown.  I  presume  there  is  no  law  for  an  ap- 
propriation of  this  character. 

Tiie  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
point  of  order,  under  the  120ih  rule,  which  states 
that — 

"  No  appropriation  shall  be  reported  in  sucli  general  ap- 
pro[)riation  bills,  or  be  in  order  as  an  amendment  thereto, 
for  any  expenditure  not  previously  authorized  by  law,  un- 
less in  continuation  of  appropriations  for  sucli  public 
works  and  objects  as  are  already  in  progress." 

The  Chair  understands  this  object  to  be  already 
in  progress. 

Mr.  PIOLMAN.  If  that  is  the  fact,  of  course 
the  ruling  of  the  Chair  is  correct,  but  I  under- 
stand that  it  is  not  the  fact. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  appropriation  is  for  the 
repair  of  a  sea-wall;  not  for  the  building  of  one, 
butfor  the  repair.  The  Chair  therefore  overrules 
the  point  of  order.  The  provision  conforms 
strictly  to  the  rule. 

The  following  item  was  read: 

For  compensation  of  two  inspectors  of  customs  acting 
as  superintendents  for  the  life-saving  stations  on  the  coasts 
of  Long  Island  ijnd  New  Jersey,  ,^3,000. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  I  would  inquire 
whether  these  inspectors  and  their  compensation 
are  not  already  provided  for  in  the  general  appro- 
priation bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  We  suppose  not;  not  these 
two. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  You  do  not  know 
the  fact.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  We  suppose  they  are  not 
provided  for.  We  have  no  knowledge  of  their 
being  provided  for  in  any  appropriation  bill.  If 
they  are,  it  is  in  an  amendment  which  came  from 
the  Senate;  but  I  do  not  think  they  are  provided 
for  anywhere. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  I  think  the  num- 
ber of  inspectors  is  fixed  by  law.  This  provides 
for  these  two  officers  and  for  paying  them. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  is  a  matter  for  debate 
m  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union.  The  bill  is  only  being  read  now  for  points 
of  order. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  I  am  aware  of 
that,  but  I  make  the  point  of  order  that  this  is  a 
double  appropriation  for  the  same  two  inspectors 
of  customs,  as  they  are  already  provided  for. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  the  point 
of  order.  The  latter  part  of  the  120th  rule  states 
that  appropriations  "for  the  contingencies  for 
carrying  on  the  several  Departments  of  the  Gov- 
ernment" are  in  order.  Whether  it  is  proper  to 
appropriate  tins  money  or  not  is  a  question  for 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  desire  to  say  to  the  gen- 
tleman that  this  cannot  very  well  be  elsewhere 
jirovided  for,  for  this  is  the  regular  light-house 
bill,  and  we  have  only  cut  down  the  appropria- 


tions in  this  bill  under  the  rule  enforced  here  now 
for  the  first  lime. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Mypointis  this: 
that  this  item  provides  for  paying  two  oflid/rrt 
already  provided  for  over  again. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  If  the"  gentleman  will  refer 
to  our  appropriations  for  the  last  twelve  ycai-s — 
I  have  not  gone  further  back — he  will  find  the 
appropriations  made  in  the  same  way. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Well,  it  is  wrong, 
and  I  sliall  oppose  it  at  the  proper  time. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  with  the  reading  of  the 
bill,  not  for  amendment  but  that  questions  of 
order  might  be  made. 

The  following  paragraph   having  been  read  — 

For  facilitating  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  States  by  electrical  telegraph,  $40,000 — 

Mr.  HOLMAN  said:  I  raise  a  point  of  order 
on  that  clause.     There  is  no  law  for  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
point  of  order,  as  the  Chair  happened  to  be  at  the 
head  of  the  Post  Office  Committee  when  the  law 
was  reported  and  passed. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  act  of  Congress  pledges 
the  Government  to  pay  not  exceeding  |40,000 
annually  to  that  line. 

The  following  paragraph  having   been   read — 

For  compensation  of  the  Assistant  Treasurer  at  Phila- 
delphia, $4,000— 

Mr.  HOLMAN  said:  I  inquire  how  this  item 
came  into  the  bill.  Is  this  an  office  already  exist- 
ing with  a  salary  of  ^4,000  attached  to  it.' 

The  SPEAKER.  There  are  six  Assistant 
Treasurers,  one  in  Philadelphia.  Whether  the 
salary  is  !^4,000  the  Chair  does  not  know. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Without  looking  at  the  old 
law  I  cannot  tell.  This  is  the  recommendation 
of  the  Department  for  carrying.on  that  branch  of 
business. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  If  the  law  fixes  the  salary 
at  §4,000  the  appropriation  should  of  course  be 
made;  but  it  is  very  singular  that  the  item  should 
be  in  this  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  would  not  undertake  to 
say  whether  that  is  the  salary  fixed  in  the  lavir. 
We  inserted  it  on  the  recommendation  of  the  De- 
partment, and  as  the  bill  is  not  to  be  considered 
to-day  I  did  not  look  into  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  raise  a  "point  of  order  on 
this  appropriation. 

The  SPEAKER.  Ifthegentlemanfrom  Indiana 
will  show  the  Chair  that  it  is  out  of  order,  the 
Chair  will  so  decide. 

Mr.FIOLMAN.  Of  course  the  Chair  will  pre- 
sume it  to  be  in  order;  but  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  should  be  able 
to  state  whether  or  not  this  appropriation  is  ac- 
cording to  existing  law. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Perhaps  so;  but  I  confess 
honestly  that  I  have  not  looked  at  the  law. 

M  r.  HOLiM AN.  I  have  not  the  lav/  before  me 
either. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  If  the  appropriation  is  wrong, 
the  merits  of  the  question  will  be  open. 

The  SPEAKER.  TlieChairoverrules  the  point 
of  order.  There  are  six  AssistantTreasurersin  the 
United  States.  One  of  them  is  stationed  at  Phila- 
delphia. That  brings  this  item  within  the  rule. 
If  the  amount  is  wrong,  that  is  a  matter  which  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
can  remedy.  The  item  is  for  compensation  of  the 
Assistant  Treasurer  at  Philadelphia,  which  is 
according  to  existing  la\fr. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  ask  the  Chair  whether  any 
increase  of  compensation  can  be  authorized  in  this 
bill.' 

The  SPEAKER.  That  would  be  for  the  House 
to  determine. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  This  bill  itself  cannot  in- 
crease the  compensation. 

The  SPEAKER.    That  would  be  a  good  point. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  An  increase 
of  compensation  would  be  a  change  of  existing 
law. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  to  let  this  clause 
pass  over  till  we  see  what  the  law  is. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  have  not  the  least  objec- 
tion. I  am  willing  that  it  shall  be  reserved  for 
consideration. 

The  following  clause  having  been  read — 

For  additional  clerical  force  in  the  office  of  tlic  Assistant 
Treasurer  atriiiladelphia,  $1,500 — 


Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  said:  This 
most  1)1'  ;i  chiin;;c  of  existing  law. 

'i'lic  SPEAKER.  That  is  true;  but  the  rule 
states  llint  there  may  be  contingencies  ff)r  carry- 
ing on  the  several  De()artmeni.s  of  the  Govern- 
ment. If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Commitioo  of 
Ways  and  Mean.s,  this  is  u  contingency  for  car- 
rying on  that  Department  of  the  Government  the 
Cliair  thinks  it  Is  in  order. 

Mr.  WASFIBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Itis  undoubt- 
edly a  change  of  existing  laws;  and  ,  without  this 
appropriation  there  cannot  be  this  additional  cleri- 
cal force. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  rule  is,  that  no  appro- 
priation shall  be  in  order  for  any  expenditure  not 
previously  authorized  by  law,  except  in  continua- 
tion of  appropriations  for  such  public  works  and 
objects  as  are  already  in  progress,  and  for  contin- 
gencies for  carrying  on  the  several  Departments 
of  the  Government.  This  is  one  of  the  two  ex- 
ceptions. The  Chair  thinks,  therefore,  that  itis 
in  order  for  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
to  report  an  item  in  the  way  of  a  contingency  for 
carrying  on  a  Department. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  clause  is  founded  on  an 
express  communication  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury. 

The  bill  was  then  read  a  first  and  second  time, 
referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  that  the  bill  be  made 
a  special  order  for  Monday  next  after  the  morn- 
ing hour. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

•     BUSINESS  OP  MILITARY  COMMITTEE. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Inasmuch  as  to-day,  which 
was  by  unanimous  consent  set  apart  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  business  of  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  is  to  be  occupied  in  the  consid- 
eration of  the  internal  revenue  tax  bill,  I  think, 
therefore,  it  is  but  fair  that  another  day  should  be 
fixed  for  the  consideration  of  the  business  of  that 
committee.  I  suggest  that  the  first  day  after  the 
tax  bill  is  disposed  of  be  set  apart  for  the  busi- 
ness of  that  committee. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  must  object  to  any  arrange- 
ment that  will  interfere  with  the  consideration  of 
thi-s  appropriation  bill  on  Monday  next. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  do  not  think  it  will  inter- 
fere with  that.  I  hope  there  will  be  no  objection 
to  the  proposition. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.     I  object. 

Mr.  WILSON.  If  the  gentleman  will  say 
after  the  morning  hour  I  think  there  will  be  no 
objection. 

Mr.  MOORHEAD.  I  hope  there  will  be  no 
arrano'ement  made  to  interfere  with  the  day  which 
has  been  assigned  to  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Inasmuch  as  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs  was,  by  assignment  of  the 
Floiise,  entitled  to  to-day  for  the  consideration  of 
their  business,  I  trust  there  will  be  general  con- 
sent to  the  proposition  I  have  made. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  that 
to-night,  after  the  morning  hour,  will  still  be  de- 
voted to  the  business  of  the  Military  Committee, 
but  the  Chair  presumes  that  the  time  remaining 
of  to-day's  session  will  be  insufficient  to  transact 
the  business  of  that  committee. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  That  will  be  of  course  en- 
tirely insufficient  to  transact  the  bu'siness  of  this 
committee,  much,  of  which  is  very  important  busi- 
ness. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.,  There  was  some  misun- 
derstanding in  reference  to  the  assignment  of 
this  evening  to  the  business  of  the  Military  Com- 
mittee. When  the  proposition  was  made  to  set 
apart  to-day  after  the  morning  hour  I  supposed 
that  it  was  to  include  the  entire  day,  but  I  subse- 
quently learned  that  by  an  arrangement  that  had 
been  made  the  morning  hour  was  not  to  com- 
mence until  the  evening  session,  leaving  to  us, 
therefore,  only  the  latter  portion  of  the  night 
session. 

Now,  this  assignment  of  time  will  be  entirely 
insufficient  for  our  purposes.  That  committee 
has  not  been  called  for  now  some  three  months. 
We  have  our  drawers  stuffed  with  reports,  some 
of  them  of  not  much  consequence,  but  others  of 
a  very  important  character.  I  ho|)e,  therefore, 
there  will  be  some  arrangement  made  by  which 
a  day  may  be  assigned  to  ud  in  order  to  enable 


3016 


THE  COJSTGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


us  to  relieve  ourselves  of  the  very  large  amount 
of  business  before  us. 

Tlie  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  the  as- 
signments tiiat  have  been  made  by  unanimous 
consent  for  tlie  next  few  days.  The  morning 
hour  for  this  evening  is  assigned  to  the  consider- 
ation of  tlie  Pacific  railroad  bill.  To-morrovir 
the  entire  day ,  including  the  morning  hour,  is  set 
apart  for  the  consideration  of  private  bills.  The 
House  has  given  unanimous  consent  tliat  to-mor- 
row evening  sliall  be  devoted  to  the  business  for 
the  District  of  Columbia.  Saturdayafter  the  morn- 
ing hour  has  been  assigned  to  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs;  and  Monday  after  the  morning 
hour  has  this  day  been  assigned  to  the  consider- 
ation of  the  civil  appropriation  bill  as  a  special 
oriler. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  understand  that  Saturday 
has  been  set  apart,  after  the  morning  hour,  for 
the  consideration  of  the  business  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Naval  Affairs.  Do  1  understand  that  the 
Pacific  railroad  bill  will  come  up  during  the  morn- 
ing hour  .' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will.  The  Chair  will 
state,  however,  that  if  this  internal  revenue  tax 
bill  should  not  be  disposed  of  to-day  it  will  come 
up  on  Saturday  after  the  reading  of  the  Journal 
as)  unfinished  business,  and  there  will  be  no  morn- 
ing hour. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  desire  to  give  con- 
sent to  anything  that  will  interfere  with  the  con- 
eidernlion  of  l  lie  Pacific  railroad  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Pacific  railroad  bill  will 
have  the  morning  hour  this  evening.  It  will  then 
go  ovei'  Fri<lfty  and  come  up  Saiurday  imme- 
diately after  the  reading  of  the  Journal,  unless 
the  tax  bill  .should  go  over  as  unfinished  business. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  will  make  one  proposi- 
tion which,  although  it  will  bring  us  very  near 
the  close  of  the  session,  I  am  willing  to  accept, 
and  1  hope  there  will  be  no  objection  to  it.  I 
propose  to  set  apart  Tuesday  next  after  the  morn- 
ing hour. 

MliSSAGK  FROM  TUB  PRESIDENT. 

A  niessagi:  from    the   President  of  the  United 
States  was  received,  by  Mr.  Stoddard,  his  Pri- 
vate Secretary,  informing  tlie  House  that  he  had 
approved  and  signed  bills  and  a  joint  resolution  of 
the  following  titles: 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  383)  to  incorporate  a  Home 
for  Friendless  Women  and  Children; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  149)  concerningschoollands 
in  township  forty-five  north,  range  seven  east, in 
the  stateof  Missouri; 

An  act  (H.R.No.  198)  making  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  the  Army  for  the  year  ending 
the  30th  of  June,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes; 
and 

Joint  resolution  (H.  R..  No.  55)  granting  cer- 
tain privileges  to  the  city  of  Des  Moines,  in  the 
Slate  of  Iowa. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  propose  that  we  postpone 
the  motion  until  next  Tuesday  after  the  meeting 
of  the  FI'iusc  and  the  reading  , of  the  Journal. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  must  object.  .  If  he  says 
after  the  morning  hour  1  will  agree;  but  I  fear 
that  we  will  not  get  through  with  the  Pacific  rail- 
road bill  in  that  time. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  When  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  have  overridden  us  so  long,  it 
does  seem  to  mc,  in  a  time  of  war,  that  the  Mili- 
tary Committee,  being  one  of  some  little  import- 
ance, after  three  months' delay,  should  at  least 
have  one  day.  We  had  this  day  assigned  to  us 
after  the  morning  hour,  and  we  would  have  it  now 
if  the  morning  hour  had  not  been  shoved  off  until 
to-night. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  think  that  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  have'done  more  than 
their  duty. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio 
iisks  that  the  entire  day  next  Tuesday  be  devoted 
to  the  reports  from  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs. 

Mr.  ANCONA.     I  object. 

CIRCUIT  COURT  OF  WISCONSIN. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  that  the  House  insist 
on  its  amendment  to  Senate  bill  No.  55,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  circuit  court  in  and  for  the  district  of 
Wisconsin,  and  for  other  purposes,  and  ask  for 
acommittc.'C  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
between  the  two  Houses. 

The   motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Speaker 


appointed  as  managers  of  said  conference  on  the 
part  of  the  House  Messrs.  Wilson,  Brown  of 
Wisconsin,  and   Woodbridge. 

OVERL.\ND  MAIL. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  I  call  up  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  House  ordered  to 
be  engrossed  and  read  a'third  time  a  joint  res- 
olution to  authorize  the  Postmaster  General  to  ex- 
tend the  contract  with  the  Overland  Mail  Com- 
pany. I  withdrav/  that  motion  and  ask  that  the 
engrossed  bill  be  read. 

Mr.  WASHRURNE,  of  Illinois.  The  gen- 
tleman cannot  withdraw  the  motion  to  reconsider. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  sustains  the  point 
of  order.  The  motion  to  reconsider  cannot  be 
withdrawn  the  second  day  after  it  has  been  en- 
tered. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  I  hope,  then,  that  the  motion 
to  reconsider  will  be  voted  down,  and  that  the 
joint  resolution  will  be  put  on  its  passage. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  hope  that  the  gentleman 
will  not  press  the  matter  at  this  time. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  It  is  important  that  the  joint 
resolution  be  passed  at  this  time.  If  it  is  not 
passed  now,  it  will  be  too  late. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Is  it  im- 
portant to  the  contractor  or  to  the  Govern meiit,' 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  The  papers  of  this  morning 
state  that  this  contract  has  been  let  for  four  years. 

The  motion  to  reconsider  was  rejected. 

The  joint  resolution  having  been  engro.-.sed,  it 
was  read  the  third  time. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  75, 
noes  19. 

So  the  joint  resolution  was  passed. 

Mr.  ALLEY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed;  and  also 
moved  that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

LEGISLATIVE  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 
Mr.  PENDLETON  submitted  the  following 
privileged  report. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

The  coinmiltee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  on  the  aineiidineiits  to  the  hill  (II.  R. 
No.  192)  in;ikiiig  appropriations  for  tlie  legisiative,  exi^cu- 
live,  and  judicial  e^ipeiises  of  tlie  Goveninieiufur  the  year 
ending  the  yOth  of  June,  1865,  and  for  oUier  piirpo.ies, 
liaving  met,  alter  full  andlVee  conference  have  agreed  to 
recommend  and  do  recommend  to  their  respective  Houses 
as  follows: 

That  ihe  House  reci'de  from  their  disagieenient  to  the 
eigluli,  tvvellth,  nineteenth,  twcnly-tirst,  twenty-second, 
twenty-lhii'd,  twenty-fourth,  fortieth,  eiglity-eiglnli,  and 
ninety-fourth  aiiieudnieiits  of  tlie  Senate,  and  agree  to  tlie 
same. 

Tliat  the  Senate  recede  from  their  ninth  amendment. 

Tliat  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  lo  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  twenty-fifth  amendment  of 
the  Senate,  and  agree  lo  the  same. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  di-sagreenient  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  tiiirty-lburth  amendment 
of  the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  tlie  ninetieth  amendment  of 
the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  House  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
ninety  fifth  amendment  of  the  Senate  and  agree  to  the  said 
Senate  amendment  with  amendments  as  follows:  in  line 
two  of  said  Senate  amendment  strike  out  the  word  "  an- 
nual;" and  in  line  three  of  said  amendment,  before  the 
word  "  messengers,"  insert  the  following  words:  -'females 
and  of  the;"  and  in  line  five  of  said  amendment,  after  the 
word  "building"  insert  the  following  words:  "and  the 
Commissioner  of  Agriculture  and  at  the  Capitol ;"  and  in 
line  six  of  said  amendment  strilce  out  the  following  words: 
"  1st  day  of  June,  1864  ;"  and  in  line  seven  of  said  amend- 
ment strike  out  the  wofd  "  next,"  and  after  the  word 
"year"  in  said  line  seven  insertthe  following  words  :"  end- 
ing the  30th  of  June,  1866;"  and  in  line  nine  strike  out 
"  approval  of  this  act"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  1st  day 
ofJuiie,  1864;"and  in  line  eleven  of  said  amendment  strike 
out  the  word  "nine"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the  word 
"  ten,"  and  that  the  Senate  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendments  of  the  House  to  the  ninety-sixth  amendment 
of  the  Senate  and  agree  to  the  same  with  ilie  following 
amendment:  strike  out  all  after  the  word  "  therefor"  in 
line  ten  of  said  House  amendment  to  and  including  the 
word  "  one"  in  line  thirteen,  and  the  House  agree  to  the 
same  so  modified.  JOHN  SHERiMAN, 

GARRETT  DAVIS, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 
GliORGE  H.  PENDLETON, 
WILLIAM  WINDOW, 
ORLANDO  KELLOGG, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  Mr.  Speaker,  1  desire  to 
say  that  there  are  but  two  or  three  important  mat- 
ters contained  in  this  report.  A  number  of  rec- 
ommendations relate  to  mere  verbal  amendments 
as  to  which  there  can  be  no  difference  of  opinion. 


There  is  one  proposition  that  will  excite  a  dif- 
ference of  opinion,  and  that  is  in  reference  to  the 
salary  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States.  The 
Senate  added  an  amendment  to  this  bill  raising 
that  salary;  the  House  refused  to  agree  to  it;  and 
the  committee  of  conference  recommend  that  the 
House  recede  from  its  disagreement  and  concur 
in  the  amendment.  I  suppose,  from  my  examina- 
tion of  the  bill  and  my  knowledge  of  the  House, 
that  that  is  the  only  question  about  which  there 
will  be  difference  in  the  House. 

Another  relates  to  the  metropolitan  police.  We 
agree  to  the  Senate  amendment  raising  their  pay 
fifty  per  cent.,  according  to  a  rate  of  division 
which  has  been  agreed  upon  by  the  respective 
corporations  who  are  to  pay  the  salaries. 

There  is  one  other  point  to  which  I  will  call 
the  attention  of  the  House.  The  Senate  intro- 
duced an  amendrnent  into  this  bill  raising  the 
salaries  of  certain  employes  in  the  Departments 
twenty  per  cent.  The  House  proposed  to  raise 
the  salaries  about  thirty-three  and  a  third  per 
cent.  The  committee  of  conference  recommend 
a  concurrence  in  the  Senate  amendment,  and  a 
disagreement  with  the  House  proposition. 

I  think  these  are  the  only  amendments  upon 
which  there  will  be  any  difference  of  opinion. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  It  seems  to  me  that  all  these 
amendments  agreed  upon  by  the  committee  of  con- 
ference ought  to  be  concurred  in  by  the  House, 
with  the  exception  of  one,  increasing  the  salary 
of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  from  ^5,000 
to  ^6,000  a  year.  That  subject,  when  it  was  before 
the  House,  received  unusual  attention,  and  upon 
it  there  can  be  no  misapprehending  the  opinion 
of  this  House.  The  other  amendments  are  such 
as  the  House  might  have  expected  upon  the  part 
of  the  committee,  fairly  acting  in  concert  with  the 
committee  upon  the  part  of  the  Senate.  There- 
fore 1  take  no  exception  to  the  balance  of  this 
report. 

Now,  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
House — for  1  suppose  it  can  be  done  only  by 
unanimous  consent — that  all  these  amendments 
be  concurred  in  with  the  exception  of  the  amend- 
metit  by  which  the  salary  of  the  Treasurer  of  the 
United  States  is  increased  from  1^5,000  to  |i6,000 
a  year,  and  that  that  one  be  referred  further,  if 
the  Senate  desire  it,  to  another  committee  of  con- 
ference. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  If  that  can  be  done,  so 
far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  have  no  objection. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     It  cannot  be  done. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  cannot  be  done  even  by 
unanimous  conserjt,  as  this  is  the  report  of  a  joint 
committee  of  conference,  and  must  be  accepted 
or  rejected  as  a  whole. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Of  course,  so  far  as  these 
other  items  are  concerned,  there  will  be  no  divers- 
ity of  opinion  whatever.  The  House  will  recede 
from  its  disagreement  to  the  extent  recommended 
by  the  committee,  and  the  Senate,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  will  recede  lo  the  extent  recommended  by 
the  committee  upon  their  part,  leaving  out  this 
one  item  undisposed  of.  I  think  after  so  deliber- 
ate an  expression  upon  the  part  of  the  House 
against  that  increase  of  salary  it  ought  not  to  be 
tolerated  at  all.  The  present  salary  is  a  very  re- 
spectable one.  This  is  a  time  for  sacrifices.  The 
high  officers  of  the  Government,  instead  of  de- 
manding an  increase  of  compensation,  ought  in- 
deed to  be  content  with  a  reduction  of  their  sal- 
aries. The  Treasurer  of  the  United  States — and 
I  say  nothing  about  his  qualifications,  capacity, 
and  integrity,  because  all  these  are  above  any 
question — ought  not  at  a  time  like  this,  it  seems 
to  me,  to  be  willing  to  receive  a  compensation 
beyond  that  ample  compensation  which  has  been 
paid  for  many  years  past.  If  the  House  refuses 
to  concur  in  the  report  of  the  committee  it  leaves 
to  us  this  one  question  of  the  compensation  of  the 
Treasurer  of  the  United  States  open. 

Now,  it  does  seem  to  me  to  be  very  unwise 
upon  our  part  to  increase  these  high  salaries.  The 
effect  is  ruinous,  and  discourages  and  destroys 
the  patriotic  sentiment  of  the  country.  It  will 
create  bickerings,  heart-burnings,  and  jealousies 
among  our  people  everywhere.  They  already 
begin  to  condemn  the  Administration  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  the  Government  itself,  which  so  far 
discriminates  between  those  who  render  one  ser- 
vice and  those  who  render  another  service  as  to 
the  compensation  they  receive. 

1  regret  to  be  compelled  again  to  refer  to  the 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3017 


rxtraortlinary  sei;vice  which  is  being  rendered 
now  by  nearly  a  million  men,  who  are  giving 
their  time,  their  talents,  their  blood,  their  lives, 
and  everything  which  pertains  to  them,  for  the 
salvation  of  this  country  for  a  very  insignificant 
compensation.  The  distinguished  gentleman  who 
is  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  can  do  no 
more  than  this.  The  country  has  a  right  to  the 
benefit  of  his  services,  and  he  has  no  right  to  ask, 
and  his  friends  have  no  right  to  ask,  that  the  com- 
pensation for  those  services  should  be  increased 
to  $6,000  per  annum,  when  so  many  men  just  as 
worthy,  just  as  intelligent,  just  as  devoted  to 
their  country,  are  sacrificing  health  and  life  and 
their  all  for  the  salvation  of  this  Republic. 

It  seems  to  me,  without  reference  to  increasing 
this  salary  from  $5,000  to  $6,000,  that  the  pre- 
cedent which  we  are  setting  to  the  country  ought 
to  be  at  once  condemned  and  repudiated  by  the 
representatives  of  the  people  who  are  making 
sacrifices  so  unexampled  in  the  history  of  the 
country.  1  hope  the  House  will  take  a  dispas- 
sionate view  of  this  subject. 

I  know  thedifliculty  of  reaching  a  question  per- 
taining to  a  report  of  a  committee  of  conference, 
but  we  reach  a  final  conclusion  upon  a  single 
point,  and  in  the  event  of  the  non-concurrence  in 
this  report,  I  trust  my  friend  from  Ohio  [JMr. 
Pendleton]  will  at  once  move  that  the  House 
recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the  Senate 
amendments  to  the  extent  that  the  committee  itself 
lias  recommended.  That  disposes  of  everything 
except  that  one  point  and  two  or  three  points  from 
which  the  Senate  has  receded.  I  trust,  therefore, 
that  the  Flouse,  in  view  of  its  former  action,  in 
view  of  its  duty  to  the  country,  will  not  hesitate 
to  adopt  a  policy  consistent  with  the  very  best 
and  highestinterests  of  our  common  constituency. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  With  the  permission  of  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana,  I  wish  to  state  a  few 
facts  which  are,  perhaps,  not  entirely  known  to 
all  the  members  of  the  Flouse.  When  General 
Spinner  was  appointed  Treasurer  of  the  United 
States  his  salary  was  tlie  same  that  is  paid  to  the 
chiefs  of  bureaus,  the  Auditors  and  Comptrollers, 
$3,000  a  year.  During  this  Administration  it  has 
already  been  raised  $1,000,  and  then  another 
$1,000,  and  it  is  now  $5,000. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN,  What  was  the  salary  of  the 
Treasurer  at  the  time  the  present  incumbent  came 
into  office.' 

Mr.  BLAINE.     Three  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  And  it  has  been  increased 
to  $5,000? 

Mr.  BLAINE.  It  has  been  increased  $2,000 
on  the  top  of  that,  whereas  the  Second  and  Tliird 
Auditors,  wlio  are  harder-worked  officers,  receive 
still  only  $3,000.  They  have  really  more  claim 
to  an  increase  than  the  Treasurer  has. 

1  do  not  think  it  will  delay  the  business  of  the 
session  a  single  day  to  have  another  conference 
upon  this  point,  and  I  hope,  for  the  credit  of  the 
House,  that  it  will  maintain  its  consistency  and 
keep  this  salary  at  $5,000. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  trust  that  in  view  of  the  facts 
now  disclosed,  and  of  which  the  House  is  well 
informed,  the  report  of  the  committee  of  confer- 
ence will  notbe  concurred  in,  and  that  some  gen- 
tleman who  represented  the  House  on  the  com- 
mittee will,  so  far  as  the  committee  recommends, 
move  that  the  House  recede  from  its  disagree- 
ments, which  will  embrace  everything  in  sub- 
stance except  the  nmety-fourth  amendment,  upon 
which  another  committee  of  conference  can  be 
appointed. 

The  facts  are  now  well  understood.  Here  is 
an  officer — intelligent  and  competent,  to  be  sure, 
but  not  more  so  than  other  officers  in  the  employ- 
ment of  the  Government — whose  salary  at  the 
commencement  of  the  present  Administration  was 
$3,000  a  year.  It  was  .then  increased  to  $4,000, 
and  then  to  $5,000,  and  now,  by  this  amendment 
and  by  the  report  of  the  committee  of  conference. 
It  is  proposed  to  increase  it  to  $6,000.  Here  is 
an  increase  of  salary  in  three  years  and  a  half  of 
$2,000.  No  gentleman  can  say  that  the  respons- 
ibilities of  the  office  are  increased.  The  Treas- 
urer of  the  United  States  is  required  to  bring  his 
talents,  his  credit,  and  his  expe.rience  to  he  ser- 
vice of  the  country  at  whatever  compensation 
exists  at  the  time  he  assumes  the  responsibilities 
of  the  office.  The  present  occupant  of  the  office 
assumed  these  responsibilities  for  $3,000.  You 
have  adtjed  $2,000  a  year  to  his  compensation 


even  at  a  time  like  this.  I  do  trust  that  the  House 
will  not  set  an  example  of  further  increasing  sal- 
ariesalready  munificent,  in  view  of  the  hard.sliips, 
perils,  and  privations  that  are  being  suffered  by 
thousands  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men 
equally  entitled  to  our  consideration  at  a  compen- 
sation so  inadequate  to  the  services  rendered. 

I  trust,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  House  will  not 
overlook  the  importance  of  this  question,  but  that 
we  will  concur,  to  the  extent  recommended  by 
the  committee  of  conference,  in  all  the  amend- 
ments made  by  the  Senate  except  this  one  amend- 
ment. After  the  report  of  the  committee  of  con- 
ference shall  have  been  non-concurred  in,whicli  is, 
of  course,  the  first  step,  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
[Mr.  Pendleton]  will  undoubtedly  propose  to  re- 
cede from  our  disagreement  to  the  Senate  amend- 
ments upon  all  points  otherthan  the  ninety-fourth 
amendment,  upon  which  the  committee  of  con- 
ference has  agreed.  The  duties  of  the  committee 
will  then  be  reduced  substantially  to  one  point, 
and  upon  that  point  we  cannot  doubt  that  the 
Senate  will  recede. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  desire  to  geta  vote  on  this 
report  pretty  soon,  and  that  is  why  I  have  risen, 
and  also  to  correct  a  matter  of  fact  upon  which  my 
friend  from  Maine  [Mr.  Blaine]  does  not  seem 
to  be  very  well  posted.  He  spoke  of  the  Audit- 
ors doing  as  much  work  as  the  Treasurer  of  the 
United  States.  If  he  had  inquired  into  the  matter 
he  would  have  found  that  no  officer  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, I  do  not  care  who  he  is,  does  one  third 
as  much  labor  in  a  day  or  works  so  many  hours  in 
a  day  as  the  Treasurer.  Scarcely  a  day  passes 
over  his  head  when  he  is  in  bed  before  midniglit. 
The  Assistant  Treasurer  in  New  York  who  does 
not  do  half  the  labor  gets  $6,000  a  year  The 
office  of  United  States  Treasurer  in  Washington 
three  years  ago  was  almost  a  nominal  office. 
There  was  scarcely  anything  to  do  at  that  time. 
There  passed  through  his  hands,  for  which  he 
was  responsible,  less  than  $10,000,000  a  year. 
Now  there  passes  through  his  hands,  for  which 
he  is  responsible,  upwards  of  $1,300,000,000  a 
year.  And  gentlemen  talk  about  $1,000  a  year 
additional  to  his  pay  when  the  debates  in  this 
House  of  my  friend  from  Indiana,  for  half  the 
morning  liour,  to  save  money,  cost  a  great  deal 
more  than  this  $1,000  which  he  is  trying  to  save, 
and  which  he  says  the  country  will  understand. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  heard 
that  argument  once  before.  Will  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  inasmuch  as  it  is  a  matter 
which  will  strike  the  public  mind,  explain  how 
it  occurs  that  our  remaining  in  session  day  after 
day  and  month  after  month  in  deliberating  on 
questions  of  public  concern  increases  the  public 
expenses  so  that  we  had  better  increase  salaries 
than  devote  any  time  to  arguments  .■' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  am  not  complaining  of  the 
gentleman. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  gentleman  must  recol- 
lect that  we  are  paid  by  the  year,  that  our  v/hole 
year  of  service  is  due  to  the  public  if  required,  and 
that  the  public  officers  are  all  employed  by  the 
year. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  not  complaining  of  the 
gentleman.  He  occupies  no  more  than  his  fair 
share  of  time.  I  like  his  vigilance  very  much. 
I  am  only  speaking  of  how  small  the  item  now  in 
question  is,  compared  with  what  we  expend  every 
day  in  o'ur  zeal  for  economy.  As  to  the  people 
seeing  and  condemning  all  this,  I  am  afraid  the 
poor  people  would  never  have  heard  of  it  if  my 
friend  from  Indiana  had  not  given  notice,  and  I 
question  now  whether  anybody  outside  of  his 
own  numerous  readers  will  knowanything  about 
it.     [Laughter.] 

But  that  is  not  the  question.  The  question  is 
whether,  for  the  responsibility  of  this  billion  of 
dollars  that  passes  through  his  hands  annually, 
and  for  those  laimerous  hours  in  which  he  is  wear- 
ing away  his  life  with  severe  labor,  this  pitiful 
advance  of  $1,000  is  too  large  an  increase  of  sal- 
ary. For  my  part  I  am  sorry  that  this  confer- 
ence committee  cut  down  the  wages  of  the  poor 
laborers  about  the  grounds  here.  1  regret  the  par- 
simony of  the  Senate  v.'hich  docked  these  men. 
But  we  cannothave  everything  our  own  way,  and 
I  am  willing  to  concur  in  the  whole  report. 

Mr.  PEi>fDLETON  resumed  the  floor,  but 
yielded  to 

Mr.  FENTON,  whosaid:  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have 
no  dcaire  to  discuss  this  question.     I  only  rise  to 


correct  a  remark  of  the  gentleman  from  Maine, 
[Mr.  Blaine,]  who  said  that  the  Second  Auditor, 
or  some  Corn|itroller,  has  harder  work  in  his  office 
than  the  7'reasurer  has. 

Mr.  BLAINE.     As  hard. 

Mr.  FENTON.  That  may  be.  I  only  desire 
to  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  there  is  no  officer  under 
the  Government  who  spends  more  hours  in  labo- 
rious industry  than  General  Spinner  does. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  Mr.  Speaker,  the  sum 
agreed  upon  by  the  conference  committee  as  an 
increase  of  the  compensation  of  the  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States  is  but  a  small  increase  com- 
pared with  the  increase  of  the  price  of  living,  and 
but  very  small  compared  with  the  increase  of 
labor  in  his  office.  Believing  that  this  Adminis- 
tration has  one  man  of  honesty  and  integrity  m 
that  Department  of  the  Government,  one  man 
whose  honesty  I  feel  I  can  indorse,  I  am  ready 
to  vote  for  paying  him  $6,000  a  year,  or  more,  if 
the  immense  labor  thrown  upon  him  justifies  it. 
I  hope,  therefore,  that  the  report  of  the  confer- 
ence committee  will  be  concurred  in,  giving  him 
a  reasonable  compensation  for  the  labor,  the  hon- 
esty, and  the  integrity  with  which  he  discharges 
his  duty. 

Mr.  PENDLETON  resumed  the  floor. 

Mr.  FRANK.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
to  yield  to  me. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  will  yield  for  a  moment. 

Mr.  FRANK.  Mr.  Speaker,  there  is  no  mem- 
ber of  this  House  more  opposed  to  increase  of  sal- 
aries at  the  present  time  than  myself;  but  I  think 
the  case  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  an 
exception.  His  arduous  and  constant  labors,  the 
vast  responsibility  restingupon  him, and  the  large 
bonds  necessary  to  begiven,  all  show  the  justness 
and  propriety  of  agreeing  to  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  conference. 

It  was  stated  a  few  moinents  since  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  that  the  salary  had  been  and 
now  was  again  to  be  increased  without  any  in- 
crease of  duty.  The  gentleman  from  Maine  [Mr. 
Blaine]  intimated  the  same  thing,  although  not 
iti  as  broad  terms.  Both  gentlemen,  no  doubt 
unintentionally,  have  erred  as  to  the  facts.  We 
have  just  heard  from  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  that  the  business  of 
the  office  had  increased  some  one  billion  dollars; 
but,  sir,  the  increase  is  even  larger  than  that.  I 
find  in  the  last  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  the  aggregate  transactions  at  the  office 
of  the  Treasurer  amounted  in  1861  to  $41,000,000, 
while  in  1863  they  amounted  to  $2, 696,000, 000— 
an  enormous  and  unprecedented  increase,  requir- 
ing enlarged  responsibility  and  care. 

The  Treasurer  is  required  to  give  bonds  to  the 
amount  of  $150,000,  making  him  rejsponsible  to 
that  amount  for  the  millions  passing* through  his 
Department.  To  a  certain  extent  he  is  also  re- 
sponsible for  the  clerksand  employes  in  his  office. 
His  responsibilities  are  greater  than  almost  any 
other  officer  of  the  Government,  and  few  would 
assume  those  alone  for  the  entire  salary. 

In  addition  to  the  duties  devolving  on  him 
heretofore,  he  now  has  charge  of  the  United  States 
bonds  deposited  as  security  by  the  national  banks, 
amounting  at  present  to  millions,  and  soon  will 
amount  to  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars.  We 
can  v/ell  afford  to  pay  an  honest,  faithful  public 
servant  the  sum  named,  a  less  one  than  his  ser- 
vices might  command  in  private  business,  saying 
nothing  of  the  vast  responsibilities  resting  on  him 
in  the  transaction  of  such  amounts  as  have  been 
named.  In  view  of  the  facts  others,  as  well  as 
myself,  have  stated  it  would  almost  seem  unne- 
cessary to  urge  upon  the  House  for  a  moment  the 
small  increase  of  $1,000  asked  by  this  report.  It 
may  not  be  out  of  place  forme  to  state  that  since 
the  appointment  of  the  present  Treasurer,  now 
more  than  three  years,  he  has  not  left  the  city  for 
a  single  day,  while  many  gentlemen  present  know 
personally  that  his  labors  have  been  the  most  ar- 
duous heretofore  known  in  public  business,  such 
as  to  almost  ruin  his  health. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  1  saw  him  this  morning  look- 
ing very  well. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  must  now  insist  on 
my  demand  for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  the  gentleman  to  with- 
draw and  allow  me  to  submit  a  motion  to  non-con- 
cur in  the  report  of  the  comtnitiee  of  conference. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  will  withdraw  the  mo- 
tion for  thai  purpose. 


3018 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


The  SPEAKER.  The  motion  to  non-concur 
cannot  be  erucj-tained  now;  the  question  must  be 
put  on  the  motion  tocnncur;  if  that  be  decided  in 
iiie  negative  the  gentleman  will  then  be  recog- 
nized to  ninlce  the  motion  to  non-concur. 

The  previous  (juestion  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  was  ordered  to  be  put. 

On  concurring  in  the  report  of  the  committee 
of  conference  52  voted  in  the  affirmative,  55  in 
the  nrgntive. 

Mr.  UPSON  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Tlie  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Tlie  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
tlic  negative — yeas  52,  nays  74,  not  voting  56;  as 
follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Jatnes  C.  Allen,  Arnold,  Ashley,  Baily, 
Jolni  D.  Baldwin,  Blair,  Boutvvell,  Ambrose W.  Clark,  Free- 
man ClarUo,  Colo,  Ueniing,  Dixon,  Donnelly.  Eliot,  Frank, 
OarficUl,  Goocli,  Grjswolri,  Hooper,  Hotclikiss,  Asalicl  W. 
Hubbard,  Hnlbiird,  Kellcy,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Knox,  Law, 
Littlcjohn,  Lonirycar,  Marvin,  McClnrg,  Mclndoe,  Moor- 
liead,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Morrison,  Leonard  Myers, 
Norton,  Odcll,  Charles  O'Neill,  Patterson,  Pendleton,  Rob- 
inson, Schenck,  Shannon,  Stevens,  Thomas,  Upson,  Van 
Valkeiiburgh,  Ward,  Webster,  Williams,  and  Woodbridge 
—52. 

NAYS — Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Alley,  Ames,  Ancona, 
Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Baxtur,  Beanian,  Blaine,  Bliss, 
Broomall,  Jatnes  S.  Brown,  Clianler,  Cobb,  Cox,  Creswell, 
Dawes,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eekley,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eld- 
ridge,  Fiiick,  Harding,  Harringlon,  Charles  M.  Harris, 
Higby,  Holrnan,  John  11.  Hubbard,  Ingersoll,  Philip  John- 
son, VVilliain  Johnson,  Julian,  Kalbfleisch,  liernan,  La- 
zear,  Le  Blond,  Loan,  Long,  McDowell,  MclCinncy.Sam- 
uelF.  Miller,  William  H.  Miller,  Amos  Myers,  Nelson,  No- 
ble, Orth,  Perham,  Perry,  Pike,  Priee,  Radford,  John  H. 
Rice,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Seolield,  Sloan,  Smith, 
Smiihers,  Spalding,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse, 
Sweat,  'i'hayer,  Wadsworth,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  Wil- 
liam B.  Washburn,  Wlieeler,  Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W. 
Wliite,  Wilson,  Windom,  and  Fernando  Wood — 74. 

NOT  VOTING— Me.ssrs.  Allison,  Anderson,  Blow,  Boyd, 
IJrandegee,  Brooks,  William  G.  Brown,  Clay,  Coffroth, 
Cravens,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Driggs, 
Dnnioni,  English,  Farnsworth,  Fenlon,  Ganson,  Grider, 
Grinnell,  Hale,  Hall,  Benjamin  G.Harris,  Hcrrick,  Hutch- 
ins,  Jenekes,  Kassoii,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  King,  ICnapp, 
Mallory,  Marcy,  McAllister,  McBride,  Middleton,  James  R. 
Morris,  John  O'Neill,  Ponieroy,  Pruyn,  Samuel  J.Randall, 
William  U.  Randall,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  Edward  II.  Rol- 
lins, Ross,  Seoit,  Starr,  Stebbins,  John  B.  Steele,  Stuart, 
Tracy,  Voorhees,  Whaley,  Wilder,  Winfiekl,  Benjamin 
Wood,  and  Yeaman — 56. 

So  the  report  of  the  committee  of  conference  was 
rejected. 

During  the  call  of  the  roll, 

Mr.  CRESWELL  stated  that  his  colleague, 
Mr.  Davis,  of  Maryland,  was  detained  from  the 
House  by  illness. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  I  trust  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  will  move  a  concurrence  on  the  part  of  the 
House  in  all  the  recommendations  of  the  com- 
mittee ofconference,  except  as  to  the  ninety  fourth 
amendment,  leaving  that  single  point  for  the  de- 
cision of  the  future  committee  ofconference. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     I  think  that  cannot  be  done. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  bill  is  before  the  House 
for  its  action. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  Then  1  suggest  to  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  to  make  the  motion  him- 
self. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  I  will  then  make  the  motion 
at  the  instance  of  tlie  gentleman  from  Ohio  that 
the  House  concur  in  the  report  of  the  committee 
ofconference,  except  so  far  as  relates  to  the  ninety- 
fourth  amendment,  and  that  they  further  insist 
upon  their  disagreement  to  that  amendtnent,  and 
ask  a  further  conference  upon  it.  Upon  that  mo- 
tion I  demand  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  wa.s  ordered  to  be  put. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  IIOLMAN  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

Tlie  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  call  for  the  regular  order 
of  business. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  the  regular  order  of 
bu.-'iness  to  be  the  consideration  of  amendments 
of  the  Senate  to  FIousc  bill  No.  405,  to  provide 
internal  revenue  to  suppoit  the  Govei-nment,  to 
pay  interest  on  the  fiublic  debt,  and  forotiier  pur- 
post^s,  and  lliat,  according  to  the  understanding 
of  the  House,  tliose  on  which  a  separate  vote  is 
not  asked  will  be  considered  as  concurred  in. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  with  the  reading  of  the 
amendments. 


Two  hundred  and  seventh  amendment: 

In  section  sixty-eight  stiike  out  the  words  "  the  interest 
of  all  persons  in  default  in;"  so  that  it  will  read  : 

Tliat  in  all  cases  in  which  the  duties  aforesaid,  payable 
on  spirits  distilled  and  sold,  or  removed  lor  consum[)tion 
or  sale,  or  beer,  lager  beer,  ale,  porter,  and  other  similar 
fermented  lirjuors,  shall  not  be  paid  at  the  time  of  render- 
ing the  account  of  the  same,  or  at  the  time  when  they 
shall  have  become  payable,  as  herein  required,  to  the'col- 
leetor  or  deputy  collector  of  the  district,  the  person  or  per- 
sons chargeable  therewith  shall  pay,  in  addition,  10  per 
cent,  on  the  an)nunt  thereof;  and,  until  such  duties,  with 
sueli  addition,  shall  be  paid,  they  shall  be  and  remain  a  lien 
upon  the  distillery  vi'here  such  liquors  have  been  distilled. 

Mr.  KERN  AN.  That  is  the  same  question 
which  we  had  up  last  night.  It  changes  the  lien 
from  the  party  in  interest  to  the  land;  from  the 
party  who  may  violate  the  law  to  the  innocent 
owner  of  the  land.  I  hope  that  the  amendment 
will  not  be  concurred  in. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  can  see  no  injustice  about 
*it.  If  the  owner  of  a  piece  of  land  chooses  to 
allow  a  distillery  upon  it  he  must  take  the  conse- 
quences. 

The  House  was  divided;  and  there  were — ayes 
53,  noes  43. 

The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Two  hundred  and  ninth  amendment: 

In.sert  the  words  "and  upon  the  lot  or  tract  of  land 
whereon  the  distillery  or  brewery  is  situate  ;"  so  that  it 
will  read: 

That  in  alt  cases  in  which  the  duties  aforesaid,  payable 
on  spirits  distilled  and  sold,  or  removed  for  consumption 
or  sale,  or  beer,  lager  beer,  ale,  porter,  and  other  similar 
fermented  liquors,  shall  not  be  paid  at  the  time  of  render- 
ing the  account  of  the  same,  or  at  the  lime  when  they  shall 
have  become  payable,  as  herein  required,  to  the  collector 
or  deputy  collector  of  the  district,  the  person  or  person.s 
chargeable  therewith  shall  pay,  in  addition,  10  per  cent, 
on  the  amount  thereof;  and,  until  such  duties,  with  such 
addition,  shall  be  paid,  they  shall  be  and  remain  a  lien 
upon  the  distillery  where  such  liquors  have  been  distilled, 
and  upon  the  brewery  where  such  liquors  have  been 
brewed,  and  upon  the  stills,  boilers,  vats,  and  all  other  im- 
plements thereto  belonging,  and  upon  the  lot  or  tract  of  land 
whereon  the  distillery  or  brewery  is  situate,_until  tlio  same 
shall  have  been  paid. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  avail  myselfof  this  amend- 
ment to  answer  what  has  been  said  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Morrill.]  He  said 
if  a  person  chooses  to  allow  a  distillery  upon  his 
land  it  should  be  liable  to  be  sold  in  fee  for  the 
fault  of  the  distiller.  He  must  know  there  is  a 
great  deal  of  real  estate  leased  where  the  tenant 
lias  the  right  to  build  a  distillery  upon  it,  and  the 
landlord  cannot  prevent  it.  The  distiller  may 
make  default  and  allow  his  landlord's  property 
to  be  sold  and  buy  it  in  himself,  for  there  is  to  be 
no  notice  to  the  owner.  It  seems  to  me  that  such 
legislation  is  not  necessary  or  wise.  When  we 
impose  the  penalty  upon  the  man  who  makes  the 
default,  when  we  make  all  his  interest  in  the 
manufacture  liable,  I  think  that  is  as  far  as  we 
ought  to  go.  1  think  we  cannot  constitutionally, 
and  should  not  if  we  could,  forfeit  any  man's  fee 
for  the  default  of  another.  1  hope  the  amend- 
ment will  be  non-concurred  in,  so  that  the  whole 
matter  may  be  revised. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  This  is  done  to  remedy  an 
evil  in  the  internal  revenue  law.  Irrespotisible 
parties  lease  distilleries,  distill  for  a  certain  time, 
and  then  abandon  them,  defrauding  tlie  Govern- 
ment of  revenue.  I  think  the  case  proposed  by 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  is  rare.  If  there 
be  one  the  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue  will 
have  the  power  to  remit  the  forfeiture. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin,  demanded  the 
yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  65,  nays  67,  not  voting  50;  as 
follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ashley,  Baily,  John  D. 
Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Blair,  Boutwell,  ISroomall, 
Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cobb,  Cole,  Dawes, 
Deming,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Eckley,  Eliot,  Farnsworth, 
Frank,  Garfield,  Gooeh,  Higby,  Hooper,,[Iotchkiss,  Asahel 
W.  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Jenekes,  Julian, 
Kelley, Orlando  Kellogg, Knox,  Loan,  Longyear,  McClurg, 
Mclndoe,  Samuel  F.Miller,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos 
.Myers,  Norton,  Orth,  Perham,  Pike,  Price,  Alexander  H. 
Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Schenck,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Stevens, 
Thayer,  Thomas,  Up.son, Van  Valkenburgh,  Elihu  B. Wash- 
burne, William  B.  Washburn,  Webster,  Whaley,  Wilder, 
Wilson,  and  Windom — 65. 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
cona, Augustus C.  Baldwin,  Brooks, James  S.  Brown, Chan- 
ler,  ColTiolli,  Cox,  Dawson,  Eldridge,  Finck,  Ganson,  Gri- 
der, Griswold,  Hale,  Harding,  Harringnni,  Charles  M.  Har- 
ris, llerriek,  Holman,  Hiuehins,  Ingersoll,  Philip  Johnson, 
William  Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Kernan,  Law,  Lazear,  Le 
Blond,  iMarcy,  McAllister,  McDowell,  McKinney,  Middle- 
ton,  Muorhcad,  James  K.  Morris,  Morriiion, Leonard  Myers, 


Nelson,  Noble,  Odell,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Pruyn,  Radford, 
Samuel  J.  Randall,  Robinson,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins, 
Scoficid,  Scott.  Siiaujion,  Smith,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles, 
Strouse,  Sweat,  Tracy,  VVadsworth,  Ward,  Wheeler,  Chil- 
ton A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Williams,  and  Fernando 
Wood— 67. 

NOT  VOTING  — Messrs.  Ames,  Anderson,  Arnold, 
Blaine,  Bliss,  Blow,  Boyd,  Brandegee,  William  G.  Brown, 
Clay,  Cravens,  Creswell,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Tl]<nna.«i  T. 
Davis,  Denison,  Driggs,  Duitmnt,  Eden,  Edgerton,  English, 
Fenton,  Grinnell,  Hall,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Kasson,  Fran- 
cis W.  Kellogg,  King,  Knapp,  Littlejohn,  Long,  Mallory, 
Marvin, McBride,  William  H.  Miller,  Charles  O'Neill,  Jolin 
O'Neill,  Patterson,  Ponieroy,  William  H.  Randall,  Edward 
H.  Rollins,  Ross,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  John  B.  Steele, 
Smart,  Voorhees,  Winlield,  Benjamin  Wood,  Woodbridge, 
and  Yeaman — 50. 

So  the  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 
LEGISL.\T1VE  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  A  short  time  since  I  moved 
the  appointment  of  a  second  committee  of  confer- 
ence upon  the  legislative  and  executive  appro- 
priation bill.  Inasmuch  asitis  important  to  have 
the  bill  acted  upon  speedily,  I  desire  not  to  be  a 
member  of  the  committee,  and  to  suggest,  if  it  is 
proper  to  do  so,  that  inasmuch  as  the  present 
committee  not  only  understand  the  subject-mat- 
ters in  controversy,  as  also  the  views  of  the 
House,  which  no  doubt  they  will  take  in  the  na- 
ture of  instructions,  that  it  would  be  better  for 
the  public  service  that  the  same  committee  should 
be  reappointed. 

The  SPEAKER.  In  accordance  with  the  sug- 
gestion made  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  the 
Chair  reap|ioints  the  same  committee. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
their  Secretary,  informed  (he  House  that  the  Sen- 
ate have  agreed  to  the  report  of  the  committee 
ofconference  on  the  bill  of  the  House  (No.  290) 
for  the  relief  of  Rhoda  Wolcott,  widow  of  Henry 
Wolcott. 

That  the  Senate  have  passed  a  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
521)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  provide  for 
the  payment  of  the  claims  of  Peruvian  citizens 
under  the  convention  between  the  United  States 
and  Peru  of  the  12th  of  January,  1863,"  ap- 
proved June  1,  1864,  without  amendment. 

That  the  Senate  have  passed  a  bill  (S.  No.  278) 
prescribing  the  terms  on  which  exemplifications 
shall  be  furnished  by  the  General  Land  Office;  in 
which  the  concurrence  of  the  House  was  requested. 

That  the  Senate  have  disagreed  to  the  amend- 
ment of  the  House  to  the  bill  of  the  Senate  (No. 
266)to  prevent  smuggling,  and  for  other  purposes. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  that  they  had  examined  and  found 
truly  enrolled  an  act  (H.  R.  No.  356)  requiring 
proof  of  payment  of  duties  on  foreign  salt  before 
payment  of  theallowancesprovided  for  by  the  acts 
of  July  29,  1813,  and  March  3,  1819;  and  an  act 
(H.R.  No.  40)  making  appropriations  forthecon- 
sularand  diplomatic  expenses  of  the  Government 
for  the  year  ending  30th  June,  1865,  and  for  other 
purposes;  when  the  Speaker  signed  the  same. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE AGAIN. 

Four  hundred  and  sixty-first  amendment: 

In  section  one  hundred  and  three,  line  four,  strike  out 
"  three"  and  insert "  two  and  a  half;"  so  that  the  section 
will  read: 

■  That  any  person,  firm,  company,  orcorporation  carrying 
on  or  doing  an  express  business  shall  be  subject  to  and  pay 
a  duty  of  2|-  per  cent,  on  the  gross  amount  of  all  the  receipts 
of  such  express  business. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     The  effect  of  this  amend- 
ment of  course  is  easily  perceived.     It  is  to  di- 
minish the  tax  upon  the  gross  receipts  of  these 
express  companies  from  3  to  2k  per  cent.     I  do, 
not  know  any  companies  in  the  country  who  can] 
better  afford  to  pay  a  large  tax  than  these  com- 
panies.    It  seems   to  me  there  is  no  reason  fori 
reducing  the  taxes  they   are   required    to    pay. 
Three  per  cent.,  indeed,  does  not  correspond  with] 
the  tax  we   impose  upon  other  departments  of 
business,  and  the  experience  of  every  memberl 
must  be  that  the  express  companies  throughout] 
the  entire  country  make  charges  for  the  perform- 
ance of  their   services  far  exceeding  almost  any 
otiier    branch    of   public    business.     I  trust   the 
amendment  will  not  be  concurred  in. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Representations  were  mad'e 
to  the  Comniitice  of  Ways  and  Means  which  sat- 
isfied  them   that  2|  per  cent,  was  a  very  large 


I 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3019 


nmount  of  tax  to  be  paid  by  these  companies. 
They  have  in  ihe  first  place  to  hire  and  pay  the 
railroad  companies  for  f^reight  cars,  and  their  ex- 
hibits show  tiiat  of  their  gross  receipts  they  pay 
out  80  per  cent,  for  expenses  of  all  sorts.  So 
that  2|  per  cent,  upon  the  gross  receipts  is  a  very 
large  tax. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  would  like  to  say  one  word 
further  in  reference  to  this  amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.     The  gentleman  can   only 

Erocced  by  unanimous  consent,  as  debate  is  ex- 
austed. 

No  objection  was  made. 

Mr.  ItIOLMAN.  I  wish  to  state  a  single  fact 
in  regard  to  the  extent  that  these  companies  can 
bear  taxation.  Two  weeks  ago  I  wished  to  send 
to  the  city  of  Cincinnati  the  remains  of  a  dead 
private  soldier,  whose  friends  desired  his  remains 
to  rest  at  their  home.  The  passage  of  a  citizen 
from  here  to  Cincinnati"  is  §17.  The  charges 
made  for  the  transportation  of  the  body  of  adead 
soldier  from  this  city  to  Cincinnati,  as  freight, 
*as  the  sum  of  |40. 

[  wish  to  say  in  this  connection,  that  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania  is  the  only  State  I  know  of  which 
seems  to  have  a  proper  regard  for  the  sacrifices 
which  are  being  made,  both  by  the  living,  and  the 
affections  of  the  living,  for  those  who  fall  in  our 
service.  That  State  makes  arrangements  by  which 
their  dead  soldiers  go  to  their  home  for  interment. 

The  express  companies, which  are  here  for  the 
favor  of  paying  only  2^  per  cent,  instead  of  the  5 
per  cent,  imposed  upon  other  persons  engaged  in 
business,  charged  for  the  simple  service  of  trans- 
porting the  remains  of  a  dead  soldier  from  here  to 
a  point  but  a  short  distance  beyond  the  city  of 
Cincinnati, $40;  and  for  its  transportation  a  little 
distance  beyond,  they  charged  $5  where  a  private 
individual  would  have  charged  75  cents.  IN'ow,  I 
do  not  see  any  reason  why  these  companies 
should  be  favored.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe  that 
there  is  no  department  of  business  in  the  country 
that  pays  such  enormous  profits.  1  am  told  by 
those  familiar  with  the  subject  that  all  of  these 
companies  have  duplicated  their  stock,  and  still 
the  stock  retains  its  actual  value,  the  nominal  price 
at  which  it  wasoriginally  established.  Itis  profit- 
able beyond  all  measure,  because  they  are  en- 
abled by  monopolies  to  control  the  transportation 
throughout  the  entire  country.  It  does  seem  to 
me  that  there  is  no  reason  why  this  reduction 
should  be  made.  I  call  for  tellers  on  concurring 
in  the  amendment. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  McKinnet 
and  Thayer  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  35,  noes  62. 

So  the  amendment  was  not  concurred    in. 

Six  hundred  and  thirtieth  amendment: 

Strike  out  the  following  section  : 

Sec.  178.  ^nd  be  it  further  enacted.  That  all  spirits  of 
domestic  production  and  held  for  sale  on  the  1st  day  of  May, 
1864,  and  upon  which  no  tax  shall  have  been  paid,  shall  be 
subject  toaduty  ofoO  cents  per  gallon,  and  all  such  spirits 
on  hand  for  sale  upon  which  a  pri*r  duty  shall  have  been 
paid  shall  be  subject  to  aduty  of  30  cents  per  gallon  :  Pro- 
vided, That  bona  fide  retail  dealers  in  spirits  duly  licensed 
shall  not  be  taxed  on  their  stock  on  hand  whose  quantity 
on  hand  does  not  exceed  two  barrels. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  This  question  has  been  so 
often  tried  in  the  House  that  I  suppose  hardly 
any  gentleman  desires  to  make  up  a  further  rec- 
ord on  the  subject.  I  am  assured  by  the  friends 
of  the  proposition  to  tax  liquors  on  hand  that 
they  have  absolutely  no  hope  of  its  passing  the 
Senate. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  would 
like  to  know  who  those  friends  are. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  can  see  no  reason  for  de- 
taining the  House  on  this  subject.  Every  day's 
delay  in  the  passage  of  this  bill  costs  the  Gov- 
ernment at  least  half  a  million  dollars.  I  think 
gentlemen  must  be  satisfied  with  the  record,  and 
must  also  be.  satisfied  of  another  thing,  that  if  a 
tax  should  be  levied  on  liquors  on  hand  it  would 
not  reach  the  parties  who  have  t^ade  most  on 
them. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  In  reply  to  the 
gentleman  from  Vermont  I  desire  to  say  that 
whatever  this  House  or  the  other  House  may 
have  done  upon  thisquestion,thei-e  is  a  great  prin- 
ciple involved,  and  we  are  not  pi-epared  to  yield 
it  in  consequence  of  any  precedents.  1  believe 
that  if  liquor  on  hand  is  taxed  the  revenue  to  be 
derived  from  it  will  be  three  times  what  it  would 


have  been  heretofore.  We  know  that  manufac- 
tories and  stills  have  been  going  to  an  unpre- 
cedented extent  for  the  last  three  months  in  an- 
ticipation of  the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  that  the 
quantity  that  can  now  be  reached  by  the  opera- 
tion of  the  amendment  of  the  House  is  unprece- 
dentedly  large.  I  am  surprised,  therefore,  that 
the  gentleman  is  not  prepared  to  avail  himself  of 
the  aniount  of  i-evenue  which  can  be  derived  from 
it.  I  hope  the  House  will  not  concur  in  the 
amendment  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  NELSON.  I  move  to  strike  out  the  pro- 
viso to  the  section.  This  question  has  been  very 
fully  discussed  before  the  House,  and  the  House 
has,  as  far  as  it  has  been  able,  on  various  occa- 
sions determined  to  tax  the  stock  on  hand.  Upon 
the  one  side  of  the  Chamber  they  tell  us  that  they 
desire  to  furnish  means  to  carry  on  the  Govern- 
ment. Upon  this  side  of  the  Chamber  some  of  us 
say  that  we  are  ready  to  meet  you  and  aid  you 
to  the  extent  of  our  power  in  adding  every  dollar 
possible  to  increase  the  revenue. 

When  this  question  first  came  before  the  House, 
I,  with  others,  voted  to  tax  the  stock  on  hand. 
I  did  it  because  I  honestly  believed  that  it  would 
add  more  money  to  the  Treasury.  I  honestly 
believe  now  that  this  Government  has  lost  mil- 
lions of  dollars  by  the  debates  that  have  been  had 
and  the  controversy  upon  this  bill. 

One  thing  further,  Mr.  Speaker.  I  find  that  we 
upon  this  side  of  the  Chamber  who  were  willing 
to  aid  the  Government  by  all  the  men  and  means 
necessary  to  quell  the  rebellion,  we  who  joined 
with  the  gentleman  from  New  York  in  voting 
with  him  when  the  question  was  first  presented, 
when  the  issue  was  presented  to  the  country  on 
the  tangible  and  pi-actical  question  of  adding  dol- 
lars to  the  Treasury,  every  man  who  was  ex- 
tremelyanxious  to  tax  the  stock  on  hand, because, 
as  they  said,  it  would  add  money  to  the  Treasury, 
voted  against  the  entire  bill. 

Mr.  Speaker,  there  is  but  one  single  point  in 
the  issue,  and  that  point  is  this:  that  the  taxing 
of  this  specific  article  on  hand  is  out  of  the  ordi- 
nary course  and  rule  of  congressional  action. 
No  other  species  of  property  has  been  taxed  as 
property.  The  theory  and  operation  of  the  pres- 
ent bill  is  that  it  is  a  taxation  not  on  property 
but  on  manufactures.  That  being  so,  I,  for  one, 
agreeing  with  those  who  desire  to  bring  money 
into  the  Treasury,  also  agree  with  those  who 
desire  to  stop  this  controversy,  and  to  enable  the 
Government  to  commence  the  receipt  of  customs 
from  the  proceeds  of  this  business.  When  the 
time  comes  that  it  will  be  the  policy  of  a  major- 
ity of  the  House  to  tax  property  as  property  and 
not  as  manufactures,  then  will  gentlemen  who 
desire  to  put  money  into  the  Treasury  join  with 
those  who  desire  to  tax  the  stock  on  hand.  When 
you  tax  real  estate,  when  you  tax  personal  prop- 
erty as  property,  not  as  manufactures,  then  we 
can  all  join  together. 

This  controversy  all  arises  from  one  cause.  It 
arises  from  the  opinions  of  men  who  are  opposed 
to  all  taxation.  The  gentlemen  of  the  House 
will  find  one  fact,  that  every  single  man  who  is  ex- 
tremely anxious  to  tax  the  stock  on  hand,  on  the 
one  side  of  the  Chamber,  invariably  votes  against 
every  tax  bill  presented  to  the  consideration  of 
Congress.  It  is  time  that  the  country  was  re- 
ceiving some  money  from  this  business;  and  the 
quicker  we  get  out  of  the  disagreement  among 
ourselves  the  better  it  will  be,  at  all  events,  for 
the  Government. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  rise  to  op- 
pose the  amendment  to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  NELSON.  I  ask  leave  to  withdraw  the 
amendment  to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  object  to 
the  gentleman  withdrawingit.  I  must  say  that  I 
was  somewhat  amused  at  the  grave  suggestion  of 
my  friend  from  Vermont  [Mr.  Morrill]  made 
to  us  in  reference  to  this  amendment,  which  is 
deemed  by  a  majority  of  the  House  very  vital  and 
important  to  their  constituents  who  are  the  tax- 
payers. 

The  gentleman  from  Vermont  says  that  we 
have  made  our  record.  We  have.  This  side  has 
made  its  record  over  and  over  again  in  favor  of 
imposing  a  just  and  proper  tax  on  the  stock  of 
whisky  on  hand.  In  every  instance  but  one 
where  we  have  taken  a  vote  there  has  been  a 
majority  in  favor  of  this  proposition.  And  now 
we  are  iisked  by  the  gentleman  who  has  from  the 


commencement  of  this  session  been  the  champion 
of  exempting  this  greatspeculating  and  gambling 
interest  from  taxation  that  the  i'rienda  of  this 
just  taxation  shall  make  no  further  record,  and 
give  no  further  trouble  on  the  subject.  I  hope 
the  gentleman's  appeals  will  be  disregarded.  His 
statements  as  to  what  the  loss  of  the  Govcrmncnt 
has  been,  and  what  the  future  loss  may  be,  on 
account  of  this  delay,  fall  harmless  before  me. 
Let  us,  as  representatives  of  the  people  here, "the 
immediate  representatives  of  the  tax-payers,  do 
our  duty  to  our  constituents  and  to  the  country. 
If  the  Senate  see  fit  to  interpose,  let  the  respons- 
ibility fall  upon  that  body. 

I  hope  the  House  will  insist  first,  last,  and  all 
the  time,  on  this  amendment.  If  there  be  a  de- 
sire to  save  time  and  to  let  this  bill  go  into  opera- 
tion, let  the  gentleman  from  Vermont  call  upon 
his  friends  in  the  Senate  to  recede  from  their  ac- 
tion and  accept  the  portion  of  the  bill  passed  in 
this  House.  Let  this  tax  fall  upon  those  men 
who  are  so  well  able  to  bear  it,  and  let  us  have  the 
fifteen  or  twenty  million  dollars  put  into  the 
Treasury  which  we  need  now  most  grievously. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  do  not  care  to  discuss  this  ques- 
tion at  length.  I  only  desired  to  express  the  hope 
that  every  man  who  has  stood  by  this  position 
heretofore,  on  the  grounds  of  its  justice  and  its 
policy,  will  stand  so  to  the  end.  We  can  stand  on 
this.  I  think  the  country  has  passed  upon  it.  I 
think  that  our  constituents  at  home  who  have 
canvassed  our  action  are  satisfied  that  this  tax 
shall  be  laid. 

Mr.  NELSON.  Can  the  gentleman  name  any 
other  article  in  this  bill  taxed  as  property  ? 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Tiie  gen- 
tleman asked  that  question  before,  and  I  am  glad 
that  he  has  again  reminded  me  of  it.  He  rJays  it 
is  unusual  to  lay  a  tax  of  this  description.  1  tell 
him  we  have  adopted  a  provision,  which  is  now 
a  law,  taxing  liquors  on  hand.  We  have  estab- 
lished the  precedent  in  the  revenue  bill  which 
passed  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  session.  We 
imposed  a  tax  on  all  foreign  liquors  on  hand,  and 
I  want  my  friend  from  New  York  to  tell  me  where 
is  the  difference  in  principle  between  imposing  a 
tax  on  foreign  liquors  on  hand  and  ini[iosing  a 
tax  on  domestic  liquors  on  hand. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  the  previous  question 
on  this  amendment  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Is  not  the  House 
acting  as  in  committee?  How  can  there  be  any 
previous  question  ? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  motion  is  the  same  as 
one  to  close  debate. 

Mr.  FERNANDO  WOOD.  Do  not  the  same 
rules  apply  as  in  committee.'' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  House  is  acting  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  a  motion  for  the 
previous  question  is  precisely  the  same  as  a  mo- 
tion to  close  debate  on  an  amendment  under  con- 
sideration in  committee. 

Mr.  NELSON.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to 
answer  the  question  of  the  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois. 

There  was  no  objection. 

Mr.  NELSON.  I  reply  to  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  that  there  is  a  wide  distinction  between 
the  two  systems  of  taxation.  Our  people  never 
before  the  present  time  have  known  such  a  thing 
as  an  internal  revenue  bill.  It  has  now,  however, 
become  indispensable  under  the  circumstances  for 
the  American  people.  The  necessities  of  the  Gov- 
ernment require  it.  Congress  has  adopted  a  plan 
of  taxation,  and  I  state  to  the  gentleman  i^rom 
Illinois  that  in  that  plan  we  have  determined  to 
tax  articles,  not  as  property,  but  as  manufac- 
tures. Whatever  tax  may  be  laid  upon  all  im- 
ported articles  furnishes  no  precedent  for  the  tax- 
ation of  any  article  under  our  internal  revenue 
system,  because  that  is  an  entirely  different  sys- 
tem. Our  internal  revenue  tax  is  a  system  per 
se  in  itself,  and  under  that  system  no  other  article 
is  taxed  as  property. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  now  ask  for  a  vote  on  sec- 
onding the  demand  for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  INGERSOLL.  I  hope  the  gentleman 
from  Iowa  will  withdrasv  that  demand  for  a  mo- 
ment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  the  de- 
mand for  the  previous  question  is  to  be  with- 
drawn I  desire  to  be  heard  in  reply  to  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York. 

Mr.  INGERSOLL.  My  constituents  arc  very 


3020 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16,^ 


deeply  interested  in  this  question,  and  I  ask  unan- 
imous consent  to  enable  me  to  say  a  few  words. 

Mr.  COX.     1  object. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  insist  upon  my  motion  to 
close  debate. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  NELSON  withdrew  his  amendment  to  the 
amendment  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  called  for  the 
yeas  and  nays  on  concurring  in  the  amendment 
of  the  Senate. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  72,  nays  61,  not  voting  49; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Anct)na,  Blaine,  Bliss, 
Blow,  Brooks,  BrooinaU,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cotfrotli,  Cox, 
Denison,Eckley,  Edgerlon,  El(lridge,Fenton,Finck,Grider, 
Griswold,  Harrington,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Herrick,  Higby, 
Holmiin,  Hooper,  Hutchiiis,  Ingersoil,  Philip  Johnson, 
VVilliain  Johnson,  Kelley,  Law,  Lazear,  Le  Blond,  Loan, 
Long,  Marvin,  McBride,  McDowell, McIndoe.McKinney, 
Middleton,  William  H..  Miller,  Morrill,  James  R.  Morris, 
Leonard  Myers,  Nelson,  Noble,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Pat- 
terson, Pendletoii,  Perry,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Ran- 
dall, Robiiison,  Rogers,  Scott,  Shannon,  Smith,  Smithers, 
Stevens,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Thayer,  Ward, 
Whaley,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White, 
and  Wilder— 72. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Arnold,  John  D. 
Baldwin,  Baxter,  Bcaman,  Blair,  Boutwell,  James  S. 
Brown,  Chanler,  Cobb,  Cole,  Creswell,  Dawes,  Dawson, 
Deniing,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Eliot,  Farnswortli,  Frank,  Gan- 
son.  Good),  Hale,Hotchkiss,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  John  H. 
Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Julian,  Kalbfleisch,  Orlando  Kellogg, 
Littlejolni,  Longyear,  McAllister,  McClurg,  Samuel  F. 
Miller,  Moorhead,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers,  Norton, 
Odell,  Perharn,  Pike,  Price,  John  H.  Rice,  Scofield,  Sloan, 
Spaldiiig,  John  B.  Steele,  William'  G.  Steele,  Thomas, 
Tracy,  Upson,  Elilui  B.  Washburne,  William  B.  Wash- 
Lurji,  Webster,  WiDiams, Wilson,  Windoin,  and  Fernando 
Wood_61.  ,' 

NOT  VOTING  —  Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Anderson, 
Ashley,  Bally,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Boyd,  Brandegee, 
William  G.  Brown,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Clay,  Cravens, 
Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Driggs,  Dumont, 
Eden,  English,  Garfield,  Grinnell,  Hall,  Harding,  Benjamin 
G.  Harris,  Jcnckcs,  ICasson,  Francis  \V.  Kellogg,  Kernan, 
King,  Knapp,  Knox,  Mallory,  Marcy,  Miu'rison,  John 
O'Neill,  Ponn:roy,  William  H.  Randall,  Alexander  H.Rice, 
Edward  H.  Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross,  Schenck,  Starr, 
Stehbins,  Van  Valkenbnrgh,  Voorhees,  Wadswortli,  Win- 
field,  Benjamin  Wood,  Woodbridge,and  Yeatnan — 49. 

So  the  amendment  of  the  Senate  was  concurred 
in. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  House  has  now  com- 
pleted the  amendments  in  which  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and   Means   recommended  a  concurrence. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  ask  that  we  shall  now  be  al- 
lowed to  take  a  vote  on  the  other  amendments — to 
non-concur  in  them,  except  such  as  gentlemen 
may  indicate  a  desire  to  have  a  separate  vote  on. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.     I  object. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  Does  the  gentleman  propose 
that  there  shall  be  an  evening  session? 

Mr.  MORRILL.  There  is  to  be  an  evening 
session,  but  it  is  to  be  devoted  to  other  business. 

The  SPEAKER.  If  the  tax  bill  benotdisposed 
of  before  half  past  four  o'clock  this  afternoon, 
when  the  House*  lakes  a  recess,  it  will  not  come 
up  again  until  Saturday  morning. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Let  us  have  time  to  look 
over  these  amendments  and  see  on  which  ones  we 
desire  to  have  a  separate  vote  by  the  House.  If 
we  were  to  let  the  bill  go  over  till  this  evening 
we  could  examine  the  amendments  in  the  mean 
lime,  and  it  would  not  take  us  an  hour  to  dispose 
of  ihem  this  evening. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  We  might  continue  our  ses- 
sion until  after  half  past  four  o'clock,  p.m.,  and 
until  a  majority  decided  to  take  a  recess. 

Objection  was  made. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  is  manifest  but  on  few  of 
the  amendments  of  the  Senate,  in  which  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  recommend  a  non- 
concurrence,  members  will  desire  to  have  a  sep- 
arate vote.  It  is  difficult  to  indicate  them  at  this 
time.  If  it  is  understood  that  we  shall  have  half 
an  hour  this  evening,  we  can,  I  think,  dispose  of 
all  the  amendments  on  which  members  desire  a 
separate  vote. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  It  will  be  impossible  for  us 
to  have  any  portion  of  this  evening  unless  some 
arrangement  can  be  made  in  reference  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  That 
committee  has  this  evening  after  the  morning 
hour.  If  there  be  no  objection,  as  the  chairman 
of  that  committee  requested,  we  can  instead  set 
apart  the  whole  of  nextTuesday  for  that  business. 
If  that  be  agreed  to,  we  can  lake  up  the  tax  bill 
after  the  morning  hour  this  cvcnina;. 


Mr.  ANCONA.  I  object  so  far  as  setting  apart 
next  Tuesday  for  the  Committee  on  Military  Af- 
fairs is  concerned. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  that  the  session  be 
tjontinued  unlil  five  o'clock. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FIOLMAN.  Accordingto  the  understand- 
ing last  evening,  I  ask  for  a  vote  on  the  seventy- 
fourth  amendment. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Strike  out  the  words  "  one  thousand"  and  insert  the 
words  '•  fifteen  hundred  ;"  so  that  the  section  will  read : 

Sec.  24.  And  he  it  further  enacted , 'TbM  there  shall  be 
allowed  to  collectors,  in  full  compensation  for  their  ser- 
vices and  tliat  of  their  deputies,  a  salary  of  $1,500  per  an- 
num, to  be  paid  quarterly. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  have  a  word  to  say  on  that 
amendment.  1  stated  last  evening  that  if  the  pay 
of  the  principal  collector  be  reduced,  and  that  of 
the  assistant  collectors  increased,  1  would  not 
raise  any  objection  to  it.  I  think  that  more  com- 
petency is  required  on  the  part  of  the  assistant 
collectors  than  on  the  part  of  the  principal  col- 
lector. We  have  increased  the  pay  of  the  prin- 
cipal collector,  and  now  it  is  proposed  to  increase 
the  pay  of  assistant  collectors  from  $1,000  to 
$1,500.  We  also  increase  from  2|  to  3  per  cent, 
on  the  first  $100,000.  This  will  create  an  enor- 
mous salary;  and  I  propose  to  leave  it  as  it  was 
fixed  by  the  House.  The  subject  has  been  thor- 
oughly considered  by  the  House;  and  1  presume 
no  further  argument  is  necessary. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  So  far  as  the  cities  and  pop- 
ulous districts  are  concerned,  this  is  a  matter  of 
no  importance.  The  collectors  there  would  get 
$1,500  at  any  rate,  but  in  the  sparsely  settled  dis- 
tricts where  little  revenue  is  collected  this  is  ne- 
cessary. In  Pennsylvania  is  a  district  from  Lake 
Erie  to  the  Susquehanna,  some  three  hundred 
miles,  a  great  part  wilderness,  some  counties  with 
not  more  than  four  or  five  thousand  inhabitants. 
The  collector  must  go  through  that  district,  and 
he  must  have  his  deputies;  $1,000  would  not  pay 
them.  I  am  against  these  poor  districts  being 
discriminated  against,  and  I  hope  the  amendment 
will  be  concurred  in. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  would  be  glad  to  have  the 
yeas  and  nays  upon  this  amendment. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Indiana  to  withdraw  the  demand  for  the  yeas  and 
nays.  The  idea  of  this  amendment  was  to  equal- 
ize the  payment  of  these  collectors,  so  that  the 
collectors  who  receive  a  small  sum  and  whose 
districts  cover  a  large  territory  shall  receive  a 
little  more,  and  those  whose  districts  cover  a  small 
territory  and  receive  a  large  sum  shall  receive  a 
little  less,  so  that  the  entire  expenditure  will  be  no 
moretiian  before.  For  that  reason  the  committee 
have  recommended  a  concurrence  in  the  first 
amendment  of  the  Senate,  and  a  non-concurrence 
in  the  second. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  If  you  pay  the  collector, 
beginning  with  a  thousand  dollar  salary,  and  al- 
low him  3  per  cent,  or  even  2^  per  cent,  upon  the 
amount  he  collects,  he  receives  a  very  ample  com- 
pensation even  if  he  collects  but  $50,000.  My  ex- 
perience is  that  the  collector  does  not  have  to  em- 
ploy deputies  in  cases  where  he  collects  little  or 
nothing,  I  care  not  what  the  extent  of  his  district, 
and  he  receives  the  whole  salary.  My  observation 
is  that  the  collectors  are  able  under  the  provisions 
of  this  act  to  employ  their  deputies,  pay  them  a 
reasonable  compensation,  and  receive  their  whole 
salaries  without  the  rendition  of  one  single  particle 
of  service.  They  can  do  it  well  and  readily,  and 
there  is  not  an  office  in  the  country  which  pays 
so  well.  In  my  own  district,  a  rural  district,  the 
collector  receives  a  salary  far  beyond  that  of  any 
office  in  the  gift  of  tlie  people  of  my  own  State — 
a  thousand  dollars  beyond. 

When  the  House  fixed  this  compensation  to  be- 
gin with  at  $1,000,  we  were  doing  a  great  deal, 
because  it  will  be  remembered  that  under  the  old 
law  we  paid  no  salary  whatever,  but  only  a  per- 
centage. Now,  the  House  began  by  paying 
$1,000  as  a  fixed  salary,  and  without  any  refer- 
ence to  a  percentage;  and  the  argument  in  favor 
of  it  is  that  we  thereby  do  justice  to  the  collectors 
of  districts  where  only  a  small  sum  is  collected — 
because  there  may  be  districts  where  the  amount 
collected  is  so  inconsiderable  that  the  percentage 
is  very  small.  But  there  at  least  $1,000  is  se- 
cured; and  it  does  seem  to  mc  that  to  go  beyond 


that  and  give  $1,500  is  going  beyond  all  bounds 
of  reason,  and  will  render  the  lav/  odious  on  ac- 
count of  the  enormous  compensation  which  we 
will  have  to  pay  for  the  collection  of  our  taxes. 

The  question  was  then  taken;  and  it  was  decided 
in  the  negative — yeas  53,  nays  69,  not  voting  60; 
as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Allison,  Ashley,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Bax- 
ter, Beaman,  Blow,  Cobb,  Cole,  Deming,  Dixon.  Donnelly, 
Driggs,  Eliot,  Farnswortli,  Garfield,  Gooch, Griswold,  Hig- 
by, Hooper,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  Ingersoil,  Kelley,  Or- 
lando Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan,  Longyear,  Marvin,  McBride, 
McClurg,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Morrill,  Leonard 
Myers,  Norton,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Pendleton,  Price, 
Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Shannon,  Sinitlicrs, 
Spalding,  Stevens,  Thayer,  Upson,  Ward,  Webster,  Wil- 
liams, Wilder,  Wilson,  VVindom,  and  Woodbridge — 53. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen, 
Ames,  Ancona.  Arnold,  Blair,  Bliss,  Boutwell,  Broomall, 
James  S.  Brown,  Cox,  Creswell,  Dawes,  Dawson,  Denison, 
Eckley,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Finck,  Frank,  Ganson, 
Grider,  Hale,  Harding,  Harrington,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Hol- 
man,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Philip  Johnson,  William 
Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Kernan,  Law,  Lazear,  Le  Blond, 
Long,  Marcy,  McAllister,  McDowell,  Middleton,  Daniel 
Morris,  J  amesR.  Morris,  Amos  Myers,  Noble,  Odell,  Perry, 
Pike,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Robinson,  Ross,  Scofield,  Scott, 
John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart, 
Sweat,  Tiiomas,  Tracy,  Wads  worth,  Elihu  B.  Washburne, 
William  B.  Washburn,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  While,  Jo- 
seph W.  White,  and  Fernando  Wood — 69. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Alley,  Anderson,  Baily,  Augus- 
tus C.  Baldwin,  Blaine,  Boyd,  Brandegee,  Brooks,  William 
G.  Brown,  Chanler,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Clay,  Cuffroth,  Cravens,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T. 
Davis,  Dumont,  English,  Fenton,  Grinnell,  Hall,  Benjamin 
G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hotchkiss,  Hutchiiis,  Jenckes,  Julian, 
Kasson,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  King,  Knapp,  Littlejohii, 
Mallory,. Mclndoe,  McKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  Morri- 
son, Nelson,  John  O'Neill,  Patterson,  Perham,  Pomeroy, 
Pruyn,  Radford,  William  H.  Randall,  Rogers,  Edward  H. 
Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins,  Schenck,  Sloan,  Smith,  Starr, 
Stebbins,  Van  Valkenbnrgh,  Voorhees,  Whaley,  VVinfield, 
Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yeaman — 60. 

So  the  amendment  was  not  concurred  in.  ^ 

During  the  call  of  the  roll, 

Mr.  ALLISON  stated  that  Mr.  Kasson  was 
detained  from  the  House  by  sickness. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  now  renew  my  proposi- 
tion that-the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  have 
Tuesday  next  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of 
business  from  that  committee. 

Mr.  ANCONA.     I  withdraw  my  objection. 

No  further  objection  being  made,  Tuesday  next 
was  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of  business 
from  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  now  also  propose  that  the 
House  take  a  recess  until  half  pastseven  o'clock 
this  evening,  in  order  to  give  gentlemen  time  to 
examine  and  indicate  any  amendments  upon 
which  they  desire  a  separate  vote,  with  the  un- 
derstanding that  upon  reassembling  this  evening 
we  will  take  a  vote  in  gross  to  non-concur  in  all 
amendments  upon  which  a  separate  vote  is  not 
demanded,  in  order  that  we  may  dispose  of  the 
bill  to-night. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  object 
to  that  until  the  time  arrives  for  the  indication  of 
those  amendments  which  we  desire  to  have  a 
separate  vote  on.  I  desire  to  have  the  club  in 
my  own  hands. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Then  I  hope 
we  shall  go  on  with  the  bill. 

Mr,  HOLMAN,  There  is  a  misapprehension 
on  the  part  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 
It  is  understood,  of  course,  that  when  we  meet 
this  evening  a  vote  can  be  insisted  on  on  any  par- 
ticular amendment.  That  is  all  the  gentletnan 
from  Pennsylvania  desires. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania will  understand  that  I  do  not  desire  to 
deprive  him  of  the  power  to  call  for  a  separate 
vote  on  any  amendment. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  will 
withdraw  my  objection  this  evening,  if  I  so  de- 
sire. 

The  Clerk  proceedfed  to  rea.d  the  amendments 
ia  which  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
recommended  n  on -concurrence. 

Mr.  HOLMAN,  (interrupting.)  I  suggest 
again  that  we  lake  a  recess  until  half  past  seven 
o'clock,  and  then  we  can  indicate  the  amendments 
on  which  we  desire  separate  votes. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  In  ob- 
jecting to  the  amendments  to  this  lax  bill  being 
considered  in  gross,  I  do  not  wish  to  interrupt 
the  disposition  of  the  bill  this  evening,  or  to  in- 
terfere in  any  way  with  its  consideration.  All  I 
desire  is  that  if  upon  the  consideration  of  these 
amendments  we  desire  a  separate  vote  upon  any 
one,  we  shall  have  it  without  interference. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3021 


Mr.  MORRILL.  That  is  precisely  the  prop- 
osition I  intended  to  make. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Then  I 
do  not  think  the  gentleman  stated  it  very  clenrly. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Perhaps  not.  I  now  move 
that  we  take  a  recess  until  half  past  seven  o'clock. 

TheSPEAKER.  The  Chairunderstands,  then, 
that  any  gentleman  can  to-night  demand  a  sepa- 
rate vote  on  all  the  amendments. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  That  is 
what  I  desire,  and  I  assure  the  gentleman  from 
Vermont  tliat,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  there 
shall  be  no  factious  action.  The  gentleman  will 
recollect  that  I  voted  in  favorof  this  tax  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  then  understands 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  reserve  the 
right  to  claim  a  separate  vote  this  evening  on 
every  amendment. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
Speaker  understands  me  correctly. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Tliere  is  to  be  a  separate  vote 
on  all  those  he  or  any  other  gentleman  indicates, 
but  on  all  others  the  vote  is  to  be  taken  in  gross. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  claims  a  sep- 
arate vote  on  such  amendments  as  he  desires,  in- 
dicating them  as  the  Clerk  reads  them. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  now  press  my  motion  for 
a  recess. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  thereupon  (at 
half  past  four  o'clock,  p.  m.)  the  House  took  a 
recess  until  half  past  seven  o'clock,  p.  m. 


EVENING  SESSfON. 
The  House  resumed  its  session  at  half  past 
seven  o'clock  p.jn. 

VOTE  RECORDED. 

Mr.VANVALKENBURGH.  I  ask  the  unan- 
imous consent  of  the  House  to  record  my  vote  in 
favor  of  concurring  in  the  six  hundred  and  thir- 
tieth amendment  of  the  Senate  to  the  internal  rev- 
enue bill.  , 

No  objection  was  made;  and  Mr.  Van  Val- 
KENBURGH  voted  in  the  affirmative. 

MICHIGAN  LAND  GRANT. 

Mr.  DRIGGS.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  Flouse  to  take  from  the  Speake-r's  table  bill 
of  the  House  No.  227,  granting  lands  to  the  State 
of  Michigan  for  the  construction  of  certain  wagon 
roads  for  military  and  postal  services,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  concurring  in  tlie  amendments  of  the  Sen- 
ate. I  will  state  that  although  I  should  have  pre- 
ferred the  bill  as  it  originally  passed  the  House, 
regarding  the  Senate  amendmentsas  not  very  im- 
portant, and  not  being  willing  to  run  the  risk  of 
losing  the  bill  this  session,  I,  as  well  as  the  Com- 
mittee on  Public  Lands,  am  willing  to  concur.  I 
therefore  move  to  concur. 

No  objection  being  made,  the  bill  was  taken 
up,  and  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  were  con- 
curred in. 

Mr.  DRIGGS  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  amendments  were  concuired  in;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

OVERLAND  MAIL  ROUTE. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  ask  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  House  to  offer  the  following  resolution : 

Resohcd,  Th:U  tlie  Postmaster  General  be  directed  to 
inform  tlie  Hoikse  wliat  bids  were  made  for  carrying  the 
mails  on  the  overland  route  to  tlie  Pacific,  giving  each  bid, 
and  whether  any  of  the  bidders  were  persons  belonging  to 
the  present  Overland  Mail  Conipnny  ;  if  so,  what  was  his 
bid  ;  also,  what  is  the  amount  of  the  contract  with  the 
present  contractors. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  read  all  that  information  in 
the  newspapers  this  mornino- 

Mr.WASHBURNE,ofilUnois.  Let  us  have 
it  officially. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     I  am  afraid  there  are  some 
things  that  we  do  not  know. 
The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

WASHINGTON  MARKET  BUILDINGS. 
Mr.  THOMAS,  by  unanimous  consent,  intro- 
duced the  following  resolution;  which  was  read, 
considered,  and  agreed  to: 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  for  the  Distrjet  of  Co- 
lumbia be  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  au- 
thorizing some  arrangement  witli  the  corporate  authorities 
of  Washington  city  for  the  removal  of  the  unsiglitly  build- 
ings used  as  marljet-houses,  standing  between  Pennsyl- 
vania avenue  and  the  Washington  canal,  and  for  the  au- 


nexation  of  the  ground  now  occupied  by  these  btiildings 
to  the  area  in  wliich  the  buikliiigs  of  the  Siiiithsoiiian  In- 
stitution are  placed. 

PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

The  Flouse  proceeded,  as  a  special  order,  to 
the  consideration  of  House  bill  No.  4.38,  to  amend 
an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line  from  the  Mis- 
souri liver  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  to  secure  to 
the  Government  the  use  of  the  same  for  postal, 
military,  and  other  purposes,"  approved  July  1, 
1862. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  have  one  or  two  amend- 
ments which  I  am  directed  by  the  special  com- 
mittee on  the  Pacific  railroad  to  offer  to  this  bill. 
I  move  to  amend  section  twelve  by  adding  after 
the  words  "  railroad  company"  the  words  "  now 
known  as  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company, 
eastern  division;"  so  that  it  will  read: 

That  the  Leavenvvortlj,  Pawnee,  and  Western  Railroad 
Company,  now  Itnovvn  as  the  Union  Pacific  liailruad  Com- 
pany, easti^rn  division,  shall  build  the  railroad  from  the 
mouth  of  Kansas  river  by  the  way  of  Leavenworth. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  a  similar  amendment 
to  tlie  same  section  at  the  etid  of  the  words  "  the 
Ldaven worth.  Pawnee,  and  Western  Railroad 
Company." 

Theamendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  amend  the  thir- 
teenth section  by  inserting  "one"  instead  of 
"  two;"  so  that  it  will  read: 

.At  least  one  of  said  Government  directors  shall  be  placed 
on  each  of  the  standing  committees  of  said  company,  and 
at  least  one  on  every  special  committee  that  may  be  ap- 
pointed. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  amend  by  insert- 
ing after  the  thirteenth  section  the  following: 

The  next  election  for  directors  of  said  railroad  shall  be 
held  01!  the  first  Wednesday  of  October,  at  the  othce  of  said 
company  in  the  city  of  New  York,  between  the  hours  of 
ten  o'clock  a.  m.  and  four  o'clock  p.  m.  of  said  d:iy ;  and 
all  subsequent  reguiarelectioiis  shall  be  held  annually  there- 
after at  tlie  same  place;  and  the  directors  shall  hold  their 
office  for  one  year,  and  until  their  successors  are  qualified. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  amend  by  insert- 
ing after  the  foregoing  amendment  the  following: 
Tlie  several  companies  authorized  to  construct  the  afore- 
said roads  are  hereby  required  to  operate  and  use  said  roads 
and  telegraph  lor  all  jmrposes  of  coaimunienrion,  travel, 
and  transportation,  so  faras  thepublic  and  the  Government 
are  concerned,  as  one  continuous  line,  and  in  such  opera- 
tion and  use  to  afibrd  and  secure  to  each  other  equal  ad- 
vantages and  facilities  as  to  rates,  time,  and  transportation, 
without  any  discrimination  of  any  kind  in  favor  of  the 
road  or  business  of  any  or  either  of  said  companies,  or  ad- 
verse to  the  road  or  business  of  any  or  either  of  the  others. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  to  amend  that  amend- 
ment by  adding  the  following  words: 

And  that  said  road  shall  be  a  public  higiiway,  and  shall 
transport  the  property  and  troops  of  the  United  States, 
which  transportation  tliercof  shall  be  required  free  of  toll 
or  other  charge. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  That  is  already 
in  the  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  original  charter  pro- 
vides for  the  transportation  of  troops  and  muni- 
tions of  war.  That  transportation  was  to  be 
charged  and  credited  on  the  interest  that  the  Gov- 
ernment may  pay  on  the  bonds.  The  work  was 
not  to  be  done  free  of  charge.  The  companies 
were  allowed  to  charge  for  it,  and  the  charge  was 
to  be  credited  on  the  Government  bonds. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  remember  the  original  prop- 
osition substantially  as  tiie  gentleman  IVom  Penn- 
sylvania now  states  it.  It  provides  for  ihe  trans- 
portation of  military  supplies  of  the  Government 
on  reasonable  terms.  The  argument  against  the 
incorporation  of  this  provision  into  another  bill 
to  construct  a  road  to  the  Pacific — a  northern 
road — was  urged  that  this  bill  contained  no  pro- 
vision of  the  kind  at  all.  It  has  been  said,  and 
probably  with  truth,  that  no  other  land-grant  road 
in  the  country  has  been  constructed  without  a 
provision  of  this  kind  as  a  compensation  to  the 
Government  that  the  troops  and  property  of  the 
United  States  shall  be  transported  free  of  charge. 
We  began  that  policy,  I  believe,  as  early  as 
1851-52,  in  the  grant  of  lands  to  the  State  of  Il- 
linois, and  for  other  roads  running  from  Chicago 
and  'Galena  on  to  Mobile;  and  so  far  as  I  am 
aware  there  has  been  no  deviation  from  that  pol- 
icy since.  Prior  to  that  there  was  the  same  rule 
as  to  canals. 


Mr.  STEVENS.  I  ask  the  gentleman  whether 
he  knows  a  single  instance  in  which  the  troops 
and  munitions  of  the  Government  have  been 
transported  free;  whether  all  these  roads  have 
not  charged  and  received  pay  .' 

Mr.  tlOLMAN.  The  question  which  the 
gentleman  asks  is  easily  answered.  In  1861,  when 
our  difficulties  sprang  up,  and  when  this  subject 
began  to  acquire  interest,  it  came  up  before  the 
House.  The  question  was  referred  to  the  Judi- 
ciary Committee  to  inquire  into  the  fact  whether 
these  land-grant  roads  were  bound  to  transport 
the  troops  and  property  of  the  Government  free 
of  charge.  The  committee  reported  that  the  com- 
■panies  were  so  bound.  They  reported  that  the 
companies  were  so  liable.  It  was  ascertained 
within  the  last  few  months  that  the  Illinois  Cen- 
tral railroad,  built  just  as  this  is  proposed  to  be 
built,  by  the  Government,  by  a  vast  grant  of  pub- 
lic lands,  and  other  roads  had  been  receiving  two 
thirds  of  the  ordinary  cost  of  transportation  that 
other  roads  throughout  the  country  had  been  re- 
ceiving. A  certain  uniform  rate  was  paid  to  these 
land-grant  railroads  Ijy  the  Secretary  of  War. 
The  decision  was  made  by  the  Secretary  of  War 
in  the  fall  of  1861  that  they  should  receive  two 
ihirdsof  the  amount  paid  to  the  other  roads.  This 
House  in  the  month  of  February  last  adopted  a 
resolution  not  only  requiring  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  cause  the  amount  paid  to  them  to  be  re- 
funded, but  to  decline  hereafter  paying  them  one 
cent,  because  they  were  liable  under  the  terms  of 
the  grant  to  transport  the  property  and  troops  of 
the  Government  free  of  charge.  That  was  to  be 
the  only  benefit  received  by  the  whole  people  for 
these  grants  of  public  lands. 

It  is  true,  therefore,  that  there  lias  been  an  effort 
to  avoid  that  provision  of  these  land  grants.  It 
was  required  tiiat  the  amount  paid,  some  §700,000, 
sliould  be  refunded,  and  that  no  amount  should 
be  paid  to  any  one  of  these  roads.  That  resolu- 
tion was  adopted  unanimously  by  this  I-Iouse. 
So  was  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judi- 
ciary, thatthese  roads  were  bound  to  transport  the 
propej-ty  and  troops  of  the  Government  free  of 
charge. 

I  may  say  then,  sir,  that  it  is  the  settled  policy  of 
this  body  that  corporations  receiving  these  grants 
of  land  shall  make  this  transportation  without 
charge  to  the  Government.  It  is  only  fair  to  the 
Government.  These  grants  of  land  belong  to  the 
whole  country,  and  not  to  the  Territories  through 
which  the  roads  pass.  The  only  compensation  to 
the  American  people  is  that  these  roads  become 
military  highways,  over  which  the  property  and 
troops  of  the  Government  could  be  transported 
free  of  charge.  It  is  the  only  benefit  you  receive, 
and  it  is  one  the  people  demand. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  This  amendment  to  the  amend- 
ment it  seems  to  me  is  objecliouable  in  the  par- 
ticular way  in  which  it  is  put  by  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana,  and  it  ought  to  be  modified.  I  hope 
that  the  gentleman  will  consent  to  the  modifica- 
tion that  the  roads  shall  carry  troops  and  mu- 
nitions of  war  without  charge  to  the  Govern- 
ment if  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  satisfied 
that  their  finances  will  enable  them  to  do  so,  or 
if  not,  that  they  shall  carry  them  at  cost. 

The  sixth  section  of  the  original  charter  of  thig 
company  is  as  follows: 

"Sec.  6.  Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  the  grants  afore- 
said are  made  upon  condition  that  said  company  shall  pay 
said  bonds  at  maturiiy,  and  shall  keep  said  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  in  repair  and  use,  and  sh:ill  at  all  times  trans- 
mit dispatches  over  said  telegraph  line,  and  transport  mails, 
troops,  and  munitions  of  war,  supplies,  and  public  stores 
upon  said  railroad  lor  the  Government,  whenever  required 
to  do  so  by  any  Department  thereof,  and  that  the  Govern- 
ment shall  at  all  times  have  the  preference  in  Jlie  use  of 
the  same  for  all  the  purposes  aforesaid,  (at  fair  and  reason- 
able rates  of  compensation,  not  to  exceed  the  amounts  paid 
by  private  parties  for  the  same  kind  of  service;)  and  all 
compensation  for  services  rendered  tor  the  Government 
shall  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  said  bonds,  and  interesi 
until  the  whole  amount  is  fully  paid.  Said  company  may 
also  pay  the  United  States,' wholly  or  in  part,  in  the  same 
or  other  bonds,  Treasury  notes,  or  other  evidences  of  debt 
against  the  United  States,  to  be  allowed  at  par;  and  after 
said  road  is  completed,  until  sairi  bonds  and  interest  are 
paid,  at  least  five  percent,  of  the  net  earnings  of  said  road 
shall  also  be  annually  applied  to  the  payment  thereof." 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  What  is  the 
gentleman  reading  from.' 

Mr.  PRUYN.  The  charter  of  1862.  The  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  thinks  that  the  road  should 
be  opened  to  the  use  of  the  Government  without 
charge.  The  Secretary  of  War  puts  the  co<i- 
struction  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  statute  to 


3022 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


compel  these  companies  to  furnish  men  and  roll- 
ing stoclc  to  work  these  roads  free  of  charge. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Who  was 
the  Secretary  of  War.' 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Secretary  Cameron.  He 
was  vice  president  of  the  Northern  Central  rail- 
road, receiving  a  salary  of  ^4,000  from  that  com- 
pany and  |8,000  from  the  Government. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  It  does  not  make  a  particle  of 
difference  who  made  the  decision;  the  decision 
was  made.  The  Department  decided  that  the  act 
incorjjorating  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  Com- 
pany did  not  require  them  to  furnish  rolling  stock 
and  men  to  the  Government,  but  only  to  give  to 
the  Government  the  right  to  use  the  road  for  that 
purpose,  and  that  they  were  entitled  to  iiidem-^ 
nity  for  their  rolling  stock  and  men. 

Now,  with  reference  to  the  report  to  which  the 
gentleman  has  alluded,  it  was  introduced  into  this 
House  without  a  single  member  of  this  House 
knowinganything  about  it.  Itwas  not  discussed; 
its  contents  were  not  stated;  the  company  were 
not  heard;  and  to  the  utter  surprise  of  everybody 
that  resolution  passed  without  any  officer  of  the 
company  knowing  anything  about  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  Secretary  of  War  was 
called  upon  by  a  resolution  to  state  the  amount  of 
money  paid  to  the  Illinois  Central  and  other  rail- 
road companies  which  had  received  land  grants. 
That  was  a  public  proceeding.  He  made  a  re- 
port showing  the  amount  which  had  been  so  paid. 
The  report,  after  being  read  at  the  Clerk's  desk, 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  Claims, and  they 
reported  back  the  resolution  to  which  1  have  re- 
ferred, requiring  these  companies  to  refund  tjie 
money,  and  directing  the  Secretary  of  War  not 
to  pay  anything  to  these  roads  in  the  future. 

So  the  gentleman  from  New  York  can  scarcely 
Gay  that  so  many  transactions  could  have  oc- 
curred here  in  such  a  public  manner  without  at- 
tracting public  attention,  especially  as  that  report 
embodied  the  resolution  of  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee, reported  to  this  House  two  years  ago, 
and  adopted  by  this  body  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
declaring  the  principle  that  these  companies  were 
obliged  to  transport  these  troops  free  of  charge. 

JVir.  PRUYN.  I  do  not  care  what  Secretary 
of  War  made  the  decision.  The  payment  was 
continued  down  to  a  recentperiod,  and,  foraught 
I  know,  it  is  being  madestiil.  I  liave  no  interest 
in  that  road,  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  it;  and 
I  heard  of  this  by  accident. 

With  regard  to  the  reportof  the  Committee  of 
Claims,  all  I  can  say  is  this,  that  while  that  com- 
mittee have  considered  every  five  hundred  dollar 
case  which  came  before  it,  it  so  happened  that 
this  subject  was  brought  up,  and  at  the  first  meet- 
ing, at  which  I  was  not  present,  was  passed  upon 
withoutdiscussion,  the  members presentknowing 
the  gentleman  from  I  ndiana  was  well  acquaainted 
with  the  matter,  and  relying  upon  the  gentleman 's 
judgment,  which  they  supposed  to  be  perfectly 
well  informed.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying 
that  some  of  them  subsequently  expressed  great 
regret  that  the  report  was  made  under  the  circum- 
stances in  which  it  was  made. 

I  hope  that  .the  gentleman  from  Indiana  will 
consent  that  the  bill  may  be  modified  in  one  of 
the  ways  I  liave  mentioned, either  requiring  that 
the  road  shall  carry  the  property  of  the  Govern- 
ment without  pay,  provided  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  of  opinion  that  their  finances  will 
justify  it,  or  be  required  to  carry  such  properly 
at  cost. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  would  suggest  whether  in 
ordinary  legislation  it  is  competent  to  alter  the 
original  charter.  The  originalcharter  under  which 
those  who  subscribed  to  this  road  acted  gave  the 
preference  in  the  transaction  of  the  business  over 
this  road  to  the  Government  at  a  reasonable  rate, 
not  exceeding  that  charged  by  other  routes  and 
individuals.  But  although  the  Go  vernmentgranted 
a  subsidy  of  so  many  bonds  a  mile,  the  bill  went 
upon  the  supposition  that  that  was  to  be  paid 
back  by  the  company  out  of  the  part  earnings  of 
the  company  in  doing  the  business  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

I  submit  whether  it  would  be  fair  to  alter  tiie 
fundamental  condition  upon  which  this  road  was 
established,  so  as  to  take  away  all  the  profits  of 
the  road  from  the  Government  business.  After 
this  road  is  built,  I  have  no  doubt  the  receipts 
from  the  business  of  the  Government  will  be  very 
largo,  between  its  eastern  and  western  empire.    It 


will  go  very  far,  I  have  no  doubt,  toward  payitig 
the  interest  upon  the  Government  bonds.  I  am 
sure  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  gentleman  from 
Indiana,  or  of  any  othergentleman  in  this  House, 
to  embarrass  this  road  so  as  to  prevent  its  con- 
struction. I  hope  every  facility  will  be  given  by 
the  Government  for  the  building  of  this  road,  and 
least  of  all,  that  it  will  not  violate  the  original  law 
or  charter  under  which  this  company  was  organ- 
ized. I  hope,  therefore,  the  amendment  will  not 
be  adopted.  While  we  should  not  violate  the 
charter,  1  do  not  say  we  may  not  amend  if,  be- 
cause in  the  original  charter  Congress  reserved 
the  right  to  alter  and  amend,  doing  justice  to  the 
parties.  We  reserved  the  right  (o  repeal  the  ori- 
ginal charter,  and  I  suppose  that  Congress  can  re- 
peal it  if  Congress  thinks  that  it  is  a  work  of  such 
little  benefit  to  the  country.  I  hope  that  the  bill, 
if  it  passes,  will  pass  without  the  amendment  of 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana.  If,  when  the  bill 
shall  have  been  maturely  considered — and  I  do  not 
ask  that  it  shall  not  be  maturely  considered — the 
House  thinks  it  ought  not  to  pass,  that  is  another 
thing;  but  if  it  is  to  pass,  let  it  pass  in  such  a  way 
as  to  be  effective. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  under- 
stood as  throwing  the  slightest  obstacle  in  tho 
way  of  the  passage  of  this  bill.  On  tiie  contrary, 
it  has  struck  me  from  the  beginning  that  every 
reasonable  facility  ought  to  be  offered  by  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  construction  of  this  road;  but 
after  all  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  benefits  of 
these  grants,  to  a  large  extent,  must  inure  to  cer- 
tain companies. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  I  would  like  to  ask  the 
gentleman  whether  he  thinks  that  the  construc- 
tion of  a  railroad,  however  it  may  inure  to  the 
benefit  of  the  builders  in  the  end,  will  not  ma- 
terially aid  and  inure  to  the  benefit  of  the  whole 
country?  Now,  I  undertake  to  say,  if  the  gen- 
tleman will  permit  me,  that  no  company  will  un- 
dertake to  build  this  road  with  such  a  provision 
as  this  amendment  in  it,  and  I  undertake  to  say 
also,  and  the  history  of  the  past  will'  bear  me  out, 
that  the  parties  who  build  the  road  will  be  losers 
in  the  end. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  have  not  so  much  confi- 
dence in  the  capitalists  of  this  country  at  this 
time  in  connection  with  railroad  operations  as  to 
believe  that  they  are  going  to  make  any  such 
venture.  1  know  that  in  the  infancy  of  the  rail- 
road enterprises  of  the  country  there  were  im- 
mense investments  made^apon  mere  speculation, 
upon  mere  calculations, which  v/ere  never  realized, 
by  which  heavy  losses  were  sustained.  But  the 
hour  for  that,  resulting  from  the  experience  of  the 
country,  has  passed,  and  men  now  make  their  in- 
vestments with  a  view  to  the  advantage  that  they 
themselves  are  to  derive. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  The  gentleman  must  take 
into  consideration  that  this  railroad  is  a  pioneer 
operation  in  advance  of  the  settlement  of  the  coun- 
try. It  is  intended  to  connect  two  continents  to- 
gether, passing  through  a  strip  of  country  of  over 
one  thousand  miles  that  will  not  be  settled  up 
for  a  great  many  years,  and  the  road  cannot  be 
a  paying  enterprise;  and  if  you  undertake  t.> 
cripple  it  by  such  a  provision  as  this,  I  am  afraid 
the  road  will  not  be  built.  ■ 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  have  not  the  slightest  ap- 
prehension in  this  matter.  I  would  not  on  any 
account,  considering  the  condition  of  the  country, 
throw  any  embarrassments  in  its  way.  I  have  seen 
the  calculations  of  capitalists  and  of  the  men  en- 
gaged in  this  enterprise.  1  know  exactly  what 
they  are  relying  on,  whether  their  calculations  are 
correct  or  not,  and  I  know  that  their  data  are  sat- 
isfactory to  themselves.  If  this  great  thoroughfare 
be  constructed  by  the  aid  of  the  Government  and 
by  the  bonds  of  the  Government,  with  the  enor- 
mous grant  of  lands  by  the  Government  and  the^ 
great  encouragement  and  favor  of  the  Govern- 
ment, the  capitalists  of  New  York  and  the  other 
great  cities  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard  very  prop- 
erly anticipate  an  enormous  benefit.  It  must 
throw  the  trade  of  the  Indies  right  across  this 
continent;  it  must  command  a  trade  unexampled 
in  the  history  of  mankind.  It  is  with  a  view  to 
this  that  this  great  work  is  entered  on  by  capital- 
ists. We  look  upon  this  work  as  a  mere  na- 
tional thoroughfare,  a  mode  of  uniting  the  Pacific 
States  with  the  Atlantic  States.  We  contemplate 
it  as  a  measure  of  union,  to  bridge  over,  if  pos- 
sible, that  vast  chasm  ihatlies  between  the  north- 


western States  and  the  States  of  the  Pacific;  and 


I 


never  saw  an  argument  in  favor  of  this  meas- 


ure except  the  argument  in  favor  of  union  and 
the  necessity  of  creating  fraternal  relations  be- 
tween the  States  east  of  the  Rocky  mountains, 
lying  contiguous  to  and  drained  by  the  branches 
of  the  Mississippi  river,  and  the  far-off  golden 
regions.  We  look  upon  it  as  a  mere  Union  ques- 
tion, uniting  the  two  sections  of  the  country  to- 
gether. Capitalists  contemplate  it  in  an  entirely 
different  liglit.  With  them  it  opens  up  the  indiss, 
and  Asia,  with  her  wealth,  to  the  traiBc  and  com- 
merce not  only  of  the  Pacific  coast  but  of  the  At- 
lantic coast.  Incorporated  companies  are  to  con- 
struct this  road, and  the  question  is,  whether  the 
sacrifices  which  the  people  themselves  are  to 
make,  not  simply  thegrantof  lands  but  of  money, 
are  to  have  any  possible  compensation  from  the 
character  of  the  services  which  these  companies 
are  to  render.  The  companies  themselves — look- 
ing at  the  subjectas  a  mere  enterprise,  a  question 
of  dollars  and  cents — can  never  compensate  us 
at  all  for  our  outlay  except  in  the  mode  whicii  I 
have  indicated  in  my  amendment — that  is,  trans- 
porting the  property  and  troops  of  the  Govern- 
ment free  of  charge.  We  have  no  other  benefit 
from  the  road  at  all.  We  talk  of  it  as  a  military 
road. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  The  gentleman  is  certainly 
aware  of  the  fact  that  for  every  dollar  the  nation 
invests  in  the  construction  of  this  railroad  it  will 
receive  a  hundred  in  return.  The  advantages  ac- 
cruing from  the  construction  of  this  road  will  be 
equivalent,  in  a  few  years,  to  a  thousand  dollars 
to  one.  *" 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  know  exacfly  how  it  will 
operate  so  far  as  my  own  Stale  is  concerned.  I 
represent  an  inland  State,  through  which  this 
road  will  pass.  I  can  conceive  how  the  great 
cities  of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston 
may  be  built  up  by  it  and  receive  enormous  ben- 
efits. But  it  will  be  in  n^y  State  a  mere  thor- 
oughfare, for  the  cost  of  building  which  my  con- 
stituents are  to  bear  the  burdens  of  taxation;  and 
I  am  yet  to  perceive  in  what  manner  my  people 
are  to  be  compensated  for  this  outlay  of  money. 
I  do  not  see  how  it  is  to  be  done.  I  can  see  how 
the  commerce  of  the  Pacific  may  be  brought  across 
this  continent.  I  can  conceive  how  the  wealih  of 
the  Indies  may  be  made  to  flow  into  the  cities  of 
New  York  and  Boston.  But  I  cannot  conceive 
how  my  own  State,  which  is  to  be  a  mere  ease- 
ment for  the  thoroughfare  of  the  great  cities  of 
the  country,  is  to  be  benefited  by  the  tax  which 
it  mustconiribute toward  payingtiiis  §95, 000, 000. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  The  whole  country  will  be  ben- 
efited by  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  My  friend  from  New  York 
says,  very  justly,  that  the  whole  country  will  be 
benefited  by  this  road.  Every  part  of  this  na- 
tion reciprocates  in  some  sense  and  feels  the  pros- 
perity of  every  other  part.  But  it  is  very  remote. 
Agriculture  receives  but  very  little  impulse  from 
the  benefits  which  this  road  may  confer  on  the 
great  cities  of  the  Atlantic  coast. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  a  report,  made  to  the  Sen- 
ate on  the  11th  day  of  last  month,  showing  the 
amount  of  expenditure  that  the  Government  will 
be  called  upon  to  make  in  connection  with  the 
bill  then  pending  before  that  body ,  and  which  was 
substantially  the  same  as  the  present  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     Oh,  no. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  This  report  shows  that  the 
amount  to  be  expended  in  this  work  by  the  Gov- 
ernment between  1864  and  1876  is  |95,088,000. 
That  is  independent  of  the  grant  of  lands — the 
most  stupendous  grant  ever  made  in  the  history 
of  mankind.  You  lose  sight  of  that  in  the  con- 
templation of  the  appropriation  of  over  ninety- 
five  million  dollars  of  the  public  treasure  between 
1864  and  1876.  And  for  the  benefit  of  whom.' 
For  the  benefit  of  these  corporations.  Whatever 
view  we  may  have  in  contemplation  of  uniting 
the  Pacific  States  with  the  Atlantic  States,  the 
companies  themselves  look  upon  the  investment 
as  a  mere  question  of  dollars  and  cents.  They 
are  actuated  by  no  other  motive.  They  make  no 
other  calculation.  We  see  here  every  day  figur- 
ing in  this  business  a  gentleman  from  New  York; 
and  if  the  gentleman  from  California  will  take  his 
estimates  he  will  find  that  the  value  of  this  work 
as  a  Union  enterprise  is  never  taken  into  consid- 
eration at  all.  'I  he  patriotism  of  this  thing  doea 
not  weigh  a  feather  in  the  estimation  of  these 


1864. 


THE  CONGEESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


3023 


people.  It  is  not  the  question  of  connecting  the 
Atlantic  coast  with  the  Pacific  coast,  but  it  is  a 
question  of  dollars  and  cents.  It  is  a  question  of 
capital  and  revenue. 

This  work  is  necessary.  We  consider  it  to  be 
necessary.  We  want  to  unite  ourselves  by  this 
great  thoroughfare.  But  we  arc  asked  to  confer 
everything  upon  this  company  and  to  receive 
nothing  at  their  hands.  We  know  liie  avaricious- 
ness  of  the  other  companifs  to  which  ihesegrants 
have  been  made.  We  know  the  rapacity  of  the 
Illinois  Central  railroad  that  was  willing  to  take 
out  of  the  Treasury  half  a  million  dollars  at  a 
time  like  this — a  road,  every  inch  of  which  was 
built  by  your  capital,  and  the  stock  of  which  is 
in  the  possession  of  foreign  capitalists.  That 
grant  ought  to  teach  us  a  lesson  in  reference  to  the 
grants  of  lands  made  to  these  corporations,  to  see 
that  some  benefit  accrues  to  the  Government. 
Yes,  sir,  European  capitalists  hold  the  Illinois 
Central  railroad,  every  inch  of  which  was  built 
by  the  public  land  which  we  granted,  and  yet  they 
were  not  willing  in  a  time  of  war  to  transport  a 
pound  of  freight  or  a  soldier  without  compensa- 
tion. They  did  that  when  every  dollar  of  their 
profit,  every  dollar  of  their  original  capital,  was 
derived  from  the  munificent  grant  of  land  made  to 
them  fifteen  years  ago. 

I  trust  tiie  House  will  not  consent  to  make 
these  enormous  grants  in  addition  to  those  al- 
ready made,  without  requiring  that  the  property 
and  the  troops  of  the  United  States  shall  be  trans- 
ported in  time  of  war  free  of  charge.  It  is  all 
that  we  get  for  the  immense  outlay  that  we  are 
making. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  Mr.  Speaker,  it 
is  with  regret  that  I  have  to  occupy  for  a  moment 
the  attention  of  the  House  in  regard  to  this  im- 
portant measure.  The  bill  under  consideration 
IS  a  mere  amendment  to  the  law  passed  by  the 
last  Congress;  and  the  proposition  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana  [Mr.  Hoi.man]  will  introduce 
an  entirely  new  feature;  it  will  substantially  and 
radically  change  the  fundamental  law  of  lasi  Con- 
gress. Everybody  understands  that  the  whole 
system  of  legislation  with  regard  to  (his  great 
national  work  has  been  upon  the  supposition  that 
it  was  a  great  national  necessity,  that  the  entire 
country  was  interested  in  it,  and  that  Congress 
was  justified  in  making  large  appropriations  of 
land  and  money  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  it 
forward. 

The  last  Congress  made  appropriations  of 
money,  and  in  order  to  encourage  the  men  who 
should  undertake  to  build  this  road  with  the  hope 
that  they  may  some  day  repay  that  money,  or  at 
least  repay  the  interest,  they  provided  that  the 
freight  for  carrying  the  property  of  the  Govern- 
ment over  this  road  should  be  applied  to  the  pay- 
ment of  the  money  which  the  Government  ad- 
vanced. It  seems  to  me  that,  in  considering  a 
measure  which  seeks  to  amend  some  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  act  to  enable  this  company  to  build 
this  great  public  work,  for  us  to  change  the  entire 
principle  on  which  the  law  was  adopted  is  a  com- 
plete stepping  aside  of  the  legitimate  objects  of 
legislation  at  this  time.  If  theamendmentof  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  should  be  adopted,  these 
companies,  instead  of  being  benefited  by  the  legis- 
lation which  we  propose  to  extend  to  them,  would 
be  a  hundred  times  worse  off  under  this  bill  than 
under  the  law  as  it  now  stands.  And  I  cannot  un- 
derstand how  so  clear-headed  a  gentleman  as  my 
friend  from  Indiana  can  expect  that  anybody  will 
give  him  the  credit  of  being  a  friend  to  this  bill 
when  he  comes  here  and  proposes  that  which  is 
utter  death  to  it. 

Why  was  it  that  the  Thirty-Seventh  Congress 
was  willing  to  give  such  an  amount  of  money 
and  land  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  con- 
struction of  this  road.'  Because  it  was  consid- 
ered a  great  public  necessity.  It  was  considered 
that  all  they  could  give,  provided  the  road  was 
built,  would  be  repaid  in  a  thousand  ways  to  this 
great  country.  In  the  amendments  proposed  by 
the  committee  we  have  not  granted  one  single 
further  dollar  of  Government  aid,  we  have  not  at- 
tempted to  make  the  Government  responsible  for 
one  single  dollar  more,  but  we  have  tried  to  give 
such  further  assistance  in  an  indirect  way  as 
would  enable  the  enterprising  men  who  have  un- 
dertaken this  work  to  go  on  with  it. 

And  here  allow  me  to  disagree  with  my  dis- 
tinguished friend  from  Indiana  in  the  idea  that 


the  men  who  are  engaged  in  this  great  public  en- 
terprise are  engaged  only  with  the  hope  of  mak- 
ing money.  I  could  name  to  him  many  patriotic 
men  who  have  come  forward  with  their  ten  and 
twenty  thousand  dollars  to  put  into  this  road  for 
the  purpose  of  encouraging  the  enterprise — and  I 
need  not  to  go  out  of  this  House  to  find  some 
of  those  examples — without  any  hope  or  expecta- 
tion of  ever  being  pecuniarily  benefited  by  the  ad- 
vance thus  made. 

Now  it  was  because  this  was  a  groat  public 
work  that  the  last  Congress  thought  it  wise  to 
give  this  aid.  They  thought  that  this  company, 
if  it  was  organized,  would  be  able  to  pay  back 
this  money.  And  I  apprehend  that  the  moment 
this  road  is  in  operation  the  business  of  the  Gov- 
ernment may,  and  probably  would,  in  lime  of  war 
particularly,  absorb  so  much  of  the  entire  work- 
ing stock  of  the  road  that  they  cannot  goon  and 
pay  their  expenses  except  by  receiving  some 
compensation  for  it.  And  it  wa.s  thought  that 
if  the  transportation  which  the  Government  re- 
ceived was  credited  upon  advances,  it  would  be 
equitable  and  fair.  The  question  was  ably  and 
thoroughly  discussed  in  this  Hall  when  the  ori- 
ginal bill  was  under  consideration;  and  that  Con- 
gress in  its  wisdom  thought  pi-oper  to  enact  this 
law,  and  I  do  not  thin-k  it  is  fair  and  legitimate 
now  to  go  back  to  the  original  law  and  attempt 
to  change  its  entire  scope  and  meaning,  and  there- 
by defeat  its  object,  after  men  have  invested  their 
money,  relying  upon  its  provisions.  Better  far 
that  th-is  bill  should  be  defeated;  better  far  no  le- 
gislation whatever  in  regard  to  this  great  public 
work  l)y  this  Congress. 

1  hope,  therefore,  that  after  weeks  of  anxious 
labor  by  the  committee,  after  weeks  of  careful  de- 
liberation and  study,  with  a  view  only,  if  possible, 
of  helping  forward  this  great  public  work,  this 
great  national  necessity,  that  we  shall  be  allowed 
to  consider  their  simple  amendments  without  go- 
ing back  and  attempting  to  root  up  the  law  which 
is  the  foundation  of  this  enterprise. 

Mr.  A.  MYERS.  It  is  very  refreshing,  Mr. 
Speaker,  for  us  to  have  the  privilege  occasionally 
in  this  House  of  listening  to  those  who  scarcely 
ever  occupy  its  time.  I  do  not  intimate  that  I  am 
about  to  refresh  this  House  in  any  sense  at  all, 
but  I  was  very  favorably  struck  with  the  fact  that 
the  honorable  gentleman  from  Indiana  had  once 
more  risen  to  give  his  views  upon  an  imjiortant 
question.  We  who  are  in  the  habit  of  keeping 
our  seats  here  wearly  all  the  time  know  that  the 
honorable  gentleman  rarely  has  the  privilege  of 
being  heard.  I  presume,  sir,  it  arises  from  his 
innate  modesty,  a  bashful  merit  which  usually 
seeks  retirement. 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  some  of  us  must  be 
looking  for  a  renomination,  or  we  would  not  be 
offering  all  things  at  all  times,  but  never  at  the 
right  time.  1  am  forcibly  reminded  of  that  old 
amusing  allusion  to  a  certain  fact  which  I  read 
when  a  boy,  in  a  work  not  exactly  proper  for  a 
Sunday  school,  although  it  was  written  by  a 
clergyman  of  the  Established  church.  1  allude  to 
a  little  incident  which  occurred  in  the  very  earliest 
life,  I  think,  of  Tristam  Shandy.  He  tells  us  he 
has  it  by  information  historical,  traditional,  or  in 
some  other  way,  that  at  a  certain  time  the  old 
clock  which  stood  in  the  corner  had  run  down, 
or  at  least  at  a  critical  juncture  a  certain  old  lady 
was  fearful  it  (the  clock)  might  stop,  and  she  put 
this  question  to  the  old  gentleman:  "John,  did 
you  wind  up  the  clock  to-night.'  "  "  Good  Lord," 
says  he,  "such  a  question  at  such  a  time!" 
[Laughter.] 

Sir,  such  an  amendment  to  such  a  law  and  at 
such  a  time  is  just  as  inopportune.  The  gentle- 
man's argument  did  not  apply  to  the  amendment 
which  he  offered.  Theargument  was  not  to  show, 
at  least  very  little  of  it,  that  his  amendment  is 
legitimate,  that  it  is  proper,  that  it  is  reasonable, 
that  it  is  sound,  that  it  is  advantageous.  If  I 
heard  his  speech  correctly  I  could  only  conclude 
that  it  was  intended  more  to  defeat  than  carry  this 
bill;  that  it  was  intended  more  for  ridicule  than  to 
promote  legislation.  This  amendment  looks  to 
me  as  if  the  gentleman  who  offered  it  was  opposed 
to  the  whole  measure,  and  offered  it  merely  for 
the  ]Hirpose  of  making  a  speech  to  gratify  his 
constituents,  on  the  ground  that  the  railroad  did 
run  through  the  State  of  Indiana,  and  made  that 
State  merely  a  way  station,  with  nothing  but  a 
stopping  depot,  where  the  iron  horse  that  started 


from  the  golden  sands  of  the  Pacific  shores  would 
only  stop  to  breathe  a  little,  take  in  watei*,  and 
then  start  off  for  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  It 
looks  to  me  as  if  the  gentleman  was  opposid  to 
the  measure  for  the  reason  that  it  will  make  In- 
diana only  a  way  station  on  this  great  railroad  or 
its  connections.  From  his  argument  I  was  al- 
most led  to  believe  he  was  as  fearful  of  the  ex- 
pediency or  propriety  of  this  groat  national  work 
as  that  eminent  member  of  the  British  Parliament 
who,  when  the  question  of  constructing  a  rail- 
road was  first  agitated  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
got  up  with  all  the  solemnity  of  his  legislative 
dignity,  with  all  Uie  wisdom  and  profundity  which 
he  could  command,  and  shaking  himself  into  the 
proper  parliamentary  |H)sition,said,  "  Mr.  Speak- 
er, it  is  my  deliberale  opinion  that  a  railroad  could 
noi  compete  with  a  canal."  [Laughter.]  Sir,  I 
consider  his  argument  credulous,  and  one  which 
looks  upon  this  measure  as  another  itmovation 
upon  the  venerable  system  of  common  carrying 
by  means  of  pack-saddled  horses.  Healmostinli- 
mates  that  the  road  will  not  pay  either  the  people 
or  the  Government.  He  does  not  say  so  directly, 
but  he  insinuates  it  by  saying  that  he  is  afraid 
that  this  corporation  will  be  injurious,  and  hence 
if  we  grant  them  lands  we  must  liavi'  some  little 
boon  as  a  consideration  for  the  favor  which  the 
Government  holds  out  to  it. 

I  am  in  favor  oj^this  bill.  I  am  pleased  to 
know  that  there  are  many  members  on  the  other 
side  of  the  House  who  are  in  favor  of  the  main 
policy  of  the  original  bill,  and  of  the  amend- 
ments as  proposed  by  the  committee.  Many  of 
us  were  not  here  to  vote  for  the  original  bill  as 
passed  by  a  former  Congress.  Perhaps  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  was.  I  have  not  hunted 
up  his  record.  I  havenota  political  scrap-book 
here  to  which  I  can  turn  on  all  occasions;  but  I 
think  that  the  man  who  opposes  or  throws  ob- 
structions in  the  way  of  the  commencement  and 
early  completion  of  this  great  highway,  the  Pa- 
cific railroad,  will  not  have  to  live  very  long,  or, 
in  other  words,  will  have  to  die  very  soon,  not 
to  regret  such  action.  Yet  my  charity  would 
impel  me  to  hope  that  the  honorable  gentleman 
may  long  live.  But  when  ho  or  any  other  per- 
son, if  there  be  one  other  man  in  the  House  so 
curiously  constituted,  who  so  habitually  retains 
his  seat,  or  when  he  does  hajipen  to  express  him- 
self gives  vent  to  such  crude  ideas  as  that  the 
great  State  of  Indiana  is  to  be  turned  back  into 
a  wilderness,  and  blossom  no  longer  in  her  roses 
of  Democracy  or  Republicanism! — I  say  that 
when  a  gentleman  so  rises  here  suddenly  and  un- 
expectedly and  speaks  in  that  way,  he  is  to  be  for- 
given, and  therefore  1  hope  that  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  may  be  spared  and  may  live  long 
enough  to  ride  upon  this  road  from  one  end  of  it 
to  the  other.  All  who  favor  this  measure  may 
go  home  perfectly  satisfied  with  their  action.  He 
who  supports,  not  he  who  opposes,  the  amend- 
ments of  the  committee  will  find  an  approving 
constituency.  Neither  will  that  constituency  ap- 
prove the  less  from  the  fact  that  a  resolution  urg- 
ing.an  early  completion  of  this  great  work  has 
been  made  a  plank  in  the  platform  of  the  Union 
party. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  The  gentleman  from  the  iron 
region  of  Pennsylvania 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Oh,  no;  the 
oil  region. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Well,  the  gentleman  from 
the  oil  region  of  Pennsylvania  has  had  a  good 
time  generally  this  evening.  He  has  not  told  us 
whether  he  has  received  a  renomination  or  not. 
I  suppose  he  has. 

Mr.  A.  MYERS.     Certainly  I  have. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  gentleman  is  renom- 
inated, so  that  he  is  able  to  talk  deliberately. 
There  was  an  intimation,  however,  made  by  the 
member  from  New  York  [Mr.  Steele]  which  is 
the  key-note  of  all  this  wonderful  flowery  decla- 
mation of  gentlemen  on  this  subject.  The  gentle- 
man from  New  York  went  on  to  say  that  certain 
benevolent  gentlemen  on  this  floor,  having,  of 
course,  no  interest  at  heart  except  the  interest  ot 
the  country,  had  certain  stock  in  this  road.  And 
it  struck  me,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  in.stcad  of  the 
anecdote  related  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr.  A.  Myers]  the  anecdote  would  be 
more  appropriate  which  is  told  of  a  county  judge 
living  in  the  peanut  region  of  his  own  State,  which 
the  gentleman,  I  believe,  represents. 


3024 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16'. 


Mr.  A.  MYERS.  No,  si";  we  have  no  nuts 
but  hickory  niUs  up  there.     [Laughter.] 

A  Member.   His  are  ground  nuts.  [Laughter.] 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  A  case  came  before  thatjudge 
in  which  a  bridge  and  a  road  were  involved. 
Tliere  was  some  sort  of  connection  between  them, 
hut  it  did  not  seem  clear  to  the  judge  how  the  con- 
nection was.  He  had  no  interest  in  the  road,  but 
he  had  an  interest  in  the  bridge.  When  tlie  case 
came  up  for  deliberation,  lie  said,  "If  the  court 
understands  herself,  and  she  rather  thinks  she 
does,  the  bridge  is  all  right,  but  the  road  is  all 
wrong."  [Laughter.]  I  think  it  probable  that 
my  friend  from  Pennsylvania,  having  been  en- 
gaged in  the  ground-nut  business,  or  in  the  pea- 
nut war  business,  or,,it  may  be,  in  the  oil  busi- 
ness of  that  part  of  the  country,  sees  a  chance  of 
speculation,  according  to  the  intifhation  of  my 
friend  from  New  York;  and  the  real  source  of 
mortification  is  this:  that  the  gentleman,  in  his 
pleasantry,  (which  is  very  cheering  indeed,  e's- 
pecially,as  he  says,  in  a  time  like  this,)  has  been 
turning  argument  into  ridicule.  It  may  be  pos- 
V  sible  that  the  gentleman  covers  up,  under  fog  and 
amusement,  a  grave  and  sober  subject  of  consid- 
eration. 

I  was  startled,  air,  as  a  Representative  on  this 
floor,  when  it  was  stated — at  a  moment  when  we 
are  voting  away ,  in  eifect,  |95,000,000  of  the  pub- 
lic treasure,  and  uncounted  bodies  of  the  public 
lands,  without  any  recompense  whatever — to  hear 
the  intimation  made  by  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  [Mr.  Steele]  that  benevolent  men  on  this 
floor  had  stock  in  tlie  corporation  by  which  this 
road  is  to  be  constructed. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  apprehend 
that  the  gentleman  can  not  very  well  fail,  after  mak- 
ing an  attack  of  that  kind,  to  yield  to  me. 

'Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  yield  very  freely  to  the 
gentleman  from  New  York. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  think  that 
my  friend  from  Indiana  has  departed  from  his 
usual  fairness  when  he  undertakes  to  pervert  what 
I  said  in  reference  to  men  in  this  country  having 
subscribed  to  stock  in  the  Pacific  railroad  for  the 
purpose  of  helping  on  this  enterprise,  by  saying 
that  I  had  intimated  that  any  member  of  this 
House  was  interested  directly  or  indirectly  in  this 
road.  What  I  said  on  that  subject  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  repeating.  I  said  that  this  was 
looked  upon  as  a  great  public  work,  and  that  af- 
ter tlie  bill  was  passed  by  the  last  Congress,  the 
men  who  took  an  interest  in  it  sought  to  obtain 
subscriptions  to  stock,  and  that  many  were  in- 
duced to  subscribe  without  any  idea  of  ever  hav- 
ing a  valuable  investment  in  it.  They  did  it  as  a 
matter  of  patriotism.  And  if  the  ideas  of  my  dis- 
tinguished friend  from  Indiana  are  so  contracted 
and  so  belittled  by  his  continual  habit  of  deal- 
ing in  small  things  and  talking  about  sixpences 
while  spending  dollars,  that  ho  cannot  appreciate 
the  possibility  of  a  man  having  patriotism  enough 
to  invest  in  a  work  of  great  public  necessity  for 
the  purpose  of  encouraging  that  work,  without 
some  idea  of  dollars  in  it,  then  I  must  confess 
that  my  distinguished  friend's  mind  is  more  be- 
littled and  contracted  than  I  supposed. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  morning  hour  has  ex- 
pired. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  Let  me  say  a 
word  further. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  You  will  have  another  time. 
I  call  for  the  regular  order  of  business. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE. 

The  House  resumed  the  consideration  of  the 
amendments  of  the  Senate  to  the  tax  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  amendments  will  be 
read,  and  those  on  which  a  separate  vote  is  not 
asked  will  be  considered,  underthe  recommenda- 
tion of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, as  non- 
concuired  in. 

Ninth  amendment: 

Strike  out  llie  following: 

That  tor  the  purpose  of  assessing,  levying,  and  coll  cct- 
ing  the  duties  or  taxes  hereinafter  prescrihed  hj'  this  act, 
the  President  of  the  United  State's  be,  and  he  is  hereby, 
authorized  to  divide,  respectively,  the  respective  States 
and  Territories  of  the  United  States  and  the  District  of 
.  Columbia  into  convenient  collection  districts,  whicli  lie 
may  alter,  lessen,  enlarge,  or  merge  in  other  districts,  as 
the  public  interests  shall  appear  to  him  to  require,  and  to 
nominate,  and,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  ap|)Oint,  an  assessor  and  a  collector  for  each 
such  district,  who  shall  be  residents  within  the  same  :  Pro- 
vided,  Tliat  any  of  said  States  and  Territories  and  the  Dis- 
trict of  Cohmibia  may,  if  the  I'reaidoiit  shall  rieem  proper. 


be  erected  into  and  included  in  one  district:  Provided 
further,  'i'hat  the  nninl)er  of  districts  in  any  State  shall  not 
exceed  the  number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to 
which  such  State  siiall  be  entitled  in  the  present  Congress. 

And  in  lieu  thereof  insert  the  following: 

The  second  section  of  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  provide 
internal  revenue  to  support  the  Government  and  to  pay  in- 
terest on  the  public  debt,"  approved  July  1,  1862,  shall  re- 
main and  continue  in  full  force. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  recommend  a  non-concurrence  in  this 
amendment.  I  think  tliat  we  ought  to  concur  in  it. 
The  second  section  of  that  act  provided  that  the 
States  were  to  be  divided  into  as  many  districts 
as  were  then  represented  in  Congress,  except 
where  by  the  next  apportionment  they  were  in- 
creased in  this  Congress,  and  they  were  then  to 
be  made  according  to  that  apportionment  already 
made.  That  has  been  done.  If  the  House  sec- 
tion be  adopted  it  would  take  the  apportionment 
of  the  present  House  for  all,  and  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Maine,  and  some  other  districts 
v/ould  lose  one  district  each;  it  would  require  a 
readjustment  of  all  the  districts;  whereas  if  the 
Senate  amendment  is  concurred  in  it  will  leave 
the  districts  precisely  as  they  are  now. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  There  would  be  no  differ- 
ence of  opinion  in  relation  to  the  point  stated  by 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  as  to  the  pro- 
priety of  concurrence  with  the  Senate.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  by  the  original  section  the  committee 
has  the  right  to  alter  these  districts,  and  if  we 
take  the  Senate  amendment  alone  it  will  not  leave 
that  power.  Therefore  it  liad  better  be  referred 
to  the  committee  of  conference. 

Mr.  BOUTWELL.  The  Senate  amendment 
will  throv/  us  back  upon  the  act  of  1862.  At  the 
time  the  several  States  were  divided  into  districts 
it  was  found  impracticable  in  Kentucky  to  make 
more  than  three  or  four  districts.  Such  was  the 
unsettled  state  of  the  country  that  it  was  deemed 
unwise  to  district  Missouri  and  Kentucky  accord- 
ing to  the  number  of  Representatives  they  had  in 
Congress.  The  Attorney  General  decided  that 
the  President  had  not  the  power  to  reconstruct  the 
districts.  If  we  accept  the  Senate  amendment 
Kentucky  and  Missouri  will  be  kept  as  they  are 
now,  a  provision  which  is  unwise  in  reference  to 
a  state  of  peace.  I  think  it  iinportant  that  the 
conference  committee  should  adopt  something  to 
give  the  President  power  to  change  these  districts. 
I  hope  we  will  non-concur,  and  send  it  to  the  con- 
ference committee. 

The  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 

Seventy-fifth  amendment: 

Strike  out"  2^,"  in  the  twenty-fourth  section,  and  insert 
"  3  ;"  so  that  it'will  read  :  ** 

That  there  shall  be  allowed  to  collectors,  in  full  com- 
pensation for  their  services  and  that  of  their  deputies,  a 
salary  of  ,'51,500  per  animm,  to  be  paid  quarterly,  and  in  ad- 
dition thereto  a  commission  of  'J  per  cent,  upon  the  first 
§■100,000. 

Mr.  PIKE.  I  hope  that  will  be  concurred  in. 
It  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  smaller  districts.  It  is 
to  give  3  percent,  on  the  first  $100,000.  In  sparsely 
settled  districts,  composed  of  a  number  ofcoun- 
ties,  it  is  worth  more  to  make  collections  than  in 
large,  populous  districts. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, of  Illinois,  moved  toclose 
debate  on  the  amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 

Seventy-ninth  amendment: 

[n  the  following,  strike  out  "4"  and  insert  "5"  so  that 
it  will  read  : 

Provided,  however,  Tliat  the  salary  and  commissions  of 
no  collector,  except  in  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  proviso 
in  the  twenty-second  section  of  this  act,  exclusive  of  sta- 
tionery, blank-books,  and  postage,  shall  exceed  §10,000 
in  the  aggregate,  nor  more  than  $5,1300  exclusive  of  the  ex- 
penses for  deputies  and  clerks,  to  which  such  collector  is 
actually  and  necessarily  subjected  in  the  administration  of 
his  oflice. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  for  a  vote  on  that 
amendment. 

The  balance,  from  four  or  five  thousand  dollars 
up  to  $10,000,  is  expended  for  the  benefit. of  the 
deputies  and  clerks  throughout  the  district,  and  the 
collector  himself  receives  whatever  pay  we  fix, 
either  four  or  five  thousand  dollars,  as  an  abso- 
lute compensation  for  the  more  responsibility  of 
holding  the  office.  A  decisive  vote  of  the  House 
fixing  theamount  of  salary  at  $4,000 — and  which 
I  think  is  not  near  low  enough — will  be  considered 
even  at  this  late  moment  as  indicative  to  that  little 
legislative  body,  the  committee  of  conference,  of 
the  exact  position  of  the  House  upon  tlic  .subject. 


Mr.  "WILSON.  I  move  that  all  debate  be  closed 
upon  this  amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment  was  not  concurred  in. 

Two  hundred  and  fifty-seventh  amendment: 

On  page  93,  at  the  end  of  line  twenty-three,  add  the  fo 
lowing  proviso : 

Provided,  That  each  savings  bank  except  such  as  have 
110  fixed  capital,  and  whose  business  is  confined  to  receiv- 
ing deposits  and  loaning  the  same,  and  who  do  no  other 
Inisincss  of  banking,  shall  be  liable  to  pay  ^100  for  license 
as  a  banker. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  hope  the  House  will  con- 
cur in  this  amendment.  It  will  bo  observed  that 
a  license  of  $100  must  be  paid  by  all  banks  using 
or  employing  a  capital  not  exceeding  $50,000,  and 
$2  for  each  additional  $1,000.  Then  the  Senate 
adopted  this  additional  proviso,  which  was  read 
by  the  Clerk.  In  other  words,  all  savings  banks 
are  to  pay  a  license  of  $100,  except  where  they 
receive  money  of  depositors  and  loan  it  out  and 
do  no  other  business.  There  arc  some  savings 
banks  which  are  simply  agencies  created  by  a 
Legislature,  with  directors  who  have  no  interest 
and  receive  no  pay,  to  receive  rnoney  and  loan  it 
out  for  humble  depositors.  As  to  them  it  is  pro- 
posed they  shall  pay  no  license.  And  surely  they 
should  not.  We  might  as  well  levy  a  tariff  upon 
a  charity-box,  it  seems  to  me.  The  proviso  is 
well  guarded,  so  that  all  those  who  do  a  business 
for  a  profit  shall  pay  a  license. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  If  this  proviso  is  suffered  to 
remain  so  me  small  verbal  changes  ought  to  be  made 
in  order  to  render  the  provision  perfectly  secure. 
The  expression  used  is  "  fixed  capital,"  a  phrase 
liable  to  different  interpretations.  These  banks 
are  not  subject  to  any  income  tax  upon  profits, 
and  they  are  composed  of  the  deposits  of  such 
persons  as  see  fit  to  make  deposits,  and  they  are 
not  taxed  in  any  other  way. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  If  it  will  suit  the  gentleman 
any  better,  I  will  move  to  strike  out  the  word 
"fixed,"  so  as  to  make  the  proviso  apply  to 
banks  that  have  no  capital  at  all.  I  will  say  to 
the  gentleman  that  this  provision  was  drawn,  I 
believe,  by  a  Senator  from  his  own  State,  and  was 
intended  to  be  so  guarded  as  to  exempt  only  those 
banks  which  simply  loaned  the  money  of  poor 
depositors. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  It  strikes 
me  that  the  best  coui'se  to  pursue  in  reference  to 
these  savings  institutions  is  to  non-concur  in  this 
amendment.  It  is  not  perfect,  as  suggested  by  the 
gentleman  from  Vermont,  and  I  would  rather 
trust  a  committee  of  conference  with  it. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  If  the  House  desires  to  pur- 
sue that  course,  with  a  view  to  perfecting  the 
amendment,  I  will  accept  it. 

The  amendment  was  not  concurred  in. 

Three  hundred  and  seventh  amendment: 

Strikeout  the  words  "miners  actually  producing  shall 
pay  for  each  and  every  license  the  sum  of  $10.  Every 
person,  firm,  or  company  who  shall  employ  more  than  one 
person  under  liini  or  them  in  the  business  of  mining  coal, 
gold,  silver,  quicksilver,  copper,  lead,  iron,  zinc,  spelter, 
or  other  minerals,  shall  be  regarded  as  a  miner  under  this 
act;"  and  insert  in  lieu  tliereofthe  following: 

Assayers,  assaying  gold  and  silver,  or  either,  of  a  value 
not  exceeding  in  one  year  !i«250,000,  shall  pay  ,15100  for  each 
license,  and  $200  when  the  value  exceeds  .'|i:250,000  and 
does  not  exceed  ,f 500, 000,  and  $500  wlieii  the  value  ex- 
ceeds $500,000.  Any  person  or  persons  or  corporation 
whose  business  or  occupation  it  is  to  separate  gold  and 
silver  from  other  metals  or  mineral  substances  with  which 
such  gold  or  silver,  or  both,  are  alloyed,  combined,  or  uni- 
ted, or  to  ascertain  or  determine  the  (juantity  of  gold  or 
silver  in  any  alloy  or  combination  with  other  metals, shall 
be  deemed  an  assayer  for  the  purpose  of  this  act. 

Mr.  SPIANNON.  I  hope  the  House  will  con- 
cur in  the  amendment.  The  House  will  remem- 
ber that  this  subject  was  discussed  to  a  limited 
extent  when  the  proposition  was  made  in  the 
House  originally  to  tax  miners  and  mining.  The 
whole  proposition  is  materially  changed  by  the 
Senate  amendment.  The  amendinent  proposes 
to  tax  the  assayers,  those  engaged  in  the  busi- 
ness of  assaying  gold  and  silver. 

Now,  my  objection  to  sending  this  matter  to  a 
committee  of  conference  is,  that  that  committee 
will  have  no  member  upon  it  to  lay  before  them 
the  facts  in  relation  to  this  proposition. 

Now,  sir,  there  is  no  justice  in  taxing  a  man  for 
taking  out  of  the  earth  a  thousand  dollars  of  a  ma- 
terial that  the  civilized  world  fixes  an  absolute 
value  upon.  It  is  not  like  a  manufacture,  because 
the  tax  upon  manufactured  articles  is  paid  after 
all  by  the  consumer,  and  nolby  ihe  manufacturer. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PllOCEEDINGS  OF  CONGHESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  I).  C. 


Thiiixy-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 


SATURDAY,  JUNE  18,  1864. 


New  Series No.  190. 


l^ggBCTafc'r^  PIHOPJBWa'X 


itajtr-naATi  maflaa  je 


But  if  I  mine  out  a  thousand  dollars  in  gold  your 
Government  stamps  an  absolute  value  upon  it, 
and  1  have  to  pay  the  tax.  There  is  therefore  no 
comparison  between  a  miner  and  a  manufocturer, 
and  1  undertake  to  say,  and  I  think  I  know  some- 
thing about  this  mining  question,  that  the  propo- 
sition, as  originally  adopted  by  tliis  House,  to  tax 
the  miner  5  per  cent,  upon  the  gross  proceeds  of 
ills  mine,  would  absolutely  discourage,  cripple, 
and  retard  the  development  of  our  mineral  re- 
sources. Sir,  it  is  the  most  suicidal  policy  that 
this  Congress  or  the  Government  could  possibly 
adopt.  That  it  will  lessen  the  yield  of  gold  and 
silver  is  beyond  all  question.  That  the  tax  as 
originally  adopted  by  the  House  cannot  be  paid 
by  the  miners  is  clear,  and  the  proposition  of  the 
Senate  will  certainly  yield  more  revenue.  I  hope 
therefore  that  we  shall  concur  in  the  amendment 
of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  close  debate  on  this 
amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  question  was  put  on  concurring  in  tlie 
amendment  of  the  Senate;  and  there  were — ayes 
57,  noes  24;  no  quorum  voting. 

Mr.  WILSON  demanded  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Morrill 
and  Shannon  were  appointed. 

TJie  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  72,  noes  31. 

So  the  amendment  of  the  Senate  was  concurred 
in. 

Three  hundred  and  eighty-first  amendment: 

Page  137,  at  the  end  of  line  eighty,  insert  the  following: 
Jind  provided  also,  That  naphtha  of  specific  gravity  ex- 
ceeding eigluy  degrees,  acconling  to  Baume's  hydrometer, 
and  of  the  kind  usually  known  as  gasoline,  shall  he  sub- 
ject to  a  tax  of  5  per  cunt,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  PIKE.  I  ask  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  if  they  will  not  recommend  concurrence 
in  that  amendment?  It  is  an  amendment  drawn 
by  the  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue  in  the 
interest  of  the  revenue. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  All  the  committee  desire  is 
to  prevent  frauds.  I  dare  say  this  amendment  is 
right,  but  I  have  no  particular  information  on  the 
subject. 

Mr.  PIKE.  As  the  gentleman  from  Vermont 
has  no  doubt  the  amendment  is  right,  I  presume 
the  House  will  concur  in  it. 

The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Four  hundred  and  tenth  amendment: 

Page  147,  in  line  three  hundred  and  twenty-four,  strike 
out  "50  cents"  and  insert  "$2"  in  lieu  thereof ;  so  tliat 
the  proviso  will  read: 

Provided,  That  when  a  duty  upon  the  iron  from  which 
rivets,  nuts,  and  bolts,  as  aforesaid,  shall  have  been  made, 
has  been  assessed  and  paid  a  duly  of  not  less  than  $3  per 
ton,  a  duty  only,  in  addition  tlicreto,  shall  be  paid  of  $2 
per  ton. 

Mr.  H;0LMAN.  In  this  rapid  mode  of  going 
over  the  amendments  by  their  numbers  only,  it 
is  difficult  to  keep  pace  with  the  Clerk,  and  we 
have  passed  several  amendments  in  relation  to  iron 
without  my  attention  being  drawn  to  them.  1 
wish,  however,  to  call  particular  attention  to  this 
amendment.  Here  is  an  increase  from  50  cents  to 
$2  per  ton.  Now,  I  have  observed  in  the  press 
throughout  the  country  that  the  impression  is 
that  the  duties  levied  on  iron  by  the  bill  as  it 
passed  the  House  are  too  low.  Indeed  I  think 
that,  so  far  as  the  public  press  is  any  indication 
of  public  sentiment,  there  has  been  more  com- 
plaint upon  that  one  point  than  any  other;  that 
iron,  the  gi-eat  interest  of  certain  sections  of  the 
Union,  has  been  entirely  underrated  in  its  capa- 
city to  bear  reasonable  taxation.  This  amend- 
ment of  the  Senate  presents  the  subject  somewhat 
fairly,  but  1  understand  that  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  recommend  non-concuri-ence. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  will  say  to  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  that  we  propose  to  non-concur,  not 
for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the  duty,  but  in  order 
to  leave  the  amendment  open  that  the  committee 
of  conference  may  insert  some  further  words  to 
make  the  provision  perfectly  clear. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  "l  want  to  obtain  a  vote  upon 
this  proposition  for  the  purpose  of  indicating  the 


190 


sentiment  of  the  House  in  regard  to  all  these 
amendments  relative  to  the  duties  on  iron. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  If  the  House  concurs  it  will 
preclude  the  insertion  of  the  words  we  propose. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Does  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  desire  to  concur  in  the 
amendment? 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  am  in  favor  of  concurring 
in  every  one  of  these  amendments  of  the  Senate  in 
regard  to  iron,  but  unfortunately  we  have  already 
passed  over  three  or  four  of  them  and  non-con- 
curred. They  have  increased  the  duty  on  iron 
castings  from  §2  to  ^3  a  ton.  They  have  increased 
the  duty  on  stoves  and  hollow  ware  from  §3  to 
|5, and  so  on. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  will  say  to  the  gentleman 
that  it  is  for  no  purpose  of  reducing  the  duty, 
but  of  changing  the  language  as  it  should  be 
changed. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  trust  that  these  amendments 
will  be  concurred  in  for  the  purpose  of  instruct- 
ing the  committee  of  conference.  We  all  know 
vi^hat  these  committees  of  conference  are.  We 
know  that  through  them  legislation  is  placed 
practically  in  the  hands  of  three  members  from 
each  House,  and  that  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
proceeding  the  conference  committee  on  this  bill 
will  comprise  two  members  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means.  We  must  legislate  on  this 
subject  here,  or  we  cannot  legislate  upon  it  at 
all.  The  public  voice  is  never  heard  in  a  com- 
mittee of  conference.  It  can  only  be  heard  here 
in  this  House.  I  therefore  move  that  the  House 
concur  in  all  these  amendments,  including  those 
in  regard  to  iron.     Is  that  motion  in  order? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  entertain 
the  motion  in  regard  to  all  the  amendments  in 
this  paragraph,  commencing  at  the  four  hundred 
and  sixth  amendment,  but  not  in  regard  to  the 
paragraphs  which  the  House  has  passed  from 
entirely. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  four  hundred  and  sev- 
enth amendment  is,  I  think,  wrong.  It  actually 
reduces  the  duty.  It  is  to  strike  out  the  words 
"  not  less  than  four  ounces  each  in  weight"  and 
to  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the  words  "exceeding 
five  sixteenths  of  one  inch  in  diameter." 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  to 
close  debate  on  this  paragraph. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  was  on  the  floor. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman's  time  was 
up  a  minute  or  so. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  My  motion  is  to  concur  in 
the  four  hundred  and  eighth,  four  hundred  and 
ninth,  and  four  hundred  and  tenth  amendments. 

These  amendments  are  as  follows: 

Four  hundred  and  eighth  amendment: 

Strike  out  "4"  and  insert  "5." 

Four  hundred  and  ninth  amendment: 

Add  the  words  "not  less  than." 

Four  hundred  and  tenth  amendment: 

Strike  out  "50  cents"  and  insert  "$2;"  so  that  the  par- 
agraph will  read  : 

On  rivets  exceeding  one  fourth  of  one  inch  in  diameter, 
nuts  and  washers  not  less  than  two  ounces  each  in  weiglit, 
and  bolts  exceeding  live  sixteenths  of  one  inch  in  diam- 
eter, a  duly  of  $5  per  ton  :  Provided,  That  wlien  a  duty  upon 
the  iron  from  wliich  rivets,  nuts,  and  bolts,  as  aforesaid, 
shall  have  been  made,  has  been  assessed  aiul  paid  a  duty 
of  not  less  than  g3  per  ton,  a  duty  only,  in  addition  thereto, 
shall  be  paid  of  ,'§2  per  ton. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     Mr.  Speaker 

The  SPEAKER.  Debate  isexhausted.  Two 
speeches  have  been  made  on  each  side. 

Mr.  HUBBARD,  of  Iowa.  I  think  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana  ought  to  have  more  time. 
[Laughter.] 

The  question  was  taken;  and  there  were,  on  a 
division — ayes  15,  noes  78. 

So  the  four  hundred  and  eighth,  four  hundred 
and  ninth,  and  four  hundred  and  tenth  amend- 
ments were  non-concurred  in. 

Mr.  FIOLMAN.  While  I  did  not  expect  to 
have  the  yeas  and  nays  ordered  I  desire  to  call 
for  them. 

TheSPEAKER.  Thegentleman  from  Indiana 
is  too  late  in  calling  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 


Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rose  instantly  after  the 
division. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  has  always  ruled 
that  whenever  a  gentleman  makes  a  speech  before 
calling  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  the  call  comes  too 
late. 

The  four  hundred  and  eleventh  amendment 
was  read,  as  follows: 

Strike  out  of  the  proviso  in  the  foregoing  paragraph,  in 
regard  to  rivets  and  wasliors,  "  $1  50"  and  insert  "  5j'3 ; " 
so  tliat  it  will  read  : 

Provided  further,  That  all  iron  and  castings  of  iron  of 
all  descriptions  advanced  beyond  pig  Iron,  blooms,  slabs, 
or  loops,  upon  wliich  no  duty  has  been  assessed  or  paid  in 
the  form  of  pig  iron,  sliall  be  assessed  and  pay,  in  addition 
to  the  foregoing  rates  of  iron  so  advanced,  a  duty  of  $3 
per  ton;  and  whwn  no  duty  has  been  assessed  or  paid 
thereon  in  the  form  of  blooms,  slabs,  or  loops,  shall  be 
assessed  and  pay,  in  addition  to  the  foregoing  rates  ofiron 
advanced  as  aforesaid,  a  duty  of  $3  per  ton. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  for  a  vote  on  that 
amendment,  to  see  whether  Pennsylvania  over- 
rides all  other  interests. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  have  a 
word  to  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  regard  to  that 
amendment.  The  gentleman  from  Indiana  has 
twice  said  that  Pennsylvania  overrides  other  in- 
terests. I  consider  that  Pennsylvania  has  been 
overtaxed;  and  yet  we  are  willing  to  bear  every 
reasonable  amount  of  taxation.  But  I  am  not 
willing  to  let  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  rise  in 
his  seat  and  say  that  Pennsylvania  controls  this 
House  in  so  far,  at  least,  as  taxation  is  concerned. 
On  the  contrary,  we  have  submitted  and  are  still 
willing  to  submit  to  every  taxation  that  doe.s  not 
place  the  last  straw  on  the  camel's  back. 

The  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 

Four  hundred  and  thirteenth  amendment: 

Strike  out  the  tbllowing : 

On  gold  and  silver  produced  from  quartz  mine-i,  from 
beds  of  rivers,  from  the  earth,  or  in  any  other  way  or  man- 
ner, a  duty  of  5  per  cent. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mend non-concurrence. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  move  that  the 
amendment  be  concurred  in.  A  substitute  for 
this  provision  is  found  upon  page  158  which  con- 
tains all  the  necessary  provisions  upon  this  sub- 
ject.    It  provides  as  follows: 

On  bullion  in  lump,  ingot,  bar,  or  otherwise,  a  duty  of  one 
halfof  one  percent.  a<(  iiaMrcm,  to  be  paid  by  tin.'  assayer  of 
the  same,  wlio  sliall  stamp  the  product  of  the  assay  as  the 
Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue,  under  the  direction  of 
the  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury,  may  prescribe  by  general 
regulations.  And  every  anil  all  sales,  transfers,  exchanges, 
transportation,  and  exportation  of  gold  or  silver  assayed 
at  any  mint  of  the  United  States  or  by  any  private  assayer, 
unless  stamped  as  prescribed  by  general  regulations,  as 
aforesaid,  is  hereby  declared  unlawful;  and  every  person 
or  corporation  wlioshall  sell, transfer,  transport,  exciiange, 
export*  or  deal  in  the  same,  shall  be  subject  to  a  penally 
of  $1,000  for  each  oftensc  and  to  a  fine  not  exceeding  that 
sum,  and  to  imprisonment  for  a  term  not  exceeding  two 
years  nor  less  than  six  months.  No  jeweler,  woricer  or 
artificer  in  gold  and  silver  shall  use  either  of  those  metals 
except  it  shall  have  first  been  stamped  as  aforesaid,  as  re- 
quired by  this  act;  and  every  violation  of  this  section  shall 
subject  the  offender  to  the  penalties  contained  herein.  No 
person  or  corporation  shall  take,  transport,  or  cause  to  be 
transported,  export,  or  cause  to  be  exported,  from  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  any  gold  or  silver  in  its  natural  state,  uncoined  or 
unassayedand  unstamped,  as  aforesaid;  and  for  every  vio- 
lation of  this  provision  every  olfender  shall  be  subject  to 
the  penalties  contained  herein  :  Provided,  That  the  forego- 
ing subdivision  of  this  section  providing  for  a  tax  on  gold 
and  silver  shall  only  be  in  force  from  and  after  sixty  days 
after  the  passage  of  this  act. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  this  provides  all  neces- 
sary restrictions  against  the  gold  going  out  of  the 
country  until  a  proper  tax  on  it  is  paid. 

It  is  to  be  regretted,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  not  a 
member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  is 
acquainted  by  experience  or  observation  with  gold 
and  silver  mining,  and  that  there  are  few  members 
of  the  House,  not  more  than  two  or  three  outside 
of  the  Representatives  from  the  Pacific  coast,  who 
know  anything  about  it.  Let  me  say  that  it  is 
the  hardest  and  most  poorly  requited  business  in 
the  country.  This  is  susceptible  of  proof.  I 
can  state  that  although  the  State  of  California 
has  been  in  need  of  revenue  it  has  never  levied  a 
dollar  of  tax  upon  the  miners,  whereas  other  em- 
ployments in  the  same  localities  have  paid  heavy 
taxes,  in  some  instances  more  than  seven  per  cent, 
a  year. 


THE  COJ!^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  16, 


This  HousG  has  passed  several  measures  to 
Iceep  down  the  price  of  gold.  Now, let  me  say 
that  this  tax  if  imposed  will  have  the  effect  to  in- 
crease the  price  of  gold  beyond  any  reduction 
that  you  will  be  able  to  secure  by  other  measures. 
I  hope  that  the  members  of  the  Flouse  will  take 
ti  reasonable  view  of  this  matter,  and  concur  in 
the  amendment  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  the  last 
man  in  this  Heuse  to  do  California  or  any  other 
State  injustice.  I  am  willing  to  avow  my  igno- 
rance on  the  subject  of  gold  mining;  and  I  ac- 
knowledge there  are  other  gentlemen  in  the  House 
as  ignorant  as  I  am.  I  regret  that  v/e  do  not  pos- 
sess some  of  the,  information  possessed  by  the 
gentlemen  from  the  Pacific  slope;  but  I  under- 
stand that  more  than  one  gentleman  from  that 
region  Avas  willing  to  accept  this  provision. 

1  v/as  precludeti  from  saying  anything  on  tlie 
first  amen'dment  taxing  the  license.  I  would  have 
been  willing  to  exclude  those  mining  for  gold,  but 
for  what  reason  should  v/e  exclude  the  tax  on  all 
those  who  are  engaged  in  mining  coal,  in  mining 
iron,  in  mining  copper,  in  mining  lead,  in  mining 
zinc'  It  seems  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  have 
the  gold  mines  exempt.  Tlie  proposition  is  to 
strike  out  the  tax  of  5  per  cent,  upon  all  tiie  gold 
that  is  mined,  and  yet  the  gentleman  from  Cal- 
ifornia declares  that  if  this  tax  is  imposed  it  will 
raise  the  price  of  gold  ! 

I  am  willing  to  put  it  in  any  siiape 'acceptable 
to  California,  but  I  protest  against  the  idea  of  so 
large  and  profitable  an  interest  as  this  entirely  es- 
caping from  taxation  in  such  a  crisis  as  that  in 
which  the  couwtry  now  is.  It  should  be  made  to 
contribute  its  fair  prf)portion. 

I  hope  my  friend  who  has  so  much  more  inform- 
ation v/ill  come  forward  with  a  better  provision. 
I  am  not  actuated  by  any  feeling  of  ill  nature  or 
spile.  I  have  the  greatest  kindness  for  that  sec- 
tion of  the  country.  I  look  upon  it  as  a. marvel 
in  our  history. 

.  Mr.  HIGBY.     I  move  to  reduce  it  to  3  per 
cent. 

Mv.  Speaker-  v.'!i";-i  this  bill  was  up  before  in  the 
Committee  of  the  Wiiolu  on  the  state  of  th-e  Union 
each  one  of  the  three  members  from  California 
liad  five  minutes  in  v/hich  to  discuss  this  all- 
important  question.  I  find,  in  conversation  with 
ail  men  here  upon  this  subject,  that  they  look 
upon  it  precisely  as  I  did  before  I  went  to  that 
country  and  lived  fourteen  years  and  had  expe- 
rience there.  It  is  necessary  that  men  should  have 
practical  knowledge  upon  this  subject  to  under- 
sta'nd  it  fully  and  properly. 

I  will  present  three  or  four  considerations  to 
the  Flouse  whicli  will  throw  a  little  light  upon  this 
subject.  While  theStateofCaliforniahas  sent  out 
oftheState,asan  articleofexportation,  fromsixto 
eight  hundred  millions  of  gold  ,  the  taxable  prop- 
erty in  1863  of  the  whole  State  was  $160,000,000, 
and  of  that  taxable  property  the  city  of  San  Fran- 
cisco had  at  least  one  third,  and  the  population 
of  the  city  was  about  one  fifth  the  population  of 
the  State.  Now  you  may  take  the  population  of 
the  mining  sections  of  the  State  and  compare  the 
taxable  property  there  with  that  in  the  agricul- 
tural and  commercial  portions  of  the  Stat'e,  and 
you  will  find  the  preponderance  in  the  agricultural 
and  commercial  portions — that  the  mining  district 
has  far  less  wealtli  in  proportion  to  population. 
What  deduction  is  to  be  drawn  from  these  facts? 
It  is  that  the  laborers  in  the  mining-districts  re- 
ceive far  less  pay  than  those  in  the  agricultural  and 
commercial  districts.  Itillustrates  the  idea,  which 
we  have  tried  to  show  to  this  House  in  the  fev/ 
moments  we  have  had,  that  the  labor  of  the  miner 
receives  less  pay  than  that  ofany  other  business. 

What  was  the  direction  of  this  tax.'  As  the 
l)ill  went  from  the  House  it  followed  the  miner 
into  his  claim,  and  taxed  hisfirstand  his  last  dol- 
lar he  toolcfromit.  It  is  not  the  amount  of  taxes 
you  take  from  the  State  of  California  of  which 
we  complain,  but  of  the  way  in  which  it  is  taken, 
the  inequality  of  the  burden,  and  of  the  persons 
from  whom  it  is  taken.  While  this  subject  was 
Ijcfore  the  House  I  proposed  an  amendment  by 
which  the  tax  should  be  imposed  upon  the  earn- 
i  ngs  of  the  miner,  after  deducting  ^600  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  family,  as  you  do  in  all  other  kinds  of 
business;  and  immediately  members  here  declared 
thut'we  objected  to  being  taxed.  Why.'  Because 
we  objected  to  being  taxed  diiferently  from  other 
men.     We  objected  because  you  wanted  to  tax  us 


where  you  do  not  tax  other  men.  There  you  fol- 
low the  laborer  down  to  his  first  dollar  and  tax  it. 
Nowhere  else  in  this  bill  do  j'ou  find  the  principle 
applied  to  any  other  class,  for  in  all  other  cases  you 
have  given  the  laborer  a  living — you  exempted  to 
him  §600  before  you  began  to  tax  him.  But  when 
you  go  to  our  coast,  and  apply  the  tax  to  a  busi- 
ness wliich,  I  tell  you,  pays  less  than  others, 
tliere,  for  the  first  time,  you  impose  an  extra  tax. 
You  would  do  differently  if  you  could  understand 
this  matter  as  we  do.  ,A  great  deal  of  gold  is 
taken  out  of  the  mines,  it  is  true.  But  the 
miners  do  not  get  the  benefits  of  it.  They  are 
the  poorest  class  in  that  country,  and  yet  your  bill 
proposes  to  tax  thern  5  per  cent,  upon  every 
dollar  their  labor  produces. 

The  gentleman  from  Vermont  [Mr.  Morrill] 
says  he  has  been  informed  by  men  from  the  Pa- 
cific coast  that  they  would  be  satisfied  with  a  tax 
of  3  per  cent.  The  gentleman  never  got  that 
statement  from  me.  I  say  let  this  taxing  of  gold 
alone.  Tax  all  branches  of  business,  but  let  the 
miner  get  out  the  gold  and  put  it  into  circulation. 
[Here  the  hammer  fell.] 

Mr.  STEVENS.  A  most  remarkable  scene, 
illustrating  the  old  doctrine,  "  Give  him  an  inch 
and  he  will  take  an  eil."  By  what  authority  does 
any  miner  in  California  dig  gold  upon  the  land  of 
this  Government.'  Not  one  of  them  but  is  a 
trespasser  upon  the  public  lands.  No  one  of  them 
that  has  paid  a  dollar  for  tlie  privilege. 

Mr.  FliGBY.  I  would  like  to  hear  the  gentle- 
man say  that  to  the  miners.  He  saysit  here,  but 
he  would  not  say  it  there. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  say  it  here  and  every- 
where. I  say  that  not  one  of  them  has  any  title 
to  the  land.  They  are  taking  the  gold  out  by  the 
permission  of  the  ov;ner  of  the  land.  This  na- 
tion owns  every  foot  of  it,  and  so  far  she  has 
allov/ed  anybody  to  go  and  use  it,  but  when  she 
comes  now  to  ask  what  all  nations  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  have  asked  when  they  suffered  their 
precious  metals  to  be  taken  from  the  bowels  of 
the  earth,  a  seigniorage,  why,  we  see  as  much 
spirit  and  energy  and  indignation  shown  here  as 
if  you  were  trying  to  take  back  from  a  man  the 
horse  he  had  stolen  from  you. 

Sir,  I  do  not  like  to  say  a  word  against  these 
Californians.  Tlieyare  good  men, but  they  have 
been  indulged  until  they  are  spoiled — absolutely 
spoiled.  I  do  not  like  to  liear  this  indignation 
expressed,  as  though  we  were  robbing  men,  when 
we  only  ask  for  what  does  not  belong  to  them 
at  all. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  WilK  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  yield  to  me  for  a  moment?  I  know 
he  is  very  kind  and  obliging. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Certainly,  I  will  yield  to  the 
gentleman. 

Mr.  SFIANNON.  I  hope  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  will  not  inferfrom  the  earnest  style 
of  my  senior  colleague  [Mr.  Higby]  that  he  is 
indignant.     It  isjonly  his  peculiar  style. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     It  is  his  fervor. 

Mr.  HIGBY.  Will  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania allow  me  to  say  to  him  in  v/hat  respect 
he  misunderstands  me? 

Mr.  STEVENS.     Certainly. 

Mr.  HIGBY.  As  I  said  when  this  question 
was  originally  before  the  House,  my  objection  is 
not  to  your  taking  a  portion  of  the  gold  in  Cali- 
fornia, but  the  objection  is  to  your  taxing  the  men 
who  take  it  out  of  the  earth. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  understand  that.  We  are 
asking  a  seigniorage  for  the  metal  no  matter  who 
takes  it  out.  If  a  man  digs  in  my  iron  mine  I 
charge  him  25  cents  a  ton.  No  matter  whether 
he  be  poor  or  rich,  he  must  pay  me  for  my  own. 
We  are  asking  but  a  little  trifle  for  that  which  be- 
longs to  the  nation. 

Now,  I  want  to  have  tlie  amendment  non-con- 
curred in,  and  let  the  subject  go  to  the  committee 
of  conference.  If  5  per  cent,  is  too  much  make 
it  4  or  3  or  2  or  1.  But  every  nation  imposes  a 
tax  like  this,  and  I  hope  we  are  not  to  be  driven 
from  it  because  v.-e  like  California  so  much. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  to 
close  debate  on  the  amendment. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  I  appeal  to  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois  to  allow  me  two  and  a  half  minutes. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Well,  I  will 
allow  the  gentleman  that  time.  I  cannot  refuse 
him. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  Tiic  gentleman  from  Penn- 


sylvania says  that  the  nation  owns  the  mines  and 
the  minereds.  We  have  never  disputed  that  fact; 
but  the  nation,  on  the  discovery  of  gold  in  Cali- 
fornia and  the  admission  of  the  State  into  the 
Union,  positively  refused  to  impose  any  tax  on 
the  people  going  thereto  mine;  on  the  other  hand, 
they  invited  the  people  of  this  nation  and  of  the 
world  to  go  there  and  dig  out  the  gold;  and  Mr. 
Benton  well  said  that  the  m.en  who  dug  it  out 
would  earn  every  dollar  of  it.  And  that  is  our 
experience.  The  fact  is  that  not  half  of  the  men 
who  work  in  the  mines  get  as  much  for  their  daily 
la:bor  as  the  people  who  work  in  mechatiics'  shops 
and  upon  farms  throughout  the  country;  and  to 
tax  a  man  who  takes  out«ip50amonth  in  the  mine.? 
5  per  cent,  is  a  proposition  which  I  undertake  to 
say  the  good  sense  of  the  House  will  at  once  see 
the  injustice  of. 

I  undertake  to  say  further,  and  I  believe  it  hon- 
estly, that  the  proposition  contained  in  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Senate  will  absolutely  yield  more 
revenue  to  the  Government  than  you  can  derive 
from  sending  your  tax-gatherers  into  the  gulches 
of  the  mountains  to  collect  a  tax  of  four  or  five 
per  cent. from  the  miners.  Why,  you  cannot  reach 
half  the  miners  by  sending  your  tax  collectors  to 
hunt  them  down.  A  man's  mine  is  worth  noth- 
ing. You  cannot  sell  it  for  anything.  He  has 
his  money  in  his  pocket  and  he  will  not  pay  the 
tax.  But  by  the  Senate  proposition  v/e  tax  it  at 
the  mint  or  assay  ofiice  where  tlie  miner  is  obliged 
to  go  with  his  bullion  and  have  it  assayed,  and 
you  get  it  there;  but  you  will  not  get  it  if  you 
send  your  tax  collectors  into  the  gulches  of  the 
mountains. 

Now  let  me  tell  the  Flouse  that  if  you  under- 
take to  hunt  down  the  miners  you  will  not  get 
your  revenue;  you  will  discourage  the  develop- 
ment of  your  mineral  resources,  and  you  will  do 
an  amount  of  injury  that  will  far  outweigh  the 
petty ,  insignificant  sum  that  you  might  expect 
to  realize  by  this  tax. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  ask  that 
the  gentleman  from  California  shall  have  a  few 
minutes  more  time. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  I  thank  the  gentleman,  but 
I  tiiink  that  the  House  understands  the  propo- 
sition. 

The  SPEAKER.     Debate  is  exhausted. 

Mr.  HIGBY  withdrew  his  amendment  to  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  I  hope  the  House  will  con- 
cur in  the  Senate  amendment. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  there  were,  on  a 
division — ayes  66,  noes  39. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  four  hundred  and  fourteenth  amendment 
was  read,  as  follows: 

To  tlie  piiragraph  "  On  oil-dressed  leather  and  deer-skins 
dressed  orsmolced,  a  duty  of  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem,"  add 
the  following  proviso: 

Provided,  That  when  leather  or  skins,  upon  wliich  a  duty 
has  been  previously  assessed  and  paid,  shall  be  maiiiiUic- 
tured  into  gloves,  mittens,  or  moccasins,  the  duty  shall  only 
be  assessed  upon  the  increased  value  thereof  when  so  mau- 
ufacttlred. 

Mr.  MARVIN.  Mr.  Speaker,  this  amendment 
isaquestion  ofgreatimportance  to  my  constituents. 
The  mittens  and  gloves  to  be  affected  by  this  amend- 
ment are  almost  exclusively  manufactured  in  my 
district.  The  skinsare  imported  in  a  raw  orun- 
tanned  state,  paying  the  required  import  duty. 
They  are  then  tanned  and  dressed  in  a  manner 
adapting  them  for  the  manufacture  of  mittens  and 
gloves.  The  factories  in  my  district  do  the  whole 
of  this  business.  They  never  sell  the  skins  after 
being  dressed,  but  manufacture  them  into  mittens 
and  gloves;  hence  it  is  unjust  to  impose  a  double 
tax,  or  in  fact  three  taxes  on  tliese  articles:  first, 
the  import  duty;  second,  the  tax  on  the  skins 
when  dressed;  third,  the  tax  on  the  mittens  and 
gloves  when  manufactured. 

The  Senate  has  justly  and  wisely  amended  the 
bill,  assessing  the  tax  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on 
the  increased  value  when  manufactured,  and  left 
the  principle  of  taxation  the  saine  as  in  the  old 
law.  More  than  90  percent,  of  the  material  used 
in  the  manufacture  of  these  articles  is  imported, 
and  pays  the  Government  duties.  To  levy  the 
tax  upon  the  increased  value  of  the  skins,  when 
made  up  into  mittens  and  gloves,  it  is  plain  to  see, 
under  the  circumstances,  is  evidently  just  and 
proper.  We  do  not  ask  for  any  special  favor  or 
side  legislation,  but  only  that  the  same  principle 
of  taxation  may  be  a[)plied  to   us  that  is  applied 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3027 


to  other  similar  interests  with  which  we  have  to 
compete.  We  refer  to  the  article  of  woolen  mit- 
tens and  gloves.  The  latter  pays  a  tax  on  the 
increased  value  of  the  yarn  used.  All  v/e  want, 
as  a  competing  business,  is  to  pay  the  same  tax  on 
the  increased  valueof  the  goods  we  manufacture. 

This  subject  was  thoroughly  discussed  in  the 
Senate,  ami  the  yeas  and  nays  being  ordered  on 
the  passage  of  this  amendment  there  were  but  five 
dissenting  votes.  These  manufacturers  are  per- 
fectly willing  to  pay  any  fair  tax  that  Congress 
chooses  to  impose  upon  them,  but  they  think,  as 
tlie  bill  originally  stood  without  this  amendment, 
it  would  be  an  act  of  oppression  to  them  and  in- 
.justicelo  their  interests. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  leave  this  question  with  the 
House,  confident  that  they  will  not  allow  the  busi- 
ness of  these  men  to  be  destroyed  by  exorbitant 
and  onerous  taxation.  I  trust  the  House  will 
concur  in  tlie  amendment. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  1  should  be  very  glad  in- 
deed to  have  the  House  oblige  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  who  so  seldom  troubles  us  with 
any  impertinent  addresses,  but  I  desire  to  state 
the  facts  in  this  case.  The  amount  of  revenue 
involved  in  the  amendment  is  very  small,  but  the 
principle  is  very  important.  As  I  understand 
there  are  in. a  single  town  in  New  York  parties 
who  tan  sheep-skins  and  deer-skins  for  gloves, 
mittens,  and  moccasins,  and  they  ask  to  have 
these  fine  skins  exempted  from  taxation.  There 
is  no  more  propriety  in  exempting  them  than  there 
would  be  in  exempting  leather  made  into  shoes  or 
harness.  If  we  are  to  adopt  the  principle  in  this 
case  we  furnish  a  precedent  for  shoemakers  and 
harness-makers  to  come  here  and  claim  that  there 
shall  be  no  tax  on  leather  that  is  put  into  boots 
and  shoes  and  harness  and  trunks.  I  hope  the 
House  will  keep  the  bill  clear  of  any  sucli  prin- 
ciple as  that. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  to 
close  debate  on  the  amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  the  amendment 
was  concurred  in,  amid  much  laughter. 

The  four  hundred  and  seventieth  and  four 
hundred  and  seventy-first  amendments  were  read, 
as  follows: 

Strike  out  '•  one  eighth"  and  insert  "one  twenty -fourtli." 
Strike  out  "Imlf  year"  and  insert  "month;"  so  that  the 
section  will  read : 

That  there  sliall  be  levied,  collected,  and  paid  a  duty  of 
one  twenty-fouith  of  one  per  cent,  each  month  upon  the 
nverajieamountot'thcdepositsot money,  subject  to  payment 
by  check  or  dralt,  with  any  person,  l)ank,  association,  or 
corporation  engaged  in  llie  business  of  bunking. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  believe  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  recominends  non-concurrence 
in  all  of  these  amendments. 

The  SPEAKER.     In  all  of  them. 
Mr.  PRUYN.     I  would  like  to  inquire  whether 
there  is  any  difference  made  between  the   State 
banks  and  the  national  banks. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  House  section,  as  it 
originally  stood,  placed  the  national  banks  and 
the  State  banks  on  the  same  footing,  but  there 
is  a  discrimination  made  between  them  in  the 
Senate  amendments.  As  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  recommends  non-concurrence,  there 
can  be  no  objection  to  that  course. 

Mr.  GANSON.  I  call  for  a  separate  vote  on 
these  amendments.  I  do  so  for  the  purpose  of 
asking  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  why 
it  recommends  non-concurrence  in  tliem. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  For  the  purpose  of  offering 
a  substitute  for  the  whole  section;  with  the  vari- 
ous amendments  it  makes  a  long  and  rather  con- 
fused section,  which  could  be  drawn  better  in  half 
the  space.  The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
has  also  another  purpose  in  recommending  non- 
concurrence.  We  propose  to  fix  about  the  same 
rate  of  taxation  on  the  State  banks  and  on  the 
national  banks,  witjuhis  difference:  banks  having 
a  large  capital,  instead  of  being  restricted  in  the 
^  issue  of  notes  to  90  per  cent,  of  their  capital,  are 
to  be  further  restricted  by  aproportionably  lai-ge 
tax  on  the  issue.  These  banks  do  not  object  to 
this. 

Mr.  GANSON.  Do  I  understand  from  the 
gentleman  from  Vermont  that  if  these  amend- 
ments be  concurred  in  the  State  banks  will  stand 
so  far  as  the  tax  is  concerned  precisely  as  the 
national  banks.' 

Mr.  MORRILL.     Not  precisely. 

Tlie  amendments  were  ncn-concnrrcd  in. 


Five  hundred  and  twelfth  amendnoent: 

Insert: 

And  upon  the  annual  gains,  profits,  or  income,  rents,  and 
dividends  accruing  upon  any  property, securities,  and  stocks 
owned  in  the  United  States  by  any  citizens  of  the  United 
States  residing  abroad,  not  in  the  employment  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  there  shall  be  levied,  col- 
lected, and  paid  a  duty  of  :2  per  cent,  more  tlian  on  resi- 
dent citizens. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  hope 
that  that  amendment  will  be  non-concurred  in. 
The  whole  section,  as  amended  by  the  Senate,  is 
crude,  and  I  hope  that  it  will  be  rel'erred  to  a  com- 
mittee of  conference. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  for  a  separate  vote, 
that  it  may  go  to  the  committee  of  conference  an 
an  instruction. 

The  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 

Five  hundred  and  thirty-sixth  amendment: 

Add: 

Nor  shall  tl'.e  portion  of  premiums  returned  by  mutual 
life  insurance  conipanies  to  their  policy  holders  be  con- 
sidered as  dividends  or  profits  under  this  act. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended non-co)icurrence. 

Mr.  WOODBRIDGE.  I  hope  that  that  amend- 
ment will  be  concurred  in.  1  think  that  these 
mutual  life  Insurance  companies  should  be  en- 
couraged. They  are  already  becoming  savings 
institutions  in  which  the  poor  provide  for  their 
families,  in  England  the  Government  itself  has 
authorized  the  Chancellor  of  tlie  Exchequer  to 
issue  the  highest  possible  rate  of  premiums. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  lUlinois,  moved  to 
close  debate  on  the  amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes 
eighty-two,  noes  not  counted. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Five  hundred  and  twenty-sixth  a«'nendment: 

In  the  section  reciting  the  various  tax  laws,  strike  out 
the  words  "and  upon  the  execution  of  new  bonds,  or  tak- 
ing anew  the  oatii  of  othce,"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the 
following : 

^nd provitlcd  further,  That  no  direct  tax  whatever  shall 
be  assessed  or  collected  under  this  or  any  other  act  of 
Congress  heretofore  passed,  until  Congress  shall  enact  an- 
other law  requiring  such  assessiileiit  and  collection  to  be 
made. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-fifth se'ction  of  this  actsubstantially  accom- 
plishes the  same  purpose,  and  i  ask  that  it  be 
read . 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

That  the  one  hundred  and  nineteenth  section  of  an  act 
entitled  "An  act  to  provide  internal  revenue  to  suiJjiort 
the  Government  and  to  pay  interest  on  the  public  debt," 
approved  July  1,  18o2,  sliall  remain  in  full  force. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  will  be  observed  that  the 
Senate  have  unintentionally  omitted  to  strike  o,ut 
that  section.  There  is  no  necessity  for  retaining 
that,  because  it  only  suspends  the  collection  of  the 
direct  taxes  for  1865.  The  amendment  before  us 
is  an  entire  repeal  of  the  act  of  1862. 

I  trust  that  this  amendment  of  the  Senate  will 
be  concurred  in.  There  is  no  belter  way  to  col- 
lect these  taxes  than  by  indirection.  It  approaches 
nearest  to  the  old  mode  of  securing  revenue  by 
duties  upon  imports.  It  is  not  felt  to  the  same 
extent  as  a  direct  tax. 

I  will  say  that  ifanything  could  give  confidence 
in  the  financial  policy  of  the  Government  on  the 
part  of  the  agricultural  portions  of  the  Union  it 
would  be  the  fact  that  we  have  abandoned  the  law 
for  the  collection  of  direct  taxes,  and  provided  for 
the  imposition  of  duties  in  such  manner  as  to  be 
less  burdensome  to  the  people.  It  is  like  tlie  old 
policy  of  raising  forty  or  fifty  millions  by  indirec- 
tion which  the  people  did  not  feel  at  all.  We  levy 
the  duties  on  the  manufacturers  themselves.  We 
have  made  that  the  policy  as  approaching  more 
nearly  the  old  policy. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  that 
debate  be  closed  on  the  amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  House  has  disposed  of 
all  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  except  those  in 
which  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  rec- 
ommend a  concurrence  with  amendments. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  amendments. 

Third  amendment: 

On  page  2,  line  thirty,  strike  out  "  and." 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurr(-iice  in  the  sauK!,  with  an  amend- 


ment inserting  in  lieu  of  the  word  to  be  stricken 
out  the  following: 

But  the  printing  of  said  forms,  decisions,  and  regulations 
sliall  be  done  at  the  public  printing  office,  unless  the  Public 
Printer  shall  be  unable  to  perform  the  work. 

So  that  the  clause  will  read: 

He  [Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue]  may  also  con- 
tract for  or  procure  the  printing  of  requisite  forms,  decis- 
ions, regulations,  and  advertisements,  but  the  printing  of 
said  forms,  decisions,  and  regulations  shall  be  done  at  the 
public  printing  office,  unless  the  Public  Printer  shall  bo  un- 
able to  perform  the  work. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  Vi/as  agreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

Eighth  amendment: 

On  page  6,  strike  out  the  sixth  section,  as  follows  : 

Sec.  G.  Jlndbc  it fttrihcr  enacted,  That  the  President  of 
the  United  States  he,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  ap- 
point, by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  a 
competent  person,  who  shall  be  called  the  cashier  of  inter- 
nal duties,  with  a  salary  of  $2,500,  who  shall  have  charge  of 
the  moneys  received  in  the  oiBce  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Internal  Uevenue,and  shall  perform  such  duties  as  maybe 
assigned  to  liis  office  by  said  Commissioner,  underthe  reg- 
ulations of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  before  enter- 
ing upon  liis  duties  as"casliier  lie  shnl'l  give  a  bond  with 
suflicient  sureties,  to  be  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  th-e 
Treasury  and  by  the  Solicitor,  that  he  will  taithl'ully  ac- 
count for  all  the  moneys  or  other  articles  of  value  belong- 
ing to  the  United  States  which  may  come  into  his  hands, 
and  perform  all  the  duties  enjoined  upon  his  ofllcc  accord- 
intr  to  law  and  regulations,  as  aforesaid  ;  which  bond  shall 
bedi'posited  with  the  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  the  same,  with  an  amend- 
ment inserting  in  lieu  of  the  section  to  be  stricken 
out  the  following: 

Sec.  6.  indite  it  farther  enacted,  Tkat  tlie  President  of 
tho  United  States  be,  and  lie  is  hereby,  authorized  to  ap- 
point, by  and  with  the  advice  and  consentof  the  Senate,  a 
competent  person,  whoshnll  be  called  the  cashier  of  inter- 
nal duties,  with  a  salary  of  $2,500,  who  shall  have  charge 
of  the  moneys  received  "in  the  oliice  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Internal  Revenue,  and  shall  pay  over  the  same  daily  to  the 
'i'reasurer  of  the  United  Stales,  and  shall  perform  such  du- 
ties as  may  be  assigned  to  his  office  by  said  Commissioner, 
under  the  regulatiolis  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
before  entering  upon  his  duties  as  cashier  he  shall  give  a 
bond  with  sufficient  sureties,  to  be  approved  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  and  by  the  Solicitor,  that  he  will 
faitlii'ully  account  for  all  the  moneys  or  other  articles  of 
value  belonging  to  the  United  Slates  which  may  come 
into  his  hands,  and  perform  all  the  duties  enjoined  upon 
his  office  according  to  law  ami  regulations,  as  aforesaid  ; 
which  liond  shall  be  deposited  with  the  First  Coniptrolii.'r 
of  the  Treasury. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  wasagi-eed  in. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  coneui-red  in, 

Thirty^eighth  amendment: 
'   On  page  15,  line  si.vty-four,  insert  the  words  "  or  neglect, 
except  in  cases  of  sickness  or  absence  from  the  State;"  so 
that  the  clause  will  read: 

And  in  case  of  the  return  of  a  false  or  fraudulent  list  or 
valuation,  he  shall  add  100  per  cent,  to  such  duty;  and  in 
case  of  a  refusal  or  neglect,  except  in  cases  of  sickness  or 
absence  from  the  State's  to  make  a  list  or  returii.or  to  verify 
the  same  as  aforesaid,  he  shall  add  50  percent,  to  such  duty. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  the  same,  with  an  amend- 
ment striking  out  from  the  words  proposed  to  l>e 
inserted,  the  words  "from  tho  State." 

Theamendmentto  theamendmcnt  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

Fifty-eighth  amendment: 

On  page  24,  at  the  end  of  section  twenty-one,  strike  out 
the  following : 

And  the  said  court  shall  also  render  judgment  agalnstthe 
said  assessor  or  assistant  assessor  for  double  the  amount  of 
damages  sustained  in  favor  of  the  party  injured,  to  be  col 
lected  by  execution.     • 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  the  same,  with  an  amend- 
ment inserting  the  matter  proposed  to  be  stricken 
out,  and  striking  out  the  word  "double"  in  the 
second  line  of  said  amendment. 

Theamendmentto  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in . 

Sixty-eighth  amendment: 

Insert  after  section  tweuty-tvvo  the  following  as  a  new 
section: 

Sec. — .  Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  if  any  assessor 
shall  demand  of,  or  receive  directly  or  indirectly  from,  any 
assistant  assessor,  as  a  condition  of  liis  appointment  to  or 
continuance  in  his  said  office  of  assistant  assessor,  any 
portion  of  the  compensation  herein  allowed  such  assist- 
ant assessor,  or  any  other  consideration,  such  assessor  so 
offending  shall  be  summarily  dismissed  from  office,  and 
shall  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  not  less  than  $50  upon  convic- 
tion of  said  offense  in  any  district  or  circuit  court  of  the 
United  States  of  the  district  in  which  such  offense  may  be 
committed. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  the  same,  with  an  ame.nd- 
mcnt  striking  out"$50"and   inserting  "  $500. " 

Theamendmentto  tlie  amendment  wnsagrec-d  to. 

The  amendment, asamcnded,  was  concurred  in. 


3028 


THE  CONGRESSIOl^AL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


One  liundretl  and  fifth  amendment: 
On  page  45,  line  fifteen,  strike  out  "  tor"  and  insert 
"  vvitl-." 

The  Committee  of  Ways  atid  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  the  same  with  an  amend- 
ment, adding  after  the  word  "  with"  the  words 
"  the  amount  of." 
Tlie  amendment  to  the  amend  men  t\\»as  agreed  to. 
Theamendment, as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 
One  hundred  and  seventeenth  amendment: 
At  the  end  of  section  tliirty-fi  ve  stril^e  out  the  following : 
And  tlie  said  court  shiill  also  render  judgment  against 
•■aid  collector  or  deputy  collector  for  double  the  amount  of 
damages  accruing  to  the  party  injured,  to  be  collected  by 
execution. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended a  concurrence  in  the  same  with  an  amend- 
ment, inserting  tiie  matter  proposed  to  be  stricken 
out  and  striliing  out  the  word  "double"  in  tiie 
same. 

The  amendment  to  the  amend  men  twasagreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended, was  concurred  in. 

One  hundred  and  twenty-second  amendment: 
At  the  end  of  section  thirty-seven  insert  the  following: 
Provided,  Tiiat  if  any  assessor  orassistant  assessor  shall 
divulge  to  any  party,  or  make  known  in  any  manner  other 
than  as  provided  in  this  act,  the  operations,  style  of  work 
or  apparatus  of  such  visited  manufacture,  said  assessor  or 
assistant  assessor  shall  be  subject  to  the  penalties  pre- 
scribed ill  section  thirty-five  of  this  act. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended a  concurrence  in  the  same  with  an  amend- 
ment, striking  out  after  the  word  "any  "  the  words 
"assessor  orassistant  assessor,"  and  inserting  the 
words  "  such  officers;"  and  also  striking  out  the 
words  "such  visited  manufacture,  said  assessor 
orassistant  assessor,"  and  inserting  in  lieu  there- 
of the  words  "any  manufacturer  or  producer 
visited  by  him  in  the  discharge  of  official  duties, 
he." 

T  he  amend  meiTt  to  the  amend  men  twasagreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

One  hundred  and  sixty -third  amendment: 
■    In  section  fifty-four,  in  reference  to  the  time  when  duties 
shall  commence  on  spirits,  strike  out  "May"  and  insert 
'■June.-' 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  the  same  with  an  amend- 
ment, striklng'out  "June"  and  inserting"  July." 

'j^he  amendment  to  the  amend  men  twasagreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

One  liundred  and  sixty-eighth  amendment: 

Page  64,  Hue  thirteen,  after  the  word  "gallon,"  insert 
tin;  following: 

Oil  and  after  the  1st  day  of  January,  186.'),  a  duty  of  $1  .50 
on  each  and  every  gallon.  And  all  spirits  wiiicli  may  be 
ill  the  possession  of  the  distiller  on  either  the  1st  day  of 
June,  October,  or  January  aforesaid,  no  duty  having  been 
paid  thereon,  shall  beheld  and  treated  as  ifdistilled  oiicach 
of  those  days  respectively. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  this  amendment  with  an 
amendment,  to  strike  out  "June"  and  insert 
"July." 

The  amendment  to  the  amend  men  twasagreed  to. 

The  amendment, as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

One  hundred  and  ninety-second  amendment: 
Page  69,  section  fil'ly-niiie,  in  line  tliree,  strike  out  the 
words  "  of  iron,  stone,  or  brick,  with  metal  or  other  lire- 
proof  roof,  and  such  warehouse,"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof, 
"established  in  confininily  with  such  regulations  as  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  prescribe,  and  such  ware- 
liouse;"  so  that  the  section  will  read  : 

That  the  owner  or  owners  of  any  distillery  or  oil  refinery 
may  iirovideathisortheir  own  expense  a  warehouse  estab- 
lished in  conforinity  with  siicli  regulations  as  the  Secretary 
of  the  'J'rcasury  may  prescribe,  and  sucli  warehouse  when 
approved  by  tlie  eolleetor,  is  hereby  declared  a  bonded 
warehouse  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be  used  only  for 
storing  distilled  spirits  or  refined  coal  oil,  or  naphtha,  and 
to  be  under  the  custody  of  the  collector  or  his  deputy.  And 
the  duty  on  the  spirits,  coal  oil,  or  naphtha  stored  in  sucli 
vvarciionso  shall  be  paid  before  it  is  removed  from  such 
warehouse,  unless  removed  in  pursuance  of  law. 

The  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  recom- 
mended concurrence  in  this  amendment  with  an 
amendment,  to  strike  outlhe  word  "established" 
in  the  matter  proposed  to  be  inserted. 

Tlic  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 
■  Tlie  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 
All  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  having  now 
been  disposed  of, 

Mr.  MORRILL  moved  that  a  committee  of 
conference  be  asked  on  tlie  disagreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments  of  tiic  Senate. 
Tiie  motion  was  agreed  to. 
And  then,  on  motion  ofMr.  FARNSWORTH, 
(utu  rjuurter  to  eleven  o'clock  p.  m.,)  the  House 
udjounied. 


IN  SENATE. 
Friday,  JtMie  17,  1864. 
Prayer  by  Rev.  M.  C.  Briggs,  of  California. 
On   motion  of  Mr.  WILSON,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent,  the  reading  of  the  Journ-al  was  dis- 
pensed with. 

PETITIONS  AND  MEMOPvIALS. 

Mr.  EOOT  presented  five  petitions  of  citizens 
of  Vermont,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mili- 
tary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  MORGAN  presented  a  memorial  of  Grin- 
nell,  Minturn  &  Co.,  Howland  &  Aspinwall,  and 
other  merchants  of  New  York,  praying  that  the 
duty  on  tea  may  be  made  specific,  and  no  part 
thereof  otZ  i;a/orem;  which  was  ordei-cd  to  lie  on 
the  table. 

Mr.  MORGAN  also  presented  the  memorial  of 
John  Graham,  praying  compensation  for  services 
rendered  in  the  tiansportation  of  mail  between 
New  Orleans  and  Key  West  during  the  quarter 
ending  July  1,  1855;  which  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads. 

He  also  presented  a  memorial  of  citizens  of  Phil- 
adelphia and  New  York,  remonstrating  against 
the  proposed  increase  of  the  duty  on  marble; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

Fie  also  presented  two  petitions  of  citizens  of 
Oh  io,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill  (H.R.  No. 
276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  military  or  naval 
service  of  the  United  States  homesteads  on  con- 
fiscated or  forfeited  estates  in  insurrectionary 
districts;  which  were  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  CHANDLER  presented  five  petitions  of 
men  and  women  of  Michigan,  praying  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit  its  exist- 
ence in  any  portion  of  the  Union;  which  were  re- 
ferred to  the  selectcommittee  on  slavery  and  freed- 
men. 

Mr.  DIXON  presented  a  memorial  of  men  and 
women  of  Connecticut,  praying  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution as  will  forever  prohibitits  existence  in  any 
portion  of  the  Union;  which  was  referred  to  the 
select  committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen. 

REPORTS  FROM  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  ANTHONY,  from  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  to  whom  was  referred  the  memorial  of 
Jatnes  R.  Gluinter,  praying  for  compensation  for 
services  rendered  in  recruiting  volunteers  for  the 
first  District  of  Columbia  regiment,  reported  ad- 
versely thereon. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  461)  for  the  re- 
lief of  John  C.  McCoimell,  repprted' adversely 
thereon. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana,  from  the  Committee 
on  Pensions,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H. 
R.  No.  393)  for  the  relief  of  Peter  Navarre,  re- 
ported adversely  thereon. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS,  from  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  to  whom  was  referred  the  joint  resolu- 
tion (H.  R.  No.  60)  to  refer  the  case  of  James 
PI.  McCulloh  to  the  Court  of  Claims,  reported 
adversely  thereon. 

Mr.  PIOWE,  from  the  Committee  on  Claims, 
to  whom  was  referred  the  joint  resolution  (PI.  R. 
No.  61)  referring  the  case  of  Charles  Wilkes  to 
the  Court  of  Claims,  reported  adversely  thereon. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.-^The  Committee  on  Post 
Offices  and  Post  Roads,  to  whom  was  referred 
the  joint  resolution  (PI.  R.  No.  93)  to  authorize 
the  Postmaster  General  to  extend  the  contract 
with  the  Overland  Mail  Company,  have  directed 
me  to  report  it  back  with  an  amendment.  If  this 
resolution  is  to  be  passed  at  all  it  should  be  done 
at  once;  efficiency  depends  on  its  present  passage. 
I  am  therefore  directed  to  ask  for  its  immediate 
consideration 

Mr.  HALE.     I  object. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempon.  Objection  be- 
ing made,  the  joint  resolution  cannot  be  consid- 
ered at  the  present  time. 

W.   B.   MATCIIETT. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  Committee  on 
Claims,  to  whom  was  referred  the  joint  resolution 


(H.  R.  No.  47)  for  the  relief  of  Rev.  W.  B. 
Matchett,  have  instructed  me  to  report  favorably; 
and  as  it  is  a  trifling  matter,  I  ask  of  the  Senate 
the  favor  to  consider  it  at  the  present  time. 

By  unanimous  consent,  the  joint  resolution  was 
considered  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  it 
proposes  to  direct  the  Pay  master  General  to  adjust 
and  pay  to  W.  B.  Matchett  the  amount  due  him 
as  chaplain  of  the  tenth  regiment  of  New  York 
volunteers  from  the  time  up  to  which  he  was  last 
paid  to  the  time  the  regiment  was  mustered  out 
of  service. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
without  amendment,  ordered  to  a  third  reading, 
read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

DISTRICT  JUDICIAL  EEES. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  move  to  reconsider 
the  vote  by  which  the  bill  (S.  No.  296)  in  relation 
to  the  fees  and  emoluments  of  the  marshal,  at- 
torney, and  clerk  gf  the  supreme  court  of  the 
Districtof  Columbia  was  passed. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  think  that  motion  is  too 
late. 

The  PRESIDENT  73)-o  tempore.  The  record 
shows  that  the  time  allowed  by  the  rules  for  a 
reconsideration  has  elapsed,  and  the  bill  has  gone 
to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

LAND  ENTRIES  IN  MISSOURI. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  move  to  take  up  HodSe  bill 
No.  217,  which  has  been  pending  fora  long  while. 
I  have  not  troubled  the  Senate  much,  and  1  should 
be  glad  to  have  this  bill  passed. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  217)  to  confirm  certain  entries  of  land  in  the 
State  of  Missouri  was  considei-ed  as  in  Commit- 
tee of  the  Wliole.  It  proposes  to  confirm  all  en- 
tries heretofore  made  under  the  graduation  act  of 
August  4,  1854,  in  township  forty-five  north,  of 
range  nine  west,  south  of  Missouri  river,  in  the 
district  of  land  subject  to  sale  at  St.  Louis.  This 
confirmation  is  not  to  extend  to  any  entry  of  land 
upon  which  there  was  an  actual  settler  other  than 
the  purchaser  at  the  date  of  such  entry;  and  it  is 
first  to  be  shown  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior  that  the  entry  was  made  in 
good  faith,  and  is  founded  upon  actual  settlement 
and  cultivation,  or  is  for  the  use  of  an  adjoining 
farm . 

The  Committee  on  Public  Lands  had  reported 
the  bill  with  an  amendment,  which  was  to  insert 
the  following  proviso  at  the  end  of  the  bill: 

Prgvided  further,  That  the  lands  shall  be  paid  for  in 
money  or  in  land  warrants  to  the  amounlof  $1  25  per  acre. 

Mr. BROWN.  I  hopetheamendmentreported 
by  the  committee  will  not  be  agreed  to,  and  I  will 
state  to  the  Senate  the  condition  of  the  bill  and  of 
the  lands  mentioned  in  it.  They  were  entries 
that  were  made  under  the  graduation  act,  some 
half  a  dozen  in  a  county  in  my  State,  but  it  was 
found  afterwards  that  there  had  been  some  defect 
in  bringing  the  lands  into  market;  that  is,  they 
had  not  been  enumerated,  perhaps  through  some 
clerical  error,  and  the  parties  who  made  those 
entries  could  not  get  a  title  in  consequence.  It  is 
now  proposed  to  confirm  those  entries.  But  the 
committee  have  reported  that  they  shall  pay  the 
price  of  $1  25  an  acre  as  though  the  land  had 
never  been  subject  to  the  graduation  law.  While 
that  might  possibly  be  right  technically,  I  think 
it  would  woi'k  an  injustice  to  the  parties  and 
would  not  come  within  the  meaning  and  the  in- 
tent of  the  graduation  act,  for  those  lands  had 
been  there  in  that  condition  for  a  long  time;  they 
are  just  like  all  the  other  surrounding  lands  that 
have  been  taken  up  in  this  manner.  It  was  sim- 
ply a  clerical  error  that  was  not  discovered  until 
after  they  had  been  occupied,  and  I  do  not  think 
there  is  any  need  of  insisting  upon  the  amend- 
ment of  the  committee.  The  greatest  objection, 
however,  is  that  if  the  amendment  of  the  commit- 
tee obtains  it  will  take  the  bill  back  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  it  will  be  lost  for  this  ses- 
sion. It  is  one  of  those  things  where  I  think  the 
merit  is  altogether  on  the  side  of  the  settlers  who 
entered  the  lands  in  good  faith,  and  it  would  be 
properfor  the  Senate  to  pass  the  bill  as  it  stands. 
The  Senator  who  reported  tiiis  bill  can  state  what 
the  ground  was  upon  which  the  committee  acted. 
The  Senator  from  Indiana  I  believe  reported  it. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Perhaps  in  reference  to 
the  amendment  which  the  cornmittee  thought  it 
proper  to  make  to  this  bill  it  is  right  that  I  should 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIOJNTAL  GLOBE. 


say  a  word.  It  was  supposed  that  these  lands 
had  been  offered  at  public  sale  in  1819,  but  upon 
an  examination  of  the  books  of  the  General  Land 
Office  they  did  not  agrree  with  the  books  in  tlie 
register's  office  in  Missouri,  and  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  they  had  not,  in  fact,  been  offered  at 
public  sale,  and  therefore  were  not  subject  to  pri- 
vate entry,  and  not  subject  to  the  graduation  law, 
and  no  steps  have  ever  been  taken  by  the  Gen- 
eral Land  Office  to  bring  them  into  market;  there- 
fore they  were  not  in  fact  subject  to  the  gradua- 
tion entry,  and  the  General  Land  Office  would 
notconfirm  these  entries.  UncVer  the  circumstances 
the  committee  were  of  oi)irion  that  it  would  be 
favorable  legislation  to  tlieso  parties  to  allow  them 
to  enter  the  lands  at  ^1  25f.n  acre  and  not  subject 
them  to  competition  at  public  sale,  in  view  of 
the  fact  tliat  tiiey  are  actual  settlers.  It  is  not  an 
amendmentof  much  con  jequence,  butanyamend- 
ment  at  this  stage  of  the  session  will  endanger  its 
passage  in  the  other  House.  If  the  Senate  think 
proper  to  allow  the  b'll  to  pass  without  the  amend- 
ment, I  have  very  little  concern  about  it.  1 
thought  the  amenJment  was  a  proper  one. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  In  order  that  this  matter  may 
be  fully  undentood  by  Senators  who  have  not 
examined  tho  case,  I  think  it  ought  to  be  stated 
that  these  lands  were  never  in  market;  they  were 
never  subject  to  sale  at  public  outcry  to  the  high- 
est bidder,  nor  were  they  subject  to  entry  at  $1  25 
an  acre.  They  have  not  been  offered  at  any  lime. 
They  have  been  lying  there  until  they  were  sur- 
rounded by  settlements;  but  have  been  surveyed, 
9,nd  in  other  respects  would  be  subject  to  thegrad- 
aation  lawif  tliey  had  once  been  offered.  These 
parties  now  seek  to  enter  them  at  twelve  and  a 
naif  cents  an  acre.  It  did  not  appear  to  the  com- 
mittee that  those  lands  were  embraced  properly 
within  the  purview  of  the  graduation  law. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  will  state  to  the  Senator  that 
the  lands  were  settled  upon  and  occupied  for  some 
time  under  the  impression  that  they  came  under 
the  graduation  law.  It  was  only  upon  the  dis- 
covery of  this  defect  that  application  was  made 
to  Congress  to  correct  the  title. 

Mr.  Harlan.  But  the  graduation  law  was 
enacted  originally  on  the  ground  that  lands  which 
liad  been  in  market  and  subject  to  sale  at  private 
entry  for  a  series  of  years  and  had  not  been  en- 
tered were  probably  lands  of  an  inferior  quality 
and  would  not  sell  at  ^1  25  an  acre.  Hence  they 
were  graduated  at  p  75,  fifty  cents,  twenty-five 
cents,  and  twelve  and  a  half  cents,  depending  on 
the  number  of  years  they  had  been  exposed  to 
sale  at  f  1  25  an  acre  and  had  remained  unsold. 
These  lands  never  we're  subjected  to  that  test. 
If  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  committee 
should  prevail,  it  would  confer  on  these  parties 
the  right  of  prcemptors,  the  right  to  take  them 
at  p  25  an  acre  without  involving  the  necessity 
of  competing  in  the  market  with  otlier  parties  who 
might  be  willing  to  give  more  than  ^1  25  an  acre. 
No  facts  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  committee 
to  justify  them  in  the  conclusion  that  these  lands 
were  not  worth  §1  25  an  acre.  The  lands  have 
been  kept  in  the  nature  of  a  reservation;  have 
been  excluded  from  sale,  and  hence  I  am  very 
clear  in  my  own  mind  that  they  ought  not  to  be 
sold  at  twelve  and  a  half  cents  an  acre,  and  that 
it  is  a- favor  to  the  parties  to  permit  them  to  enter 
them  as  preemptors  at  ^l  25  an  acre. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  think  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
is  mistaken  as  to  the  value  of  the  lands  and  as  to 
the  fact  of  their  being  held  as  a  reservation.  It 
vyas  simply  a  defect  that  amounts  to  a  reserva- 
tion; it  was  not  the  idea  in  which  they  were  held, 
becausetheyarejustlikeall  thesurroundinglands 
which  were  occupied,  and  it  was  simply  a  clerical 
error  by  which  they  were  not.  They  have  been 
occupied  now  under  the  graduation  bill;  and  un- 
der the  idea  that  this  was  the  case  the  parties  ask 
simply  to  have  this  error  corrected  and  their  en- 
tries confirmed.  I  am  more  desirous  that  the 
amendment  shall  not  be  putupon  the  bill  because 
it  amounts  to  a  very  trifling  sum,  and  it  may  de- 
feat the  bill  if  it  goes  back  to  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. It  is  a  long-delayed  act  of  justice 
to  these  parties  in  which  their  titles  are  involved. 
They  are  poor  persons,  and  I  am  anxious  to  get 
the  matter  settled  for  them. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Perhaps  it  is  right  that 
I  should  say,  in  connection  with  the  remarks  of 
the  Senator  from  Missouri,  that  the  settlers  acted 
upon  the  information  that  they  derived  tVom  the 


books  of  the  local  land  office.  The  books  of  the 
local  land  office  showed  a  public  sale,  but  the 
books  in  the  General  Land  Office  showed  the  fact 
that  they  had  not  been  offered  at  public  sale,  and 
the  settlers  acted  on  the  information  they  derived 
from  the  local  oiHce. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  It  will  be  observed  that  this 
is  a  general  bill  and  it  may  embrace  any  quan- 
tity of  land.  It  is  not  confined  to  the  few  cases 
the  Senator  from  Missouri  has  in  his  mind,  but 
is  a  general  law  and  may  sweep  thousands  and 
tens  of  thousands  of  tracts  of  land  in  its  purview. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  reported  by  the  Committee 
on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  HARLAN.     I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken, resulted — yeas  19,  nays  17;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Carlile,  Oliandler,  Clark,  Da- 
vis, Dooliitle,  Foot,  Foster,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris,  Flen- 
dric ks,Hicljs,  Johnson,  Morgan,  Si)rague,TenEyck, Trum- 
bull, and  Van  Winkle— 19. 

NAYS  — Messrs.  Brown,  Biickalew,  Conness,  Dixon, 
Grimes,  Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Nesiiiith, 
Powell,  Ramsey,  Kiciiardson,  lliddle,  Saulsbuiy,  Wade, 
Willey,  and  Wilson- 17. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collamer,  Cowan,  Fessenden,  Hard- 
ing, Henderson,  Howard,  McDoupiall,  Morrill,  Pomeroy, 
Sherman,  Sunnier,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  am.endment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended , 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in.  The 
amendment  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  the 
bill  to  be  read  a  third  time.  The  bill  was  read 
the  third  time,  and  passed. 

AGRIOOLTURAL  lli5P0RT. 

Mr.  ANTHONY  submitted  the  following  res- 
olution; whicli  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Printing: 

Resolved,  That  twenty  tliAQSrtnd  copies  of  the  report  on 
agriculture  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Senate. 

6.  w.  scofield's  court-martial. 

Mr.  GRIMES  submitted  the  following  resolu- 
tion; which  was  considered  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, and  agreed  to: 

Resolved,  That  the  SeerPtm-y  of  the  Navy  he  directed  to 
transmit  to  the  Senate  copies  of  the  proeeedinsis  and  find- 
ings in  the  case  of  C.  W.  Scofield,  a  naval  contractor,  he- 
fore  a  naval  court-martial  now  or  lately  in  session  in  the 
city  of  New  York. 

ARMY  NEWS. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  laid  before  the 
uiate    the  follow' 
War  Department! 


Senate    the  following  communication   from    the 


War  Department, 
June  17,  1864,  9^  o'clock  a.  m. 
Sir  ;  llie  following  dispatches  have  been  received  by 
this  Department: 

City  Point,  Virginia,  June  15, 
via  Jamestown  Island,  5.30  a.  in.  June  16,  ISGd. 

Smith  with  fifteen  thousand  men  attacked  Petersburg 
this  morning.  General  Butler  reports  from  his  observatory 
near  Bermuda  Hundred  that  there  has  been  sharp  fighting, 
and  that  the  troops  and  trains  of  the  enemy  were,  as  he 
writes,  moving  across  the  Appomattox  as  if  retreating. 
Hancock  is  not  near  enough  to  render  General  Smith  any 
aid.  The  Richmond  papers  have  nothing  to  indicate  a 
suspicion  of  our  crossing  the  James  river.  They  expect  to 
be  attacked  from  the  direction  of  Malvern  Hill. 

City  Point,  Virginia, 
June  15,  1864,  7.30  p.  m. 
Our  latest  report  from  Smith  was  at  4.04  p.  m.  He  had 
c.irried  a  line  of  intreiichinents  at  Beatty's  House,  the 
colored  troops  assaulting  and  carrying  the  rifle-pits  with 
great  gallantry,  but  he  had  not  yet  carried  the  main  line. 
He  describes  the  rebel  artillery  ilre  as  very  heavy.  He  ex- 
pocted  to  assault  this  line  just  before  dark.  Hancock  Is 
within  three  miles  of  Smith. 

City  Point,  Virginia,  7  a.  in.,  June  16, 1834, 
via  Jamestown  Island,  11.45  a.  m. 
At  7.20  p.  ni.  yesterday.  Smith  assaulted  and  carried  the 
principal  line  of  the  enemy  before  Petersburg,  taking  thir- 
teen cannon,  several  stands  of  colors,  and  between  three 
and  four  hundred  prisoners.  Tliis  line  Is  two  miles  from 
Petersburg.  Hancock  got  up  and  took  position  on  Smith's 
left  at  3  a.  m.  to-day.  There  was  heavy  firing  in  that  di- 
rection from  5  to  6.     No  report  yet. 

Donthard  Landing,  Virginia, 
1  p.  m.,  June  16,  1884. 
After  sending  my  dispatch  of  this  morning  from  the 
heights  southeast  of  Petersburg,  I  wentoverthe  conquered 
lilies  with  General  Grant  and  the  engineer  officers.  The 
works  are  of  the  very  strongest  kind,  more  dillicult  even  to 
take  than  was  Missionary  Ridge,  at  Chattanooga.  The 
hardest  fighting  was  done  by  the  black  troops.  The  forts 
they  stormed  were,  I  think,  the  worst  of  all.  After  the 
afl'air  was  over.  General  Smith  vventto  thank  them  and  tell 
them  he  was  proud  of  their  courage  and  dash.  He  says 
tliey  cannot  he  exceeded  as  soldiers,  and  that  hereafter  he 
will  send  them  in  a  difficult  place  as  readily  as  the  best 


white  troops.  They  captured  six  out  of  the  sixteen  cannon 
which  he  took.  The  prisoners  lie  took  were  iVom  Beaure- 
gard's command.  Some  of  them  said  they  had  just  crossed 
the  James  above  Drury's  Bhilf.  I  do  not  think  any  of 
Lee's  army  had  reached  Petersburg  when  Smith  stormed 
it.  They  seem  to  be  there  this  morning,  however,  and  to 
he  making  arrangements  to  hold  the  west  side  of  the  Appo- 
mattox. The  town  they  cannot  think  of  holding,  for  it  lies 
directly  under  our  guns.     The  weatlier  continues  splendid. 

City  Point,  Virginia,  June  16,  4.15  p.  m., 
via  Jamkstown,  11.45  p.  m. 

Getioral  Butler  reports  fl'om  Bermuda  Hundred  t^hat  the 
enemy  have  abandoned  the  works  in  front  of  that  place. 
His  troops  are  now  engaged  in  tearing  up  the  railroad  be- 
tween Petersburg  and  Richmond. 

The  following  dispatch  does  not  designate  the  hour,  but 
It  is  supposed  to  be  later  than  the  preceding  ones: 

Jamestown,  Virginia,  June  16,  1864. 
I  came  AnWfi  from  the  pontoon  above  Fort  Powhatan 
with  dispatches  for  Secretary  Stanton.    Just  as  I  left  Cap- 
tain Pilkin  reported  to  me  that  Petersburg  was  in  our  pos- 
session. 

Nothing  of  a  recent  date  has  been  heard  front  General 
Sheridan,  but  the  Richmond  Whig  of  the  15th  contains  a 
dispatch  from  General  Lee  stating  that  Sheridan  had  been 
routed  in  an  engagement  with  FitzLeeand  Hampton,  losing 
five  hundred  prisoners,  and  leaving  his  dead  and  wounded 
on  the  field. 

From  General  Sherman,  a  dispatch  dated  last  night  at  9 
p.  m.  has  been  received.   It  only  states  the  relative  position 
of  the  forces.     No  serious  engagement  had  yet  occurred. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

EDWIN  SI.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
Hon.  Daniel  Clark, 

President  pro  iemj'ore  United  Stales  Senate. 

PUNISHMENT  OF  GUERRILLAS. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  take  up  the  House 
bill  (No.  511)  to  provifle  for  the  more  speedy  pun- 
ishment of  guerrillas,  and  forother  purposes. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  the  Senate  will  not 
take  up  that  bill  this  morning. 

Mr.  WILSON.  We  had  it  up  yesterday  morn- 
ing. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  desire  to  take  up  Senate  bill 
No.  37,  to  prevent  military  interference  with  State 
elections.  I  have  been  trying  now  for  two  months 
to  get  it  up.  Sometimes  I  can  be  recognized  by 
the  Chair;  at  other  times  I  cannot.  1  hope  the 
Senate  will  not  take  up  the  bill  proposed  by  the 
Senator,  but  will  take  up  that  bill.  I  will  say  to 
the  Senate  that  I  am  willing  to  take  a  vote  on  it 
without  one  word  of  debate.  It  was  up  and  dis- 
cussed some  four  daj's  two  months  ago.  I  have 
moved  half  a  dozen  times  since  to  get  it  up,  al- 
ways without  success.  It  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant bills  on  the  Calendar. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  say  we  had  this  bill  up 
yesterday  morning,  and  it  is  an  iinportant  bill.  I 
am  very  anxious  to  have  it  settled  one  way  or 
the  other.     It  is  a  question  of  hutnanity. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  consideration 
of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  511)  to  provide  for  the  more 
speedy  punishment  of  guerrillas,  and  for  other 
purposes,  was  resumed  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  When  this  bill  went  over  yes- 
terday morning  I  was  endeavoring  to  arrest  the 
attention  of  the  Senator  from  Maryland  [Mr. 
Johnson]  who  had  made  some  remarks  upon  it, 
with  a  View  to  get  his  particular  attention  to  the 
character  of  the  bill  and  to  some  objections  which 
it  was  my  purpose  to  make  to  it.  Itwillbeseen 
from  the  provisions  of  this  bill  that  it  is  intended 
to  punish  guerrillas  for  "robbery,  arson,  burg- 
lary, rape,  assault  with  intent  to  commit  rape, 
and  for  violation  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  war." 
These  are  heinous  offenses  that  strike  at  the  safety 
of  society,  and  that  ought  to  be  certainly  and  se- 
verely punished.  But,  sir,  they  are  not  offenses 
"  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or 
public  danger."  Itis  only  offenses  thatare  char- 
acterized by  the  words  which  I  have  just  read 
that  are  amenable,  or  that  can  be  made  amenable, 
to  courts-martial  by  martial  law.  Tlie  fifth  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  provides: 

"No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  oth- 
erwise Infamous  crime  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indict- 
ment of  a  grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or 
naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia  when  in.  actual  service  in 
time  of  war  or  public  danger." 

All  the  offenses  which  this  bill  proposes  to  de- 
clare and  punish  areeithercapitalor  they  are  other- 
wise infamous  crimes.  The  question  then  occurs, 
do  these  offenses,  as  the  bill  under  consideration 
proposes  to  define  and  punish  them,  arise  in  the 
military  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  or 


) 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


111  the  militia  when  in  actual  service?  They  do 
not.  They  cannot.  I  suppose  it  is  not  our  own 
guerrillas  that  are  proposed  to  be  punished.  If 
it  v/as,  and  those  guerrillas  were  in  the  military 
service  of  the  United  States,  or  in  the  militia  of 
any  State  in  actual  service,  the  power  to  try  and 
punish  them  might  be  given  to  courts-martial; 
but  1  presume  that  this  bill  is  intended  to  punish 
the  guerrillas  of  the  rebels;  at  any  rate  its  terms 
will  embrace  guerrillas,  if  we  can  ascertain  what 
a  guerrilla  is,  in  the  service  of  the  rebels. 

iVIr.  President,  the  bill  under  consideration  is 
subject  to  two  insuperable  objections  in  my  opin- 
ion. The  one  was  assumed  by  the  Senator  from 
Maryland  yesterday  morning  in  his  objection  to 
the  bill,  and  it  is  the  vague  and  indefinite  import 
of  the  term  "guerrilla."  What  is  a  guerrilla? 
I  am  not  a  Spanish  scholar,  but  the  term  guerrero 
means  warrior,  according  to  my  understanding. 
1  suppose  that  "  guerrilla"  means  a  partisan  war- 
rior. That  is  about  the  best  meaning  of  it  I  pre- 
sume. Here  is  a  bill  before  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  that  proposes  to  punish  guerrillas 
of  the  enemy — for  1  assume  that  to  be  the  mean- 
ing— for  the  commission  of  robbery,  arson,  burg- 
'ary,  rape,  assault  with  intent  to  commit  rape, 
&c.  These  offenses  when  perpetrated  by  the 
guerrillas  of  the  enemy,  however  wicked  and 
deserving  of  punishment  they  may  be,  are  not 
cases  arising  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of 
the  United  States  Government,  nor  in  the  militia 
of  any  of  the  States  in  tiiat  service.  Is  it  com- 
petent, tlien,  for  a  military  court  to  punish  such 
offenses  committed  by  that  class  of  persons  by 
martial  law?  Is  it  competent  for  Congress  to 
confer  upon  a  court-martial  such  a  power?  It 
seems  to  me  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  state  the 
proposition  that  it  may  be  answered  in  the  nega- 
tive. Congress  cannot  confer  any  power  upona 
military  court;  Congress  cannot  add  to  the  pow- 
ers of  a  military  court;  Congress  cannot  extend 
the  jurisdiction  of  a  military  court.  The  exist- 
ence of  military  courts  and  all  their  jurisdiction 
result  from  the  Constitution  and  from  national 
law. 

Mr.  TPcUMBULL.  Will  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  allow  me  to  ask  him  a  question? 

Mr.  DAVIS.     Certainly. 

Mr.  TRUiMBULL  I  understand  the  Senator 
from  Kentucky  to  be  arguing  as  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  these  courts.  Now,  his  argument  may  or 
may  not  be  a  very  good  one;  but  1  am  quite  sure 
that  the  bill  under  consideration  confers  no  juris- 
diction whatever  to  try  any  case.  It  does  not 
propose  to  do  it.  It  is  not  a  bill  for  that  purpose. 
The  object  of  the  bill  is  merely  to  allow  the  sen- 
tence pronounced  by  a  court-martial  to  be  carried 
into  execution  without  its  being  approved  by  the 
President,  but  it  does  not  confer  on  a  court-mar- 
tial any  jurisdiction,  nor  pu-rport  to  do  it. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Mr.  President,  what  is  a  more 
important  constituentin  the  jurisdiction  of  acourt 
than  the  execution  ofits  judgments  and  sentences? 
My  position  is,  thatif  this  bill  is  intended  to  con- 
fer upon  the  courts  the  power  to  execute  their 
sentences  without  the  intervention  or  approval  of 
the  President,  it  is  a  subject  over  which  Congress 
has  no  cognizance.  What  power  has  the  Presi- 
dent over  the  subject  of  courts-martial,  and 
whence  does  he  derive  that  power?  Not  from  the 
legislation  of  Congress.  All  the  power  that  he 
possesses  in  relation  to  courts-martial  and  their 
JLirisdiction  and  their  judgments  and  sentences, 
he  derives  from  national  law,  to  the  extent  and 
only  to  the  extent  that  that  power  of  nalionallaw 
is  vested  in  him  by  the  Constitution;  and  Con- 
gress has  no  authority  whatever  to  enlarge  or  to 
modify  either  the  jurisdiction  and  power  of  the 
courts,  or  to  modify  or  restrict  the  power  of  the 
President  over  courts-martial. 

Now,  let  me  accept  the  interpretation  of  the 
honorable  Senator,  the  chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Judiciary,  in  relation  to  what  is  the  in- 
tention and  what  is  to  be  the  .operation  of  this 
bill.  It  then  resolves  itself  into  this  simple  ques- 
tion :  has  Congress  the  power  by  its  act  or  its  law 
to  authorize  a  court-martial  to  execute  a  sentence 
upon  an  individual  over  whom  it  has  or  has  not 
jurisdiction  without  the  intei'vention  of  the  Pres- 
ident? . 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  That  has  been  done  from 
thefoundation  of  theGovernmentin  acertain class 
of  offenses.  The  law  has  designated  what  ca.scs 
bhould  berefiorted  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  aa 


I  understand,  and  Vi/hat  might  be  carried  into  ex- 
ecution without  reporting  to  him.  It  has  always 
been  so,  I  think. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Whether  it  has  been  always  so 
or  not,  it  is  improper.  It  is  not  within  the  com- 
petency of  Congress  to  interfere  with  that  mat- 
ter. Show  me  tlie  evidence.  1  do  not  care  if  there 
were  a  hundred  laws  to  that  effect,  I  maintain 
that  it  is  an  interference  with  a  matter  over  which 
Congress  has  no  authority  whatever. 

Sir,  whence  does  the  President  derive  his  po  v/er 
in  relation  to  courts-martial?  Does  he  derive  it 
from  the  law  of  Congress  ?  Not  at  all.  Congress 
has  no  jurisdiction  over  such  subjects.  It  has  no 
pov;er  to  enlarge  the  authority  of  the  President; 
it  has  no  power  to  restrict  the  authority  of  the 
President.  But  here  is  an  objection  whicli  I  take 
to  this  bill  that  is  practical,  and  that  is  of  essen- 
tial interest  in  connection  with  it,  and  it  is  that  a 
court-martial  cannot  have  properly  any  jurisdic- 
tion to  try  a  guerrilla  for  robbery,  or  arson,  or 
burglary,  or  any  other  offense,  unless  that  offense 
arises  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Will  the  honorable  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois, the  chaiiTJian  of  the  Committee  on  the  Ju- 
diciary, will  that  honorable  Senator,  who  is  one 
of  the  ablest  lawyers  in  this  body,  assume  the 
position  that  a  court-martial  have  a  right  to  try 
any,  man  for  any  offense  that  does  not  arise  in  the 
military  or  naval  service? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  If  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky will  allow  me,  I  will  state  that  in  1806  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  revised  the  rules 
and  articles  of  war.  It  was  a  reenactment  pretty 
much  of  the  rules  as  they  before  existed,  and  in 
this  respect  I  think  it  will  be  found  entirely  so. 
Article  sixty-five  provides  who  may  carry  into  ef- 
fect the  decisions  of  courts-martial;  it  provides: 

"  Any  general  officer  coinmandiri!;  :m  army,  or  colonel 
commanding  a  separate  department,  may  appoint  general 
coints-martial  whenever  necessary.  But  no  sentence  of  a 
court-martial  shall  be  carried  into  execution  until  after  the 
whole  proceedings  shall  have  been  laid  before  the  officer 
ordering  the  same,  or  the  officer  commanding  the  troops 
for  the  time  being;  neither  shall  any  sentence  of  a  general 
court-martial  in  time  of  peace,  extending  to  the  loss  of 
lil'e,  or  the  dismission  of  a  commissioned  officer,or  which 
shall,  either  in  time  of  peace  or  war,  respect  ageneral  offi- 
cer, be  carried  into  execution  until  after  the  whole  pro- 
ceedings shall  have  been  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  to  be  laid  before  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
for  his  confirmation  or  disapproval  and  orders  in  the  case. 
All  other  sentences  may  be  confirmed  and  executed  by  the 
offiec^r  ordering  the  court  to  assemble,  or  the  commanding 
officer  for  the  time  being,  as  the  case  may  be." 

The  Senator  wanted  the  evidence  that  the  de- 
cision of  courts-martial  were  carried  into  eflect 
without  the  approbation  of  the  President.  It  has 
been  the  rule  of  law  and  the  practice  of  the  Gov- 
ernment from  the  day  ofits  organization. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Now,  sir,  concede  that  I  am 
right  and  the  Senator  is  wrong  on  that  point 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  concede  that.  I 
concede  you  are  wrong  and  I  am  right. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  put  the  cart  before  the  horse. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  You  have  done  that  all 
the  way  through  your  argument.  You  have  been 
arguing  something  that  is  not  in  the  bill. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Now  I  will  endeavor  to  put  the 
horse  before  the  cart,  and  I  ask  the  honorable 
Senator's  attention.  Tiie  Constitution  invests 
Congress  with  power  "  to  make  rules  for  the  gov- 
ernment and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces."  Now  admit  that  there  is  authority  for 
the  passage  of  such  a  law  as  the  Senator  has  just 
read,  I  ask  him  if  it  authorizes  the  passage  of  this 
bill?  What  is  this  bill?  I  ask  the  Senator  to 
answer  me  this  question:  has  a  military  court  the 
power  under  any  law,  whether  it  be  national  law 
or  the  articles  of  war  passed  by  Congress,  to  pun- 
ish a  man  for  any  offense  that  does  not  arise  in 
the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  will  reply  very  chjjer- 
fuUy  to  the  question  of  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky when  we  propose  to  pass  any  such  law.  I 
have  already  stated  to  him  that  there  is  not  in  this 
bill  one  single  line  or  word  authorizing  the  trial 
of  anybody.  It  merely  provides  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  judgment  of  a  court-martial  or  a  mili- 
tary commission  in  cases  where  they  heretofore 
have  had  authority  to  try.  It  confers  no  juris- 
diction. The  military  commission  or  the  court- 
martial  under  this  bill  can  try  no  case  whatever, 
either  in  the  military  service  or  out  of  the  mili- 
il  tury  service,  liiat  it  could  not  try  before  the  pas- 


sage of  this  bill.  There  is  the  answer  to  the 
question.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky  is  talking 
about  what  is  not  before  the  Senate.  Me  hatl  bet- 
ter introduce  a  bill  to  repeal  some  other  law,  and 
then  his  argument  would  be  applicable,but  it  has 
nothing  to  do  with  this  case. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  The  honorable  Senator  evades 
my  question,  he  does  not  answer  it. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  do  not  propose  to  an- 
swer a  question  that  is  not  under  consideration. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  will  show  that  it  is  under  con- 
sideration, and  it  is  necessarily  involved  in  the 
consideration  of  this  bill.  I  understand  the  Sen- 
ator, then,  as  conceding,  though  1  may  be  mis- 
taken in  assuming  that  position,  that  no  court- 
martial  in  the  United  States  has  any  power  to  try 
a  man  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infamous  crime, 
unless  it  arises  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  ^ 
the  militia  in  the  actual  sgrvice  of  the  United  States 
in  time  of  war  or  public  danger. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Pomeroy 
in  the  chair.)  The  Senator  will  excuse  the 
Chair;  it  becomes  his  duty  at  this  hour  to  call  up 
the  unfinished  business  of  yesterday. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  hope  the  Senator  will  be 
allowed  to  go  on  for  a  few  minutes.  1  desire  to 
dispose  of  this  bill. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  1  prefer  to  go  on,  if  the  Senate 
will  permit  me.  I  shall  not  occupy  a  great  deal 
of  time. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  cannot  tell  how  long 
my  honorable  friend  from  Kentucky  intends  to 
continue  his  remarks,  and  I  do  not  want  the  reg- 
ular order  delayed  for  any  considerable  time. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  do  not  propose  to  consume 
many  minutes. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  is  something  else  to 
be  said. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  understand  thei^e  is  to 
be  further  debate  on  the  subject.  I  think  we  had 
better  go  on  with  the  regular  order.  I  am  very 
anxious  to  finish  the  tariff  bill  to-day,  and  it  is 
quite  important  that  it  should  be  done  if  pos- 
sible. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  submit  myself  to  the  pleasure 
of  the  Senate. 

THE  TARIFF  BILL. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  re- 
sumed the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
494)  to  increase  the  duties  on  imports,  atid  for 
other  purposes. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  after  "  Cologne  water"  in  line  forty- 
two  of  section  eleven  to  insert  the  words  "and 
other  perfumery  of  which  alcohol  forms  the  prin- 
cipal ingredient;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  Cologne  waterand  other  perfumery  of  which  alcohol 
forms  the  principal  ingredient,  $2  50  per  gallon;  and  50  per 
cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  strike  out  line 
forty-fiveof  section  eleven:  "  On  cloves,  40  cents 
per  pound." 

Tlie  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  move  to  amend  the  bill 
by  inserting  at  thfii  point:  "  On  clove  stems,  15 
cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  move  to  strike  out  line 
fifty-six  of  that  section.  Provision  has  been  made 
for  it  elsewhere. 

The  words  proposed  to  be  stricken  out  are: 
"  On  lead,  sugar  of,  10  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  CointTiittee  on 
Finance  was  after  the  word  "juice,"  in  line  fifty- 
eight  of  section  eleven  to  insert '-'  and  fruit  juice;" 
so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  lemons,  oranges,  pine-apples,  plantains,  cocoa-nuts, 
and  fruits  preserved  in  their  own  juice,  and  fruit  juice,  -Jo 
per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  In  the  next  two  linos, 
the  committee  propose  an  alteration.  After  the 
word  "or"  in  line  sixty-one,  I  move  to  strike 
out  the  words  "juice,  10  cents  per  pound;  on 
licorice  in  rolls,  12,"  and  insert  "rolls,  10;"  so 
as  to  make  the  item  read:  "On  licorice  root,  2 
cents  per  pound;  on  licorice  paste  or  rolls,  10 
cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on 


THE  COI^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3031 


Finance  was  in  lines  sixty-three  and  sixty-four  of 
section  clevon,  to  strike  out  "On  nutmegs,  75 
cents  per  pound;  on  mace,  50  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Tlie  next  amendment  was  in  section  eleven, 
line  sixty-five,  to  change  the  word  "oil"  to  "  oils;" 
after  "castor,  "in  line  sixty-six,  strike  out"  oil," 
and  in  line  sixty-eight  to  strike  out  "pound" 
and  insert  "  ounce;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause 
read: 

On  oils,  crofon,  f  1  por  pound  ;  olives,  in  flasks  or  bot- 
tles, and  salad,  $i  per  gallon  ;  cloves,  $G  per  pound  ;  cog- 
nac or  oenanthic  etlier,  $4  per  ounce. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  largely  increased 
duty  on  cloves  having  been  struck  out  it  will  be 
necessary  to  change  the  duty  on  the  oil  of  cloves 
as  fixed  in  the  item  just  acted  on.  I  move,  tbere- 
fore,  in  line  sixty-seven,  to  strike  out  "  6"  and 
insert  "3;"  so  as  to  malie  the  duty  on  the  oil  of 
cloves  §3  per  pound. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  in  line  sixty-nine  of  section  eleven  to 
strike  out  "  4"  and  insert  "  2;"  and  in  line  sev- 
enty to  strike  out  "  6"  and  insert  "  3;"  so  as  to 
make  the  clause  read:  "On  pea-nuts,  or  ground 
beans,  2  cents  per  pound;  shelled,  3  cents  per 
pound." 

iVIr.  SUMNER.  I  certainly  do  not  v/ish  to 
enter  into  this  pea-nut  war  that  has  been  raging 
for  several  days  about  the  Capitol,  but  I  long 
since  learned  that  we  here  do  not  choose  our  du- 
ties. A  large  number  of  my  constituents  are  in- 
terested in  this  trade,  some  of  whom  have  called 
on  rne  and  others  have  written.  1  have  here  half 
a  dozen  communications  on  the  subject.  After 
gathering  all  the  information  that  I  have  been 
able  to  gather,  I  am  entirely  satisfied  that  the 
duty  proposed  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
was  a  killing  duty,  and  I  incline  to  the  opinion 
that  though  the  case  is  improved  by  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Committee  on  Finance,  still  their 
proposition  is  almost  a  killing  duty. 

This  is  a  small  article,  however,  and  the  time 
that  is  taken  up  by  tlie  Senate  to  discuss  it  will 
cost  the  country  almost  as  much  as  we  shall  gain 
by  the  proposed  duty;  but  still  to  these  people  it 
is  important.  There  are  one  or  two  houses  in 
Boston  at  this  moment  who  will  sulfer  very  seri- 
ously if  the  duty  proposed  by  the  committee  is 
adopted.  They  have  cargoes  afloat  which  have 
been  ordered  under  the  old  duty,  and  in  their 
opinion  the  article  cannot  pay  the  new  duty  and 
be  reasonably  productive. 

I  said  that  it  was  a  small  article.  We  all  know 
that  it  is  an  article  that  is  chiefly  for  the  poor  and 
the  humbler  classes.  It  is  rarely  met  with  on  the 
tables  of  hotels  and  in  society,  but  it  is  met  with 
at  the  corners  of  streets.  It  is  very  generally  used 
in  that  way,  and  it  is  also  used  to  make  an  oil. 
I  have  been  led  to  believe  that  a  duty  of  1  cent 
a  pound  on  the  pea-nut  itself  and  of  Ij  cents  on 
the  shelled  would  be  on  the  whole  best  for  the 
Government  and  for  the  importers:  best  for  the 
Government,  because  in  that  way  we  should  upon 
the  whole  get  the  most  money;  and  best  for  the 
importers,  because  in  that  way  the  trade  Vii-ould 
not  be  broken  up  or  discouraged.  I  fear  that  if 
even  the  tax  proposed  by  the  committee  should 
be  adopted  the  trade  itself  would  be  broken  up. 
One  Consequence  would  ensue  at  once,  that  we 
should  no  longer  be  able  to  send  our  goods  to  Af- 
rica in  exchange.  We  do  not  pay  for  these  ar- 
ticles in  gold,  but  we  send  to  Africa  productions 
of  our  country,  and  all  that  is  so  much  clear  gain 
to  our  commerce.  By  having  the  high  duty  you 
do  interfere  with  our  commerce,  and  I  fear,  also, 
you  will  interfere  with  the  revenue  itself.  I  there- 
fore propose  to  make  a  modification  of  the  amend- 
ment by  reducing  2  to  1  and  3  to  1^. 
_  Mr.  FESSENDEN.  All  I  have  to  say  about 
it  is  that  we  heard  these  people  by  their  delegates 
on  the  subject  of  pea-nuts  at  length,  both  in  writ- 
ing and  verbally,  and  we  came  to  the  conclusion 
to  reduce  the  duty  to  one  half  that  fixed  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  we  thought  that 
would  be  about  right. 

Mr.  VAIN- WINKLE.  This  is  an  article  which 
is  produced  very  largely  in  this  country.  A  great 
proportion  of  the  supply  was  drawn  from  the  State 
of  North  Carolina  before  the  rebellion.  It  can 
be  produced  there  and  in  other  southern  States. 


In  fact,  I  have  grown  these  nuts  in  my  own  gar- 
den at  Parkersburg.  It  is  a  considerable  inter- 
est here  and  should  be  protected,  I  think,  against 
the  imported  article,  which  is  of  inferior  quality. 
In  fact,  in  former  years  quantities  of  these  nuts 
were  exported  from  this  country.  They  were 
sent  to  France,  as  I  understand,  for  the  purpose 
of  extracting  the  oil  from  them.  These  imported 
nuts  also  enter  into  competition  with  various 
other  kinds  of  nuts  that  are  produced  here,  and 
there  is  no  reason  that  I  can  perceive  why  a  dis- 
crimination should  be  made,  why  this  article  of 
home  production  should  not  be  protected  as  well 
as  many  others,  and  also  why  a  revenue  should 
not,  under  present  circumstances,  be  derived  from 
it.  I  understand  that  the  African  trade  generally 
is  now  in  the  hands  of  Englishmen;  they  do  the 
carrying  trade  in  English  bottoms;  and  if  articles 
are  sent  there  in  exchange  they  arc  probably 
sent  on  foreign  account.  They  send  to  Africa, 
for  the  palm  oils,  pea-nuts,  and  other  articles 
that  they  bring  from  there,  English  cotton  man- 
ufactures and  not  our  own.  The  proposed  duty, 
I  think,  is  not  excessive,  nor  do  i  think  it  is  out 
of  range  with  many  other  duties  imposed  by 
the  bill.  The  raising  of  nuts  is  a  considerable 
interest  here.  As  I  have  already  stated,  the  ar- 
ticle is  largelj/',  and  can  be  still  more  extensively, 
produced  in  this  country.  It  therefore  seems 
to  me  that  it  falls  under  the  category  of  goods 
which  ought  to  be  protected  to  a  sufficientextent. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Will  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts tell  me  whatpea-nutsand  ground-beans 
sell  for  now.'  The  importation  I  am  told  is  a 
large  business  in  Massachusetts.  Arc  they  sold 
by  the  pound  ? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  They  are  sold  generally  by 
the  bushel,  I  understand,  exceptat  the  streetcor- 
ners,  where  the  Senator  knows  they  are  sold  in 
small  quantities. 

Mr.  JOFINSON.  Are  there  any  gro  v/n  in  Mas- 
sachusetts? 

Mr.  SUMNER..   None  that  I  am  aware  of. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     I  am  satisfied. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  will  observe  in  reply  to  the 
Senator  from  West  Virginia  who  alludes  to  the 
fact  that  pea-nuts  are  the  growth  of  North  Caro- 
lina, that  we  are  not  nov/,  in  the  present  condi- 
tion of  the  country,  able  to  receive  any  from  North 
Carolina.  We  are  now  dependent  upon  the  Af- 
rican trade  for  them.  He  then  reminds  us  that 
the  African  trade  is  in  the  hands  of  the  English. 
Let  me  tell  him  that  there  is  a  very  considerable 
African  trade  now  conducted  from  Salem,  Boston, 
and  New  York.  Interrupted  it  has  been  by  pi- 
rates, but  it  still  goes  on.  I  do  not  wish  to  take 
up  time  on  this  matter,  for,  as  I  have  already  said, 
the  discussion  costs  more  than  the  tax  will  bring; 
but  I  am  satisfied  from  the  papers  I  have  exam- 
ined that  the  tax  proposed  by  the  committee  is 
too  much  and  cannot  be  advantageous  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

ThePRESIDINGOFFICER,(Mr.PoMEROY.) 
The  question  is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  to  the  amendment  of  the 
Committee  on  Finance. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  amendment  of  the  committee  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  to 
strike  out  lines  seventy-six,  seventy-seven,  and 
seventy-eightof  section  eleven, "  On  pimento,  and 
black,  while,  and  red  or  cayenne  pepper,  20  cents 
per  pound;  on  ground  pimento  and  pepper  of  all 
kinds,  25  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  After  "acid,"  in  line 
eighty-two,  I  move  to  insert  "  and  gallic  acid;" 
so  as  to  make  the  clause  read,  "On  tannin  and 
tannic  acid,  and  gallic  acid,$l  50  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  to 
insert  after  line  eighty-seven  of  section  eleven, 
"On  crude  saltpeter,  2j  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  after  line  eighty-eight 
of  section  eleven  to  insert,  "  On  strychnine  and 
its  salts,  ^1  50  per  ounce." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  line  ninety  of  sec- 
tion eleven  to  strike  out  "25"  and  insert  "  30;" 
so  as  to  make  the  item  read,  "On  tagger's  iron, 
30  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 


The  next  amendment  was  to  strike  out  the  fol- 
lowing item  in  lines  ninety-three  and  ninety-four 
of  section  eleven:  "  On  zinc,  oxyd  of,  dry  or 
ground  in  oil,  2  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  v/as  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  line  ninety-eigiit 
of  section  eleven,  to  strike  out  "25"  and  insert 
"35;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  wood  pencils,  filled  witli  lead  or  other  materials,  50 
cents  per  gross,  and  in  addition  tUerctu  35  percent,  ad  va- 
lorem. 

The  amendimffent  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  add  to  section  five: 

On  playin,'j  cards,  costing  not  over  25  cents  per  pack,  25 
cents  per  pack;  costing  over  25  cents  per  pack,  35  cents  per 
pack.  • 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  move  to  amend  the  amendment 
of  the  committee  by  striking  out  "  25"  in  the  first 
item  and  inserting  "20,"  and  by  striking  out 
"  35"  in  the  second  item  and  inserting  "  25." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  should  like  to  have  the 
Senator  give  some  reason  for  that  proposition. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  think  the  duty  as  fixed  by  the 
committee  is  prohibitory.  I  think  more  money 
will  be  obtained  by  the  Government  by  fixing  it 
at  20  cents  for  the  cheaper  kind  and  25  cents  for 
that  costing  over  25  cents  per  pack.  That  is  the 
reason  of  my  motion. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  internal  revenue 
duties  fixed  on  playing  cards  at  first  were  2,  4, 
10,  and  15  cents,  according  to  their  price,  and  5 
cents  on  fractional  differences.  We  have  raised 
the  2  to  5,  the  4  to  10,  the  10  to  15,  and  the  15  to 
30.  That  is  a  very  large  increase.  The  duties 
on  the  imported  article  before  were  15  cents  for 
those  costing  under  25  cents  a  pack.  We  have 
raised  that  to  25  cents,  and  where  the  existing 
duty  is  25  cents  we  have  raised  it  to  35.  The  in- 
crease of  duty  in  the  tariff  does  not  bear  the  same 
proportion  as  the  increased  duty  which  we  have 
laid  on  the  domestic  article.  1  see  no  reason, 
therefore,  for  interfering  with  the  proposition  of 
the  committee. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  kind 
of  cards  costing  not  over  25  cents  a  pack  will  be 
imported  at  all  if  the  duty  be  put  at  25  cents.  If 
the  object  is  to  get  revenue,  the  duty  had  better 
be  lowered.  If  the  object  is  prohibition  and  to 
encourage  the  domestic  article,  that  is  another 
matter. 

Mr.  CLARK.  We  have  increased  the  tax  both 
on  the  foreign  article  and  the  domestic  article.  1 
take  it  that  whatever  the  tax  may  be  there  will 
notbe  many  the  less  cards  used.  If  we  do  notget 
the  duty  on  the  foreign  article  we  will  get  it  on  the 
domestic,  and  if  not  on  the  domestic  we  will  get 
it  on  the  foreign.  The  committee  adjusted  the 
one  to  the  other,  and  I  think  we  had  better  let 
the  matter  stand  as  they  have  adjusted  it.  If  any 
change  be  made,  it  seems  to  me  the  duty  should 
be  higher. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendmentwas  rejected. 

The  amendment  of  the  committee  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  lines  twelve  and 
thirteen  of  section  thirteen,  to  strike  out  "  manu- 
factured, 25,"  and  insert  "  unmanufactured,  30;" 
so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  cork,  bark  or  wood,  unmanufactured,  30  per  cent,  ad 
valorem.  On  corks  and  cork  bark,  manufactured,  50  per 
cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendmentwas  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
provision  in  regard  to  furs  in  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  lines  of  the  thirteenth  section,  and  in 
lieu  of  it  to  insert: 

Hatters'  furs  not  on  the  skin,  dressed  furs  on  the  skin, 
25  per  cent,  ad  valorem;  furs  on  tlie  skin,  undressed,  10  per 
cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  in  line  twenty  of  section  thirteen,  to 
strike  out  "  35"  and  insert  "  40;"  so  as  to  make 
the  clause  read:  "  Ongutta  percha,  manufactured, 
40  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendmentwas  after  "dollar,"  in 
line  thirty,  to  strike  out  "25  cents,"  so  as  to 
make  the  duty  on  "  marble,  white  statuary,  bro- 
catella,  sienna,  and  verd-antique,  in  block,  rough 
or  squared,  $1  per  cubic  foot,  and  in  addition 
thereto  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendmentwas  in  line  forty-three  of 


3032 


THE  COjSTGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


section  thirteen  to  strike  out  "2  cents"  and  in- 
sert "  1  cent;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read:  "  On 
palm-leaf  fans,  1  cent  each." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  thirteen, 
line  forty-six,  after  "  porcelain"  to  insert"  lava;" 
after  "pipes"  in  line  forty-seven  to  insert  "and 
pipe-bowls,  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for;" 
and  in  line  forty-nine  to  strike  out  "  50"  and  in- 
sert "  75;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  meerschaum,  wood,  porcelain,  lava,  anil  all  other  to- 
bacco-smoking pipes  and  pipe  bowls, not  herein  ollierwise 
provided  for,  ^1' 50  per  gross,  and  in  addition  thereto  75 
per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

•Thenextamendment  v/as  in  line  fifty  of  section 
thirteen,  after  "  stems"  to  insert  "  tips;"  in  line 
fifty-two  after  "fixtures"  to  insert  "and  all 
smoker's  articles,"  and  to  strike  out  "  100"  and 
insert"  75;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 

On  iiipe  cases,  pipe  stems,  tips,  mouth-]iieces,  and  me- 
tallic monnlings  lor  pipes,  and  nil  parts  of  pipes  or  pipe  fix- 
lures,  and  iill  smoker-s  articles  75  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  line  fifty-four  of 
section  thirteen  to  strike  out"  pipe"  before  "  tips" 
and  insert  "  pen,"  so  as  to  make  the  item  read: 
"On  pen-tips  and  pen-holders,  or  parts  thereof, 
35  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  insertat  theend  of 
section  thirteen:  "  On  rice,  cleaned  and  uncleaned, 
2  cents  per  pound;  on  paddy,  1  cent  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  eighteen, 
line  two,  to  strike  out  "aforesaid"  and  insert 
"  this  act  shall  take  effect." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  eighteen, 
lines  five,  six,  and  seven,  to  strike  out  "  silk,  raw 
or  unmanufactured,  or  not  more  advanced  in  man- 
ufacture than  singles,  tram,  thrown,  or  organ- 
zine,"  and  insert  "  raw  cotton;"  so  as  to  make  the 
section  read: 

Sec.  18.  Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  Thaton  and  after  the 
day  and  year  this  act  shall  talte  effect  there  sliall  be  levied, 
collected,  and  paid  on  all  goods,  wares,  and  merciiHndise 
of  llie  c;rowth  or  produce  of  countries  east  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  (except  raw  cotton,)  when  imported  from 
places  west  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  a  duty  of  10  per 
cent,  ad  valorem,  in  addition  to  the  duties  imposed  on  any 
sndh  articles  when  imported  directly  from  the  place  or 
places  of  their  growth  or  production:  Provided,  That  sec- 
tion three  of  the  act  approved  August  5,  1861,  entitled 
"An  act  to  provide  increased  revenue  from  imports,  to  ptiy 
interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  for  other  purposes,"  and 
section  fourteen  of  the  act  approved  July  14, 1862,  entitled 
"An  act  increasing  temporarily  the  rates  of  duties  on  im- 
ports, and  for  other  purposes,"  be,  and  tlie  same  are  here- 
by, repealed. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  have  received  a  letter  on 
this  subject  to  which  1  desire  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Senate,  and  as  the  letter  states  the  mat- 
ter much  better  than  I  can  I  will  read  it.  My 
objection  is  to  striking  out  that  portion  of  this 
exception  which  applies  to  "  silk,  raw  or  unmanu- 
factured, or  not  more  advanced  than  singles,  tram, 
thrown,  ororganzine."  The  letter  to  which  1  have 
referred  refers  to  the  section  as  it  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  claims  that  that  is  right. 
It  says: 

"  The  Senate  Finance  (;ommittee  have  reported  an 
amendment  to  the  '  tariff  bill'  as  passed  by  the  House,  to 
make  '  tram  and  organzine  in  gum  pay  10  per  cent,  addi- 
tional duty,  being  shipped  from  countries  this  side  of  tlie 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,'  tlie  raw  material  being  a  growth  of 
countries  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  We  liave  been 
struggling  hard  for  the  past  three  years  to  manufacture 
'bonnet  ribbons'  in  this  country,  and  have  succeeded  in 
making  them  ecpial  in  quality  to  "foreign  ribbons;  but  labor 
being  so  much  lower  in  England,  France,  and  Switzerland, 
we  cannot  compete  in  price.  Tliereare  now  some  twenty 
ribbon  manulacturers  in  Ameri(>a.  l\  you  put  this  addi- 
tional duty  on  tram,  organzine,  and  spun  silk,  you  will  ruin 
every  one  of  us.  We  pray  you  to  pass  the  bill  as  it  came 
from  the  House,  and  in  a  few  years  you  will  lind  thousands 
of  foreign  weavers  will  come  to  this  country,  and  we  shall 
be  able  to  produce  all  the  ribbons  and  silk  piece  goods  re- 
quired for  home  consumption." 

This  letter  comes  from  New  York  from  parties 
with  whom  I  am  not  familiar  and  of  whom  1  have 
no  knowledge;  but  from  the  facts  stated  here,  it 
would  seem  that  the  section  should  stand  as  it 
was  framed  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  I 
believe  the  Senator  from  New  York  has  also  some 
information  on  ihis  subject,  and  is  in  favor  ofthe 
section  as  it  came  from  the  other  Flouse.  Under 
these  circumstances  1  ask  that  the  amendinenlas 
proposed  by  the  committee  be  not  concurred  in. 
Thisisa  veryiii'fenorkind  of  article,  I  understaiui-, 


itis  generally  the  waste  of  another  kind  of  article, 
the  silk  in  the  gum,  or  a  portion  of  it  is;  and  if 
this  amendment  be  adopted  it  will  be  subject  to  a 
duty  of  10  per  cent.,  and  the  manufacture  of  rib- 
bons made  from  this  article  will  be  interrupted 
and  the  business  ruined  in  this  country. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  also  am  opposed  to  the  amend- 
ment proposed  by  the  Finance  Committee  so  far 
as  it  proposes  to  strike  out  the  exception  made 
by  the  House  of  Representatives.  That  portion 
ofthe  amendment  which  proposes  to  add  "raw 
cotton"  to  the  exception  1  have  no  objection  to. 
Indeed  I  am  in  favor  of  that.  I  understand  that 
there  are  in  this  country  now  quite  a  number  of 
silk  manufactories;  that  that  kind  of  manufacture 
has  been  growing,  increasing  in  thecountry;  that 
it  is  yet  in  its  infancy,  thatithas  to  struggle  hard 
with  foreign  competition.  Now  it  is  proposed  to 
place  upon  the  raw  silk,  the  article  that  they  use 
in  their  manufactures,  aduty  of  10  per  cent.  Itis 
10  per  cent,  when  imported  from  England,  in  fact, 
and  not  when  imported  from  beyond  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope.  In  fact  practically  it  is  10  per 
cent,  upon  the  importation  ofthe  article.  These 
manufacturers  cannot  import  it  from  beyond  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  do  not.  They  go  to 
England  for  their  stock.  Here  is  a  duty  of  10 
per  cent,  imposed  upon  the  raw  material  that  they 
use  in  this  manufacture.  If  its  effect  should  be, 
as  I  apprehend  it  may  be,  to  stifle,  to  crush,  to 
destroy  these  factories,  the  Government  will  be 
the  loser  by  it.  If  we  allow  these  factories  to  go 
on,  if  they  can  be  sustained,  if  they  can  import 
this  raw  material  and  work  it  up,  they  will  pay  an 
internal. duty  of  5  per  cent,  on  their  manufac- 
tures and  we  shall  get  much  more  by  that  duty  i 
than  we  shall  if  we  stop  these  factories  or  cripple 
their  interests  so  that  they  cannot  go  on.  In  my 
judgment,  it  will  be  wise,  the  Government  will 
increase  its  revenues,  to  abandon  this  proposition 
to  put  a  duty  of  10  per  cent,  upon  the  raw  silk 
imported. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  think,  from  the  remarks  of 
the  Senator  from  New  York  and  also  those  of 
the  Senator  from  New  Jersey,  they  have  notcon- 
sidercd  another  interest  that  there  is  in  the  coun- 
try, and  that  is  the  manuflicture  of  this  raw  silk. 
If  you  allow  it  to  come  in  free  from  duty  you 
strike  at  the  manufacture  of  it  in  this  country, 
which  is  a  large  interest.  The  committee  desire 
to  protect  both.  They  desire  to  put  a  protection 
upon  the  manufacture  of  raw  silk  and  also  on  the 
manufacture  of  ribbons.  The  manufacture  of 
the  lower  kinds  of  raw  silk  has  gained  a  consid- 
erable foothold,  such  as  would  come  in  under  this 
duty.  We  had  deputations  from  both  branches 
before  us,  and  while  the  ribbon  manufacturers  said 
they  would  be  stricken  down  without  protection, 
the  silk  manufacturers  said  they  would  be  stricken 
down  unless  they  were  protected.  The  true  way 
is  to  lay  such  a  duty  as  will  protect  the  domestic 
manufacture  against  the  foreign,  and  then  put  an 
additional  duty  on  the  foreign  article  so  as  to  pro- 
tect the  ribbon  manufacturer  and  let  him  make 
ribbons.  If  Senators  will  turn  their  attention  to 
page  26,  section  eight,  they  will  find  that  we  have 
already  laid  a  duty  of  GO  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on 
ribbons.  That  would  seem  to  be  enough  to  pro- 
tect the  ribbon  manufacturers  in  this  country. 
If  it  is  not,  the  committee  will  have  no  objection 
to  make  it  more. 

Mr,  HARRIS.  The  factory  that  I  more  par- 
ticularly know  about,  is  one  engaged  in  import- 
ing this  raw  silk  and  manufacturing  it  into  pat- 
terns. 

Mr.  CLARK.  But  then  it  comes  directly  in 
competition  with  the  man  who  manufactures  the 
raw  silk  in  this  country.  The  ribbon  manufac- 
turers also  are  opposed  to  the  duty,  because  they 
want  to  import  the  article  and  make  it  into  rib- 
bons. It  is  necessary  to  impose  your  duty  so  as 
to  protect  them  all  around.  There  is  another 
consideration,  that  if  you  strike  out  this  excep- 
tion you  encourage  our  people  tcf  importdirectly 
from  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  you 
do  not  give  a  protection  to  those  who  take  the 
articles  from  that  region  into  England  and  other 
countries  and  then  bring  them  here.  It  is  very 
true  that  our  commerce  is  sweptaway  from  those 
seas  to  a  very  great  extent  now,  but  the  principle 
is  an  important  one. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  The  manufacture  is  not  ex- 
tensive enough  to  justify  the  manufacturers  to 
import  from  Asia 


Mr.  CLARK.  And  yet  it  may  under  the  fos- 
tering care  of  Congress  grow  up  to  be  a  very 
large  manufacture.  So  with  many  foreign  wools 
introduced.  We  should  encourage  the  direct  im- 
portation. Now  our  foreign  wools  are  brought 
through  England  to  a  large  extent,  but  we  hope 
that  by  and  by  our  interest  will  be  so  great  that 
we  shall  encourage  the  direct  importation. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  am  very  much  afraid  that 
this  will  add  25  per  cent,  and  stop  the  silk  manu- 
facturers. The  10  per  cent,  duty  at  the  present 
price  of  gold  is  equal  to  20  per  cent,  on  the  import- 
ation, and  the  importers  of  course  will  add  5  per 
cent. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Does  the  Senator  desire  to  break 
down  those  who  manufacture  the  raw  silk  in  this 
country? 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  do  not  understand  that  there 
is  much  of  it. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Not  a  very  large  amount,  but 
it  is  growing  into  quite  a  business. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  My  apprehension  is  that  if 
you  add  25  per  cent,  to  the  cost  of  the  raw  silk 
imported  you  crush  those  who  use  it  as  the  raw 
material  of  their  manufacture  in  this  country. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Undoubtedly  we  do  add  some- 
thing, and  we  do  it  for  tiie  purpose  of  protecting 
our  own  manufacturers. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  think  the  Senator  from 
New  Hampshire  designs  to  do  the  same  thing  that 
1  desire  to  do,  to  protect  the  manufacturer  of  this 
raw  silk.  Now,  1  understand  that  it  is  to  be  done 
in  just  this  way:  by  striking  out  this  amendment 
of  the  Finance  Committee.  The  manufacturers 
who  use  this  raw  material  say  that  London  is  the 
great  center  for  it,  that  five  sixths  of  all  the  raw 
silk  that  is  manufactured  in  this  country  has  to 
be  procured  in  London,  that  it  cannot  be  obtained 
beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  sufficient  quan- 
tities to  answer  the  demands  of  the  manufactur- 
ers. The  consequence  is  that  this  duty  will  debar 
them  from  having  an  opportunity  of  acquiring 
this  material  free  of  duty,  and  the  Senator  from 
New  Hampshire  by  insisting  on  this  amendment 
is  actually  crippling  the  very  business  that  he  de- 
signs to  aid  and  protect — this  young  silk  manu- 
facture in  this  country.  I  am  informed  by  gen- 
tlemen ofhigh  intelligence  engaged  in  this  business 
that  upon  this  class  of  material  they  do  not  want 
discrimination,  but  the  very  same  men  ask  for  the 
duty  on  other  silks  imported  which  the  Finance 
Committee  have  conceded  to  them.  They  are  the 
identical  persons  engaged  in  the  same  business. 
I  hope  the  committee  will  not  insist  upon  their 
amendment  to  this  section;  butif  they  are  not  sat- 
isfied they  can  look  further  into  the  subject,  and 
we  can  alter  the  provision- when  the  bill  comes 
into  the  Senate. 

Mr.  CLARK.  If  we  make  no  amendment  but 
agree  to  the  section  as  it  comes  from  the  other 
House,  the  question  will  be  beyond  the  power  of 
further  consideration.  Undoubtedly  what  the 
Senator  from  New  Jersey  says  would  be  true  if 
there  were  but  one  variety  of  manufacture;  then 
they  would  desire  to  have  their  raw  material  free 
of  duty  that  they  might  manufacture  it;  but  there 
are  manufacturers  that  need  protection  as  well, 
and  so  it  becomes  necessary  to  protect  the  whole. 
It  is  very  similar  to  the  matter  of  railroad  iron. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  think  this  matter  is 
hardly  understood.  It  will  be  noticed  that  for 
several  years  our  policy  has  been  as  a  general 
rule  to  levy  10  per  cent,  additional  duty  upon 
goods  coming  from  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  when  they  are  imported  into  this  country 
from  places  this  side  of  the  cape.  The  English 
having  the  ability  to  import  perhaps  atacheapcr 
rate  than  we  can  import  these  eastern  articles, 
our  merchants  and  manufacturers  get  them  from 
England.  To  encourage  direct  importations  and 
the  use  of  our  own  ships,  we  have  provided  here- 
tofore that  on  all  articles  the  production  of  coun- 
tries beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  10  per 
cent,  additional  duty  shouUl  be  levied  when  they 
were  imported  from  places  this  side  of  the  cape. 
That  operates  precjsely  in  the  way  it  was  de- 
signed to  operate;  but  with  reference  to  two  or 
three  articles  there  have  been  exceptions.  One 
is  this  raw  silk,  and  the  committee  propose  to  ex- 
cept raw  cotton.  The  importation  of  raw  cotton 
is  not  very  large,  but  in  the  present  wants  ofthe 
manufacturers  it  is  deemed  advisable  to  allow  it 
to  be  imported  without  the  additional  duty. 

The  10  per  cent,  additional  which  is   put  on 


1864. 


THE  00]SrGRESSIO:NrAL  GLOBE. 


8033 


here  is  a  protection  by  so  much  to  the  silk  man- 
ufacturers in  this  country.  If  we  should  not 
make  the  exception  of  raw  silk,  they  would  have 
to  pay  10  percent,  additional  if  they  chose  to  deal 
with  England;  but  by  making  the  exception  they 
get  it  from  England  of  course  without  the  addi- 
tional duty.  Those  who  manufacture  a  certain 
class  of  articles  are  anxious  that  the  exception 
should  continue;  but  the  mercantile  interest.on  the 
contrary,  is  desirous  that  the  exception  should 
notbe  made.  Theduty  on  thesearticles  of  which 
we  have  been  speaking  was  25  per  cent.  Calcu- 
lating this  10  per  cent,  additional  as  so  much  pro- 
tection, it  would  bring  it  to  35  per  cent.,  but  at 
their  suggestion  we  raised  the  25  per  cent,  to  40 
per  cent.,  adding  15  per  cent,  to  the  duty  by  way 
of  protection.  They  are  very  anxious  in  addition 
to  be  relieved  of  the  10  per  cent. 

The  committee  on  looking  at  it  thought  the  ex- 
ception should  not  be  continued.  They  did  not 
feel  particularly  anxious,  to  say  the  truth,  to  give 
English  merchants,  under  existing  circumstances, 
any  advantages  which  we  were  not  required  to 
give  for  our  own  interest.  We  deemed  it  wise  to 
increase  the  duties  and  strike  out  the  exception. 
The  ribbon  manufacturers  complain,  I  know;  but 
I  do  not  see  how  they  can  reasonably  do  sojhaving 
CO  per  cent,  protection  by  the  bill  on  all  manu- 
factures of  silk  not  otherwise  enumerated.  At 
present  the  general  rate  is  about  35  percent.,  and 
we  have  raised  it  to  60.  As  we  did  that,  it  seemed 
to  me  that  this  exception  mightvery  well  be  struck 
out.  As  we  have  increased  the  duty  on  the  par- 
ticular article  from  25  to  40  per  cent.,  I  thought 
it  would  amount  to  protection  enough.  It  will 
be  of  advantage  to  our  trade  to  encourage  as  far 
as  possible  direct  importations  where  we  can  do 
so  without  interfering  with  our  own  interests.  It 
is,  however,  a  matter  upon  which  I  have  not  any 
very  strenuous  opinion,  and  I  believe  the  com- 
rnittee  are  in  the  same  position.  We  thought  it 
wisest  under  the  circumstances  to  make  the  alter- 
ation here  proposed  and  leave  it  open  for  consid- 
eration afterwards. 

iVIr.  HARRIS.  I  agree  with  the  Senator  from 
Maine  in  his  views  so  far  as  trade  with  England 
is  concerned.  I  have  no  desire  to  encourage  trade 
with  that  country  any  further  than  our  own  in- 
terest will  be  promoted  by  it.  In  relation  to  this 
particular  article  my  conviction  is  that  the  manu- 
facturers at  present  will  have  to  get  their  stock 
from  England,  that  the  trade  is  not  large  enough 
to  justify  them  in  attempting  to  import  directly 
from  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  I  am  sure 
that  the  stock  of  raw  silk  for  these  little  manu- 
facturing establishments  will  have  to  be  ordered 
directly  from  England.  I  am  not  sure  but  that 
the  views  expressed  by  the  Senator  from  Maine 
in  relation  to  it  are  correct.  My  belief  is,  how- 
ever, that  it  will  Operate  very  severely  and  very 
unjustly  on  these  silk  manufacturers.  Still,  I  am 
not  disposed  to  press  the  matter  further  here,  but 
I  desire  to  ask  the  careful  attention  of  Senators 
who  will  be  engaged  upon  the  committee  of  con- 
ference on  this  bill  to  this  point.  My  impression 
is  that  the  House  of  Representatives  have  got  it 
right,  and  I  desire  that  Senators  who  may  be  upon 
the  conference  committee  shall  give  it  their  atten- 
tion when  they  come  to  consider  it  hereafter. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  qiiestion 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Finance 
to  the  eighteenth  section  of  the  bill. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  in  line  three  of  section  nineteen  to  strike 
out  the  word  " aforesaid"  and  insert  "this  act 
shall  take  effect;"  so  as  to  read: 

Tliat  all  goods,  wares,  and  inercliandiso  wliicli  may  be 
\n  tlie  public  stores  or  bonded  warehouses  on  llie  day  and 
year  tins  aet  sliall  take  effect  shall  be  subjected,  &c. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  think  those  words,  "on 
the  day  and  year,"  should  be  stricken  out,  so  as 
to  read  simply,  "when  this  act  shall  takeeftect." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  language  of  the  pre- 
ceding sections  is,  "  the  day  and  year  this  act  shall 
take  effect." 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Are  the  new  duties  to  be 
applied  to  the  goods  in  warehouse  after  the  day 
and  year  the  act  takes  effect? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  act  takes  effect  on  a 
certain  day,  and  it  is  to  apply  to  everything  that 
is  there  on  that  day. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  ask  the  chairman  if  that 
will  not  apply  to  goods  thatare  in  bond  and  have 


been  there  for  some  time  before  the  passage  of  this 
act.? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  provision  is  that 
goods  in  warehouse  "  shall  be  subjected  to  no 
other  duty  upon  the  entry  thereof  for  consump- 
tion than  if  the  same  were  imported  respectively 
after  that  day."  In  fact  it  lessens  the  duty  in  a 
great  many  cases,  because  the  50  per  cent,  reso- 
lution increased  tlie  duty  above  this  act.  It  is  in- 
tended to  bring  everything  within  the  operation 
of  this  act  on  the  day  it  goes  into  effect. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  That  I  understand;  but  then 
goods  in  warehouse  which  were  responsible  only 
for  the  duties  imposed  at  the  time  they  were  ware- 
housed, and  for  which,  therefore,  a  bond  to  that 
amount  was  given,  will  have  to  pay  more,  pro- 
vided the  tariff' on  that  class  of  goods  is  increased 
by  this  bill. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Yes,  sir;  but  the  importer 
has  an  opportunity  between  now  and  then  to  take 
them  out  if  he  pleases. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  But  the  next  section  contin- 
ues the  joint  resolution  in  force. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Only  up  to  the  time  this 
act  goes  into  effect.  The  importer  can  take  them 
out  under  the  joint  resolution  if  he  desires  to 
do  so. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  By  paying  50  per  cent,  ad- 
ditional. When  we  come  .to  that  1  shall  have  a 
word  to  say. 

The  amendment  waS  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  after  "  1846,"  in  line 
seven  of  section  nineteen,  to  insert  the  words  "  or 
any  other  act,"  and  after  the  words  "  fire-crack- 
ers," in  line  eight,  to  strike  out  "  deposit"  and 
insert  "  or  prohibits  their  deposit;"  so  as  to  make 
the  clause  read: 

And  so  much  of  the  net  of  August  6,  1846,  or  any  other 
aet,  as  requires  the  sale  of  fire -crackers,  or  prohibits  their 
deposit  in  bonded  warehouse,  is  hereby  repealed. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Is  it  meant  to  authorize  the 
deposit  in  bonded  warehouses  of  fire-crackers  .' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     That  is  the  intention. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Is  there  not  some  danger  in 
that.'     It  was  prohibited  by  the  act  of  1846. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  was  under  the  idea 
that  there  was  danger;"^but  they  say  there  is  not 
the  slightest  danger,  and  the  evidence  was  con- 
clusive to  the  committee  on  that  point.  There  is 
very  great  inconvenience  from  the  present  law  re- 
quiring them  to  be  sold. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  insert  as  an  ad- 
ditional section  the  following: 

Sec.  — .  Andhc  it  further  enacted.  That  on  and  after  the 
day  and  year  this  act  shall  take  ellect,  it  shall  b(!  lawful  for 
the  owner,  consignee,  or  agent  of  any  goods,  wares,  or 
niercliandise  which  shall  have  been  actually  purchased,  or 
procured  otherwise  than  by  purchase,  at  the  time  when  he 
shall  produce  his  original  invoice,  or  invoices,  to  the  col- 
lector, and  make  and  verify  his  written  entry  of  his  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise,  as  provided  by  section  thirty-six 
of  the  act  of  March  2,  1799,  entitled  "An  act  to  regulate  the 
collection  of  duties  on  imports  and  tonnage,"  and  not  after- 
wards, to  make  such  addition  in  the  entry  to  the  cost  or 
value  given  in  the  invoice  as,  in  his  opinion,  may  raise  the 
same  to  the  true  market  value  of  such  goods,  wares,  and 
merchandise  in  the  principal  markets  of  the  country 
whence  they  shall  have  been  imported,  and  to  add  thereto 
all  costs  aiul  charges  wliicli,  under  existing  laws,  would 
form  part  of  the  true  value  at  the  port  where  the  same  may 
be  entered,  upon  which  the  duties  should  be  assessed.  And 
it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  collector,  within  v/hose  district 
the  same  may  bo  importcd,orentered,  to  cause  the  dutiable 
value  of  such  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  to  be  ap- 
praised, estimated,  and.ascertained,  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  existing  laws.  And  if  the  appraised  value 
tliereof  shall  exceed,  by  10  per  cent.,  or  more,  the  value 
so  declared  on  the  entry,  then,  in  addition  to  the  duties  im- 
posed by  law  on  the  same,  there  shall  be  levied,  collected, 
and  paid  aduty  of  20percent.  ad  valorem  on  such  appraised 
value  :  Provided,  That  the  duty  shall  not  be  assessed  upon 
an  amount  less  than  the  invoice  or  entered  value,  any  law 
of  Congress  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding:  Arid  provided 
further.  That,  on  and  after  the  day  and  year  aforesaid,  the 
eightli  section  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act  redueingthe  duty 
on  imports,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved  .luly  30, 
IS-IG,  and  the  act  amendatory  thereof,  approved  March  3, 
1357,  be,  and  the  same  arc  hereby,  repealed. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  should  be  obliged  to  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  if  he  would  inform  me 
whether  the  law  now  is  not  pretty  much  as  it  will 
be  if  this  amendment  be  adopted.  I  speak  from 
recollection  merely;  but  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is 
but  recnacting  the  present  law,  except  so  far  as 
it  repeals  at  the  close  a  section  of  the  act  of  184G. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  makes  a  little  more 
stringent  provision  in  regard  to  the  time  when  the 
correction  shall  be  made,  and  increases  the  pen- 
alty, 1  think. 


Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  do  not  think  it  increases 
the  penalty. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     1  think  it  does. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  suggest  to  the  honorable 
chairman  that  he  will  find  in  the  act  of  1799,  per- 
haps, and  in  this  provision,  an  apparent  incon- 
sistency which  may  give  rise  to  some  questions 
hereafter.  As  I  read  the  section,  speaking,  as  I 
repeat,  from  recollection,  itseems  to  me  very  much 
a  reenactment  of  the  present  law.  Have  the 
Treasury  Department  seen  this  section? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Yes,  sir;  it  was  drawn 
at  the  Treasury  to  make  the  law  a  little  more 
stringent. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  confess  myself  unable  en- 
tirely to  see  the  full  bearing  of  this,  or  its  neces- 
sity, and  I  shall  content  myself  now  with  making 
a  statement  from  a  gentleman  than  whom  no  one 
in  the  whole  country  is  a  better  authority  on  the 
whole  question;  who  can  have  no  personal  inter- 
est in  it;  a  gentleman  who  in  New  England  is 
most  familiar  with  the  operation  of  our  revenue 
system,  and  with  the  practical  construction  of  our 
laws.  His  remark  on  this  provision  is  that  it  is 
"  already  substantially  contained  in  the  revenue 
laws,  and  useless, and  will  only  cause  litigation." 
I  have  not  familiarity  enough,  I  confess,  with  the 
old  revenue  Jaws  to  verify  this  statement. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  think  the  Senator  re- 
fers to  the  section  succeeding  the  one  now  under 
consideration. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  the  remark  might 
have  been  applicable  to  both.  It  surely  is  to 
this.  I  quote  it  here  that  the  committee  may 
have  the  benefit  of  it.  The  gentleman  speaking 
of  it,  I  may  say,  is  an  authority.  Thei-e  is  no 
one  in  the  country  whose  acquaintance  with  the 
subject  is  greater  than  that  of  the  gentleman  I 
have  now  quoted.  He  does  not  go  into  any  de- 
tails, to  be  sure,  but  he  has  had  occasion  prac- 
tically to  become  conversant  with  our  revenue 
laws,  and  has  been  relied  upon  in  the  custom- 
houses at  Boston  and  New  York  as  no  other  man 
has  for  a  lonjr  time. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  think  the  substantial 
operation  of  this  section  is  to  change  the  time 
when  the  invoice  shall  be  corrected,  and  make  it 
the  time  when  the  entry  is  made  for  duties. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  In  line  nine  of  this  section 
there  is  a  reference  to  the  act  of  March  2,  1799, 
v/hich  I  understand  is  obsolete.  1  understand 
also  that  there  is  some  other  incongruity  in  the 
line  that  follows,  by  the  introduction  of  the  words 
"  and  not  afterwards,"  but  I  have  not  been  able 
to  verify  the  statute  myself.  My  attention  w.as 
only  called  to  this  clause  this  morning. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Before  the  n6xt  amend- 
ment is  read  I  wish  to  make  an  alteration  or  two. 
In  the  first  line  the  word  "  fixing"  should  be 
"determining,"  and  in  the  third  line,  after  the 
word  "  countries,"  the  words  "  except  as  herein- 
before provided"  should  be  inserted. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  amend- 
ment will  be  so  modified. 

The  amendment,  as  modified,  was  read  as  fol- 
lows: 

Sec.  — .  Attd  be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  determining 
the  valuation  of  goods  imported  into  the  United  .States 
I'roin  foreign  countries,  except  as  hereinbefore  provided, 
upon  which  duties  imposed  by  any  existing  laws  are  to  be 
assessed,  the  actual  value  of  such  goods  on  shipboard  at 
the  last  place  of  shipment  to  the  LTnited  States  shall  be 
deemed  the  dutiable  value.  And  such  value  shall  be  as- 
certained by  adding  to  the  value  of  such  goods  at  tlie  place 
of  growth,  production,  or  maiuifacture  the  cost  of  trans- 
portation, shipment,  and  transhipment,  with  all  the  ex- 
penses included,  from  the  place  of  growth,  production,  or 
manufacture,  whether  by  land  or  water,  to  the  vessel  in 
Whicii  shipment  is  made  to  the  United  Slates,  the  value  of 
the  sack,  box,  or  covering  of  any  kind,  in  which  such 
goods  are  contained,  commission  at  the  usual  rate,  in  no 
case  less  than  2i  per  cent.,  brokerage,  and  all  export  du- 
ties, together  with  all  costs  and  charges  paid  or  incurred 
for  placing  said  goods  on  shipboard,  and  all  other  proper 
charges  specified  by  law. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  That  is  clearly  a  very  im- 
portant change.  It  provides  that  the  actual  value 
of  the  goods  on  shipboard  at  the  last  place  of 
shipment  to  the  United  States  shall  be  deemed  the 
dutiable  value.  That  is  a  change,  and  I  believe 
it  will  be  found  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  part 
of  the  bill  relating  to  v^ool,  which  especially  pro- 
vides for  a  different  mode  of  valuation.  It  has 
already  been  established  by  judicial  decisions  that 
the  dutiable  value  is  the  bare  cost  at  the  port  of 
purchase.     Under  these  decisions,  as   I  under- 


3034 


THE  COJSTGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


Btand,  it  has  been  the  habit  to  purchase  Austra- 
lian wool  in  quantities  of  four  or  five  hundred 
bales,  send  it  to  London,  and  tranship  it  there, 
and  that  is  because  it  would  be  too  large  a  ven- 
ture by  the  whole  cargo  to  send  it  directly  here. 
A  full  cargo  would  be  worth  $500,000.  Under 
the  old  system  that  was  practicable.  Fruits  also 
are  sent  from  Smyrna  by  steam  to  England  and 
transhipped  to  getearly  into  the  market.  Now, 
is  the  Senate  disposed  to  make  this  change.''  Is 
the  change  sustained  by  sound  policy  ?  If  it  be, 
then  of  course  it  should  be  made.  I  do  not  my- 
self at  this  moment  appreciate  the  policy  of  the 
change.  I  should  like  to  knov/  what  has  influ- 
enced the  committee  to  recommend  it. 

JMr.  FESSENDEN.  All  the  view  we  had  was 
to  fix  the  duty  at  the  place  where  tho  article  started 
on  its  journey  to  the  United  States,  and  to  avoid 
the  frauds,  if  you  may  call  them  frauds,  the  ad- 
vantages that  may  be  gained  by  shipping  an  ar- 
ticle to  one  place,  keepingit  at  that  place,  and  then 
shipping  it  to  the  United  States  without  adding 
the  cost  of  transportation  from  the  one  place  to 
the  other.  I  drew  this  section  on  the  suggestion 
of  an  appraiser,  certainly  one  of  the  very  best  in 
the  United  States,  who  stated  itought  to  be  done 
in  accordance  with  the  original  intention  when 
the  law  of  1846  was  passed,  and  I  drew  it  from 
the  regulations  under  that  law.  When  the  law 
of  1846  went  into  operation,  Mr.  Walker  issued 
his  directions  as  to  how  the  duties  should  be  col- 
lected, and  those  directions  were  substantially  as 
I  have  drawn  this  section;  but  under  judicial  de- 
cisions those  directions  could  not  be  carried  out 
according  to  the  true  construction  of  the  act.  My 
view  was  to  control  the  decisions  of  the  courts 
on  that  subject.  The  fact  that  we  are  interfer- 
ing with  judicial  decisions  amounts  to  nothing, 
because  the  judicial  decisions  simply  show  that 
we  did  not  happen  to  accomplish  what  we  in- 
tended by  the  act,  and  there  is  no  great  harm  in 
our  drawing  another  act  to  see  if  we  can  accom- 
plish the  purpose.  The  decision  of  the  courts 
on  one  act  is  only  a  notification  to  us  that  we  have 
not  accomplished  by  that  act  what  we  designed 
to  accomplish.  My  belief  is  that  the  operation  of 
this  section  will  be  beneficial  in  defining  exactly 
what  is  to  go  into  tlie  valuation  at  the  foreign  port 
where  goods  are  shipped  for  the  United  States. 

I  was  told  this  morning  that  substantially  most 
of  those  things  are  incUded  by  the  mode  of  pro- 
ceeding at  the  custom-house;  but  the  principle  of 
taking  the  cost  at  the  last  port  of  shipment  is  not 
recognized.  Take  the  case  of  goods  imported 
from  India  into  England,  and  there  transhipped 
to  this  country.  Where  would  you  put  the  val- 
uation .'  On  the  original  cost  in  India  or  the  val- 
uation at  the  place  where  they  are  shipped  to 
America?  That  is  the  question.  The  commit- 
tee think  it  will  be  a  useful  change  to  require  the 
duties  to  be  levied  upon  the  valuation  at  the  last 
place  of  shipment. 

In  regard  to  the  argument  of  the  Senator  in 
reference  to  wool,  I  believe  wool  has  always  stood 
on  adifFerentfooting,and  the  reason  why  it  stands 
so  is  that  it  is  graded,  and  I  have  already  put  in 
this  section  the  words  "except  as  hereinbefore 
provided"  with  the  very  object  of  excepting  wool 
from  its  operation,  as  I  think  it  ought  to  be,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  if  this  section  applied  to 
wool  it  would  entirely  change  the  grades  fixed  for 
wool  in  another  part  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Does  the  Senator  propose  to 
establish  the  same  rule  in  regard  to  the  appraise- 
ment of  wool  ? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  No;  I  propose  to  leave 
that  to  tlie  rule  which  has  heretofore  prevailed  in 
regard  to  it,  to  take  the  value  of  the  article  itself, 
not  on  shipboard  but  free  from  the  chargesof  put- 
ting it  there.  You  have  fixed  grades;  you  say 
that  wool  costing  not  over  so  much  u  pound  shall 
pay  such  a  duty. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Costing  it  where  > 

Mr,  FESSENDEN.  At  the  place  from  which 
it  is  exported  to  this  country. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  But  suppose  it  is  brought  from 
Australia  to  Liverpool  in  the  first  place. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  am  speaking  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  section  which  go  on  to  designate 
and  define  what  shall  enter  into  the  valtfation. 
If  the  Senator  has  read  the  section  he  will  see  that 
it  cannot  apply  to  wool.  In  all  acts  that  have 
lieen  passed  laying  duties  on  wool  it  is  provided 
that  the  cost  of  the  article  at  the  port  from  which 


it  is  shipped  to  this  country  shall  be  taken.  That 
price  or  cost  does  not  include  what  I  have  in- 
cluded on  other  articles  in  this  section,  the  ex- 
pense of  putting  it  on  shipboard.  We  have  graded 
wool  at  13  cents  a  pound,  24  cents  a  pound,  and 
32  cents  a  pound,  imposinga  differentrate  of  duty 
on  each  grade;  and  if  this  section  were  to  be 
passed  in  such  a  way  as  to  apply  to  wool  it  would 
entirely  change  those  rates  which  have  been 
agreed  upon,  and  render  a  revision  of  the  provis- 
ion in  regard  to  wool  necessary.  It  could  not 
stand  the  rates  of  this  bill  if  this  section  were 
applied  to  it.  I  design  to  leave  it,  therefore,  pre- 
cisely as  it  was  before. 

Let  me  explain  to  the  Senate  precisely  what 
this  section  means.  It  is  that  the  actual  value  of 
goods  on  shipboard  at  the  last  place  of  shipment 
m  the  United  States  shall  be  deemed  the  dutiable 
value.  "  And  such  value  shall  be  ascertained  by 
adding  to  the  value  of  such  goods  at  the  place  of 
growth,  production,  or  manufacture,  the  cost  of 
transportation,  shipment,  and  transhipment,  with 
all  the  expenses  included,  from  the  place  of 
grov/th,  production,  or  manufacture,  whether  by 
land  or  water,  to  the  vessel  in  which  shipment 
is  made  to  the  United  States,  the  value  of  the  sack, 
box,  or  covering  of  any  kind  in  which  such  goods 
are  contained,  commission  at  the  usual  rate  in  no 
case  less  than  2g  per  cnnt.  brokerage,  and  all  ex- 
portduties,togetherwithall  costs  and  charges  paid 
or  incurred  for  placing  said  goods  on  ship-board." 

If  you  were  to  add  these  items  to  the  value  of 
the  wool  you  would  change  entirely  the  rates  on 
wool  already  fixed  by  the  bill.  That  I  do  not 
design  to  do.  I  have  had  some  conversation  with 
gentlemen  connected  with  the  custom-house  this 
morning,  and  they  say  this  section  will  make  a 
great  deal  of  difliculty.  1  do  not  know  enough 
about  it  to  say  that  it  will  not,  but  1  think  we 
may  as  well  adopt  the  amendment. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Of  course  the  Senator  is  right 
when  he  says  that  there  can  be  no  question  that 
we  have  full  legislative  power  over  the  matter. 
We  can  correct  the  decisions  of  the  courts.  He 
is  right,  also,  when  he  suggests  that  the  very  fact 
that  the  courts  have  been  called  upon  to  decide 
questions  connected  with  this  matter  seems  to 
show  that  it  is  environed  by  certain  doubts  and 
difficulties.  But  on  the  other  hand  it  is  possible 
that  those  very  decisions  of  the  courts  may  have 
removed  those  doubts  and  difliculties;  and  now 
the  question  that  I  wish  to  present  to  the  Senate 
is  one  on  which  I  confess  I  have  no  strong  im- 
pression one  way  or  the  other  myself.  I  simply 
v/ish  that  the  Senate  should  understand  what  they 
are  deciding.  They  are  deciding  that  the  value 
shall  be  determined  by  the  price  at  the  last  place 
of  shipment,  instead  of  at  the  place  of  original 
purchase.  The  latter  rule,  as  I  understand,  down 
to  this  time  has  been  followed.  We  are  now 
going  to  depart  from  it.  Business  has  unques- 
tionably adapted  itself  to  the  latter  rule.  It  is 
therefore  for  the  Senate  to  determine  whether  the 
good  that  may  be  accomplished  by  the  change  is 
sufficient  to  justify  such  a  change.  I  do  not  know 
but  that  it  is.  I  confess  that  I  have  no  positive 
opinion  one  way  or  the  other. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  With  the  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate— although  the  amendment  has  been  agreed  to 
— I  wish  to  make  an  inquiry  of  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Finance.  I  am  not  entirely 
certain  that  I  understand  the  section  just  adopted. 
It  fixes  the  place  where  the  last  shipment  is  made 
as  the  place  where  the  value  of  the  goods  shall  be 
ascertained.  What  I  want  to  know  is  this:  if  a 
cargo  or  half  a  cargo  of  goods  is  purchased  in 
London,  and  the  vessel  containing  them  stops  on 
the  way,  making  a  round  trip,  not  meaning  to 
come  here  perhaps  at  all,  unless  eventually,  but 
finally  comes,  having  stopped  on  the  way  with- 
out landing  those  goods, without  having  reshipped 
them,  is  the  dutiable  value  to  be  the  value  as  of 
the  time  of  shipment  in  London.'' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  will  observe 
the  language:  "at  the  last  place  of  shipment." 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  looked  at  that,  but  I  did  not 
know  what  it  meant  entirely. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Th'ey  are  not  shipped  at 
the  port  v^here  tlie  vessel  merely  stops.  I  should 
think  that  could  not  affect  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  "From  the  last  place  of 
sliipment"  might  mean  the  place  from  which  the 
ship  last  came. 


Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  would  not  be  de- 
cided. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  You  and  I  would  not  decide 
it  so,  but  I  am  by  no  means  sure  what  the  Treas- 
ury Department  may  decide. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  They  will  decide  sensibly, 
I  suppose. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  That,  like  other  legal  pre- 
sumptions, is  not  always  correct  in  practice. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  insert  as  an  addi- 
tional section: 

Sec.  — .  ^nd  le  it  further  enacted,That  so  much  ofsec- 
tion  twenty- three  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act  to  provide  lor 
tlie  payment  of  outstanding  Treasury  notes,  to  authorize  a 
loan,  to  regulate  and  fix  the  duties  on  imports,  and  for  other 
purposes,"  approved  iMarcli  2,  3861,  as  exempts  from  duty 
all  philosophical  apparatus  and  instruments  imported  for 
the  use  of  any  society  incorporated  for  philosophical,  lit- 
erary, or  religious  purposes,  or  for  the  encouragement  of 
the  tine  arts,  or  for  the  use  or  by  the  order  of  any  college, 
academy,  school,  or  seminary  of  learning  in  the  United 
States,  is  hereby  repealed.  And  the  same  shall  be  subject 
to  the  rate  of  duty  prescribed  by  said  act  for  manufactured 
articles  therein  enumerated. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  wish  to  amend  the  last 
clause  by  striking  out  the  words  "  the  rate  of  duty 
prescribed  by  said  act  for  manufactured  articles 
therein  enumerated,"  and  inserting  "  a  duty  of  20 
per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  must  confess  that  I  am 
against  that.  I  am  against  the  amendment  and 
against  the  original  proposition.  I  am  against  it 
in  whole  and  in  part. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  hope  the  Senator  will 
allow  me  to  amend  it.  As  it  now  stands  the  duly 
would  be  30  per  cent.,  and  I  want  to  fix  it  at  20. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Very  well. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.    The  question 

is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Maine 

to  the  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

Theamendmentto  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  as  amended. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Now,  Mr.  President,  the  first 
aspect  of  this  proposition  appears  to  me  just  this: 
the  country  will  get  very  little  by  it,  and  it  will 
do  a  great  deal  of  mischief.  Little  money,  much 
mischief — these  are  the  two  first  features  that 
present  themselves.  That  we  shall  getlittle  money 
is  obvious  from  this  circumstance,  that  the  philo- 
sophical apparatus  and  instruments  imported  by 
colleges  and  literary  institutions,  particularly 
when  exposed  to  this  tax,  will  not  be  of  great 
value.  Twenty  per  cent,  on  their  value  will  not 
be  much  for  the  country.  But  the  detriment  that 
will  be  done  will  be  that  the  importation  will  be 
discouraged.  Now,  sir,  I  wish  to  encourage  such 
importations.  I  wise  to  encourage  everything  by 
which  these  associations  may  be  benefited.  Not 
only  the  associations  will  gain  by  such  encour- 
agement, but  the  whole  land  will  be  benefited. 

I  do  not  wish  to  go  into  any  protracted  argu- 
ment on  this  question,  for  I  have  no  doubt  that 
the  minds  of  Senators  will  be  made  up  at  once  as 
soon  as  the  question  is  stated;  but  I  do  appeal  to 
Senators  not  to  impose  this  additional  tax  upon 
the  education  of  the  country.  In  your  excise 
law  you  have  already  shot  away  from  all  civil- 
ized nations  in  imposing  a  tax  even  on  school- 
books. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Allow  me  to  suggest  to 
the  Senator  that  while  this  tax  may  be  somewhat 
hard  on*  the  colleges  and  other  institutions  of 
learning,  the  interests  of  our  own  mechanicians 
are  also  to  be  consulted  on  the  other  hand.  Let 
me  refer  the  Senator  to  the  case  of  that  eminent 
and  successful  mechanician, Mr. -Clark.  Would 
it  not  be  advisable  for  us  to  lay  such  a  tax  as 
would  encourage  such  men  in  this  country.' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  case  of  Mr.  Clark,  to 
which  the  Senator  refers — I  know  him  perfectly 
well — is  very  exceptional.  His  achievements  in 
the  manufacture  of  glas^  employed  in  astronom- 
ical instruments  has  been  unexpected  and  astonish- 
ingly successful.  1  should  be  glad  to  see  him  en- 
couraged, but  I  doubt  whether  in  all  the  country 
there  is  another  case  to  take  advantage  of  this 
section;  but  the  Senator  from  Vermont  will  j^ar- 
donmeifl  say  that  I  cannot,  under  this  section, 
look  at  an  individual  case. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  What  I  meant  by  the  ref- 
erence was  to  suggest  that  it  may  be  of  some  im- 
portance to  direct  the  attention  of  the  mechanics 
of  the  country  generally  to  this  higher  department 
of  mechanism. 

Mr.  SUMNER.    It  seems  to  me  that  you  have 


1864. 


THE  COjSTGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3035 


a  question,  then,  between  two  protections,  the 
protection  of  tlie  mechanics  in  what  the  Senator 
calls  this  higher  branch  of  mechanism,  and  the 
protection  of  education  at  large.  Now,  sir,  I  am 
for  tl»at  which  will  be  of  advantage  to  the  whole 
country,  to  society,  to  the  poor  as  well  as  the 
rich,  to  all,  and  I  believe  thatadvantage  will  ensue 
by  every  opportunity  that  you  give,  every  en- 
couragement that  you  afford  institutions  of  learn- 
ing and  science.  If  1  could  have  my  way  I  would 
lavish  upon  them  bounties;  1  would  give  them  a 
bounty  for  the  importation  of  every  instrument  of 
science  or  that  could  be  used  by  one  of  these  as- 
sociations. I  believe  that  the  education  of  our 
country  would  be  advanced  by  stimulating  such 
importations  rather  than  by  discouraging  them. 
But  there  is  no  question  now  of  stimulating  them; 
the  proposition  is  to  discourage  them,  because 
when  you  impose  this  tax  it  v/ill  be  practically  a 
discouragement.     1  hope  it  will  not  be  imposed. 

iVlr.  FESSENDEN.  1  feel  bound  to  say  for 
the  committee  that  their  view  in  regard  to  this 
matter  was  a  very  simple  one.  The  amount  of 
revenue  from  this  source  will  not  be  large;  but  as 
there  was  considerable  complaint  because  of  this 
exception,  and  as  we  thought  the  manufacture  of 
in.struments  of  all  kinds  in  our  country,  and  es- 
pecially in  this  department,  should  be  encouraged, 
and  particularlyas  where  we  have  encouraged  them 
they  have  attained  a  very  great  degree  of  excel- 
lence, we  tliought  it  better  to  do  away  with  the 
exception.  It  is  said  that  some  of  our  best  men 
who  have  made  improvements  in  philosophical 
apparatus  have  contemplated  going  al)road  to  set 
lip  establishments,  for  the  reason  that  there  is  now 
no  protection  to  them,  and,  with  the  high  rates  of 
labor  in  this  country,  they  cannot  compete  with 
foreign  manufacturers.  Under  the  circumstances 
we  thought  It  best  to  lay  a  duty  of  20  per  cent,  on 
these  instruments  imported  for  colleges  and  edu- 
cational institutions.  It  is  not  a  very  large  tax. 
We  thought  it  better  on  the  whole  to  submit  them 
to  the  general  system.  It  is,  however,  for  the 
Senate  to  decide. 

JMr.  SUMNER  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  18,  nays  16;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Amhony,  Brown,  (.'handler,  Clnrk,  Col- 
lamer,  Fesi^enclen,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harris, 
Hicks,  Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Slierman,  Ten  Eyck,  Van 
Winkle,  and  Willey— 18. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Biickalew,  Dixon,  Harlan,  Johnson, 
RIcDougall,  Morgan,  Ponieroy,  Powell,  Ramsey,  Kiddle, 
Saulsbury,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wil- 
son— 16. 

ABSENT  —  Messrs.  Carliie,  Oonness,  Cowan,  Davis, 
Doolittle,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Howard,  Lane 
of  Indiana,  Morrill,  Nesmith,  Richardson,  Trumbull,  and 
•Wright— 15. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

,  Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  suppose  we  may  as  well 
go  back  now  to  section  four. 

ThePRESIDiNGOFPICER,(Mr.PoMEROY.) 
The  fourth  and  fifth  sections  of  the  bill  which  were 
passed  over  yesterday  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
Senator  from  Vermont  [Mr.  Foot]  will  now  be 
taken  up. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  read  the  fourth  sec- 
tion of  the  bill. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  In  the  seventh  line  of  the 
section,  after  the  word  *'  States,"  I  move  to  insert 
the  words  "exclusive  of  the  charges  in  such 
ports,"  to  make  it  conform  to  the  law  its  it  stands. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  That  modifi- 
cation will  be  made,  if  there  be  no  objection. 

The  first  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance in  the  fourth  section  was  in  line  eight  to 
strike  out  "  12"  and  insert  "  13;"  so  that  it  will 
read: 

Sec.  4.  ^nd  be  it  further  enacted,  That  on  and  after  the 
day  and  year  aforesaid,  there  shall  be  levied,  collected,  and 
paid  on  the  importation  of  the  articles  hereinafter  men- 
tioned, the  fallowingduties,  that  is  to  say  :  onall  wool,  un- 
manulactured,  and  all  hair  of  the  alpaca,  goat,  and  other 
like  animals,  unmanufactured,  the  value  whereof  at  the  last 
port  or  place  from  whenee  exported  to  the  United  Slates 
shall  be  13  cents  or  iess  per  pound,  3  cents  per  pound. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  wish  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  Senate  to  this  amendment.  The  House  of 
Representatives  have  fixed  the  duty  on  all  wool 
valued  at  12  cents  or  less  at  3  cents  per  pound, 
and  so  on.  They  adjusted  the  duty  on  manufac- 
tured articles  to  Suit  that  scale,  and  it  would  be 
unjust  for  us  to  disturb  that  arrangement,  espe- 
cially by  a  reduction  of  the  scale  and  therefore  a 
reduction  of  the  duty  on  wool.  This  is  an  interest 


in  which  my  constituents  will  be  very  deeply 
affected.  The  effect  of  this  amendment  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course  would  be  to  allow  wool  that  was 
classified  as  worth  13  cents  per  pound  and  over 
12  cents  to  come  in  at  aduty  of  3  cents  per  pound; 
in  other  words,  it  reduces  the  duty  on  wool.  I 
am  told  that  the  duties  on  woolen  goods  have  been 
carefully  adjusted  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives with  a  view  to  meet  the  duty  on  wool.  We 
have  in  the  Senate  increased  the  duty  on  woolen 
goods.  Many  articles  of  woolen  goods,  I  believe 
most  of  them,  are  increased  by  our  amendments; 
in  some  cases  very  considerably.  I  think,  there- 
fore, the  duty  on  wool  ought  to  be  allowed  to 
stand  at  least  as  favorably  to  the  farmer  as  it  was 
in  the  House  bill.  I  believe  I  heard  all  that  was 
said  in  the  Committee  on  Finance  in  regard  to 
the  proposed  change  from  12  to  ]3  cents,  but  I 
know  of  no  reason  why  the  change  should  be 
made,  and  therefore  I  hope  the  amendment  will 
not  be  adopted. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  have  rather  reduced 
than  increased  the  duties  on  woolen  goods. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  think  not.  .  My  impres- 
sion is  that  the  duties  are  increased.  The  Sen- 
ator will  perceive  by  reference  to  the  17th  page 
of  the  bill  that  the  duty  is  increased  from  35  to 
40  percent,  advalorem  on  "woolen  cloths,  woolen 
shawls,  and  all  manufactures  of  wool  of  every 
description  made  wholly  or  in  part  of  wool,  not 
otherwise  provided  for."  On  the  18th  page  of 
the  bill  the  duty  on  "flannels,  uncolored,  valued 
at  30  cents  or  less  per  square  yard,"  is  raised 
from  18  to  24  cents  per  pound,  and  also  in  two  or 
three  other  places  Senators  will  perceive  the  duty 
on  woolen  goods  is  increased  in  the  Senate,  and 
therefore  I  see  no  occasion  for  the  reduction  of  the 
duty  on  wool. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  motion  to  insert  "13" 
instead  of  "12"  in  the  clause  was  made  in  the 
House  of  Representatives;  but  we  know  how 
everything  passes  there,  and  it  was  hardly  heard. 
The  mere  object  of  changing  "12"  to  "13"  was 
not  to  reduce  the  duty  in  point  of  fact,  but  simply 
to  make  provision  for  what  the  wool  importers 
stated,  that  this  bill  would  be  very  likely  to  in- 
crease the  rates  of  wool  in  foreign  ports,  so  that 
what  now  cost  them  12  would  cost  them  13  cents. 
It  was  not  considered  as  affecting  the  rate  fixed 
by  the  bill  materially  one  way  or  the  other,  even 
by  those  who  are  interested  in  wool  themselves. 
I  did  not  suppose  it  would,  or  I  should  not  have 
agreed  to  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  will  suggest  to  the  Sen- 
ator that  the  amendment  already  adopted  on  his 
motion  just  now  will  probably  make  a  slight 
difference;  I  cannot  tell  exactly  what. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  leaves  the  charges  as 
they  were  before. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  know;butunder  the  bill  as  it 
came  from  the  Committee  on  Finance,  especially 
under  the  last  section  of  the  bill,  the  cost  at  the 
port  of  importation  would  be  added  to  the  cost  of 
the  article.  That  has  been  changed  now,  so  that 
the  value  of  wool  is  fixed  at  the  place  of  export- 
ation, which  would  be  in  South  America  or  some 
remote  port.  True,  it  may  touch  at  several  ports 
on  its  way  home;  but  as  we  have  amended  the 
bill  and  imposed  the  duty  on  the  basis  of  the 
importation,  deducting  from  that  value  the  costs 
and  charges  at  the  port  of  delivery,  it  seems  to 
me  we  ought  not  now  to  make  another  discrimina- 
tion against  the  wool-grower. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

^  Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Now  it  will  be  necessary 
to  reject  the  succeeding  amendment. 

The  next  amendment  v/as  in  section  four,  line 
nine,  to  strike  out  "12"  and  insert  "13,"  so  that 
it  will  read:  "  Exceeding  13  cents  and  not  exceed- 
ing 24  cents  per  pound,  6  cents  per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  four,  line 
eleven,  after  the  word  "pounds"  to  insert  the 
words  "  and  not  exceeding  32  cents;"  so  that  the 
clause  will  read:  "Exceeding  24  cents  perpound, 
and  not  exceeding  32  cents,  10  cents  per  pound, 
and  in  addition  thereto  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr,  SHERMAN.  The  Senator  from  Ver- 
mont [Mr.  Collamer]  has  some  statements  to 
make  in  regard  to  the  amendmentproposed  in  the 
thirty-seventh   lino  of  this  section  which,  if  his 


views  are  adopted,  might  materially  change  my 
vote  on  this  amendment  in  the  thirteenth  line  cm 
which  we  are  about  to  act;  and  I  should  like  to 
iiave  him  make  his  statement  now.  I  am  in  favor 
of  this  new  grade  of  wool;  but  after  tlie  explana- 
tion he  has  made  to  me,  I  doubt  very  much  wlic!tljf.r 
I  should  vote  for  the  amendmentproposed  in  the 
thirty-seventh  line.  I  have  no  objection,  there- 
fore, to  letting  the  vote  go  anyway  on  the  pend- 
ing amendment  as  to  the  new  schedule  of  wool 
until  we  can  act  on  the  other  proposition,  but  I 
should  like  to  hear  the  statement  of  the  Senator 
from  Vermont. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Other  gentlemen  object  to 
my  making  any  remarks  about  it  until  it  is  reached. 
The  portion  of  the  section  which  I  propose  to 
amend  is  the  latter  part,  which  has  not  been  read. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  in' 
section  four,  line  thirteen,  after  the  words  "  advu- 
lorem"  to  insert  "  exceeding  32  cents  perpound, 
12  cents  per  pound,  and  in  addition  thereto  10 
per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  four,  line 
twenty-two,  to  strike  out  "  10"and  insert  "  12;" 
so  that  it  will  read: 

ProL'Werf,  That  any  wool  ofthe  sheep,  or  hair  of  the  alpaca, 
the  goat,  and  other  like  animals  which  shall  be  imported 
in  any  other  than  the  ordinary  condition,  as  now  and  here- 
tofore [iractieed,  or  which  shall  be  changed  in  its  charac- 
ter or  condition  for  the  purpose  of  evading  the  duly,  or 
which  shall  be  reduced  in  value  by  the  admixture  of  dirt 
or  any  foreign  substance,  shall  be  subject  to  pay  a  duty  of 
12  cents  per  pound  and  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  anything 
in  this  act  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  four,  line 
thirty-six,  to  strike  out  the  words  "  increased  in 
value  by  beingscoured  or  cleansed"  and  to  insert 
the  words  "  imported  scoured;" and  in  line  thirty- 
eight  to  strike  out  the  words  "  addition  to"  and 
to  insert  the  words  "  lieu  of;"  so  that  the  proviso 
will  read:  ^ 

..indjiromdcd  farther.  That  wool  which  shall  he  imported 
scoured  shall  pay,  in  lieu  of  the  duties  lierein  provided, 
double  the  amount  of  such  duties. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  have  an  objection  to 
that  amendment.  I  do  not  wish  to  take  up  lime 
uselessly,  and  therefore,  if  the  gentleman  from 
Maine  will  not  object  to  its  rejection,  I  shall  say 
nothing  about  it. 

Mr.  President,  last  year,  under  the  existing 
law,  the  law  of  1861,  there  were  imported  into 
the  United  States  in  round  numbers  71,000,000 
pounds  of  wool.  There  were  produced  in  this 
country  a  little  over  80,000,000  pounds.  By  tluit 
law,  all  wool  which  cost  not  exceeding  18  cents 
a  pound  paid  5  per  cent,  advalorem;  and  all  above 
18  cents  up  to  24  cents  a  pound  paid  3  cents  a 
pound;  and  all  exceeding  24  cents  was  9  cents 
a  pound.  Now,  I  say  there  were  imported 
71,000,000  pounds,  and  as  that  wool  was  entered 
at  the  custom-house  to  pay  duties,  it  averaged 
17  cents  a  pound,  falling  just  one  cent  short  of 
the  minimum  price  named  in  the  law.  They 
were  to  pay  5  per  cent,  on  all  below  18  cents 
a  pound,  and  that  caused  the  average  of  the 
whole  to  be  17  cents  a  pound. 

I  have  a  statement  of  the  number  of  pounds 
which  were  introduced  at  the  dift'erent  rates  of 
duty.  There  were,  imported  under  18  cents, 
61,572,000  pounds;  from  18  cents  to  24  cents,  over 
7,000,000  pounds;  above  24  cents,  1,114,000 
pounds.  So  you  perceive  that  of  the  whole 
71,000,000  pounds  61,000,000  that  came  in  was 
in  the  5  per  cent. 

Mr.  HOWE.     What  was  the  appraised  value  .> 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  There  never  was  an  ap- 
praisement put  upon  it.  They  paid  by  the  cost 
at  the  place  from  which  it  was  imported.  Some 
came  in  in  this  way:  under  our  reciprocity  treaty 
with  Canada  we  had  something  over  a  million 
pounds,  almost  two  millions,  in  that  way;  but 
the  first  point  I  am  at  is  to  show  by  these  tables 
the  amount  imported,  and  in  the  next  place  at 
Vvfliat  rate  it  came  in,  and  thatin  pointof  factless 
than  half  a  million  of  dollars  upon  the  whole 
71,000,000  pounds  of  wool  was  ever  realized  into 
the  Treasury.  There  is  no  importation  into  tins 
country,  and  especially  of  articles  produced  in  this 
country,  that  bears  any  sort  of  resemblance  to  this. 

But  there  is  another  material  thing.  The  ca- 
pacity of  our  woolen  manufactories  established 
in  this  country  amounts    to  about  120,000,000 


3036 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


pounds.  Including  those  who  have  converted  their 
machinery  from  cotton  to  woolen  manufacturing 
they  can  work  about  120,000,000  pounds.  The 
effect  is  that  there  remains  in  the  hands  of  the 
wool-growers  now  nearly  the  whole  of  their  last 
year's  clip.  Wool  has  been  brought  from  abroad 
in  the  manner  I  have  shown  you,  and  under  the 
exceedingly  low  rates  now  fixed,  and  the  amount 
used  by  the  manufacturers  has  been  very  nearly  the 
same  as  formerly;  where  there  were  150,000,000 
formerly  they  have  worked  up  about  120,000,000 
pounds.  Of  course,  the  domestic  wool-growers 
furnished  but  50,000,000  pounds  to  them,  and  the 
rest  of  their  clip  is  on  hand  and  liable  to  destruc- 
tion. This  is  the  situation  and  condition  in 
which  the  matter  stands  in  relation  to  the  pros- 
pects and  condition  of  the  wool-growing  interest 
in  this  country. 

There  is  some  fine  wool  imported  which  went 
above  the  24  cents  before  fixed  and  will  go  above 
the  32  cents  fixed  here,  high-priced  Saxony  wool. 
There  is  but  very  little  of  the  Australian  fine 
wool  brought  to  this  country  from  London.  Tliat 
is  very  fine  wool  and  very  high-priced  wool.  The 
Australian  wool  is  worth  in  London  80  or  90 
cents  even  in  their  money.  We  get  very  little  of 
that,  but  we  do  import  some  of  tiie  fine  Saxony 
wool.  In  relation  to  the  great  body  of  the  imported 
wool,  all  of  the  61,000,000  pounds  imported  as 
valued  at  17  cents,  it  is  a  wool  which  when 
cleansed,  the  dirt  all  got  out  of  it,  and  washed 
and  scoured,  actually  fit  to  go  into  cloth,  will 
make  about  one  pound  of  cloth  to  four  pounds  of 
wool.  Out  of  some  of  the  best  of  it  you  will  get 
a  pound  of  cloth  to  three  pounds  of  wool,  and  out 
of  some  of  the  worst  of  it  you  will  not  get  a  pound 
of  cloth  out  of  five  pounds;  butupon  the  whole  as 
an  average,  you  may  calculate  they  will  make 
just  about  a  pound  of  cloth  to  four  pounds  of  that 
kind  of  wool.  There  are  various  ways  in  which 
that  wool  is  cleansed.  There  are  burring  ma- 
chines which  they  run  it  through;  and  then  there 
are  picking  machines  where  it  is  run  through  and 
much  of  the  dry  dirt  taken  out  of  it.  Then  there 
is  the  washing.  Washing  will  clean  it,  but  if 
you  go  through  the  whole  process  and  actually 
scour  it,  by  which  I  understand  not  only  using 
water  but  soap  by  which  you  scour  it  so  as  to  be 
fit  to  go  into  the  cloth,  then  I  say  it  will  produce 
about  one  pound  of  cloth  to  four  pounds  of  the 
original  wool.  You  will  observe  that  the  com- 
mittee and  the  House  too  in  this  very  bill  recog- 
nize the  same  thing.  You  will  see  when  you 
come  to  the  great  duties  upon  cloth  in  the  fifth 
section: 

Second.  On  woolen  cloths,  woolen  shawls,  and  all  man- 
tifactures  of  wool  of  every  description,  made  wliolly  or  in 
partotwool,  not  otlierwiisc  provided  l'ui-,24  cents  per  pound, 
and  in  addition  lliereto  35  per  cent,  ad  oalorcm. 

The  Committee  on  Finance  propose  there  to 
strike  out  "  35"  and  to  insert  "40."     1  would 

,  here  remark  that  under  this  head  will  be  included 
eight  tenths  if  not  nine  tenths  of  all  the  woolens 
there  are.  You  will  perceive  that  the  duty  they 
lay  upon  it  is,  in  the  first  place,  on  each  pound  of 
that  cloth,  24 cents;  and  why.''  Because  they  laid 

»  a  duty  of  6  cents  a  pound  on  that  kind  of  wool 
when  we  imported  it,  showing  you  that,  as  they 
estimated  it,  four  pounds  of  that  wool  went  into 
one  pound  of  this  woolen  cloth;  and  hence  they  laid 
a  duty  of  24  cents  a  pound  on  the  cloth  by  the 
pound.  Then  they  laid  a  percentage  of  35  per 
cent.,  which  makes  the  great  protective  distinc- 
tion between  foreign  and  American  manufactures. 
They  laid  it  upon  the  wool  in  the  cloth,  laying 
the  whole  amount  of  what  wool  goes  into  it  to 
make  that  cloth,  being  four  pounds  to  one;  and 
the  whole  arrangement  of  this  bill  in  all  its  parts 
is  made  consistent  with  this  view  which  i  have 
been  endeavouring  to  present.  It  is  all  in  con- 
sistency and  keeping  with  that  view. 

JNow,  Mr.  President,  if  by  any  means  men  who 
purchase  this  wool  abroad  in  the  condition  in 
which  it  is  ordinarily  bought,  and  hitherto  has 
always  been,  commence  a  process  upon  it  there, 
and  especially  carry  on  the  process  of  cleansing 
up  to  its  highest  grade,  that  of  scouring  it  so  as 
to  be  fit  for  cloth,  what  additional  duty  should 
there  be  on  it.'  Just  four  times  as  much.  It  is 
worth  just  four  times  the  money.  There  should 
he  four  times  as  much  duly  upon  a  pound  of  it. 
That  is  all  perfectly  plain  and  clear.  The  pro- 
vision of  the  House  bill  in  case  it  undergoes  this 


process  of  scouring  prior  to  its  being  imported  is 
in  these  words: 

Jjndprovided further,  Thatwool  which  shall  be  increased 
in  value  by  being  scoured  or  cleansed  shall  pay,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  duties  herein  provided,  double  the  amount  of 
such  duties. 

That  is  to  say,  it  shall  pay  the  duty  herein  pro- 
vided and  twice  more  in  addition  thereto.  That 
would  make  three  times  the  amount  of  the  duty. 
According  to  my  view,  it  ought  to  be  four  times 
as  much  if  that  cleansing  be  perfect.  What  I 
mean  by  perfect  is,  put  in  that  condition  in  which 
it  would  go  into  the  cloth.  It  should  have  been 
four  times,  but  they  make  it  but  three  because 
they  thought  it  would  be  imperfect.  They  can 
sort  this  wool  abroad  just  as  well  as  we  do,  but 
this  is  to  prevent  their  washing  or  scouring  it 
there.  It  does  not  prevent  them  from  doing  things 
as  they  have  been  heretofore,  bringing  it  in  here- 
after as  before,  sorting  or  not  sorting  it  as  they 
have  done  it  heretofore;  but  it  is  that  if  they 
scour  it  it  shall  have  an  increase  of  duty,  which 
the  House  said  should  be  three  times  and  our 
committee  say  should  be  only  twice.  That  is, 
the  committee  say  that  the  wool  which  shall  be 
imported  scoured  shall, in  lieu  of  the  dutieshere- 
in  provided,  pay  double  the  amount  of  such  du- 
ties, whereas  the  House  bill  is  thg.!  they  shall 
pay  double  the  amount  in  addition  to  the  duties 
provided. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     I  desire  to  know  if  I 
understand  the  honorable  Senator's  statement 
Does  he  mean  to  say  that  after  it  has  been  thor- 
oughly scoured  it  takes  four  pounds  to  one.-' 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  mean  that  when  that 
wool  is  scoured  and  made  fit  to  put  into  cloth 
one  pound  of  it  will  make  a  pound  of  cloth. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  And  one  pound  of  scoured 
wool  is  equivalent  in  value  to  four  pounds  of  or- 
dinary wool. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Certainly,  that  is  what  I 
mean. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Allow  mo  to  suggest  that  you 
not  only  clean  out  the  impurities  of  the  wool  and 
have  your  pure  wool  left,  but  when  you  come  to 
sort  it  you  have  but  one  fourth  of  it  to  go  into 
one  grade. 

Mr.  COLLAMER..  I  mean  to  average  your 
cloth  through.  I  know  that  when  you  get  it 
beamed  and  get  it  sorted,  you  generally  make 
three  and  sometimes  four  sorts, -but  those  sorts 
are  all  made  into  cloth  in  the  end. 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  Senator  said  the  sorting 
might  be  done  abroad,  but  I  think  it  is  always 
done  here  according  to  the  manufactures  for 
which  it  is  sorted. 

Mr.  COLLAMER..  The  sorting  is  a  trade  by 
itself. 

Mr.  CLARK.  But  each  nnan  sorts  according 
to  what  he  is  going  to  use  it  for  and  the  grade  he 
wants. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  A  man  will  sort  large 
quantities  of  wool.  The  best  quality  of  it  he  may 
not  use  for  his  cloth, and  he  will  sell  it  to  another 
manufacturer  who  makes  a  different  grade.  I  say 
that  taking  the  wool  and  cleaning  it,  fit  to  be  made 
into  cloth,  whether  you  make  it  into  more  or  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  cloth,  is  not  a  matter  of  any  con- 
sequence. It  will  make  four  pounds  of  cloth. 
That  is  the  ordinary  average.  Sometimes  you 
may  get  a  little  more,  sometimes  a  little  less,  but 
I  think  on  the  whole  it  will  be  about  that. 

I  may  further  rcmtirk  that  as  ageneral  rule  our 
American  wool  will  shrink  one  half  on  the  aver- 
age. You  may  make  it  into  different  qualities  of 
cloth  by  sorting,  and  when  you  have  averaged 
through  the  weight  of  the  cloth  you  have  gotout 
and  the  wool  you  had  at  the  beginning,  you  will 
find  that  you  have  just  aboutone  half  the  weight. 
While  the  foreign  wool  shrinks  75per  cent.,  ours 
shrinks  50. 

If  you  run  the  parallel  through  you  see  that 
in  point  of  fact,  if  it  really  be  scoured  as  is  here 
mentioned,  fit  to  be  worked  into  cloth,  then  it  is 
worth  just  four  times  as  much  by  the  pound;  and 
of  course  to  equalize  .the  duty  it  should  pay  four 
times  as  much  as  the  other,  because  it  took  four 
pounds  of  the  dirty  wool  to  make  one  pound  of 
the  scoured  wool,  and  it  should  pay  24  cents  a 
pound  duty  instead  of  6  cents.  If,  when  you 
bring  it  in  in  the  dirt  you  pay  6  cents,  you  ought 
to  pay  24  cents  when  you  bring  it  in  cleaned, 
scoured, finished,  fit  furcloth.     Theothcr  House 


put  it  at  three  times  the  duty  on  the  dirty  wool; 
that  is,  18  cents  per  pound ,  and  our  committee  rec- 
ommend putting  it  at  12  cents,  or  twice  as  much. 

For  these  reasons  I  object  to  the  amendment  of 
the  committee,  and  hope  it  will  not  be  adopted. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  So  far  as  that  part  of  it 
is  concerned,  I  will  simply  say  to  the  Senator,  as 
he  has  referred  to  the  action  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, that  it  was  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
House  committee  that  we  proposed  to  insert  the 
words  "  in  lieu  of"  instead  of"  in  addition  to." 
They  say  it  was  a  mistake. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  think  I  have  explained 
that. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  now  reads,  "  wool 
which  shall  be  increased  in  value  by  being  scoured 
or  cleansed."  We  propose  to  strike  out  "in- 
creased in  value  by  being  scoured  or  cleansed," 
and  to  insert  "imported  scoured."  It  maybe  in- 
creased in  value  in  many  different  ways,  by  wash- 
ing on  the  sheep'sback,&c.,all  the  way  through, 
so  that  it  is  difficult  to  make  any  rule  on  the  sub- 
ject. If  the  Senator  does  not  like  the  rate  of  duty 
on  the  wool  imported  scoured,  I  have  no  objec- 
tion to  his  making  a  change,  but  I  wantthe  words 
"  increased  in  value  by  being  scouredorcleansed" 
stricken  out,  because  they  are  impracticable. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  have  no  objection  to 
making  it  distinct  and  clear  by  inserting  the  word 
"  scoured."  We  all  understand  what  that  means. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Then  I  understand  there 
is  no  objection  to  the  first  partof  the  amendment, 
which  is  to  strike  out  the  words  "  increased  in 
value  by  beingscoured  or  cleansed"  and  to  insert 
"  imported  scoured." 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  have  no  objection  to  that, 
but  I  think  the  duty  ought  to  be  four  times  as 
much  on  the  scoured  wool  as  on  the  other,  in- 
stead of  double. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Very  well;  that  altera- 
tion can  be  made  afterwards. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  first 
amendment  to  this  clause  is,  in  lines  thirty-six 
and  thirty-seven  of  section  four,  to  strike  out  the 
words  "increased  in  value  by  being  scoured  or 
cleansed"  and  to  insert  "  imported  scoured." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  next 
amendment  is  in  line  thirty-eight,  to  strike  out 
"addition  to"  and  insert  "lieu  of." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Now,  I  move  to  amend 
the  clause  by  striking  out  the  word  "  double"  in 
line  thirty-eight  and  inserting  "four  times." 
This  will  carry  out  the  views  which  I  entertain, 
and  will  leave  the  matter  for  a  committee  of  con- 
ference. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  five,  line 
sixteen,  to  strike  out  the  word  "five"  after  the 
word  "fifty;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause  read: 
"On  Brussels  and  tapestry  Brussels  carpets  and 
carpeting,  printed  on  the  warp  or  otherwise,  50 
cents  per  square  yard." 

Mr.  FOSTER.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  duty 
specified  by  the  House  of  Representatives  in  this 
particular  ought  not  to  be  changed.  The  duty  of 
55  cents  per  square  yard,  although  it  seems  large, 
is  not  by  any  means  more  than  it  should  be,  as 
I  think  a  duty  of  55  cents  upon  the  square  yard 
is  equal  to  41|  cents  on  the  running  yard.  The 
neutralizing  duties  or  taxes  upon  that  41|  cents 
the  running  yard  are  made  up  in  this  way:  in  the 
first  place  there  are  6  cents  on  the  pound  of  wool 
which  goes  into  the  manufacture  of  that  running 
yard  of  carpet;  then  there  is  35  per  cent,  duty  on 
a  pound  and  a  half  of  linen  yarn,  worth  27  cents. 
That  makes  3  45-100  cents.  Then  the  duty  on 
the  dyestuffs  which  go  into  the  running  yard  of 
carpeting  is  2  cents;  then  there  is  5  per  cent,  ex- 
cise tax  on  $2,  the  average  price  of  a  yard  of  this 
carpcling,which  amounts  to  10cent,s.  That  makes 
the  total  amount  of  neutralizing  duties  on  a  yard 
oflhis  carpeting 27  45-100 cents.  Subtracting  that 
from  41  25-100  cents  and  it  leaves  the  duty  on  the 
running  yard  13  80-100  cents.  That  really  is  all 
the  duty  upon  this  running  yard  of  carpeting, 
nominally  in  the  bill  55  cents.  That  sum  of 
13  80-100  cents  per  running  yard  is  about  21  per 
cent,  on  the  imported  article,  which  costs  about 
G5  cents  per  yard.  That  I  submit  to  the  Senate 
is  not  too  much.     A  duty  of  20  per  cent,  or  25 


1864. 


THE  COjS^GRESSIOKAL  GLOBE. 


3037 


per  cent,  is  not,  too  liigh  a  duty,  and  has  not  been 
so  considered  in  ordinary  limes,  on  goods  of  tiiis 
description.  It  is  no  more  than  a  fair  firoteciive 
duty.  1  submit  that  reducing  it  from  55  cents  to 
60  cents,  when  the  duty  at  50  cents  will  really  be 
a  protection  of  only  about  21  per  cent.,  is  not 
proper. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  There  is  an  error  in  the 
Senator's  calculation.  In  the  first  place,  the  wool 
that  enters  into  this  carpet  is  a  cheaper  grade  of 
wool,  and  therefore  pays  a  duty  of  but  3  cents 
per  pound.  We  are  informed  that  scarce  any  of 
the  higher  grade  of  wool  is  put  into  this  carpet- 
ing. It  is  the  cheaper  wool  costing  less  than  12 
cents  in  the  dirty  condition  in  which  it  comes  to 
tills  country  that  goes  into  this  kind  of  carpet. 
Another  fact  was  stated  to  us,  that  in  this  kind 
of  carpet  there  are  but  about  seven  or  eight  or 
twelve  ounces  of  wool — I  have  forgotten  the  pre- 
cise number;  the  great  body  of  it  is  made  up  of 
linen  warp.  If  I  do  not  use  the  technical  terms, 
the  Senator  will  know  what  I  mean.  A  very 
small  portion  of  the  material  of  this  kind  of  car- 
peting being  wool,  there  is  on  the  linen  warp  a 
discrimination  in  favor  of  our  manufacturers  am- 
ply sufficient. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  have  changed  that 
duty  and  increased  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Still  the  discrimination  is 
large,  and  this  is  the  reason  why  it  was  deemed 
proper  to  lower  th»  rate  of  duty  on  Brussels  and 
tapestry  carpeting  in  order  to  conform  to  the  cor- 
responding duties  on  other  articles.  I  remember 
very  well  the  statements  made,  both  in  writing 
and  in  person,  by  very  intelligent  importers  and 
persons  dealing  in  this  business,  and  they  made 
the  impression  in  our  minds  that  50. cents  per 
square  yard  was  at  least  as  high  a  rate  of  duty 
on  this  kind  of  carpeting  as  upon  the  others  in 
proportion  to  the  value  of  the  carpeting  and  tl!e 
amount  of  wool  consumed  in  its  manufacture. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  The  rate  of  55  cents  per  square 
yard  on  this  kind  of  carpeting  is  no  higher  than 
a  duty  of  80  cents  per  square  yard  on  the  class 
of  carpeting  named  in  the  immediately  preceding 
clause  of  this  same  section.  There  the  duty 
amounts — I  can  give  the  items  which  will  sliow 
it,  but  it  is  unnecessary — to  20  per  cent.,  and  here 
55  cents  per  square  yard  on  this  kind  of  carpeting 
amounts  to  but  the  smallest  fraction  more.  Fifty- 
five  cents  come  nearer  than  50  cents  to  making 
the  rate  of  duty  on  this  kind  of  carpeting  pre- 
cisely the  same  as  on  the  class  of  carpeting  men- 
tioned in  the  immediately  preceding  clause  in  the 
same  section;'  and  so  it  is  of  the  next  clause  in 
regard  to  treble  ingrain  and  three-ply  carpeting, 
&c,  If  you  let  this  carpeting  stand  at  55  cents, 
it  will  be  equal  and  no  more  than  equal  to  the 
other  classes  of  carpetingin  the  same  section.  If 
you  put  it  at  50  cents  it  will  be  less. 

I  have  given  here  a  statement  of  the  items  which 
I  derived  from  a  manufacturer  in  whom  I  have 
the  highest  confidence,  and  I  am  persuaded  that 
his  statement  is  entirely  correct.  The  wool  used, 
which  he  says  pays  a  duty  of  6  cents  per  pound, 
I  am  sure  is  wool  which  pays  that  duly.  The 
35  percent,  on  a  pound  and  a  half  of  linen  yarn 
which  is  worth  27  centg,  I  am  persuaded  is  the 
kind  of  yarn  that  goes  into  the  manufacture;  and 
so  of  the  duly  on  the  dye-stuffs,  and  the  5  per 
cent,  excise  tax  on  ^2  a  yard,  the  average  price 
of  tiie  material.  I  think  1  can  speak  with  cer- 
tainty when  f  say  that  the  figures  which  I  give 
here  are  correct,  and  that  if  this  duty  remains  at 
55  cents  a  square  yard,  it  will  be  a  protective  duty 
of  only  Sl-per  cent. 

Mr.  DIXON.  The  Senator  from  Ohio  is  in- 
correct, and  my  colleague  is  entirely  correct,  I 
think,  in  the  statement  with  regard  to  the  duty 
paid  on  the  wool  used  in  this  kind  of  carpeting. 
The  duty  on  wool  exceeding  12  cents  and  not  ex- 
ceeding 2'4  cents  apound  in  value,  as  it  now  stands, 
is  6  cents  per  pound.  That  is  the  kind  of  wool 
which  is  used  in  this  carpeting,  and  not  the  spe- 
cies of  wool  which  is  of  a  priceless  than  12cent3 
and  which  pays  a  duty  of  3  cents  per  pound.  It 
is  within  my  knowledge,  from  information  re- 
ceived from  those  in  whom  I  have  entire  confi- 
dence, that  the  kind  of  wool  used  is  that  which 
pays  a  duty  of  6  cents  a  pound. 

Mr.  SH  ERMAN.    I  have  now  the  precise  com- 
putation of  the  ad  valorem  duty  proposed  by  this 
,  section  of  the  bill.    Fifty-five  cents  on  the  tapestry 
carpeting  amounts  to  83  per  cent,  of  the  actual 


cost  of  the  imported  carpet.  I  find  that  on  an- 
other class  of  carpeting  the  duty  is  72g  percent., 
on  another  class  70  per  cent.,  on  another  class  GG 
per  cent.;  and  on  another  60  per  cent.  The  pur- 
pose of  the  committee  was  by  reducing  this  rate 
to  50  cents  to  bring  it  down  to  pretty  much  the 
same  ad  valorem  duty  that  is  imposed  on  other 
carpeting.  It  reduces  the  ad  valorem  duty  to  73 
per  cent.,  a  protection  higlicr  than  the  ad  valorem 
duty  on  any  other  kind  of  carpeting.  This  state- 
ment, I  am  told,  was  made  up  from  actual  im- 
portations, and  the  gentleman  vouches  for  its  ac- 
curacy. The  cost  in  gold  and  paper  money  and 
the  percentage  is  given,  I  have  no  doubt,  accu- 
rately. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  committee  had  con- 
siderable discussion  about  this  matter,  and  were 
somewhat  in  doubt  in  regard  to  it,  but  upon  the 
whole  came  to  the  conclusion  that  50  cents  a  yard 
was  enough  protection  on  carpeting  of  this  de- 
scription. Of  course  the  committee  will  be  satis- 
fied with  what  the  Senate  do  in  regard  to  it.  As 
we  are  looking  for  revenue  it  is  not  desirable  to 
put  on  any  more  duty  than  it  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  put  on  for  purposes  of  protection;  because 
we  do  not  want  to  exclude  anything  just  at  pres- 
ent, whatever  we  may  find  it  proper  to  do  here- 
after. I  think  we  had  better  reduce  this  duty 
from  55  to  50  cents,  and  leave  the  matter  for  fur- 
ther consultation  with  the  other  House. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  It  will  make  a  wonderful 
difference  to  the  consumer,  because  the  domestic 
manufacturers  will  be  sure  to  carry  their  price  up 
to  within  a  small  fraction  of  that  of  thg  imported 
article.  I  have  supposed  that  the  object  of  this  bill 
was  rather  to  raise  revenue  than  to  give  protection. 
The  protection  in  point  of  fact  is  given  already 
from  various  causes.  A  time  like  this,  when 
each  individual  citizen  is  suffering  from  the  ad- 
ditional cost  of  everything,  would  seem  to  be,  in 
my  judgment,  a  very  bad  time  to  increase  the  du- 
ties upon  foreign  importations,  when  the  effect 
can  only  be  either  to  exclude  the  articles  alto- 
gether or  to  add  very  much  to  the  cost  of  the  ar- 
ticles consumed.  I  do  not  suppose  that  at  any 
period  of  the  Government  the  manufacturers  of 
the  United  States  have  been  more  flourishing  than 
at  present  under  the  existing  tariff".  If  the  55 
cents  proposed  by  the  other  House  will  not  ex- 
clude this  article,  then  it  is  certain  that  ilie  price  of 
the  domestic  article  will  go  up  to  nearly  the  same 
with  that  of  tlie  foreign  article,  and  we  who  buy 
carpets  will  have  to  pay  for  them.  There  is  not 
a  family  in  the  United  States  that  are  not  anx- 
ious to  have  the  best  kind  of  carpeting  they  can 
get;  they  may  not  want  much,  but  tliey  want 
some  of  it,  particularly  in  the  parlor.  They  have 
to  pay  now,  because  of  tlie  difference  in  our  cur- 
rency, very  much  more  than  they  ever  had  to 
pay  before;  and  if  you  impose  a  very  heavy  duty 
on  the  foreign  article  they  will  have  to  pay  much 
more  hereafter  than  they  are  paying  now.  Just 
in  proportion  as  you  make  ilditlicull  for  them  to 
meet  their  own  current  expenses  you  take  from 
them  the  means  of  meeting  conveniently,  if  able 
to  meet  at  all,  the  calls  which  the  Government 
has  made  and  will  be  obliged  to  make  upon  them 
in  the  future.     I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  22,  nays  14;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown, Buckiilew,  Carlile,  Clarlc,  Doo- 
litlle,  Fessendeii,  Foot,  Harris,  Ilcndriclcs,  HieUs,  How- 
ard, Howe,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Mors^an,  Powell, 
Kiddle,  Saulsbuiy,  Siiennan,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  and 
VVilley— 2i2.  * 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Dixon,  Foster,  Grimes,  Halo, 
Hailan,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Pomeroy,  Itamsey,  Spiajjuc, 
Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Wilkinson,  and  Wilson—  14. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Chandler,  Collamer,  Conness,  Cow- 
an, Davis,  Harding,  Henderson,  McDougall,  Morrill,  Nes- 
niltli,  Richardson,  Wade,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  In  line  twenty,  of  sec- 
tion five,  I  move  to  strike  out  "8"and  inserfG^," 
so  as  to  make  the  clause  read:  "On  hemp  or  jute 
carpeting,  65  cents  per  square  yard." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  in  line  thirty-four,  of  section  five,  to 
strike  out  "  35"  and  insert  "  40,"  so  as  to  make 
the  clause  read: 

On  woolen  cloths,  woolen  shawls,  and  all  manufactures 
of  wool  of  every  description,  made  wholly  or  in  part  of 
wool,  not  otherwise  provided  for,  24  cents  per  pound,  and 
in  addition  thereto  40  percent,  ad.valorem. 

Mr.  SUMNER.    There  is  a  discrepancy  be- 


tween this  provision  and  a  provision  in  a  later 
page.     I  will  call  attention  to  lliat  first. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  is  proposed  to  strike 
out  the  provi.sion  on  page  20. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  That  was  what  I  was  about 
to  call  attention  to.  Now,  I  come  to  the  matter 
of  substance,  the  question  as  to  the  tax  ad  valo- 
rem. The  commitiee  propose  to  substilulc  "  40" 
for  "  35."  I  take  it  their  object  was  in  order  to 
countervail  the  excise  tax  which  is  imposed  on 
the  manufacturer. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  and  other  additional 
expenses. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  But  especially  that.  So  far 
as  I  understand  the  question,  that  is  one  special 
element  which  has  been  recently  introduced  into 
the  cost  of  the  article.  Now,  unless  I  am  misin- 
formed, the  object  of  the  committee  will  not  be 
completely  accomplished  by  putting  this  at  40  per 
cent,  ad  valorem;  they  must  go  still  higher,  to  45 
percent.  I  have  here  a  letter  from  very  excellent 
authority,  certainly  as  good  as  could  be  quoted, 
that  makes  some  explanation  of  the  operation  of 
the  different  taxes.  It  comes  from  a  gentleman 
whose  statements  and  reasoning  are  entitled  to 
consideration. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Will  the  Senator  tell  us  who 
he  is.> 

Mr.  SUMNER.  As  it  is  a  private  letter,  I 
prefer  not  to  give  the  name  of  the  writer.  It  is 
from  a  gentleman  entirely  familiar  with  the  sub- 
ject and  of  incorruptible  integrity  and  character. 

Mr.  POWELL.  If  the  statements  of  the  letter 
are  to  be  authority,  I  should  like  to  know  who 
the  writer  is. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  After  setting  forth  tli.»-delails 
and  showing  that  the  amount  of  tax  he  will  pay 
on  one  yard  of  goods  will  be  SGj  cents,  he  [iro- 
ceeds: 

"Now  the  Importer  of  manufactured  goods  will  pay  duty 
on  similar  fabric^  at  a  valuation  not  exceeding  .$1  per  yard, 
and  in  many  cases  at  a  less  valuation.  But  taking  the  lar- 
gest valuation  and  we  have  tlie  following  : 

A  specific  duty  or24  cents  per  pound,  on  fourteen  ounccfi, 
the  weight  of  the  goods,  2i  cents at 

Jld  valorem  duty  of  35  per  cent,  on  §'1,  the  value  of  the 
same ,,. ..  3.> 

Making  the  total  amount  of  duty 5 J 

"  Deductingfrom  the  amount  of  duty  paid  by  the  inipoiicr 
of  manufactured  goods  (f)Q  cents)  tlie  amount  paid  by  tlio 
manufacturer  as  ditty  on  his  wool  and  excise  tax  when 
manufactured,  (3Ci  cents,)  and  it  will  show  the  actual  pro- 
tection which  I  receive  from  the  tariff,  namely,  19'  cents 
on  a  yard.  .From  this  should  bo  deducted  the  excess  of 
the  cost  of  importing  the  wool  over  the  cost  of  importiiiif 
the  same  when  manufactured  into  cloth,  say  3  C(!nts,  which 
leaves  a  protection  of  only  16^-  cents  per  yard.  This  is  equal 
to  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  16^  cents  with  wool  free  and  no 
excise!  tax. 

"Is  not  this  a  less  protection  than  we  have  ever  had  .-'  I 
think  it  is,  while  there  is  paid  a  liigher  rate  for  Labor  than 
was  ever  known  in  tills  country  before.  Will  not  the  re- 
sult of  such  legislation  be  the  increase  of  importations,  and 
the  stopping  of  our  own  machinery  until  American  wool 
falls  to  a  price  at  which  we  can  compete  with  foreign  man- 
facturcsi' 

"  I  notice  that  the  specific  duty  on  manufactured  goods 
just  covers  the  duty  on  wool,  but  not  the  excise  tax.  'J'o  ^ 
cover  both,  the  specific  duty  will  have  to  be  raised  10  30 
cents  per  pound,  or  the  ad  valorem  imyU>i!>\tcr  cent.;  and 
unless  this  is  done  the  wool-raiser  will  not  be  benefited  by 
the  proposed  changes." 

This  writer,  it  will  be  perceived,  goes  on  the  idea 
that  the  specific  duty  is  intended  as  a  balance  to 
the  excise  tax,  and  in  order  to  make  that  balance 
effective  he  says  it  must  be  raised  to  45  per  cent. 
ad  valorem. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  should  like  to  have  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  tell  us  about  how 
much  percentage  that  manufacturer  made  this 
year  on  his  manufacture. 

Mr.  SUMNER.    I  have  no  means  of  knowing. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  have' not  the  slightest 
doubt  that  he  has  made  50  per  cent.  I  am  in- 
formed that  there  is  not  a  woolen  manufacturer  in 
the  country  who  does  business  on  a  large  scale 
that  has  not  made  under  the  existing  duties  from 
20  to  50  per  cent,  profit,  and  in  some  cases  more. 
The  iron  manufacturers  have  made  more.  The 
writer  admits  in  his  letter,  as  I  understand,  that 
the  increased  duty  is  at  least  correspondent  to  the 
amount  of  the  increiised  taxation,  so  that  he. still 
has  the  benefit  of  the  old  protection. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon. 
He  says  "the  specific  duty  on  manufactured 
goods  just  covers  the  duty  on  wool,  but  not  the 
excise  tax." 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  ask  the  Senator  from  Mas- 


3038 


THE  COJSj  GRESSIONAL  >  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


eacliusetts  to  allow  me  a  moment  to  reply  to  the 

urgument  wliich  has  just  been  made  by  the  Senator 
ffom  Ohio,  and  which  has  been  used  on  this  floor 
a  number  of  times  during  the  session.  It  is  said 
that  large  profits  have  been  made  by  manufac- 
turers. Those  profits  have  been  made  by  the  rise 
in  material.  The  value  of  the  material  has  been 
constantiyrising.  Cotton  hasgoneupfromSO cents 
to  $130.  Everythinghas  doubled.  From  the  time 
the  manufacturer  takes  in  his  raw  material  until 
he  turns  out  his  manufactured  prodacteverything 
rises.  In  many  cases  if  he  had  kept  the  raw  ma- 
terial without  manufacturing  it  he  would  have 
made  just  as  much  as  he  made  by  turning  out  the 
manufactured  article.  It  will  not  do  to  take  profits 
made  under  this  exceptional  state  of  things  as  a 
rule  that  may  be  expected  in  future. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  Some  of  the  very  greatest 
profits  made  by  manufacturers,  to  my  knowledge, 
have  been  made  by  those  who  had  a  large  stock 
of  cotton  on  hand,  and  who  shut  their  mills  and 
kept  their  cotton  until  it  rose  to  the  maximum, 
and  then  sold  it  without  turning  a  spindle. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  This  amendment  is  about 
woolen  manufactures,  not  about  cotton. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  Woolens  have  risen  to 
pretty  much  the  same  extent. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  There  is  an  answer  that  I 
wish  to  make  to  the  Senator  from  Ohio.  He  asks 
me  if  the  gentleman  whose  letter  I  have  read  did 
not  within  the  last  year  make  large  profits.  I  do 
not  know  whetlier  he  made  large  or  small  profits. 
But  suppose  he  did  make  large  profits,  is  that  any 
reason  why  we  should  compel  him  to  carry  on  a 
losing  business  hereafter,  or  impose  a  tax  which 
would  make  his  business  a  losing  one  ?  The  ques- 
tion is  precisely  tiiat,  whether  the  tax  we  are 
going  to  impose  will  not  make  his  business  a 
losing  one.  To  that  it  is  said  that  with  a  smaller 
tax  we  shall  have  large  importations  which  will 
give  a  very  large  income.  I  am  not  insensible  to 
that  argument  at  this  moment.  At  this  crisis, 
with  me  it  is  next  to  controlling;  but  1  take  it 
we  have  gone  on  the  idea  with  this  bill  from  the 
beginning  of  harmonizing  the  interests  of  the  Gov- 
ernment v/ith  the  interests  of  individuals. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Let  me  tell  the  Senator 
that  here  in  the  first  place  is  a  specific  duty  of  24 
cents  a  pound,  which  offsets  the  duty  on  the  wool, 
taking  four  pounds  of  the  dirty  wool  at  6  cents 
per  pound.  The  additional  burden  on  the  do- 
mestic manufacturer  of  which  he  speaks  is  2  per 
cent.  It  was  3  per  cent,  before,  it  is  now  5  per 
cent.  To  countervail  that  we  give  him  an  addi- 
tion of  10  per  cent,  to  the  ad  valorem  duty  before 
imposed. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  question  is  whether  you 
liave  given  him  enough. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Our  opinion  is  that  we 
have  given  quite  enough. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  If  theSenatorfrom  Massa- 
chusetts would  ask  us  to  put  a  duty  of  45  percent, 
on  woolen  goods  with  a  view  to  gain  more  reve- 
nue and  more  money  to  the  Government,  I  should 
have  some  respect  for  his  opinion,  and  some  re- 
spect for  the  writer  of  the  letter  which  he  has  read ; 
but  when  he  bases  it  upon  the  ground  that  a  higher 
rate  of  duty  is  necessary  to  protect  the  manufac- 
turer, I  have  no  respect  for  the  reasons  of  the 
writer.  The  present  duty  on  woolen  goods  is 
30  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  on  wool  there  is  very 
little  duty.  We  have  now  levied  a  duty  on  wool 
of  the  ordinary  qualities  used  for  manufacturing 
of  6  centsa  pound,  wliich  is  equivalent  to  24  cents 
a  pound  on  the  wool  scoured  and  ready  for  use. 
We  have  therefore  put  a  specific  duty  on  woolen 
cloth  of24  cents  a  pound,  so  that  the  duty  on  wool 
is  oftsetby  the  specific  duty  of  24  cents  a  pound. 
Then  we  have  increased  the  ad  valorem  duty  10 
per  cent.,  or  one  third,  from  30  to  40  percent.  We 
have  raised  the  tax  on  the  domestic  manufacture 
2  per  cent.  The  writer  of  this  letter  who  has  been 
payings  percent,  on  manufactures  will  now  have 
to  pay  5  per  cent,  in  paper  money.  We  give  him 
a  protection  oflOper  cent,  in  gold.  If  that  is  not 
enough  to  satisfy  a  reasonable  demand  for  pro- 
tection, I  do  not  know  what  is. 

The  purpose  of  the  committee — and  it  is  the 
reason  why  I  have  voted  for  all  these  large  du- 
ties— is  simply  to  get  money  without  regard  to 
protection.  All  domestic  industry  in  a  time  of 
war  is  protected  by  the  state  of  war.  I  do  not 
think  any  article  needs  protection  now.  In  vot- 
ing for  these  higii  rates  of  duty,  1  am  actuated 


simply  by  the  desire  to  get  money  into  the  Treas- 
ury. In  the  Committee  on  Finance  I  have  not 
objected  to  any  increase  of  the  rates  where  that 
increase  was  made  with  a  view  to  revenue.  If  I 
believed  that  45  per  cent,  on  woolen  goods  would 
yield  us  more  revenue  than  the  rate  proposed  by 
the  committee,  I  should  have  no  objection  what- 
ever to  it;  but  when  it  is  put  upon  the  narrow 
ground  of  protection,  when  a  manufacturer  be- 
cause of  10  per  cent,  additional  tax  put  upon  him, 
and  because  of  a  little  increase  he  has  to  pay  on 
his  dye-stuffs,  demarids  an  additional  tax  of  15 
per  cent,  in  gold  on  the  imported  article,  I  think 
it  is  asking  rather  too  much. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  1  take  it  that  we  are  all  anx- 
ious to  have  what  General  Jackson  called  a  ju- 
dicious tariff,  and  that  no  one  proposes  directly 
protection;  and  I  agree  entirely  with  the  Senator 
from  Ohio  that  at  this  period  of  war  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  times  furnish  naturally  an  adequate  pro- 
tection. All  that  I  presumed  to  suggest  was  that 
we  should  keep  both  interests  in  mind — the  inter- 
ests of  our  own  Treasury  and  the  interests  of  our 
fellow-citizens,  in  this  case  the  manufacturers. 
Now  if  if  were  clear  that  by  a  tax  of  40  per  cent, 
we  could  get  a  much  larger  revenue  without  sac- 
rificing the  interests  of  the  manufacturers,  I 
clearly  should  be  for  that.  With  the  conviction 
that  I  have,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  should  try  to 
harmonize  both,  and  the  practical  question  with 
me  is  whether  with  your  taxat  40  per  cent,  you 
do  harmonize  both. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  Eimendment  of  the  committee  to  strike 
out  "35"  and  insert  "40." 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  substituting  "  45"  for  "  40." 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  amendment  of  the  committee  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  move  to  amend  the  section  by 
inserting  after  the  word  "  worsted, "in  line  thirty- 
nine,  the  words  "  the  hair  of  the  alpaca,  the  goat, 
or  other  like  animal;"  so  as  to  make  the  proviso 
read: 

Provided,  That  goods  of  like  description,  composed  of 
worsted,  tlie  liair  of  tiie  alpaca,  the  goat,  or  otlier  lilce  avii- 
iiial,  and  weigliing  over  eiglit  ounces  to  tlie  square  yard, 
sliall  be  suliject  to  pay  the  same  duties  and  rates  ofduty 
herein  provided  for  woolen  cloths. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  am  not  familiar  enough  with 
the  terms  employed  by  the  Senator  to  know 
whether  the  words  he  uses  are  better  than  those 
which  I  had  prepared  to  be  put  in  this  place.  I 
had  proposed  to  move  to  insert  "  mohair  or  goal's 
hair"  after  the  word  "worsted." 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  that 
I  have  followed  the  words  on  page  15  in  the  fourth 
section. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  One  of  our  appraisers  called 
my  attention  to  this  clause,  and  proposed  the 
amendment  I  now  mention. 

Mr.  CLARK.     Mine  includes  it. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  vi^as  in  section  five,  lines 
fifty-eight  and  fifty-nine,  to  strike  out  the  words 
"for  carpets"  after  "yarn;"  so  as  to  make  the 
clause  read:  "  On  woolen  and  worsted  yarn  valued 
at  less  than  50  cents  per  pound,  and  not  exceed- 
ingin  finenessNo.  14,  IGcents  perpound,and  in 
in  addition  thereto  25  percent,  ad  valorem.'.' 

The  amendment  -vyas  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  five,  lines 
seventy-eight  and  seventy-nine,  to  strike  out  "  all 
manufactures  not  otherwise  provide'd  for,  and 
ladies',"  and  in  lieu  thereof  to  insert  "women's 
and  children's;"  in  line  eighty  to  strike  out 
"  wool"  before  "  worsted,"  and  after  "mohair" 
to  insert  "  alpaca;"  in  line  eighty-one  to  strike 
out  "  40"  and  insert  "  30;"  and  in  Ime  eighty-four 
to  strike  out  "40"  and  insert  "30;"  so  as  to 
make  the  clause  read: 

On  women's  and  children's  dress  goods,  composed  wholly 
or  in  part  of  worsted,  mohair,  alpaca,  or  goats'  hair,  gray 
oruneolored,  not  e.\ceeding  in  value  the  sum  of  30  cents 
per  square  yard,  4  cents  per  square  yard,  and  in  addition 
thereto  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem;  exceeding  in  value  30  cents 
per  square  yard,  6  cents  per  square  yard,  and  iu  addition 
thereto  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Before  the  vote  is  taken  on 
that  amendment  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
committee  to  the  eighty-second  line,  where  it  is 
provided  that  the  tux  shall  be  4  cents  per  square 


yard.  I  have  in  my  hands  a  communication  from 
one  of  the  appraisers  at  Boston,  in  which  he  says 
that  it  will  be  necessary  to  provide  for  manufac- 
tures of  mohair,  or  goats'  hair,  which  cannot  be 
estimated  at  the  square  yard,  which  the  committee 
have  entirely  forgotten  to  do. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Why  not.?  Does  he  give 
any  reason  ? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  He  does  notgiveany  reasoii, 
but  he  is  one  of  the  appraisers,  and  he  is  therefore 
an  expert.  I  wish  merely  to  call  attention  to  it, 
and  leave  the  committee  to  determine  it. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  v/as  m  section  five,  line 
eighty-seven,  to  strike  out  the  word  "similar" 
and  insert  "the  last-mentioned;"  in  line  eighty- 
nine  to  strike  out  "  40"  and  insert  "  30,"  and  to 
strikeout  "3"  and  insert  "4;"and  in  line  ninety- 
one  to  strike  out  "40"  and  insert  "  30;"  so  as  to 
make  the  clause  read: 

On  all  goods  of  the  last-men tionod  description,  if  stained, 
colored,  or  printed,  not  exceeding  in  value  the  sum  of  30 
cents  per  square  yard,  4  cents  per  square  yard,  and  30  per 
cent,  ad  valorem;  exceeding  in  value  30  cents  per  square 
yard,  G  cents  per  square  yard,  and  in  addition  thereto  3,5 
per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  next  four  lines,  lines 
ninety-four,  ninety-five,  ninety-six,  and  ninety- 
seven,  should  be  stricken  out.  I  move  to  strike 
them  out.  « 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Why? 

Mc.  CLARK.  The  matter  is  provided  for  in 
a  previous  clause  of  the  section. 

The  words  proposed  to  be  strickeh  out  were 
read,  as  follows: 

On  all  manufactures  of  wool,  or  of  which  wool  shall  be 
acomponent  material,  not  otherwise  provided  for,  20  cents 
per  pound,  and  in  addition  thereto  35  per  cn\U  ad  valorem. 

*  The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance was  in  line  one  hundred  of  section  five,  to 
strike  out  "  40"  and  insert  "  55;"  so  as  to  make 
the  clause  read: 

On  bunting  and  on  all  other  manufactures  of  worsted,  or 
of  whicli  worsted  shall  be  acomponent  materia!,  not  other- 
wise provided  for,  55  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  committee  had  a 
good  deal  of  doubt  about  that  matter,  and  1  am 
satisfied  myself  that  55  per  cent,  is  more  than  is 
necessary.  I  move  to  amend  the  amendment  by 
making  the  duty  50  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  wish  to  make  a  suggestion 
in  regard  to  the  clause  just  voted  upon.  Is  there 
not  some  incongruity  between  it  and  the  provision 
on  the  18th  page,  and  is  it  not  necessary  that  there 
should  be  some  provision  hei'e  for  the  kindred 
article  of  mohair  orgeats' hair.'  My  correspond- 
ent, the  appraiser  of  Boston,  suggests  the  intro- 
duction of  those  words  here. 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  committee  have  no  objec- 
tion to  that. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Then  I  propose  after  the 
word  "worsted, "in  the  ninety-eighth  line,  to  in- 
sert "  mohair,  alpaca,  or  goats'  hair,"  and  to  in- 
sert the  same  words  after  "worsted"  in  the  ninety- 
ninth  line. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  in  section  five,  after 
line  one  hundred,  to  insert  the  following  clause: 

On  tastings,  mohair  cloth,  silk,  twist,  or  other  manufac- 
ture of  cloth,  woven  or  made  in  patterns  of  such  size, 
shape,  and  form,  or  cut  in  such  manner  as  to  be  fit  for 
shoes,  slippers,  boots,  bootees,  gaiters,  and  buttons,  exclu- 
sively, not  combined  with  India  rubber,  10  per  cent,  ad 
valorem. 

Mr. SUMNER.  I  do  not  understand  the  rea- 
son for  that  clause;  and  indeed  I  am  told  by  those 
who  are  familiar  with  the  subject  that  there  is  no 
reason  for  it.  It  will  be  perceived  that  it  proposes 
a  tax  of  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  certain  enu- 
merated articles,  "on  lastings,  mohair  cloth,  silk, 
twtet,  or  other  manufacture  of  cloth,  woven  or 
made  in  patterns  of  such  size,  shape,  and  form, 
or  cut  in  such  manner  as  to  be  fit  for  shoes,  slip- 
pers, boots,  bootees,  gaiters,  and  buttons,  exclu- 
sively, not  combined  with  India  rubber."  Now, 
the  question  is,  why  those  articles  when  woven 
or  made  into  patterns  of  size  and  form  for  those 
articles  should  pay  a  less  tax  than  they  otherwise 
would  pay?  They  are  to  pay  only  10  per  cent. 
If  they  did   not  come  in   for  this   [lurpose  they 


1864. 


THE  COJSTGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


3039 


would  pay  40  per  cent.  What  is  the  reason  for 
the  reduction?  May  not  this  reduction  be  made 
a  cover  for  the  iniroduction  of  the  materials  out 
of  which  these  things  are  made  at  a  cheaper  rate 
than  they  otherwise  would  be  ?  I  have  my  doubts 
as  to  vi'hether  this  clause  should  be  adopted. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  These  are  small  articles, 
which  come  in  competition  with  iiothing  at  all, 
and  v^e  want  to  get  some  duty  on  them.  They 
arc  brought  in  here  in  order  to  let  them  stand  as 
they  did  before.  They  are  made  for  this  special 
purpose. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  will  understand 
me:  the  point  is,  that  this  clause  may  be  used  as 
a  cover  for  the  introduction  of  these  materials. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Not  at  all.  It  cannot 
cover  anything  of  the  sort.  They  are  cut  into 
patterns,  made  in  a  particular  way. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  am  told  by  those  familiar 
with  the  subject  they  may  be. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.    Not  at  all. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  ame;idment  was  in  section  five,  line 
one  hundred  and  ten,  after  the  words  "  oil-cloth" 
to  insert  the  words  "  except  silk  oil-cloths;"  so 
tliat  it  will  read: 

On  oil-clotlis  for  floors,  stamped,  painted,  or  printed, 
valued  at50  cents  or  less  per  square  yard,  30  per  cent,  ad  oa- 
lorcm;  valued  at  over  50  cents  per  square  yard,  and  on  all 
other  oil- clotli,  except  silk  oil-cloth,  40  per  cetn.  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  jvas  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  think  the  duty  ought 
to  be  slightly  increased  on  cordage.  I  therefore 
move,  in  section  seven,  line  twenty-three,  to  strike 
out  "2^"ahd  to  insert  "3;"  and  in  line  twenty- 
five  to  strike  out  "  |"  and  insert  "  |;"  so  tliat  it 
will  read:  "  On  tarred  cables  or  cordage,^3  cents 
per  pound;  on  un tarred Manillacordage,  2|  cents 
per  pound." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  desire  and  think  it 
necessary  to  finish  this  bill  to-night,  and  I  rise 
for  the  purpose  of  suggesting  that  fact  to  the 
Senate,  and  taking  the  sense  of  the  Senate  upon 
whether  we  will  take  a  recess  until  some  hour 
this  evening,  or  go  on  with  the  bill  now  until  we 
get  through  with  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON  and  Mr.  SUMNER.  Let  us 
go  on. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  am  perfectly  content  if 
■'t  is  understood  that  we  are  to  go  on  and  finish 
the  bill  to-night. 

Several  Senators.  Oh,  no;  let  us  take  a  re- 
cess. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  think  that  seems  to  be 
the  voice  of  the  town  meeting,  and  therefore  I 
will  make  a  motion  that  at  twenty-five  minutes 
before  five  o'clock  we  take  a  recess  until  seven 
o'clock. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Why  not  take  it  now  ? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  precisely  the  time 
now. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Pome- 
ROY.)  The  Chair  understands  the  motion  to  be 
that  the  Senate  take  a  recess  from  five  minutes 
before  five  o'clock  till  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  No,  sir;  that  was  not  the 
motion.  I  said  twenty-five  minutes  to  five.  How- 
ever, I  will  change  my  motion,  and  move  that  the 
Senate  now  take  a  recess  until  seven  o'clock. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate  ac- 
cordingly took  a  recess  until  seven  o'clock. 


EVENING  SESSION-. 

The  Senate  reassembled  at  seven  o'clock  p.  m. 
EXECUTIVE  COMMUNICATIONS. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  laid  before  the 
Senate  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  com- 
municating, in  compliance  with  a  resolution  of 
the  Senate' of  the  23d  of  May,  a  report  of  the 
Q-uartermaster  General,  exhibiting  the  amount 
estimated  for  the  current  year  to  be  paid  for  trans- 
porting Government  supplies  from  the  Platte 
country  railroad  to  Fort  Leaven  worth,  and  thence, 
via  Fort  Kearney  and  FortRidgoly,  westwardly; 
which  was  read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  also  laid  be- 
fore the  Senate  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Senate,  communicating, in  obedience  to  law,  a  de- 
tailed statement  of  the  payments  from  the  con- 
tingent fund  of  the  Senate  for  the  year  ending 
December  6,  1863;  whicit  was  read  and  ordered 


to  lie  on  the  table,  and  a  motion  of  Mr.  Dixon 
that  the  report  be  printed  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Printing. 

PETITIONS. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  six  petitions  of  citizens 
of  Vermont,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
{a.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mil- 
itary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  Lloyd,  Chief  Clerk,  announced  that  the 
House  had  disagreed  to  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  192)  mak- 
ing appropriations  for  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the 
year  ending  30th  June,  18G5;  and  had  receded 
from  its  disagreement  to  the  amendments  of  the 
Senate  numbered  eight,  twelve,  nineteen,  twenty- 
one,  twenty-two,  twenty-three,  twenty-four,  forty 
and  eighty-eight,  and  agreed  to  the  same;  that  it 
had  receded  from  its  amendment  to  the  ninety- 
fifth  amendment  of  the  Senate,  and  agreed  to  the 
ninety-fifth  amendment  with  anotheramendment; 
and  it  had  modified  its  amendment  to  the  ninety- 
sixth  amendment  of  the  Senate;  that  the  House 
furtherinsisted  npon  its  disagreement  to  the  ninth 
and  ninety-fourth  amendments  of  the  Senate,  and 
upon  its  amendments  to  the  twenty-fifih,  thirty- 
fourth,  and  ninetieth  amendments  of  the  Senate 
to  the  bill;  and  asked  a  further  conference  on  the 
disagreeing  votes  of  the  tv/o  Flouses  thereon,  and 
had  appointed  Mr.  G.  FI.  Pendleton  of  Ohio, 
Mr.  William  Windom  of  Minnesota,  and  Mr. 
Orlando  Kellogg  of  New  York,  managers  at 
the  same  on  its  part. 

The  message  further  announced  that  the  House 
had  agreed  to  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  to 
the  bill  of  the  House  (No.  227)  granting  lands  to 
the  State  of  Michigan  for  the  construction  of  cer- 
tain wagon  roads  for  military  and  postal  purposes. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
had  agreed  to  some  and  disagreed  to  other  amend- 
ments of  the  Senate  to  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  405)  to 
provide  internal  revenue  to  support  the  Govern- 
ment, to  pay  interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  for 
other  purposes;and  agreed  to  otherametidments 
of  the  Senate  with  amendments;  that  it  insisted 
upon  its  disagreements  and  amendments,  asked 
a  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two 
Houses  thereon,  and  had  appointed  Mr.  J.  S. 
Morrill  of  Vermont,  Mr.  G.  H.  Pendleton 
of  Ohio,  and  Mr.  S.  Hooper  of  Massachusetts, 
managers  at  tlie  same  on  its  part. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  passed  the  following  joint 
resolutions;  in  which  it  requested  the  concurrence 
of  the  Senate: 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  80)  for  the  adjustment 
of  the  claim  of  James  and  0.  P.  Cobb  &  Co.,  of 
Indiana;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  94)  for  the  relief  of 
Peter  Wheeler. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  had  signed  the 
following  enrolled  bills  and  joint  resolution; 
which  were  thereupon  signed  by  the  Presidcn  t 
pro  tempore: 

A  bill  (H.  R.'No.  227)  granting  lands  to  the 
State  of  Michigan  for  the  construction  of  certain 
wagon  roads  for  military  and  postal  purposes; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  relief  of  Rhoda 
Wolcott,  widow  of  Henry  Wolcott; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  356)  requiring  proof  of  pay- 
ment of  duties  on  foreign  salt  before  the"  payment 
of  the  allowances  provided  for  by  the  acts  of  July 
29,  1813,  and  March  3,  1819; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  521)  toamendanactentitled 
"  An  act  to  provide  for  the  settlement  of  claims  of 
Peruvian  citizens  under  the  convention  between, 
the  United  States  and  Peru  of  January  12, 1863," 
approved  June  1,  1864;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  47)  for  the  relief 
of  Rev.  W.  B.  Matchett. 

HOUSE  BILLS  REFERRED. 

The  following  joint  resolutions  from  the  Flouse 
of  ReprcsetUativcs  were  si;vei-al!y  read  twice  by 


iheir   titles,  and  referred  to  the  Committee   on 
Claims: 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  80)  for  th-3  adjustment 
of  the  claim  of  James  &  0.  P.  Cobb  &  Co.,  of 
Indiana;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  94)  for  the  relief  of 
Peter  Wheeler. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  its  amend- 
ments to  the  bill  (H.R.  No.  405)  to  provide  internal 
revenue  to  support  the  Government,  to  pay  in- 
t'jrest  on  the  public  debt,  and  for  other  purposes, 
disagreed  toby  the  Flouseof  Representatives,  and 
the  amendments  of  the  House  to  other  amend- 
ments of  the  Senate  to  the  said  bill;  and. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  FESSENDEN,  it  was 

Resolved,  Tliat  the  Senate  insist  npon  its  amendments 
to  the  said  bill  disagreed  to  by  th(!  House  of  Reprosenta-- 
tives,  disagree  to  the  .amendments  of  the  House  to  other 
amendments  of  the  Senate  thereto,  and  agree  to  tho  con- 
ference asked  by  the  House  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the 
two  House  thereon. 

Ordered,  Tliat  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate 
be  appointed  by  the  President  pro  tempore. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  appointed 
Messrs.  Fessenden,  Howe,  and  Van  Winkle. 

LEGISLATIVE  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  message 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  announcing  its 
action  on  the  bill  (H.R.  No.  192)  making  ap- 
propriations for  the  legislative,  executive,  and  ju- 
dicial expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  the  30th  June,  1865. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  FESSENDEN,  it  was 

Resolved,  Tliat  the  Senate  further  insist  upon  its  amend- 
ments to  the  said  bill  disagreed  to  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  upon  its  disagreement  to  the  amendments 
of  the  House  to  other  amendments  of  the  Senate  thereto, 
and  that  it  agree  to  the  further  conference  asJied  by  the 
House  on  the  disagreeing  votes  thereon. 

Ordered,  That  the  conferences  on  the  part  of  tin;  Senate 
be  appointed  by  the  President  j)ro  tempore. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  appointed 
Messrs.  Sherman,  Cowan,  and  Davis. 

A'.  T.  SPENCER  AND  GURDON  S.  HUBBARD. 

Mr:  DIXON.  I  ask  the  consent  of  the  Senate 
to  take  up  the  bill  (S.  No.  136)  for  the  relief  of 
A.  T.  Spencer  and  Gurdon  S.  Flubbard.  It  is  a 
bill  merelygiving  the  Postnaaster  General  the  right 
to  settle  with  them  on  equitable  principles.  It 
will  take  only  a  moment  to  consider  it. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  was  read 
a  second  time, and  considered  as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole.  It  instructs  the  Postmaster  General 
to  audit  and  adjust  the  account  of  A.  T.  Spencer 
and  Gurdon  S.  Hubbard  for  carrying  the  United 
States  mail  from  Chicago,  Illinois,  to  Mackinac, 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  Marquette,  Copper  Harbor, 
Eagle  I-Iarbor,EagleRiver,andOntonagon,  Mich- 
igan; LaPointe  and  Superior,  Wisconsin;  during 
the  years  from  1854  to  1859,  inclusive,  and  allow 
thei-eforsuch  amount  as  to  hiin  shall  appear  just 
and  equitable, not  exceeding  the  amount  allowed 
for  the  same  service  to  tlie  party  who  afterwards; 
performed  tho  same  under  contract. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  call  for  the  reading  of  the 
report. 

The  Secretary  read  the  foliov/ing  report  made 
by  Mr.  Dixon  from  the  Committee  on  Post  Offices 
and  Post  Roads  on  the  29th  of  February  last. 

The  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  petition  of  A.  T.  Spencer  and  G.  S.  Hub- 
bard, of  Chicago,  Illinois,  praying  compensation  for  ser- 
vices performed  in  carrying  the  mails  on  their  line  of  steam- 
ers between  Chicago  and  the  ports  on  Lake  Superior,  have 
liad  the  same  under  consideration,  and  beg  leave  to  report: 

The  memorialists  represent  that  they  transported,  at  the 
request  of  the  postmasters  and  agents  of  the  Post  Office  De- 
partment, the  United  States  mails,  in  steamboats,  between 
the  city  of  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  the  several  ports  on  I^ake 
Superior,  from  the  year  ]854  to  1859, inclusive,  duringthe 
season  of  navigation,  for  which  they  have  not  been  com- 
pensated, and  tlicy  now  pray  that  Congress  will  allow  theia 
an  equitable  remuneration  for  the  said  service. 

They  further  represent  that  this  service  was  performed 
in  contemplation  of  an  allawance  to  be  made  to  tliem  equal 
to  that  awarded  by  the  Government  for  service  of  a  similar 
character,  and  the  distinct  assurance  of  the  agents  of  the 
Post  Office  Department  was  given  them  that  tlfey  would  be 
adequately  compensated  therefor. 

The  evidence  before  the  committee  of  the  efficient  and 
faithful  characterof  the  service  rendered  by  the  memorial- 
ists is  most  clear  and  satisfactory,  and  that  it  was  under- 
taken and  performed  at  the  request  of  the  Government  of- 
ficials having  charge  of  the  mails. 

The  committee  are  satisfied  that  the  steamers  belonging 
to  the  line  owned  by  the  memorialists  aflbrded  the  most 
expeditious  and  I'eliable  means  for  transporting  the  mails 
between  the  city  of  Chicago  and  the  several  ports  on  Lake 
Superior. 

The  committee,  in  th.cir  report  .submitted  to   the  Senate 


3040 


THE  CONGRESSIOAUL  GLOBE. 


June  17. 


on  the  27lli  of  Fcbiiiaiy,  1860,  wore  uiiaiiinious  in  the 
opinion  that  the  inemoriaiists  should  receive  full  and  ade- 
quate coMipensation  for  the  aforesaid  services. 

Tiie  proof  of  the  performance  of  tlie  service  is  fully  snli- 
stantiated  by  tlie  testimony  of  Captains  J.  E.  Turner,  John 
Wilson,  and  D.  G.  Sloat,  confirmed  by  the  affidavits  of 
the  postmasters  at  Ciiicago,  Milwaukee,  Mackinac,  Eajle 
Kiver,  Marquette,  Ontonagon,  and  La  Pointe. 

From  all  tlie  voluminous  evidence,  and  the  statements 
and  explicit  affidavits  of  reliable  persons,  the  committee 
are  confident  that  the  petitioners  are  entitled  to  relief,  and 
they  report  a  bill  for  that  purpose,  and  recommend  its  pas- 
sage. 

Mr.  GRIMES;  I  should  like  to  ask  one  ques- 
tion of  the  Senator  from  Connecticut.  Was  this 
service  performed  upon  a  mail  route  that  had  been 
established  by  the  Grovernment? 

Mr.  DIXON.     I  think  it  was;  but  [  cannot  be 

confident,     it  is  now.     Whether  it  was  at  that 

time  1  cannot  say.  I  do  not  recollect  how  that  was. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     If  it  was  not,  then  we  are 

placed  in  this  attitude 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  think  it  was,  from  the  fact 
that  there  were  postmasters  and  officials  on  the 
route  who  requested  this  to  be  done. 

iVlr.  GRIMES.  That  does  not  follow  at  all, 
because  they  are  postmasters;  for  example,  in 
the  towns  along  the  Mississippi  river  and  on  por- 
tions of  that  river  there  are  no  mail  routes;  and 
are  we  going  to  settle  the  principle  that  a  post- 
master at  one  of  the  principal  towns  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi river,  if  the  Government  does  not  choose 
to  establish  a  route  up  and  down  the  river,  shall 
have  permission  to  charter  steamboats  and  for 
four  years  in  succession  put  us  to  the  expense  of 
maintaining  a  mail  route  along  on  that  line  .' 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  knew  something  about 
this  case  formerly.  It  passed  the  Senate  during 
the  last  Congress  and  went  to  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, but  I  believe  was  not  acted  on  there. 
The  Government  has  paid  for  just  such  services 
as  this.  My  impression  is  that  there  was  no 
established  mail  route;  I  know  there  was  no  con- 
tract; because  if  there  had  been  an  established 
mail  route  the  Postmaster  General  could  have 
made  a  contract.  It  was  during  the  summer 
season  when  the  boats  ran  up  to  the  Lake  Su- 
perior country  and  they  carried  the  mails.  They 
carried  them  under  the  authority  of  the  Post  Of- 
fice Department.  This  bill  is  not  establishing 
any  new  principle.  We  have  allowed  the  Post- 
master General  to  pay  precisely  such  claims,  and 
this  bill  itself  passed  the  Senate  during  the  last 
Congress.  My  impression  is  that  there  was  no 
established  route  there;  there  certainly  was  no 
contract;  and  that  is  the  reason  why  it  has  not 
been  paid  by  the  Post  Office  Department;  but 
there  was  no  mode  of  supplying  those  settlements 
up  there  with  the  mails  except  by  these  boats 
which  ran  up,  I  do  not  know  how  often,  once 
or  twice  a  week.  I  do  not  remember  the  facts 
connected  with  it  now;  but  I  know  we  passed 
this  identical  bill  at  a  former  session. 

Mr.  DIXON .  The  Committee  on  Post  Offices 
and  Post  Roads  have  acted  on  this  subject  sev- 
eral times  for  the  lp.sl  four  years,  ever  since  1860, 
when  it  was  first  presented,  and  always  unani- 
mously,, as  long  ago  as  when  the  Senator  from 
Illinois  was  a  member  of  the  committee.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  about  the  equity  of  the  case. 
The  man  ought  to  have  something;  how  much  is 
for  the  Postmaster  General  to  decide.  We  do 
not  decide  that  question. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  am  aware  that  there  has 
been  a  precedent  for  this  since  I  have  been  in 
Congress.  There  was  a  bill  passed  in  behalf  of 
a  man  by  the  name  of  Edwards,  I  think,  in  Mich- 
igan, the  only  precedent  to  be  found  for  it. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  This  bill  has  passed  the 
Senate  before. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Neither  that  bill  nor  this  ever 
passed  with  my  consent.  I  do  not  recognize  the 
propriety  of  a  postmaster  establishing  for  him- 
self a  mail  route  wherever  he  chooses;  and  this 
was  not  to  supply — for  it  could  not  have  been  to 
supply — any  irregularities  on  the  part  of  the  mail, 
or  any  non-performance  on  the  part  of  any  mail 
contractors,  for  it  seems  to  be  intended  to  pay  for 
carrying  the  mail  from  1855  to  1859,  four  whole 
years.  There  is  no  evidence,  I  take  it,  from  that 
report  that  Hubbard  and  Spencer  ever  applied  to 
Congress  or  to  the  Post  Office  Department  to  be 
paid  until  18G0,  five  years  after  they  connmenced 
carrying  the  mail;  but  when  it  was  discovered 
that  Mr.  Edwards  had  been  so  successful  in  pros- 
ecuting his  claim 


Mr.  CHANDLER.     McKnight. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  thought  it  was  Edwards. 
When  it  was  found  that  he  had  been  so  success- 
ful, then  comes  in  this  claim  in  behalf  of  Mr. 
Spencer  and  Mr.  Hubbard.  Now,  sir,  I  am  told 
that  the  mails  have  been  carried  without  expense 
to  this  Government  by  a  line  of  steamboats  be- 
tween the  cities  of  New  York  and  Norwich. 
They  carry  them  for  the  benefit  of  their  people 
at  the  ends  of  their  route  from  whom  they  receive 
their  patronage;  and  Spenccr&  Hubbard, doubt- 
less, when  they  commenced  carrying  the  mails 
between  Chicago  and  these  different  points,  had 
not  the  most  remote  idea  that  they  were  ever  to 
receive  any  pay. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  report  says  they 
were  assured  by  the  Department  officers  that  they 
should  be  paid. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  does  not  say  they  were 
assured  by  the  Postmaster  General. 

Mr.  DIXON.  Not  by  the  Postmaster  (General, 
but  the  postmaster  at  the  place  assured  them. 

Mr.  Grimes.  Some  postmaster  established 
it-withoui  having  any  more  authority  to  establish 
a  route  than  I  have,  not  a  particle.  A  postmaster 
under  the  United  States  has  the  authority,  if  there 
is  a  non-performance  on  the  part  of  a  contractor, 
to  hire  some  man  to  carry  the  mail  to  fill  up  this 
performance,  the  deficiency,  which  is  notdone  by 
the  contractor;  but  here  is  a  postmaster  who  goes 
and  makes  a  new  contract  on  a  new  line  that  had 
never  lieen  established  by  an  act  of  Congress,  so 
far  as  the  committee  tell  us,  and  never  had  been 
acted  upon  by  the  Postmaster  General. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  understood  that  this  bill  was 
to  take  up  but  a  moment,  but  as  it  is  likely  to 
give  rise  to  debate,  I  think  it  had  belter  go  over. 
1  desire  to  make  a  report  from  the  committee  of 
conference  on  the  bill  equalizing  and  increasing 
the  pay  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  and 
for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  hope  that  will  not  be 
taken  up  until  we  dispose  of  this  bill.  Nobody 
wants  to  discuss  it,  and  I  think  we  can  have  a 
vote  upon  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  met  here  this  evening 
to  go  on  and  finish  the  tariff  bill. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  do  not  suppose  anybody 
wants  to  say  a  word  more  oh  this  bill. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  A  good  many  words  have 
already  been  said, and  it  is  likely  to  lead  to  more. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  suppose  anybody 
else  wants  to  say  anything  about  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  do  not  know.  I  sup- 
pose the  Senator  does. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not.  I  merely  rose 
to  say  that  this  service  was  authorized  by  the 
agency  of  the  Post  Office  Department.  I  do  not 
wish  to  say  anything  further. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  only  wish  to  state  that  these 
claimants  made  their  application  in  I860,  and  the 
service  closed  in  1859;  there  was  only  one  year's 
delay  in  the  presentation  of  the  claim. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  But  they  did  not  present  it 
until  five  years  after  the  service  had  commenced. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  not  think  a  bill  of  this 
kind  ought  to  be  passed  to-night  with  such  a  dif- 
ference of  views  in  regard  to  it.  I  therefore  move 
that  it  be  passcjd  over. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Is  there  any 
objection  to  that  motion.' 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  object.  I  desire  to  have  this 
bill  acted  upon  now. 

ThePRESIDENTp-ofcmporfi.  Then  the  Chair 
will  put  the  question  on  the  uiotjon  to  postpone 
the  bill  until  to-morrow. 

The  njiotion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  move  that  we  proceed 
to  the  consideration  of  the  tarilF  bill. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  ask  the  Senator  from  Maine 
to  allow  me  to  present  and  have  acted  upon  to- 
night a  conference  report.  It  will  take  but  a  mo- 
ment, I  think. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;;ro  tempore.  It  may  be  re- 
ceived by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  have  no  objection,  if  it 
does  not  displace  the  tariff  bill. 

Mr.  WILSON.  If  it  takes  any  time  I  will 
give  way. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Very  well. 

PAY  Ol!'  COLOHED  troops. 
Mr.  WILSON,  from  the  committee  of  confer- 


amend- 
olunteer      l 
lilitary"       1 


ence  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses 
on  the  bill  (S.  No.  14.5)  to  equalize  the  pay  of 
soldiers  in  the  United  Slates  Army,  submitted 
the  following  report: 

The  committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments  to  the  bill  (S.  No. 
145)  entitled  "An  act  to  equalize  the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the 
Army  of  the  United  States,  and  for  other  purposes,"  hav- 
ing met,  after  full  and  free  conference  upon  the  f  roposcul 
Senate  amendments  to  the  House  amendments  touaid  bill, 
•report  as  follows : 

1.  In  the  lourthand  fifth  lines  oftlie  first  Senate  amend- 
ment strike  out  the  words  "  regular  Army  and  volu 
and  drafted  forces  in  the,"  and  insert  the  word  "mi 
in  lieu  thereof. 

2.  After  the  word  "  quartermasters,"  in  the  seventh  line  of 
said  amendment,  strike  out  all  down  to  and  including  thu 
word  "  dollars"  in  the  ninth  line  of  said  Senate  amend- 
ment, and  insert  the  following  in  lieu  thereof:  "  and  com- 
missary sergeants  of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry,  twenty- 
two  dollars.' 

3.  After  the  word  "privates,"  in  the  fourteenth  line  of 
said  lirst  Senate  amendment,  strike  out  all  down  to  and 
including  the  word  "corps"  in  tlie  sixteenth  line  of  said 
amendment,  and  insert  the  following  in  lieu  thereof  :  "  of 
engineers  and  ordnance  of  the  first  class,  eighteen  dollars  ; 
and  of  the  second  class." 

4.  After  the  word  "  dollars,"  in  tlie  twenty-second  line 
of  said  first  Senate  amendment,  strike  out  all  of  said  amend- 
ment down  to  the  word  "sixteen"  in  the  twenty-lburth 
line,  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof,  "  leaders  of  brigade  and 
regimental  bands,  seventy-five  dollars  ;  musicians."  And 
that  the  House  of  Representatives  agree  to  the  said  Senate 
amendments  with  the  foregoing  amendments. 

5.  Tliat  the  Senate  recede  from  its  second  amendment, 
to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section  three. 

6.  That  the  House  of  Representatives  agree  to  the  third 
amendment  oftlie  Senate,  towit,  tjlie  insertion  of  section 
four. 

7.  That  the  Senate  recede  from  its  fourth  amendment,  to 
wit,  the  insertion  of  section  five. 

8.  In  the  second  line  of  the  sixth  section  of  the  Senate 
amendment  strike  out  all  of  said  section  after  the  words 
"  sergeant  in.ajor"and  insert  the  following  in  lieu  (hereof: 
"who  shall  be  paid  thirty-six  dollars  [ler  month,  and  one 
quartermaster  sergeant  who  shall  also  be  commissary  ser-, 
geant,  who  shall  be  paid  twenty-two  dollars  per  month." 
And  that  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  said 
amendment  of  the  Senate  as  amended. 

9.  That  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  the 
sixth  Senate  amendment,  to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section 
seven. 

10.  Strike  out  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  all  of  the  sixth  line 
down  to  the  word  "  and"  in  the  seventh  Senate  amend- 
ment, and  insert  the  following  in  lieu  thereof:  "  the  rank, 
pay,  and  allowances  of  a  brigadier  general  and  an  Assistant 
Judge  Advocate  General  with  the  rank,  pay,  and  allow- 
ances of  a  colonel  of  cavalry." 

11.  After  the  word  "advocate,"  in  the  seventh  line  of 
said  seventh  Senate'  amendment,  insert  the  word  "Gen- 
eral." And  that  tlie  House  of  Representatives  do  agre«to 
said  Senate  amendment  as  amended. 

12.  That  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  the 
eighth  Senate  amendment,  to  v>'it,  the  insertion  of  section 
nine. 

13.  That  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  the 
ninth  Senate  amendment,  to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section 
ten. 

14.  That  the  House  ofRepresentatives  agree  to  the  tenth, 
eleventh,  and  twelfth  of  said  Senate  amendments. 

HENRY  WILSON, 
J.  W.  NE3M1TH, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate^ 

ROBERT  C.  SCHENCIC, 
F.  VV.  KELLOGG, 
JAMES  S.  ROLLINS, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House, 

The  report  was  concurred  in. 
TARIFF  BILL. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
resumed  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.No. 
494)  to  increase  duties  on  imports,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-o  ie?npore.  The  question 
will  beonconcurringin  the  Senate  with  theamend- 
ments  made  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole.  Does    ^ 
any  Senator  desire  a  separate  vote  on  any  of  the 
amendments.' 

Mr.  RAMSEY.  I  want  a  separate  vote  on  the 
amendment  imposing  a  duty  of  70  cents  on  rail- 
road iron. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  That  ainend- 
ment  will  be  excepted. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  is  an  amendment  in 
regard  to  the  duty  on  tea  which  1  should  like  to 
have  excepted. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  That  amend- 
ment will  be  excepted. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  1  desire  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  Committee  on  Finance  to  a  difference  which 
exists  in  the  sixth  section  of  this  bill  as  compared 
with  the  corresponding  section  of  the  bill  of  1861. 
In  the  forty-eighth  line  of  the  sixlii  section  of  this 
bill  1  find  this  proviso: 

Provided,  That  upon  all  plain  woveji  cotton  goods,  in- 
cluded or  not  included  iu  the  foregoing  schedules,  &c. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.   ,;,, 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 


SATURDAY,  JUNE  18,  1864. 


New  Series No.  i91. 


In  the  bill  of  1861  the  words  "included  or" 
are  left  out;  eo  that  the  provision  reads: 

"Tii.1t  upon  all  plain  woven  cotton  goods  not  included 
in  tlie  foregoing  schedules,  and  upon  cotton  goods  of  every 
description,  the  value  of  which  shall  exceed  16  cents  per 
square  yard,  there  shall  be  levied,  collected,  and  paid  a 
duty  of  ii5  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

I  do  not  know  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  make 
myself  understood;  but  the  high  price  of  cotton 
to-day  over  what  it  was  in  1861  has  the  effect  of 
bringing  all  the  goods  named  in  this  section  be- 
fore the  proviso  under  the  duty  of  35  per  cent., 
for  the  reason  that  all  of  these  goods  that  are  men- 
tioned cost  more  than  16  cents  per  yard.  .That 
clause  was  intended  to  meet  a  higlier  class  of 
goods.  The  items  specified  were  intended  to  meet 
a  class  of  goods  manufactured  in  this  country. 
The  proviso  was  intended  to  meet  a  higher  class 
of  goods  that  are  imported.  None  of  the  goods 
enumerated  in  this  first  portion  of  the  fourteenth 
Bection  of  the  old  bill  would  amount  to  16  cents. 
Then  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Msans  in  the 
other  House  have  left  out  an  additional  proviso, 
to  be  found  in  the  act  of  1861,  relative  to  goods 
containing  more  than  two  hundred  picks  to  the 
square  inch,  counting  the  thread  and  warp,  so  that 
goods  containing  two  hundred  and  twenty-five 
miglit  be  put  in  at  a  less  duty  than  the  two  hun- 
dred picks.  I  do  not  know  why  they  left  it  out. 
It  must  have  been  by  some  inadvertence.  It  is 
in  these  words: 

"^nd  provided  further,  That  no  cotton  goods  having  more 
than  two  hundred  threads  to  the  square  inch,  counting  the 
warp  and  filling,  shall  be  admitted  to  a  less  rate  of  duty  than 
is  provided  for  goods  which  are  of  that  number  of  tlireads," 

It  is  very  plain  that  if  this  provision  is  not  put 
into  this  bill  as  it  was  in  the  old  one,  cloths  of  a 
higher  kind  and  intended  to  be  at  a  higher  rate 
will  be  put  in  at  a  less  rate  than  that  enumerated 
in  this  new  bill.  I  therefore  desire,  if  I  have  been 
able  to  make  myself  understood,  if  there  is  no 
objection  to  it,  simply  to  repeat  the  clause  which 
is  in  the  old  bill. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  hope  the  Senator  will 
•withhold  his  amendment  for  a  short  time  until 
we  get  through  with  the  amendments  that  were 
adopted  in  committee.  After  that  the  Senator 
will  be  at  liberty  to  move  his  amendment. 
Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Very  well. 
The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Does  any  Sen- 
ator wish  a  separate  vote  on  any  other  amend- 
ment? 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  wish  to  except  the  amend- 
ment in  section  eighteen  in  relation  to  the  duty  of 
10  per  cent,  on  raw  silk. 

The  PRESIDE.NT pro  tempore.  Thatamend- 
ment  will  be  excepted. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  I  should  like  to  except  the 
amendment  of  the  committee  in  the  third  section, 
page  12,  in  regard  to  the  duty  on  knives. 

The  PRESlDENTpro  tempore.  That  amend- 
ment will  be  excepted. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  1  desire  to  except  the  amend- 
ment of  the  committee  on  page  23  in  relation  to 
spool  thread. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  That  amend- 
ment will  be  excepted.  The  question  will  now 
be  taken  on  concurring  in  all  the  other  amend- 
ments made  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 
The  remainina;  amendments  were  concurred  in. 
The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
now  will  be  on  concurring  in  the  first  excepted 
amendment  made  in  committee. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment,  which  was 
in  section  one,  line  ten,  after  the  word  "  twenty" 
to  strike  out  the  word  "five,"  and  after  the  word 
"pound"  to  insert  "and  in  addition  thereto  10 
per  cent,  ad  valorem;"  so  that  the  clause  will 
read: 

First.  On  leas  of  all  kinds  20  cents  perpound,  and  In  ad- 
dition thereto  10  percent,  ad  valorem. 

•  Mr.  MORGAN.  Since  this  amendment  was 
acted  upon  yesterday,  there  has  been  a  commu- 
nication made  to  the  Senate  on  the  subject,  a  me- 
morial signed  by  all  the  importers  of  tea  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  recommending  a  specific  duty. 
1  have  hardly  had  time  to  examine  the  memorial, 

191 


but  I  believe  the  members  of  the  Finance  Com- 
mittee have  seen  it. 

Mr.  President,  it  may  be  well  enough  for  us  to 
look  at  our  legislation  in  respect  to  this  article  of 
tea'.  There  was  a  duty  of  20  cents  a  pound  on 
all  teas  when  Congress  came  together  at  this  ses- 
sion, which  duty  has  existed  since  1862.  In  the 
latter  part  of  April  a  joint  resolution  was  passed 
adding  50  per  cent,  to  the  duties  on  imports. 
That  made  the  duties  on  teas  30  cents.  That 
joint  resolution  was  passed  pretty  suddeijy,  as 
Senators  all  recollect.  The  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in 
framing  this  tariff'  bill  reported  a  duty  of  5  cents 
additional  to  the  former  duty  on  tea,  making  a 
duty  of  25  cents;  and  that  has  been  adopted  by 
the  Plouse  of  Representatives.  When  the  bill 
came  to  this  body,  the  Committee  on  Finance  re- 
ported a  duty  of  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  making 
a  duty  perhaps  of  3^  cents,  or  less  than  4  cents. 
We  have  therefore  in  this  short  session  four  rates 
of  duty  on  teas;  20  cents,  30  cents,  then  back  to 
25  cents,  and  now  perhaps  231  cents. 

It  is  very  desirable  to  have  our  legislation  in 
regard  to  the  duties  on  imparts  permanent,  stable, 
that  importers  may  know  what  to  depend  upon. 
They  were  not  disposed  to  complain  of  the  pas- 
sage of  the  joint  resolution  increasing  the  duties, 
provided  those  were  the  duties  that  Congress 
intended  to  impose  permanently.  If  the  neces- 
sities of  the  Government  required  that  the  duty 
should  be  30  cents  a  pound,  there  would  be  no 
complaint  from  the  importers  or  others;  but 
what  they  do  complain  of  is  this  change  of  the 
duty  from  20  to  30  cents  and  then  back  to  25  and 
now  to  23  cents.  1  am  not  disposed  to  criticise 
the  action  of  the  committee,  for  I  believe  they  have 
labored  upon  this  bill  to  get  it  right.  1  know  that 
the  Finance  Committee  were  opposed  to  this  large 
increase  of  the  duties  under  that  joint  resolution. 
They  recommended  an  increased  duty  of  33gper 
cent.  Even  that  would  have  been  more  than  the 
duties  actually  are  in  the  bill  upon  which  we  are 
passing  to-day.  It  seems  to  me,  in  view  of  all 
that  has  taken  place,  we  had  better  look  to  a  little 
more  permanency  and  stability  in  our  legislation. 
I  think  we  had  better  support  the  specific  duty. 
I  am,  therefore,  in  favor  of  the  bill  as  it  passed 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  not  in  favor 
of  the  amendment  made  to  it  by  the  Committee 
on  Finance. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  concur  in  the  view  taken 
by  the  honorable  member  from  New  York.  The 
committee  propose  to  strike  out  a  portion  of  the 
specific  tax  proposed  by  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, and  to  insert  in  addition  to  what  they  leave 
of  the  specific  tax  an  ad  valorem  tax  of  10  per 
cent.  I  think  the  Senators  from  the  agricultural 
States,  and  particularly  the  western  States,  are 
especially  interested  in  this  question,  for  this  rea- 
son: in  point  of  fact  nearly  all  the  tea  that  is 
drunk  in  those  States  is  green  tea,  which  is  not 
the  cheaper  kind.  The  cheaper  kind  is  drunk 
principally  in  the  Atlantic  States.  From  some 
cause  or  other  we  prefer  what  are  called  the  black 
teas,  and  in  point  of  price  they  are  not  estimated 
as  high  as  the  green  teas.  A  specific  tax  of  20  per 
cent,  on  all  tea.s  will  embrace  the  green  as  well  as 
the  black. 

The  argument  upon  the  other  side  is  that  per- 
haps the  lower-priced  tea  would  not  bear  a  spe- 
cific tax  of  25  cents,  and  that  the  eflTect  would  be, 
even  if  it  could  bear  it,  to  throw  the  additional  5 
cents  specific  upon  the  consumer;  but  if  the  con- 
sumer for  the  most  part,  as  is  the  fact,  is  among 
those  who  are  able  to  bear  it,  and  the  consumers 
who  are  comparati  vel  y  poor  are  among  those  who, 
from  taste  or  habit  or  from  any  other  cause,  use 
the  higher-priced  teas,  the  effect  will  be  that  if 
you  reduce  the  tax  from  25  to  20  cents  specific, 
and  add  an  ad  valorem  tax  of  10  per  cent,  you  will 
be  increasing  just  to  the  amount  of  10  per  cent, 
the  price  of  the  teas  that  are  drunk  in  the  west- 
ern States.  In  the  Atlantic  States — I  believe  it 
is  almost  universally  true;  certainly  it  is,  so  far 
as  I  am  advised — nearly  every  gentleman  and  his 
family  prefer  what  are  called  the  black  teas,  par- 


ticularly the  English  breakfast  tea,  which  is  a  tea 
comparatively  cheap;  uud  of  course  he  can  pay, 
and  will  pay  without  the  slightest  reluctance  or 
dissatisfaction,  an  additional  tax  of  5  per  cent. 

But  there  is  another  reason,  as  I  stated  yester- 
day, and  it  is  not  necessary  to  press  it.  It  is 
exceedingly  diflicult  to  enforce  properly  an  ad 
valorem  tax  upon  tea.  Such  is  the  nature  of  the 
article,  such  are  the  elements  which  enter  into  its 
actual  cost  in  the  hands  of  the  importer,  that  it  is 
very  difficult  for  him  to  ascertain  exactly  what 
that  cost  should  be,  and  of  course  it  w/ill  be  more 
diflicult  uppn  the  part  of  the  appraiser.  If  he 
disregards  the  invoice,  and  the  appraiser  is  not 
obliged  to  be  regulated  by  the  invoice,  and  will 
not  be,  he  may  subject  an  importer  who  has  been 
guilty  of  no  fraud  or  no  purpose  to  evade  the  reve- 
nue to  the  additional  penalties  which  are  imposed 
upon  him  whose  invoice  is  greater  than  10  per 
cent,  upon  its  nominal  amount. 

I  believe,  and  that  is  also  an  additional  reason 
with  me  for  voting  against  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  the  committee,  that  a  specific  tax  of  25 
cents  on  teas  will  raise  more  revenue  than  a  specific 
tax  of  20  cents  and  an  ad  valorem  tax  of  10  per 
cent.  For  these  reasons  I  hope  that  the  amend- 
ment proposed  by  the  committee  will  not  prevail. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  will  ask  for  the  yeas 
and  nays  on  that  question. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  12,  nays  22;  as  follows; 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Chandler,  Clark,  Dixon,  Doo- 
little,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Howe,  Ramsey,  Sprague,Van  Win- 
kle, and  Willey— 12. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Buckalew,Carlile,Foster,Grimes,Hal^ 
Harlan,  Harris,  Hendricks,  Howard,  Jolmson,  Lane  oflncj- 
aiia,  LaneoflCansas.  Morgan,  Poineroy,  Powell,  SauUburj  , 
Sherman,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and  Wt- 
soii — 22. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Brown,  Collamer,  Conneas,  Cowap, 
Davis,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  McDougall,  Morrill  , 
Nesmith,  Richardson,  Riddle,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— li. 

So  the  amendment  was  non-concurred  in. 

The  next  excepted  amendment  was  in  section 
three,  line  twenty-eight,  to  strike  out  "  80"  and 
insert  "  70;"  so  that  the  clause  will  read: 

On  all  Iron  imported  in  bars/or  railroads  and  Inclined 
planes,  made  to  patterns  and  fitted  to  be  laid  dosvn  on  sued 
roads  or  planes  without  furllier  manufacture,  70  cents  per 
one  hundred  pounds. 

Mr. RAMSEY.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  striking  out  "  70"  and  inserting  "  60." 
I  will  remark,  Mr.  President,  that  in  the  State  of 
Minnesota,  speaking  for  a  part  of  the  Northwest, 
the  country  west  of  Lake  Michigan  and  west 
of  the  Mississippi  river,  we  have  now  abouteight 
hundred  miles  of  road  under  contract  in  lines  of 
two  and  three  hundred  miles  each.  All  of  these 
roads  will  have  to  be  abandoned  unless  there  is 
some  modification  of  the  tax  in  this  bill.  I  un- 
derstand that  iron  in  large  quantities  has  ticen 
contracted  forin  England,  which  the  parties  have 
ordered  to  be  resold,  as  it  will  be  inipos3il)le  for 
them  at  the  present  rates  of  iron  in  that  distant 
State  to  continue  the  work.  Iron  cannot  possibly 
be  laid  down  in  Minnesota  under  |140  a  ton.  In 
addition  to  that,  ordinary  labor  in  illat  country  ia 
$2  a  day.  Unless  some  relief  of  this  kind  is  ex- 
tended to  us  all  these  improvements  will  have  to 
be  abandoned.  I  trust,  therefore,  that  the  Senate 
will  concur  with  me,  and  consent  to  this  reduction 
of  the  tax  on  railroad  iron. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Mr.  President,  when  this 
subject  was  under  consideration  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  something  was  said,  and  I  believe  I 
said  something  myself,  in  reference  to  this  meas- 
ure as  a  relief  to  the  railroads;  but  more  mature 
reflection  upon  it  has  convinced  me  that  thi.'j 
amendment  ought  to  be  made  as  a  question  of 
revenue,  to  say  nothing  of  the  question  as  per- 
taining to  the  interests  of  the  roads.  That  the 
present  manufacturing  establishments  in  this 
country  can  do  anything  toward  supplying  the 
demand  for  railroad  iron,  I  believe  no  one  will 
pretend.  We  have  in  the  loyal  States  twenty- 
five  thousand  miles  of  railroad  in  operation,  and 
in  the  disloyal  States  they  have  about  twelve  thou- 
sand. The  average  existence  of  a  rail  i^teq  years. 
In  oiher  words,  10  per  cent,  of  the  track  of  every 


3042 


THE  OONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


road  must  be  repaired  every  year.  It  takes  one 
hundred  tons  to  the  mile.  Senators  can  see  at 
once  what  an  immense  amount  of  railroad  iron 
it  takes  to  supply  the  wear  and,  tear  of  our  roads 
that  are  already  made,  to  say  nothing  of  those 
that  we  contemplate  constructing.  There  are  at 
least  thirty-five  or  thirty-eight  thousand  miles  of 
railroad  in  this  country,  10  per  cent,  of  which 
mu^t  be  replaced  with  new  iron  every  year,  at  the 
rate  of  one  hundred  tons  a  mile.  In  addition  to 
that  there  are  enterprises  on  hand,  parties  are 
constructing  roads  that  will  take  every  ton  of 
iron  that  can  be  made  by  our  American  manu- 
facturers for  a  year. 

Since  this  matter- was  before  the  Senate  yes- 
terday I  have  received  some  letters  from  gentle- 
men who  know  much  more  about  it  than  I  do, 
and  who  represent  to  me  that  they  will  have  to 
entirely  suspend  importing  iron  if  this  tariff  of 
70  cents  per  hundred  pounds  prev«ils.  I  al- 
lude to  it  at  this  time  simply  as  a  question  of 
revenue,  and  not  at  all  as  a  question  of  railroad 
building.  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  letter  from  one 
of  the  largest  manufacturers  in  New  York,  J. 
M.  Jessup  &  Co.     They  say  to  me: 

"  We  beg  leave  to  state  that  we  represent  and  liave  pur- 
chased about  twenty  thousand  tons  of  railioatl  iron  in  Eng- 
land for  tlie  use  ofcertain  railroads  in  Oliio,  Illinois,  Iowa, 
Minnesota,  Vermont,  and  Ualifornia.  None  of  this  iron 
was  bought  for  resale,  but  solely  for  building  and  repairing 
railroads  in  the  States  above  mentioned.  Jt  is  now  coin- 
ing forward,  and  will  be  so  increased  In  cost  at  this  pro- 
posed rate  of  duty  that  we  shall  have  to  suspend  the  com- 
pletion of  these  roads  and  the  repairing  of  thein  altogether." 

I  have  also  received  a  letter  from  E.  B.  Little- 
field  &  Co.,  one  of  the  largest  firms  in  this  coun- 
try engaged  in  buying  and  laying  down  railroad 
iron.  These  men  are  not  speculators.  They  are 
men  who  are  buying  railroad  iron  for  a  specific 
purpose.  They  state  in  this  letter  that  they  have 
bought  in  England  enough  railroad  iron  for  rail- 
roads in  Minnesota  to  lay  down  two  hundred  and 
twenty  miles,  which  they  will  be  obliged  to  stop 
and  not  bring  to  this  country  at  all  on  account  of 
this  prospective  tariff. 

Let  it  be  understood  here  that  the  tariff  which 
we  had  last  year  and  up  to  this  time  has  been 
$13  50  per  ton  in  gold;  that  is  at  the -rate  of  60 
cents  per  one  hundred  pounds.  That  amounts  to 
^25  in  our  currency.  It  depends  of  course  upon 
the  price  of  gold,  but  as  gold  has  averaged  for  the 
last  month  it  is  about  |25a  ton.  As  I  have  said, 
it  takes  about  a  hundred  tons  to  the  mile,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  chairs  and  spikes,  which  make 
about  another  thousand  dollars  a  mile;  so  that  if 
this  tariff  prevails  we  have  got  to  pay  in  currency 
at  least  ^3,000  a  mile  to  the  Government  as  duty 
on  every  mile  that  we  lay  down.  The  effect  of  that 
will  be  to  suspend  the  business;  you  cannot  lay 
down  a  mile  of  new  road,  and  the  old  roads  will 
be  repaired  only  from  necessity. 

Let  me  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  for  one 
moment  to  the  fact  that  there  are  twelve  thousand 
miles  of  railroad  in  the  States  in  rebellion  that  are 
almost  entirely  used  up.  In  almost  that  whole 
country  the  railroads  will  have  to  be  rebuilt. 
When  the  rebellion  shall  be  suppressed  and  p«ace 
restored,  one  of  the  first  and  earliest  things  to  be 
done  will  be  to  repair  the  waste  places,  to  re- 
pair the  railroads,  get  up  means  of  communica- 
tion; and  it  will  create  such  a  demand  for  railroad 
iron  that  the  manufacturer's  of  this  country  will 
be  utterly  unable  to  supply  that  demand  at  any 
price,  and  it  will  compel  the  importation  of  railroad 
iron,  or  else  an  entire  suspension  of  the  work  of 
rebuilding  these  roads. 

Then  again  we  have  in  some  legislation  of  Con- 
gress required  a  forfeiture  of  immense  enterprises 
,  if  railroads  are  not  constructed  within  a  given 
time.  We  have  in  fact  given  them  but  a  few 
■  years,  and  provided  for  the  forfeiture  of  the  whole 
franchise  if  the  roads  are  not  built  within  that 
time;  and  yet  this  proposed  tax  will  be  an  em- 
bargo upon  tile  building  of  those  roads.  Men 
who  have  money  will  not  invest  it  in  railroad 
iron  at  these  prices.  While  the  proposed  tax  is 
perfectly  ruinous  as  a  question  of  revenue  it  is 
equally  destructive  as  a  question  of  encouragement 
to  railroad  building,  yir,  1  desire,  especially  at 
this  time,  that  every  encouragement  and  every  fa- 
cility consistent  with  the  revenue  of  the  country 
should  be  givtn  to  enterprises  of  this  character. 
There  would  be  some  excuse  for  putting  on  this 
large  tariff  if  a  proper  incidental  protection  to  our 
own  manufacturing  establishments  needed  it. 


We  have  got  our  mountains  full  of  iron  ore,  as  a 
Senator  has  said.  There  is  no  doubt  about  that. 
We  have  other  mountains  that  are  full  of  gold; 
but  we  have  not  the  men  to  dig  it;  we  cannot 
manufacture  it.  We  might  make  all  our  silk 
fabrics  in  this  country  if  we  only  had  the  larbor; 
we  have  got  the  climate.  We  might  produce  all_ 
the  wool  that  we  needed  if  we  only  had  the  men 
to  engage  in  wool-growing;  but  we  have  not  got 
them,  and  we  import  more  than  we  raise.  It  is 
so  with  our  iron;  and  while  we  do  import  it,  while 
it  is  impossible  for  our  manufacturers  to  supply 
it,  I  beg  Senators  to  consider  what  kind  of  a 
tarilF  will  be  suificienlly  remunerative  to  the  Gov- 
ernment and  at  the  same  time  be  a  sufficient  en- 
couragement for  men  to  build  and  repair  roads. 
At  the  present  time  men  who  have  undertaken  to 
build  joads  cannot  contract  for  a  ton  of  iron  at 
any  American  manufactory  to  be  delivered  in  a 
year.  There  is  not  an  American  manufacturing 
establishment  in  this  country  that  can  deliver  a 
ton  of  iron  on  a  new  contract  in  a  year.  You 
cannot  get  a  locomotive  in  a  year  from  any  new 
contract.  It  is  entirely  out  of  the  question  for  the 
manufacturing  establishments  in  this  country  to 
supply  the  demand  for  railroad  iron.  Itis  a  ques- 
tion, therefore,  either  of  not  doing  it  at  all  or  else 
reducing  the  duty  on  railroad  iron  so  that  men 
will  feel  encouraged  to  import. 

I  know  that  the  Committee  on  Finance,  and  es- 
pecially the  chairman  of  that  committee,  look  at 
it  only  as  a  question  of  revenue.  The  great  ques- 
tion with  them  is,  what  tariff  will  produce  the 
most  money }  In  my  opinion,  as  a  mere  question 
of  revenue,  a  tariff  of  60  cents  will  so  encourage 
the  importation,  will  so  stimulate  the  building, 
completing,  and  repairing  of  roads  that  you  will 
get  more  money  into  the  Treasury,  and  at  the 
same  time  afford  incidental  benefit  to  the  whole 
country,  leading  to  the  building  up  of  these  waste 
places  and  the  repairing  of  old  roads,  and  giving 
us  general  prosperity  and  success  everywhere. 
I  consider  this  one  of  the  most  important  meas- 
ures that  has  been  before  Congress.  I  hope  the 
amendment  moved  by  the  Senator  from  Min- 
nesota to  make  this  duty  60  cents  per  hundred 
pounds  will  prevail.  I  believe  the  interests  of  the 
country  demand  it.  I  believe  that,  as  a  mere 
question  of  revenue,  it  ought  to  be  adopted;  and 
I  know  it  will  afford  encouragement  to  those  who 
have  railroads  to  construct. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  am  satisfied,  unless  we 
mean  to  have  a  perfect  irreconcilable  difference 
of  opinion  with  the  House  of  Representatives, 
on  which  we  will  imperil  the  whole  bill,  we  can- 
not leave  railroad  iron  alone  to  stand  as  it  did 
under  the  old  tariff.  It  was  only  raised ,  as  I  stated 
before,  about  in  conformity  with  the  new  duties 
that  we  imposed  in  the  internal  revenue  bill;  but 
notwithstanding  that,  we  have,  in  consideration 
rather  of  the  pressure  of  railroad  interests,  reduced 
it  one  half.  I  think  it  is  too  much  to  ask  that 
merely  for  the  benefit  of  railroad  companies  and 
their  interest  in  it  we  should  leave  it  entirely  as 
it  stood  before. 

Mr.  RAMSEY.  It  is  not  for  the  benefit  of  the 
railroad  companies;  itis  for  the  people. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  people  are  interested 
in  having  railroads  built,  but,  as  I  stated  the  other 
day,  they  arc  much  more  interested  in  carrying 
on  the  war.  That  is  a  larger  interest,  a  more  gen- 
eral one,  and  a  more  important  one  in  every  sense 
of  the  word. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  do  not  see  anything  that  is 
"  irreconcilable"  aboutthe  matter  if  this  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment  should  be  adopted.  It  will 
leave  the  whole  question  open  in  the  hands  of  a 
committee  of  conference. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  committee  of  con- 
ference will  have  the  question  just  as  much  be- 
fore them  by  the  amendment  proposed  by  the 
committee  as  by  the  amendment  of  the  Senator 
from  Minnesota. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  They  would  have  it  in  hand 
just  the  same,  but  the  lowest  duty  to  be  consid- 
ered would  be  a  duty  of  70  cents;  but  if  the  Sen- 
ate put  it  at60cents  then  our  committee  will  have 
an  opportunity  to  compromise  with  the  House 
committee. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  There  is  opportunity 
enough,!  suppose,  either  way.  I  think  as  much 
has  been  done  in  the  way  of  redu(ung  this  duty 
as  ought  to  be  asked.  This  adding  of  10  percent. 
advalorem,  the  difference  between  60  and  70 cents, 


we  are  told,  will  prevent  importation  and  stop 
railroad  enterprises.  In  my  judgment,  that  is  all 
idle  talk.  Interests  of  that  sort  will  )iot  be  given 
up  simply  on  account  of  this  addition  to  the  duties 
under  the  circumstances.  There  is  no  danger  of 
their  stopping.  It  will  cost  them  more  money, 
but  not  by  any  means  so  much  as  the  Senator 
from  Kansas  supposes.  As  to  the  revenue  to  be 
derived  from  it,  my  idea  is  that  it  will  bepi-ecisely 
the  difference  between  a  tax  of  60  and   70  cents. 

The? RESlDENTpro  tempore.  The  question 
will  be  on  agreeing  to  the  amendment  to  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  On  that  question  I  call 
for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  desire  to  inquire  what 
the  precise  question  is. 

The  PRESl DENT  ^jrotonpore.  It  is  on  strik- 
ing out  "  70"  and  inserting  "  60." 

Mr.  COWAN.  I  hope  the  reduction  proposed 
by  this  amendment  will  not  be  made.  1  do  not 
see  any  reason  why  there  should  be  a  discrimin- 
ation against  this  particular  product  more  than 
any  other.  It-was  universally  agreed  that  this 
tariff  bill  was  to  be  compensatory;  that  it  was  to 
compensate againsttheadditional  internal  revenue 
levied  upon  the  several  articles  embraced  in  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Made  necessary  by  that. 

Mr.  COWAN.  Certainly;  that  is  the  theory. 
I  trust  the  Senate  will  not  go  so  far  as  to  leave  it 
without  that  protection  which  it  deserves,  cer- 
tainly, as  one  of  the  great  interests  of  the  country. 

I  wish  to  correct  one  thing  that  the  Senator 
from  Kansas  has  stated.  There  are  60  pounds 
of  railroad  iron  to  the  yard,  and  there  are  1,752 
yards  in  the  mile;  120  pounds  cover  a  yard;  and 
it  is  not  very  difficult  to  make  the  calculation. 
It  will  not  take  100  tons  of  that  heavy  rail  to  lay 
down  a  mile  of  road. 

Again  he  says  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  pro- 
cure iron  in  this  country;  that  you  cannot  con- 
tract for  it  at  the  American  manufactories.  I 
think  there  are  manufacturers  who  would  very 
gladly  take  heavy  contracts. 

I  trust,  sir,  that  this  interest  will  be  treated  as 
other  interests  are. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  What  is  the  internal  tax 
levied  on  all  railroad  iron  by  the  bill  as  it  passed 
the  Senate.' 

Mr.  COWAN.     Three  dollars  per  ton. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  19,  nays  17;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Carlile,  Dixon,  Doolittle,  Hale, 
Harlan,  Hendricks,  Howard,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana, 
Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougall,  Pomeroy,  Powell,  Ramsey, 
Richardson,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  and  Trumbull — 19. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Buekalew,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Cowan,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Harris,  Morgan,  Sher- 
man, Sprague,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Van  Winkle,  VVilley, 
and  Wilson— 17. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collamer,  Conness,  Davis,  Grimes, 
Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howe,  Morrill,  Nesmith, 
Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wriglit — 13. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed 
to. 
Theamendrnent,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  wish  to  appeal  to  the 
Senate  to  allow  me  to  offer  two  or  three  amend- 
ments. I  was  not  present  when  the  bill  was  re- 
ported to  the  Senate  from  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  and  I  hope  the  Senate  will  allow  me  to 
offer  them  now. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  receive  them. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  first  amendment  that 
I  shall  propose  is  on  page  42,  section  twenty,  line 
four,  after  the  word  "  shall"  to  insert  the  words 
"not  be  deemed  to  have  taken  effect  until  after 
the  30th  day  of  April,  1864,  and  shall."  I  will 
explain  to  the  Senate  that  the  only  effect  of  this 
amendment  is  to  delay  the  taking  effect  of  the 
joint  resolution  increasing  the  duties  50  per  cent, 
one  day.  It  was  approved  by  the  President  on 
the  evening  of  the  29th  of  April.  They  did  not 
receive  notice  of  it  until  one  o'clock  the  next  day 
at  New  York,  and  at  other  ports  along  during 
the  day.  Upon  consultation  it  was  deemed  best 
to  except  that  day  from  the  operation  of  the  act. 
That  will  be  the  effect  of  this  amendment  if 
adopted. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Then  it  applies  the  addi- 
tional duty  to  all  goods  that  were  imported  on 
the  30th. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.    No,  sir,  not  on  the  30th; 


THE  eOA^GRESSIOJJf AL  G-LOBE. 


304S 


iU~»» 


after  thn  3Ull);  so  that  the  law  really  takes  effect 
dn  the  2i.l  of  Mny. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  How  does  that  differ  from 
tlic  bill  as  it  stands? 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  By  the  bill  as  it  stands  it 
takes  effect  on  the  evening  of  the  29Lh.  It  was 
approved  April  29,  1864.  This  section,  as  it 
now  stands,  only  terminates  the  operation  of  that 
resolution  on  theSOth  of  June.  The  amendment 
now  offered  proposes  to  fix  the  lime  when  it  shall 
commence  ofieration. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  ask  to  have  the  -amend- 
ment, and  the  section  as  it  will  read  if  amended, 
reported  from  the  desk. 

The  Secretary  read  the  nmendment,  in  section 
twenty,  line  four,  after  the  word  "  shall,"  to  in- 
sert the  words  "  not  be  deemed  to  have  taken 
effect  until  after  the  30th  day  of  April,  1864,  and 
shall;"  so  that  the  section  will  read: 

Sec.  20.  Jlnd  he.  it  further  enacted,  That  the  joint  roso- 
hilioii  "  to  increase  temporarily  tlie  duties  on  Imports," 
approved  April  29,  18G4,  sliall  not  be  deemed  to  have  taken 
«;f}'('Ct  until  after  tlje  30tli  day  of  April,  1864,  and  shall  be 
and  remain  in  force  until  and  Including  tlie  30tli  day  of 
June,  1864. 

Mr.TRUMBULL.  Whysay  "  until  afterthe 
30th.'"  I  thought  the  dispute  wasabout  its  taking 
effect  on  the  29th. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  No,  sir.  I  will  again  re- 
peat the  facts.  The  resolution  was  approved  by 
the  President  on  the  evening  of  the  29th,  the  legal 
effect  of  which  was  that  it  would  take  effect  on 
that  day.  Notice  was  not  given.  It  was  not 
known  in  the  custom-house  in  New  York  until 
half  past  one  o'clock  on  the  30th.  In  the  mean 
time  many  merchants  were  taking  out  their  goods 
and  paying  their  duties,  and  the  question  occurred 
whether  it  should  be  enforced  on  tlie  30th  of 
April. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Let  me  inquire  of  the  Sen- 
ator if  it  was  not  as  to  whether  it  should  be  en- 
forced on  the  29th  .' 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  That  question  was  raised 
also;  and  as  they  could  not  divide  a  day  they  de- 
manded the  additional  duties  of  the  persons  who 
had  paid  ia  duties  on  the  29th,  but  i  believe  that 
that  demand  was  not  really  enforced,  because  the 
duties  had  been  paid,  and  these  persons  disputed 
the  time  when  the  law  took  effect,  and  to  liave 
recovered  those  duties  would  have  required  suits. 
Suits  were  not  commenced.  On  the  30th  the 
merchants  took  out  their  goods  and  continued  to 
pay  the  old  duties  until  one  o'clock,  when  the 
collector  stopped  them  and  demanded  the  in- 
creased duties,  and  then  demanded  the  increased 
duties  on  all  who  had  paid  that  day  and  the  day 
before.  As  it  was  likely  to  create  litigation  and 
trouble,  and  cause  great  injustice,  as  the  Senate 
can  readily  see,  the  matter  has  been  suspended 
from  that  time  to  this.  A  joint  resolution  was 
passed  by  the  House  of  Repi-esentatives  fixing 
the  time  when  the  law  shall  take  effect,  but  we 
have  not  acted  upon  it  here  on  account  of  the  dis- 
pute as  to  bonded  goods.  It  was  deemed  best, 
therefore,  to  insert  this  pi'ovision  here. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  will  permit  me 
to  ask,  what  is  the  difference  in  this  particular 
between  that  joint  resolution  and  his  amendment .' 
Mr.  SHERMAN.  None  whatever.  The  res- 
olution I  repoited  the  other  day  excluded  the 
30th  and  this  excludes  the  30lh., 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  suppose  most  of  the 
duties  are  paid  in  the  city  of  New  York;  but  if 
the  principle  is  to  be  adopted  which  this  amend- 
ment establishes  I  do  not  know  why  it  should 
not  be  extended  to  San  Francisco  and  to  all  the 
cities  of  the  Union  where  any  duties  are  to  be  col- 
lected, that  until  they  were  notified  that  this  law 
had  passed  they  were  only  to  pay  according  to 
the  law  as  it  stood  before  tjrie  passage  of  this  joint 
resolution. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  will  state  to  the  Senator 
that  they  had  the  same  notice  in  San  Francisco 
that  they  had  in  New  York.  On  the  30th  a  tel- 
egraphic dispatch  could  be  and  was  sent,  I  think, 
to  every  port  in  the  United  States,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  New  Orleans. 

Mr.  BROWN.     1  will  state  to  the  Senator  that 

.there  is  a  case  in  point  in  regard  to  New  Orleans. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.     1  know;  but  we  leave  that 

to  be  provided  for  by  future  legislation.     At  any 

rate,  we  could  not  provide  for  it  now. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  But  is  that  principle  to  be 
established?  Is  that  to  be  the  operatioH  of  lavre.' 
Are  they  to  take  effect  when  the  parties  to  be  op- 


erated upon  by  them  receive  notice  of  their  pas- 
sage.' If  so,  a  law  of  Congress  will  take  effect 
one  day  in  San  Fi-ancisco  and  another  day  in 
Washington,  one  day  in  New  York  and  another 
day  ifi  St.  Louis.  Many  of  the  laws  of  Congress 
are  not  telegraphed  immediately.  I  question  very 
much  whether  the  passage  of  this  law  was  known 
in  San  Francisco  at  the  same  hour  it  was  in  New 
York;  probably  not  until  the  next  day.  I  am  not 
informed  about  that.  The  Senator  from  Ohio 
speaks  as  if  he  knew  that  they  were  informed 
when  they  were  paying  duties  in  San  Francisco 
on  the  30th  day  of  April.  Tliey  may  have  paid 
duties  on  the  1st  or  2d  day  of  May  in  San  Fran- 
cisco under  the  old  law. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.    They  did. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  They  are  to  pay  accord- 
ing to  this  new  resolution  whether  they  knew  it  or 
not.  It  seems  to  me  a  proposition  based  upon 
the  time  of  receiving  notice  of  the  law  in  the  city 
of  New  York  is  (  stnblishing  a  very  bad  precedent. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  think  you  are  mistaken  as 
to  theeffi'Ct  of  thifi  amendment. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  understand  the  effect  of 
this  amendment  to  be  that  the  law  is  not  to  take 
effect  until  after  the  30th  of.April. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Then  there  is  no  increase 
of  duty  until  afier  the  30th. 

Mr.TRUMBULL.  True;  but  what  is  the  rea- 
son for  the  passage  of  this  law  that  it  shall  not 
take  effect  until  afterthe  30th  day  of  April  .>  The 
avowed  reason  and  the  only  reason  is  that  parties 
in  the  city  of  New  York  who  paid  duties  on  the 
30th  day  of  April  did  not  know  of  the  passage  of 
that  joint  resolution.  If  that  be  a  good  reason  in 
the  city  of  New  York  it  is  a  good  reason  in  San 
Francisco,  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  or  in  any 
oth^r'city  in  the  Union  if  when  they  paid  their 
duties  they  did  not  know  of  the  passage  of  that 
joint  resolution.  We  thereby  establish  a  princi- 
ple that  parties  are  not  to  be  bound  by  alaw  until 
they  know  of  its  existence.  It  would  render  the 
time  when  laws  were  to  go  into  effect  entirely  un- 
certain. I  suppose  most  of  the  dtttiesare  paid  in 
the  citv  of  New  York. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  misunderstood  the  Senator. 
The  Senator,  I  suppose,  desires  that  the  resolu- 
tion temporarily  increasing  the  duties  on  imports 
should  go  into  effect  on  the  29th,  and  then  the 
additional  duties  would  be  imposed  everywhere 
upon  parties  whether  they  had  a  knowledge  of 
its  passage  or  not. 

There  were  two  questions  about  which  there 
was  a  difference  between  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  importers  under  that  resolution. 
The  first  was  whether  it  embraced  goods  in  bond, 
which  is  not  before  us  now,  and  the  other  was 
at  what  time  it  becarne  a  lav/.  The  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  supposed,  or  those  who  acted  there 
under  his  supposed  order  thought,  it  went  into 
effect  on  the  29th,  that  being  the  day  upon  which 
in  fact  it  was  approved  by  the  President,  and  as 
there  is  no  fraction  of  a  (lay  counted  it  included 
the  whole  of  the  day.  The  importers  thought, 
and  perhaps  they  had  legal  ground  for  so  think- 
ing, that  in  a  case  of  this  description  fractions  of 
a  day  can  be  counted,  and  that  it  would  not  go 
into  effect  therefore  until  it  was  actually  approved 
by  the  President,  and  as  the  Pi-esident  did  not 
approve  it  on  the  29th  until  after  the  business 
hours  at  the  custom-house  had  passed  by,  the  im- 
porter had  a  right  to  pay  uniier  the  old  tariff. 
Then  the  House  of  Representatives  have  passed 
a  resolution,  and  in  that  respect  the  amendment  of 
my  friend  from  Ohio  conforms  to  the  view  taken 
by  the  House,  that  under  all  the  circumstances 
it  ought  not  to  be  considered  as  taking  effect  until 
after  the  30th. 

Mr.  TRUiMBULL.     The  1st  day  ofMay. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  That  is  the  1st  day  of  May; 
but  the  30th  falling  on  Saturday,  it  would  be  the 
2d  of  May.  Now,  so  far  as  notice  is  concerned, 
if  notice  is  deemed  to  be  necessary,  as  the  House 
think  it  is,  and  as  under  all  the  circumstances  it 
seems  to  me  to  be,  as  you  must  fix  some  time 
within  which  you  are  to  presume  that  notice  was 
given,  if  you  tnake  the  bill  operative  only  on  the 
2d  of  May  there  will  be  plenty  of  time  in  San 
Francisco  to  have  heard  of  it.  Tliey  would  have 
heard  of  it  by  the  telegram  of  the  29uh.  It  takes 
only  a  few  hours  generally  to  send  a  dispatch 
from  here  to  San  Francis<:o.  In  San  Francisco, 
if  the  lines  are  in  order,  and  tliey  geneBally  are 
in  order,  they  have  the  news  of  the  moiaiing  here 


in  their  evening  papei.s  and  always  have  them  in 
the  papers  of  the  ensuing  morning. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  The  Senator  perhaps  may 
not  be  aware  that  they  get  the  dispatch  in  Cali- 
fornia before  it  starts  from  New  York.  If  the 
lines  are  all  up,  and  you  send  a  dispatch  from 
New  York,  they  get  it,  by  their  time  in  Califor- 
nia, four  hours  before  it  starts  from  New  York. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     They  get  it  during  the  day. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Tiiey  get  it,  by  their  time, 
before  it  is  sent.  In  my  own  State,  when  I  am 
at  home,  I  get  a  telegraphic  dispatch  an  huurand 
a  half  before  it  leaves  New  York;  that  is  toeay, 
an  hour  and  a  half  earlier  by  our  time  than  it  is 
in  New  York. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  You  are  always  ahead  of 
us  in  everything. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  These  dispatches  to  San 
Francisco  get  there,  by  their  time,  before  they 
start  froiTi  New  York. 

Mr,  JOHNSON.  I  know  that;  but  this  par- 
ticular dispatch  could  not  be  sent>from  here  until 
the  bill  was  passed  and  approved,  and  the  bill  wa-s 
not  passed  and  approved  until  the  evening  of  the 
29tf);  so  that  if  it  was  sent  on  at  once  they  got  it 
on  th-e  30th ;  there  is  no  doubt  about  that. 

Now  there  are  some  reasons,  it  seems  to  me,  to 
show  that  it  is  but  just  thatthe  view  taken  by  the> 
House  of  Repiesentatives  and  the  view  taken  by 
my  friend  from  Ohio  is  a  proper  one.  The  gen- 
eial  pi'actice  of  the  Government  has  been — it  has 
been  uniform  with  the  exception  of  the  tariff  act 
to  which  the  chairman  of  the  committee  referred 
the  other  day,  and  which  was  not  altogether  an 
exception,  because  the  operation  of  that  act  was 
postponed  some  two  weeks,  I  think,  from  the  date 
of  its  passage;  but  the  general  rule  has  been — v/ilh 
the  Uiiited  States  and  with  othercommercial  coun^ 
tries  not  to  change  the  tariff  so  aa  to  affect  any 
pending  order.  We  are  about  to  change  that  pol- 
icy. Perhaps  the  importers  had  no  right  to  sup- 
pose that  that  policy  would  be  changed  at  once, 
and  they  therefore  were  under  the  impression  that 
they  were  to  pay  only  the  duties  which  were  en- 
forced on  the  29th  and  30th,  and  they  have  acted 
in  good  faith. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  This  matter  has  already 
consumed  a  good  deal  of  time;  but  1  will  repeat 
the  facts,  so  that  Senators  may  decide  for  them- 
selves. 

This  joint  resolution  was  approved  at  seven 
o'clock  on  the  eveningof  the  29th  of  April.  It  was 
not  known  in  New  York  until  the  next  mornmg, 
and  not  officially  proclaimed  in  the  custom-house 
or  acted  upon  until  oi\e  o'clock  on  the  30th.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  held  the  law. to  have 
taken  effect  on  the  29th,  and  at  one  o'clock  on  the 
30th  he  telegraphed  the  collector  to  insist  on  the 
payment  of  the  increased  rate  of  duties  on  all  the 
goods  that  had  been  taken  out  of  the  warehouses 
the  day  before  and  also  on  the  30th.  Upon  that 
a  dispute  arose.  These  merchants  contended  that 
as  they  had  paid  their  duties  they  were  entitled  to 
hold  their  goods  free  of  any  further  charge. 

Then  the  question  arose  as  to  what  time  on  the 
30th  the  law  should  take  effe<it,  the  Secretary  in- 
sisting that  it  should  apply  to  the  frhole  of  that 
day,  although  the  collector  had  notofficial  notice 
of  it  until  one  o'clock,  and  some  goods  had  been 
taken  out  before  that  time,  and  other  merchants 
came  in  and  insisted  that  they  should  have  their 
goods  also  at  the  old  rates.  As  a  matter  of 
course  the  Committee  on  Finance  were  desirous 
of  securing  the  money  in  the  Treasury;  but  we, 
thought  it  was  very  hard  indeed  to  enforce  these 
increased  duties  on  the  29th  before  the  actual  ap- 
proval of  the  law. 

Then  the  question  arose,  ought  they  not  to  be 
enforced  for  the  whole  of  Saturday  the  30th  ?  As 
some  merchants  had  got  their  goods  out  on  that 
day  before  it  was  known,  we  thought  on  the  whole 
it  was  better  to  except  the  30th  also  from  the 
operation  of  the  law,  and  have  so  reported.  If 
the  Senate  should  think  thatthe  merchants  ought 
to  pay  the  increased  duties  on  Saturday  the  30th, 
I  have  no  objection;  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  retain 
the  money;  but  it  does  seem  to  me  it  would  be' 
more  just,  equitable,  and  proper  to  allow  them  the 
whole  of  the  30th  to  pay  the  old  rate  of  duties. 

These  are  the  facts.     Every  Senator  can  judge 

for  himself  and  decide  according  to  his  sense  of 

j  equity.     I  will  say  to  the  Seuate  there  is  no  legal 

quesljon  involved.     There  is  ao  dotjbt  that  by 

law  the  resolution  was  in  force  on  the  30th  of 


3044 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


April.  The  only  question  is,  will  you  enforce  it 
oil  that  day? 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  wish  the  Senator  from  Ohio 
would  inform  us,  if  he  can  do  so,  what  amount  of 
duties  we  shall  probably  remit  by  giving  effect  to 
tlie  law  only  on  the  30th. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  1  have  no  information  what- 
ever as  to  the  amount  on  the  30th. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  have  understood  that  it 
would  be  a  very  considerable  amount. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  suppose  as  there  was 
great  harry  at  that  time  to  avoid  the  passage  of 
the  joint  resolution,  it  would  be  probably  pretty 
large,  but  I  have  no  information  on  that  subject. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  suppose  there  is  very 
little  use  to  try  and  contend  againstthe  report  of 
the  Finance  Committee  on  this  subject.  I  believe 
they  have  everything  pretty  much  their  own  way. 
It  is  very  clear,  I  think,  from  the  statement  made 
by  the  Senatoj:  from  Ohio,  that  it  would  be  unjust 
to  charge  this  increased  duty  on  goods  that  were 
taken  out  or  entered  at  the  custom-house  on  the 
29th;  but  because  the  resolution  was  not  approved 
on  that  day,  and  it  would  be  unjust  to  charge  the 
increased  duties  for  that  day  before  the  resolution 
was  approved  by  the  President,  is  that  any  rea- 
son wliy  we  should  not  charge  the  duty  on  the 
30th  .'  That  is  the  question.  1  apprehend  no  one 
would  object  to  exempting  from  this  increased 
duty  the  goods  upon  which  duties  were  paid  on 
the  29th,  because  in  fact  the  resolution  was  not 
approved  during  the  business  hours  of  the  29th-, 
but  how  that  should  furnish  a  reason  for  not  col- 
lecting the  duties  on  the  30th  1  cannot  conceive, 
any  more  than  on  the  1st  of  May,  or  any  more 
than  on  the  30th  of  May.  It  is  competent,!  sup- 
pose, for  Congress  to  release  all  the  goods  from 
this  additional  duty  which  have  been  entered 
since  the  29th  day  of  April  last,  but  I  can  see  no 
reason  for  this  exemption  on  the  30lh  more  than 
on  any  other  day. 

What  is  the  fact  about  it?  The  fact  about  it 
is  they  knew  and  understood  perfectly  well  in 
the  city  of  New  York  that  these  duties  were  to  be 
increased.  They  knew  all  about  it  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  30th;  the  merchants  understood  it  in 
New  York,  and  were  rushing  their  goods  through 
the  custom-house  as  rapidly  as  possible;  but  the 
custom-house  itself  did  not  officially  ]3romuIgate 
it  until  one  o'clock  on  that  day.  The  Senator 
from  Ohio  knows  perfectly  well  that  they  knew 
all  over  New  York  that  this  joint  resolution  was 
a  law  before  one  o'clock.  The  mercliants  under- 
stood it;  but  it  was  not  officially  promulgated. 
Well,  sir,  I  do  not  suppose  it  would  have  been 
officially  promulgated  in  half  the  nation  up  to  this 
time 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  beg  leave  to  inform  the 
Senator  that  we  did  not  know  it  ourselves;  I  did 
not  know  it  until  it  was  formally  proclaimed  after 
twelve  o'clock  on  Saturday.  It  is  true  the  Presi- 
dent signed  it  the  previous  evening,  but  the  fact 
that  it  had  received  his  signature  was  not  promul- 
gated here  in  the  Senate  until  after  twelve  o'clock 
on  Saturday. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Perhaps  Senators  did  not 
know  it,  but  the  merchants  in  New  York  under- 
stood it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  doubt  very  much  whether 
they  watched  the  President's  signature;  perhaps 
they  did. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  My  understanding  was, 
from  the  statement  which  the  Senator  made,  that 
they  knew  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  No;  I  said  theactual  fact  of 
the  approval  occurred  at  seven  o'clock.  The 
House  committee  sent  to  the  President  to  ascer- 
tain the  time  wtien  he  approved  the  joint  resolu- 
tion, and  he  said  "  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening;" 
but  it  was  not,  as  the  Senator  must  know,  offi- 
cially promulgated  to  the  Senate  here  until  the 
next  day  at  twelve  o'clock.  We  do  not  know 
anything  about  the  time  of  the  approval  of  acts 
by  the  President  until  they  are  sent  here,  and  yet 
they  take  effect  from  the  moment  of  their  ap- 
•  proval.  In  my  opinion,  this  is  a  simple  act  of 
equity  appealing  to  the  sense  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  SQMNER.  I  have  a  memorandum  of  the 
dates  which  I  should  like  to  read  to  the  Senate. 
The  resolution  was  approved  and  became  a  law 
on  the  eveniiigof  the  29th  of  April,  ataboutseven 
o'clock.  It  was  not  made  known  in  New  York 
and  Boston  until  April  30,  at  thirty  minutes  past 
one  o'clock  p.m.   At  the  port  of  Salem  in  Massa- 


chusetts— which,  as  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
knows,  is  a  considerable  importing  place — it  was 
not  known  until  the  evening  of  Monday,  May  2. 
On  these  several  days,  at  these  several  ports,  and 
probably  at  others,  goods  were  entered  and  duties 
paid  under  the  tariff  act  of  July,  1862;  and  the 
first  knowledge  the  importers  had  (many  of 
whom  had  sold  goods  to  arrive)  of  the  increased 
duties,  was  by  notice  from  the  collectors  to  come 
in  and  pay  the  additional  50  per  cent. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  statement  read  by 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  shows  the  im- 
propriety of  adopting  this  amendment,  because 
in  Salem  they  did  not  find  it  out  until  the  evening 
of  the  2d  day  of  May. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  No;  I  said  until  the  evening 
of  the  30th. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  No,  sir;  you  did  not  read 
it  so;  read  that  portion  of  it  again,  if  you  please. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  "  It  was  not  made  known  in 
New  York  and  Boston  until  April  30,  at  thirty 
minutes  past  one  o'clock."  That  was  on  Satur- 
day. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.     Go  on. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  "At  the  port  of  Salem,  in 
Massachusetts,  it  wa's  not  known  until  the  even- 
ing of  Monday,  May  2." 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Then  if  this  amendment 
is  adopted,  what  is  the  effect  of  it?  The  Sena- 
tor's constituents  in  Salem,  Massachusetts,  knew 
nothing  of  this  joint  resolution,  and  paid  their 
duties  on  Monday  under  the  old  law,  and  now 
he  is  going  to  compel  them  to  pay  over  again; 
l)ut  he  is  going  to  release  the  merchants  in  New 
York,  who  paid  under  the  same  circumstances, 
from  paying  anything  except  what  was  required 
by  law  prior  to  the  passage  of  this  joint  resolu- 
tion. That  is  the  effect  of  the  legislation.  I  am 
very  much  obliged  to  the  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts for' reading  the  dates;  it  shows  the  ab- 
surdity of  the  legislation.  I  have  no  doubt  it  will 
be  found  that  there  are  numerous  cases  all  over 
the  United  States,  not  only  in  Salem,  but  at  St. 
Louis  and  Chicago  and  San  Francisco  and  other 
places,  where  duties  were  paid  on  "Monday  with- 
out any  knowledge  of  the  passage  of  this  joint 
resolution.  I  do  not  know  how  you  can  refuse 
with  the  information  we  have  now  got,  and  I 
should  think  the  Senator  would  move  to  amend 
his  resolution  so  as  to  allow  the  duties  which 
were  paid  in  Salem  on  the  2d  day  of  May  to  be 
paid  under  the  old  law.  It  seems  to  me  he  is 
bound  to  do  it,  to  act  equitably  and  consistently. 

But,  sir,  I  do  not  suppose  that  I  shall  be  able 
by  anything  I  can  say  to  change  the  views  of  the 
Senate.  1  will  move  to  amend  the  amendment 
by  striking  out  the  word  "after,"  so  that  the 
joint  resolution  will  not  take  effect  until  the  30th 
of  April.  1  think  the  increased  duties  ought  not 
to  be  required  on  the  29th,  because  the  resolution 
was  not  approved  during  the  business  hours  of 
that  day. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Then  the  resolution  will  in- 
clude the  whole  of  the  30th? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Now,  Mr.  President,  in 
point  of  fact  most  of  those  goods,  in  New  York 
particularly,  and  the  large  importingplaces,  were 
actually  sold  after  the  duties  were  paid,  and  the 
prices  charged  to  the  purchaser  by  the  vendor 
were  regulated  by  the  fact  that  the  goods  were 
supposed  to  be  liable  to  tlie  duty  imposed  by  the 
existing  act. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Senator  from  Mary- 
land will  observe  that  the  same  thing  existed  on 
the  2d  day  of  May. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  know,  but  you  must  fix 
some  time. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  If  the  law  is  to  go  into 
effect  when  the  notice  reaches  the  port,  then  make 
it  so;  but  do  not  pass  a  law  for  the  protection  of 
importers  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  under 
precisely  the  same  circumstances  deny  it  in  Sa- 
lem, Massachusetts. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  facts  about  this  mat- 
ter are  very  simple.  1  do  not  know  how  it  was 
in  Salem.  They  are  fifteen  miles  from  Boston, 
with  a  railroad  running  half  a  dozen  times  a  day, 
and  atelegraphic  communication  besides;  and  if  it 
was  known  at  Boston  at  one  o'clock  on  Saturday 
that  this  joint  resolution  had  become  a  law,  and 
they  did  not  know  it  at  Salem,  fifteen  miles  off, 
until  Monday  night,  they  ought  to  pay  the  duties. 
[Laughter.] 


Mr.  JOHNSON.  They  ought  to  pay  for  thefr 
stupidity.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  President,  the  facts  are  simply  these:  the 
joint  resolution  was  signed  by  the  President  at 
seven  o'clock  on  Friday  evening.  Nothing  was 
known  about  it,  and  no  notice  came  into  the  Sen- 
ate until  after  twelve  o'clock  on  Saturday,  so  far 
as  we  were  concerned.  It  was  not  telegraphed  to 
New  York  or  known  in  New  York  until  about 
one  o'clock  on  Saturday.  In  the  mean  time  the 
merchants  had  been  paying  the  old  duties,  and 
taking  out  their  goods  and  selling  them,  when,  lo 
and  behold,  under  the  instructions  he  received  by 
telegraph — I  do  not  dispute  their  propriety — the 
collector  of  New  York  said  to  them,  "  You  who 
have  entered  your  goods  not  only  to-day  but  all 
day  yesterday  must  pay  me  the  amount  of  duties 
which  you  should  have  paid  if  it  had  been  known 
even  during  the  day  before  the  resolution  was 
signed  atall,  and  before  you  knew  anythingabout 
it."  They  had  taken  them  out,  paid  the  duties, 
sold  the  goods,  and  then  were  called  upon  to  pay 
the  advance  duty  on  a  thing  they  did  not  know 
anything  about,  and  in  the  mean  time  here  was  the 
fact  about  it. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  sharp  as  he  is 
to  get  every  dollar  that  it  is  possible  to  get,  recog- 
nizes at  once  the  propriety  and  justice  of  declar- 
ing that  this  act  shall  not  go  into  effect  until  after 
the  30th  of  April  under  the  circumstances,  and 
after  the  30th  of  April  carries  it  over  until  the 
business  hours  of  Monday,  the  2d  of  May.  That 
is  time  enough,  unquestionably,  to  reach  every 
part  of  this  country  where  there  are  telegraphic 
communications;  and  that  is  all  tl;at  I  think  in 
justice  ought  to  be  done.  If  we  find  hereafter  that, 
owing  to  any  accident,  there  has  been  any  par- 
ticular injustice  anywhere,  we  can  remedy  it  by 
legislation;  but  this  is  as  much  as  can  safely  be 
done  now,  and  this  we  recommend.  It  is  recom- 
mended by  the  committees  of  both  Houses  and 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  shall  support  the  amend- 
ment proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Oliio,  and  for 
this  reason:  this  joint  resolution  having  been 
previously  passed  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, was  passed  by  the  Senate  on  the  28th  of 
April,  just  before  the  adjournment.  Of  course  it 
was  known  all  over  the  country  that  the  bill  had 
passed  both  Houses,  but  it  was  not  known  that 
it  had  been  approved  by  the  President.  In  New 
York — I  can  answer  for  New  York,  and  I  pre- 
sume it  was  so  elsewhere — the  merchants  applied 
to  the  collector  on  the  29th  and  on  the  30th  to 
know  whether  they  were  to  pay  the  new  duties 
or  the  old  ones,  and  the  collector  told  them  he 
could  take  none  but  the  old  duties;  he  knew  of 
none  other.  That  was  onthe  morningof  the  30th. 
He  did  not  know  that  the  resolution  had  been  ap- 
proved by  the  President.  The  merchants  there- 
upon went  on  and  paid  their  duties  up  to  one 
o'clock  or  half  pastone  o'clock  on  that  day.  Cer- 
tainly as  far  as  they  paid  their  duties  they  ought 
to  be  exempted,  and  it  is  very  clear  we  ought  not 
to  divide  a  day.  I  shall  therefore  vote  for  the 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio. 

Mr.  HOWE.  This  matter  has  been  so  much 
discussed  that  it  is  utterly  impossible  that  any- 
thing new  can  be  said  about  it.  I  am  not  going 
to  attempt  to  say  a  new  thing;  but  I  want  to  re- 
peat one  thing  that  I  said  before  to  the  Senate. 

I  recognize  as  much  as  any  one  the  propriety 
of  the  principle  just  asserted  by  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Finance,  that  these  men  who, 
in  ignorance  of  this  law,  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
entered  their  goods  and  paid  their  duties  on  the 
morning  of  the  29th,  without  notice  of  the  pas- 
sage of  this  resolution,  ought  to  have  them  re- 
mitted. They  had  settled  with  the  Government; 
they  had  taken  possession  of  their  goods;  many 
of  them  had  sold  them.  But  I  cannot  see  why 
the  same  rule  does  not  apply  to  merchants  in  every 
other  port  who  had  in  fact  acted  in  ignorance  of 
this  law,  whether  they  did  it  on  the  29th  or  30th 
of  April  or  the  1st  or  2d  day' of  tlie  succeeding 
month,  or  any  other.  The  Government  enScted 
this  law;  the  Government  appoints  these  collect- 
ors; the  Government  ought  to  advise  the  collect- 
ors of  the  state  of  the  law  and  of  what  duties 
they  should  collect  on  these  goods;  and  therefore, 
if  we  concede  the  propriety  of  remitting  these 
duties  in  New  York,  we  should  remit  them  every* 
where. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3045 


But  this  proposition  as  it  now  stands  does  not 
pl-opose  to  remit  the  duties  to  all  importers  who 
had  settled  up  in  ignorance  of  the  passage  of  this 
resolution,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  proposes  to  re- 
mit duties  to  some  importers  who  had  settled  up 
with  the  Government  after  a  knowledge  of  the 
passage  of  the  resolution,  had  paid  the  duty,  had 
sold  their  goods,  and  had  got  the  duty  back  from 
their  customers.  The  proposition,  as  it  stands, 
proposes  to  remit  these  duties  to  them,  and  they 
are  to  put  them  in  their  pockets,  having  once  re- 
ceived them  from  their  customers.  It  seems  to 
me,  if  it  were  possible  to  get  a  rule  that  would 
not  be  justifiable  on  any  principle,  the  proposition 
before  "the  Senate  is  that  very  rule. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  do  not  know  how  v/e 
could  very  well  make  a  law  go  into  operation  all 
over  the  country  on  difFerent  days;  because  (hat 
is  the  only  position  we  can  take  as  opposed  to 
this  one.  We  cannot  pass  a  law  to  go  into 
operation  in  one  place  to-day  and  another  place 
to-morrow  and  another  place  the  next  day,  and  so 
on;  that  is  to  say,  we  cannot  properly  do  it.  As 
I  stated  before,  we  must  fix  some  day,  and  this 
day  is  ample  for  notice  to  be  given  to  all  the  ports 
in  the  United  States,  with  perhaps  one  exception. 
If  it  shall  turn  out  that  there  are  hard  cases  where 
injustice  is  done,  which  are  included  within  this 
time,  we  must  remedy  that  by  legislation  here- 
after. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  I  understand  it,  the  argu- 
ment is  that  these  parties  in  New  York,  who  had 
property  in  bond,  paid  the  duties  upon  it  and  had 
conveyed  and  sold  it  to  othe^r  parties  in  many  in- 
stances in  the  early  part  of  the  30th.  Now  it  is 
admitted  on  all  hands,  and  admitted  especiallj^ 
by  the  Senator  from  New  York,  [Mr.  Morgan,] 
that  the  resolution  was  known  at  that  time  in 
New  York  to  have  passed  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress. It  had  passed  through  all  the  stages  here 
and  was  known  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Presi- 
dent. Does  anybody  suppose  that  the  shrewd 
merchants  of  New  York,  if  they  were  going  to 
make  a  sale  of  those  goods,  did  not  add  to  the 
price  the  additional  tax  which  they  knew  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  had  imposed  upon  those 
goods.'  It  is  a  fair  supposition  that  they  did  add 
it.  It  is  not  a  fair  supposition  that  they  sup- 
posed the  President  would  veto  a  resolution  of 
that  kind.  They  knew  that  it  was  to  become  a 
law  either  on  the  29th  or  the  30th.  Tliey  knew 
that  in  the  ordinary  course  of  legislation  it  would 
not  lie  in  his  hands  longer  than  that. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     He  has  several  days. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  know  he  has  several  days; 
but  in  the  ordinary  course  of  legislation  where  a 
bill  or  resolution  does  not  raise  any  constitutional 
question,  it  ordinarily  comes  back  to  us  in  one 
or  two  days  after  it  goes  to  the  hands  of  the  Presi- 
dent. They  knew  it  had  passed  through  all  its 
stages;  they  knew  it  met  the  approvalof  both 
Houses  of  Congress;  they  kncwtliatit  was  in  his 
hands.  It  seems  to  me  the  proposition  made  by 
the  Senator  from  Illinois  is  the  right  one,  to  say 
that  this  law  shall  take  effect  from  and  after  the 
29th  of  April,  and  let  all  these  men  stand  upon  an 
equal  footing. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  congratulate  myself 
upon  one  thing:  that  hereafter  the  Committee  on 
Pmance  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  can- 
not be  accused  of  being  too  sharp  about  laying 
burdens  on  the  people.  We  find  a  great  many 
persons  that  are  so  sharp  they  will  not  agree  to 
give  way  even  when  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury thinks  in  common  justice  they  ought  to  do  so. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  suppose  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Finance  will  admit  that  we  have  all 
a  right  to  entertain  our  own  opinions  as  to  what 
"  common  justice"  is. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.    Unquestionably. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  insist  upon  it  that  it  is  not 
common  justice  to  allow  the  men  in  New  York 
who  got  their  goods  out  on  the  30th  to  be  exon- 
erated from  the  payment,  of  this  duty,  and  to  say 
that  the  men  in  Salem  or  Portland  or  any  other 
port  in  the  country  who  were  not  cognizant  of 
this  fact,  and  therefore  did  not  pay  their  duties 
until  the  2d  of  the  month,  shall  be  compelled  to 
pay  them. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  is  even  worse  than 
that.  It  is  admitted  that  at  half  past  one  o'clock 
on  the  30th  they  had  notice  in  the  city  of  New 
York  that  the  law  was  approved;  and  now  you 
propose  to  exonerate  them  from  the  payment  of 


the  additional  duty  of  50  per  cent,  while  you  ex-' 
act  it  out  of  men  in  other  parts  of  the  country 
who  had  no  knowledge  whatever  of  the  imposi- 
tion of  this  additional  duty,  giving  a  preference 
to  one  port  over  the  other  ports  of  the  country. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     It  is  no  such  thing. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  We  have  the  evidence 
here  that  it  is  some  such  thing.  The  Senator 
replies  to  that  that  if  they  did  not  know  it  they 
ought  to  have  known  it;  and  then  his  otheranswer 
is,  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  thinks  this 
is  but  common  justice.  Are  we  here  simply  to 
register  the  opinions  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury .'  Is  nobody  here  to  have  any  opinion  about 
it  because  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  says  it 
is  common  justice .'  We  are  to  make  a  man  who 
in  utter  ignorance  of  the  passage  of  this  law  paid 
his  duties  pay  the  additional  50  per  cent,  and 
exonerate  the  man  who  knew  all  about  the  law 
from  the  payment  of  that  additional  duty;  and 
that  is  a  sense  of  common  justice  !  Well,  sir,  it 
is  a  kind  ofjustice  that  I  do  not  understand. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois is  very  apt  to  fly  into  a  flame  for  fear  that 
somebody  is  infringing  upon  his  rights,  and  the 
Senator  from  Iowa  the  same.  There  is  no  dan- 
ger of  anybody's  trying  it  with  either  of  them. 
I  merely  cited  it  to  show  that  it  was  a  very  good 
thing  that  tiie  public  iiiterests  were  so  sharply 
looked  after  thai  even  in  a  case  where  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance,  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  sharp 
as  they  try  to  look  after  these  money  matters, 
concluded  that  common  justice  looked  one  way, 
there  were  those  whose  eyes  were  still  sharper 
than  theirs.  It  is  a  matter  that  1  congratulate 
the  country  upon;  and  I  do  not  know  but  what 
we  may  ni;ed  this  additional  amount  of  money  to 
offset  what  we  lose  in  certain  Other  respects. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  wish  to  say  but  one  word 
more.  I  think  the  Senator  from  Illinois  has  shown 
a  little  more  feeling  than  there  is  any  occasion 
for.  This  is  the  first  tariff  law,  I  believe,  in  the 
history  of  this  Government  or  perhaps  of  any 
Government  that  took  effect  on  the  day  of  its  pas- 
sage. If  there  is  any  other,  I  should  like  to  have 
the  Senator  name  it.  It  has  always  been  the 
policy  of  this  and  every  other  Government  in  the 
world  that  I  have  ever  read  about  to  make  these 
laws  prospective,  to  take  effect  in  the  future. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  believe  the  Senate  passed 
that  joint  resolution  under  the  lead  of  the  Senator 
from  Ohio. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  know  that  I  urged  it 
strongly,  because  1  wished  to  get  the  revenue, 
and  was  very  anxious  to  get  increased   revenue. 

What  are  the  facts?  This  joint  resolution 
passed  this  body  on  the  28th  of  April,  but  was 
not  signed  by  the  Presiding  Oflicer  of  the  body 
until  the  29th.  It  did  not  go  from  this  Chamber 
until  the  afternoon  of  the  29th.  It  was  then  taken 
to  the  President,  and  at  seven  o'clock  that  even- 
ing he  signed  it.  The  next  morning  its  approval 
was  not  known  in  New  York,  it  was  not  known 
here. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Is  not  the  Senator  from 
Ohio  aware  that  on  the  morning  of  the  29th  the 
New  York  papers  all  announced  the  passage  of 
this  resolution  through  both  Houses  of  Congress .' 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  They  announced  that  the 
Senate  had  concurred  in  it,  but  still  it  was  not 
then  a  law.  It  went  to  the  President,  and  he 
might  have  kept  it  for  ten  days.  In  the  mean 
time  these  merchants,  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
their  business,  proceeded  to  withdraw  their  goods 
from  entry.  The  Senator  says  it  ought  not  to 
take  effect  on  the  29th.  Why  not?  If  you  en- 
force the  rigid  rules  of  the  law,  why  not  enforce 
it  on  the  29ih  ? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  have  tried  to  tell  the  Sen- 
ator that  in  point  of  fact  it  was  not  a  law  until  the 
business  hours  of  the  29th  were  over,  and  there 
would  seem  to  be  some  equity  in  not  enforcing  it 
retrospectively,  although  by  the  strict  rule  of  law, 
that  parts  of  days  are  not  to  be  taken  into  the 
computation,  it  is  possible  a  construction  might 
be  given  to  it  so  as  to  give  the  law  effect  for  the 
whole  day.  i  do  not  think  so,  though.  Idonot 
think  any  court  would  construe  this  taw  as  being 
in  force  through  that  day.  For  many  purposes 
courts  will  divide  days. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  am  infornaed  it  has  been 
decided  that  this  law  was  the  law  on  the  29th, 
and  that  probably  in  law,  in  the  courts,  the  duties 


might  have  been  enforced  on  the  29th;  but  it  was 
not  known.  The  law  was  not  proclaimed  herein 
this  Senate  Chamber  until  after  twelve  o'clock  on 
the  30th.  It  was  immediately  telegraphed,  and 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  enforced  the  most 
rigid  rules.  He  demanded  the  duties  as  due  on 
the  29th,  and  found  himself  involved  in  lawsuits 
and  controversies.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  question  came  to  the  two  committees  of  the 
two  Houses  as  to  when  this  law  ought  to  be  en- 
forced. Considering  that  no  other  tariff  law  had 
ever  been  enforced  on  the  day  of  its  passage,  con- 
sidering that  these  men  did  not  know  of  its  pas- 
sage until  one  o'clock  on  Saturday,  the  30th,  we 
thought  it  was  not  a  very  harsh  thing  to  say  they 
mighthavc  Saturday  to  take  their  goods  out  under 
the  old  diities,  and  that  at  the  commencement  of 
the  next  week,  on  Monday,  the  law  should  be  in 
force.  That  is  the  whole  case;  and  it  seems  to  me 
it  is  but  justice  to  give  them  that  day. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  1  alluded  to  a  circumstance 
that  the  final  approval  of  this  law  by  the  Presi- 
dent was  not  ki!own  at  Salem  until  the  2d  of 
May;  and  my  friend  from  Illinois  has  placed 
great  stress  on  that.  He  will  now  allow  me  to 
make  a  still  further  explanation  with  regard  to 
the  peculiar  circumstance.  The  approval  of  the 
act  was  not  mentioned  in  the  Boston  papers  on 
Monday  nwrning,  the  2d  of  May.  It  was  not 
telegraphed  to  Salem  on  Monday  morning.  The 
notice  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the 
approval  of  the  act,  by  a  mistake  was  addressed 
to  the  collector  of  Salem  at  Newburyport,  so 
tliat  he  did  not  receive  it  till  the  next  day.  On 
the  2d  of  May  an  eminent  merchant  of  Salem, 
whom  1  may  name — Mr.  Bartram — one  of  the 
largest  importers  in  this  country,  received  a  car- 
go from  Zanzibar,  and  he  went  to  the  custom- 
house to  enter  it.  The  collector  told  him  that 
under  his  instructions,  the  instructions  under 
which  he  was  acting,  he  could  exact  from  him 
only  the  duties  of  the  act  of  1862.  Mr.  Bartram 
paid  those  duties  on  the  2d  of  May.  The  next 
day  he  received  a  notice  from  the  collector  of  the 
passage  of  this  act,  and  the  exaction  of  the  50 
per  cent.     So  much  for  the  port  of  Salem. 

But  allow  me  to  remind  the  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois that  he  has  confined  his  criticism  especially 
to  New  York.  Pie  should  understand  that  Phil- 
adelphia and  Boston  are  in  precisely  the  same 
condition.  There  are  those  three  considerable 
cities,  Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Why  not  include  Baltimore? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Perhaps  it  should  be  in- 
cluded. 1  am  speaking  according  to  my  knowl- 
edge. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     It  is  somewhat  of  a  city. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  It  may  be  that  Baltimore  is  in 
precisely  the  same  predicament;  but  I  am  speak- 
ing of  the  three  cities  with  regard  to  which  I  liave 
informatioii.  They  were  in  this  predicament:  that 
the  approval  of  the  act  was  not  known  till  half 
past  one  o'clock  on  Saturday.  During  the  morn- 
ing the  merchants  at  those  different  places  had 
been  to  the  custom-house  and  asked  the  collector 
what  they  should  pay.  His  reply  was  that  under 
the  instructions  under  which  he  was  then  pro- 
ceeding he  could  exact  only  what  was  required 
by  the  act  of  1862.  Mark  that,  if  you  please,  and 
consider  the  consequences.  The  merchants  until 
after  one  o'clock  at  those  places  paid  according 
to  the  act  of  1862,  and  they  naturally  made  their 
contracts  with  reference  to  that  act;  and  there  you 
have  the  jn-ecise  hardship  in  the  case  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  positive  requisition  of  the  collector,  they 
paid  under  the  act  of  1862,  and  conducted  their 
business  with  reference  to  that  act.  Now,  I  take 
it  the  object  of  the  amendment  of  the  Senator 
from  Ohio  is  to  meet  that  hardship. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  There  is  one  aspect  of  this 
case  that  I  have  not  heard  alluded  to,  and  it  is 
simply  to  that  that  I  shall  confine  my  remarks. 
I  think  there  is  great  propriety,  however,  in  re- 
mitting these  duties  on  the  29ih,  for  the  reason 
stated  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois  that  the  busi- 
ness of  the  day  had  all  been  concluded  before  the. 
joint  resolution  was  signed  by  the  President;  but 
how  should  it  be  with  respect  to  Saturday  ?  You 
may  look  at  that  in  two  aspects:  a  portion  of  the 
day  prior  to  half  past  one  o'clock,  and  the  re- 
maining portion  of  the  day  subsequent  to  half 
past  one  o'clock.  It  is  claimed  by  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  and  others  who  seek  to  have 
these  duties  remitted  on  that  day  that  merchants 


3046 


THE  CO:^rGRESSIO]^AL  GLOBE. 


Juiie  17, 


wthilto  the  custom-liouses  and  inquired  of  thecol- 
lectors  with  respect  to  tliis  law  that  tliey  read 
ahout  ill  the  news|)apers  as  having;  passed  both 
Housets  of  C()iij|;ress  a  day  or  two  l)cfore.  The 
collector  told  thi'in  thai  he  had  no  official  notice 
ofihe  fact,  and  therefore  was  not  authorized  to 
receive  ihi-  new  duties,  and  did  not  require  them 
to  |iay  ihi-m.  He  did  rightly;  he  ought  not  to 
have  received  them.  But,  sir,  liftei' hiilf  past  one 
o'clock  the  mercliantsin  New  York,  Boston, and 
PliiladelphiadiH  pay  their  duties,  and  if  you  adopt 
the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio  in  its 
length  and  breadth  you  not  only  relieve  the  mer- 
chants whom  it  is  sought  to  relieve  from  their 
duty  payments  prior  to  half  past  one  o'clock  on 
Saturday,  but  you  will  require  the  Government 
to  refund  every  dollar  of  the  duty  that  they  re- 
ceived in  the  afternoon  of  that  day.  Where  is 
the  propriety  of  that?  Upon  what  principle  can 
that  be  excused  or  remitted?  You  will  excuse 
the  payment  of  these  duties  before  half  past  one 
o'clock  on  Saturday,  because  the  merchants  had 
not  knowledge  of  the  fact.  They  had  sufficient 
notice  to  put  them  on  inquiry. 

iVIr.  SUiMNER.  And  they  were  put  on  in- 
quiry. They  went  to  the  collector,  and  the  col- 
lector said  he  would  receive  only  under  the  old 
law. 

Mr.  TENEYCK.  Exactly.  He  would  only 
receive  under  that  law  then;  and  if  their  eyes  and 
cars  were  open  had  they  not  then  an  opporlutiity 
of  saving  themselves  from  the  effect  of  this  law? 
A  notice  of  that  kind  would  be  sufficient  in  any 
court  of  justice,  in  any  case  at  law,  under  any 
circumstances  sufficietit  to  put  the  party  upon 
inquiry.  But  after  half  past  one  o'clock  ot)  Sat- 
urday, when  the  question  had  been  settled  be- 
tween the  parties  and  the  Government,  you  are 
asked  now  to  relieve  them  from  the  effect  of  that 
payment  and  that  settlement,  and  to  return  to 
them,  for  aught  1  know,  hundreds  of  thousandsof 
dollars  which  they  paid  under  the  law,  which 
ihey  were  satisfied  with,  and  which  they  ex- 
pected to  pay.  If  you  are  going  to  relieve  the 
merchants  from  the  consequences  of  this  act  and 
their  want  of  knowledge  this  exemption  should 
not  extend  beyond  the  period  of  lialf  past  one 
o'clock  on  the  30th  of  April,  so  far  as  regards  these 
three  cities;  and  then  by  the  same  principle  of 
equality  you  should  settle  with  the  merchants  of 
every  other  city  iti  this  Union  up  to  the  time  and 
period  when  they  had  notice  of  tlie  existence  of 
this  law.  Why,  sir,  the  wisdom  and  experience 
of  ages  have  established  the  soundness  of  the 
principle  that  when  an  act  is  passed  and  becomes 
a  law  it  is  the  duty  of  the  citizen  to  take  notice 
of  it,  and  he  must  abide  by  and  be  bound  by  it. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Mr.  President,  I  shall  vole 
for  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  from 
Ohio.  I  do  not  thinkit  comports  with  the  dignity 
and  the  honorof  any  Government  to  exercise  these 
sharp  practices  upon  its  business  people.  I  was 
opposed  originally  to  the  passage  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution under  which  these  duties  were  collected. 
I  shall  oppose  any  and  every  proposition  opera- 
ting upon  the  business  people  of  this  country,  un- 
less they  shall  have  notice  of  the  law  and  of  the 
time  at  which  it  is  to  take  effect.  Every  Govern- 
Jnent  legislating  upon  the  business  of  the  country 
should  act  in  such  a  manner  as  to  allow  all  the 
persons  engaged  in  the  business  affected  to  have 
notice  of  the  law.  Common  lionesty  toward  the 
citizen  demands  that.  The  passing  of  a  law  and 
having  it  to  operate  upon  the  business  men  of  the 
country  before  it  is  known  that  it  is  the  law  is 
wrong  morally;  it  is  wrong  in  every  aspect  of  the 
ease.  Why,  sir,  itis  a  kind  of  sharp  practice  that 
would  barely  be  tolerated  by  gamblers  and  busi- 
ness sharpers. 

Sir,  I  would  exempt  the  merchants  of  New 
York,  Baltimore,  and  Philadelphia  who  havcgone 
forward  in  good  faith  from  tlie  operation  of  this 
law.  When  the  agents  of  the  Government  did 
not  know  that  it  was  the  law  how  could  they  ex- 
pect the  people  throughout  the  country  to  know 
It?  When  they  went  forward  and  paid  their  du- 
lies,  first  demanding  of  the  proper  officer  if  the 
duties  had  been  changed  and  he  received  their 
money,  he  himself  not  knowing  that  the  law  had 
been  changed,  is  it  right  that  we  should  collect 
double  duties  from  them?  In  my  judirmcnt  it 
would  be  dishonest,  and  1  would  give  triy  coun- 
tenance to  no  act  of  my  Government  that  I  thought 
was  dishonest;  and  1  think  it  would  disgrace  any 


businessman  of  respectability  in  the  country  to 
so  act  with  hip  correspondents  and  business 
friends. 

The  honorable  Senator  from  New  Jersey  says 
thateverybody  should  know  the  law.  How  could 
they  know  the  law  unless  it  was  promulged  ? 
How  could  the  business  men  of  New  York  or  of 
any  other  city  know  that  this  law  took  effect  on 
the  29th  day  of  April  when  it  was  approved  at 
seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  that  day  after  all 
business  was  over?  It  is  utterly  impossible  that 
they  should.  Would  you  exact  this  money  from 
them  on  Saturday  the  30th?  It  was  only  pro- 
mulged to  them  at  one  o'clock  on  that  day,  when 
nearly  all  the  business  of  the  day  was  over, 

I  will  not  only  vote  for  this  amendment,  but  I 
would  vote  to  remit  to  any  merchant  this  50  per 
cent,  if  he  paid  it  without  notice  of  the  passage  of 
thatjoint  resolution  after  he  paid  the  duty  under  the 
law  of  1862.  I  do  not  care  who  he  was,  because 
the  presumption  is  if  this  law  had  been  promulged 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  cause  ii  to  be  operative 
upon  the  citizen,  the  law  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment would  know  it.  If  the  merchant  in  Salem, 
to  whom  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  referred, 
paid  the  old  duties  on  the  2d  day  of  May,  I  would 
not  allow  him  to  pay  over  again.  If  the  merchants 
of  San  Francisco,  on  the  5th  day  of  May,  should 
pay  to  the  officers  of  the  Government  there  the 
duties  under  the  law  of  1862, 1  would  ask  nothing 
more  from  them.  The  Senator  from  New  Jersey 
must  know  that  the  people  cannot  know  that  laws 
are  passed  until  they  are  promulged.  He  must 
know  that  this  Government  have  a  great  interest 
in  the  matter,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
seems  to  act  with  the  greatest  vigilance  and 
promptitude,  and  if  his  collectors  did  not  know  it 
how  could  he  expect  the  people  to  know  it  ? 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  At  half  past  one  on  Satur- 
day they  did  know  it. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Suppose  they  did.  You  col- 
lected from  them  under  the  operation  of  this  law 
the  day  previous.  1  would  refund  all  that  they 
paid  without  notice  of  the  law.  Why,  sir,  this 
kind  of  practice  would  place  us  before  the  com- 
mercial world  with  that  infamy  with  which  Cal- 
igula has  been  handed  down,  forcausing  his  laws 
to  be  written  in  small  letters  and  placed  on  high 
pillars,  so  that  his  people  could  not  read  his  de- 
crees. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  suppose  it  would  be  very 
difficult  in  this  matter  to  establish  a  rule  which 
would  provide  for  refunding  the  duties  paid  Pi'ior 
to  the  notice  being  given  in  every  case.  That 
would  really  be  the  just  rule;  but  i  suppose  it  is 
impracticable  if  not  impossible  to  be  established; 
and  therefore  I  think  the  proposition  made  by 
the  Senator  from  Ohio  is  the  nearest  approxima- 
tion to  justice  both  to  the  Government  and  to  the 
merchant  that  we  can  adopt.  I  am  very  much 
surprised  at  the  views  expressed  by  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  JNew  Jersey,  who  always  holds 
the  scales  with  so  even  a  hand.  Indeed,  in  his 
discussion  of  this  little  matter  it  did  not  appear 
to  my  mind  from  hearing  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman that  he  supposed  there  was  such  a  place 
as  the  city  of  San  Francisco  in  the  United  States 
of  America. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  could  not  have  failed  to 
know  it,  at  least  since  the  Senator  lias  taken  his 
seat  on  this  floor. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  If  the  honorable  Senator  had 
such  notification  as  that,  and  then  ignored  it,  he 
is  in  the  position  of  those  that  are  very  deaf  sim- 
ply because  they  will  not  hear.  Do6s  my  friend 
find  any  justice  in  a  law  which  has  provided  no- 
tice to  the  merchant  in  the  city  of  New  York  and 
not  provided  notice  to  the  merchant  at  the  city  of 
San  Francisco,  and  is  he  unwilling  to  admit  such 
a  slight  extension  of  time  as  will  enable  us  to 
avail  ourselves  of  the  erection  of  the  trans-conti- 
nental telegraph?  Surely  the  rapidity  with  whicli, 
with  whatever  disabilities  or  accidents  may  occur 
from  time  to  time,  news  is  transmitted  across  the 
continent  should  be  allowed  us. 

I  hope,  sir,  that  the  amendment  proposed  by 
my  honorable  friend  from  Illinois  will  not  obtain; 
but  that  time  will  be  given  until  Monday  after  the 
passage  ©f  the  act,  as  it  is,  as  I  before  observed, 
impracticable  to  fix  a  period  at  which  each  person 
should  have  notice,  or  the  collector  in  each  city 
of  the  Union  shoultl  have  notice.  1  hope  that  the 
amendment  now  pending  will  not  obtain. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Let  us  have  a  vete. 


The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Antho"' 
NT.)  The  question  is  on  the  amendment  to  the 
amendment. 

Theamendmentto the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  will  offeranotheramend- 
ment  to  theamendment.  I  move  to  strike  outall 
of  the  first  proposed  amendment  after  the  word 
•'until"  in  the  words  "after  the  SOth  day  of 
April,  1864,  and  shall,"  and  to  insert  "  the  per- 
son paying  such  increased  duty  had  notice  of  the 
passage  of  the  resolution  imposing  the  same." 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  It  seems  tome  that  the  hon- 
orable member  from  Illinois  has  disregarded  a 
provision  of  the  Constitution  which  directs  that 
all  duties  shall  be  uniform.  You  can  make  no 
discrimination  in  favor  of  one  port  or  one  man 
over  another  port  or  another  man.  The  effect  of 
his  amendment  now  proposed  is  that  if  an  im- 
porter in  Baltimore  had  a  cargo  of  goods  which 
arrived  on  the  30th  of  April,  and  he  had  notice 
of  the  increased  duty,  he  would  pay  one  rate, 
and  if  an  importer  of  precisely  the  same  kind  of 
goods  had  a  cargo  arriving  on  the  SOth  at  New 
York  and  he  had  not  notice,  he  would  pay  another 
rate.  Now,  I  appeal  to  the  honorable  member  to 
reflect  for  a  moment  if  a  provision  such  as  he 
proposes  will  not  conflict  with  the  restraint  upon 
Congress  in  the  Constitution.  It  seems  to  me  to 
be  very  evident;  and  it  is  more  strikingly  to  be 
illustrated  by  supposing  the  two  cases  of  Balti- 
more and  San  Francisco;  the  whole  is  under  one 
Government.  The  Constitution  provides  that 
upon  all  importations  there  shall  be  uniformity 
of  taxation  as  far  as  the  imposts  are  concerned. 
San  Francisco  is  to  pay  just  as  much  as  Balti- 
more, and  Baltimore  of  course  is  not  to  pay  more 
than  San  Francisco;  but  according  to  the  amend- 
ment of  the  honorable  member  if  a  merchant  in 
Baltimore  imported  upon  the  30th  of  April  a 
cargo  of  ^100,000  of  any  one  commodity,  to  sim- 
[ilify  the  illustration,  he  would  [)ay  the  increased 
duty  of  50  per  cent.,  and  the  merchant  in  San 
Francisco  who  imported  into  San  Francisco  on 
the  SOth  precisely  the  same  commodity  to  the 
amount  of  |100,000  would  pay  only  the  duty 
imposed  by  the  act  before  the  increase  of  50  per 
cent.  That  would  literally  be.  a  tax  upon  knowl- 
edge, jyiy  merchant  would  be  made  to  pay  50 
per  cent,  more  because  he  knew,  when  the  mer- 
chant in  San  Francisco  would  not  be  made  to  pay 
because  he  did  not  know.  Knowledge  in  the  one 
case,  therefore,  leads  to  the  additional  taxation; 
ignorance  in  the  other  case  execnpts  from  it. 
Ignorance,  therefore,  is  bliss. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  should  like  to  know  if 
that  is  not  the  precise  ground  on  which  the  Sena- 
tor from  Maryland  iias  been  advocating  the  prop- 
osition that  has  been  before  the  Senate  to-night. 
Has  he  not  been  contending  here  that  by  reason 
of  the  ignorance  of  the  passage  of  this  law  wlien 
it  was  a  law,  these  parties  should  be  exempted  ? 
Has  it  not  been  the  basis  of  the  argument  of  the 
Senator  from  Ohio  and  the  Senator  from  Mary- 
land, and  did  he  not  cont.^nd  in  a  long  speech  here 
that  because  they  did  not  know  in  the  city  of  New 
York  of  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution,  and 
were  ignorant  of  it,  therefore  they  were  to  be 
exempted? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Certainly. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Then  ignorance  was  bliss, 
was  it? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Certainly  it  was. 

Mr. TRUMBULL.  Then  act  consistently,  and 
let  ignorance  be  bliss  still,  if  that  is  to  be  the  ar- 
gument. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Ignorance  on  many  occa- 
sions is  bliss.     I  have  felt  that  often. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  seems  ignorance  is 
bliss  when  it  suits  the  purpose  of  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Maryland.  When  it  does  not,  then 
it  is  anything  but  bliss. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  honorable  Senator  en- 
tirely misunderstands  me,  and  he  misunderstands, 
I  think,  those  with  whom  it  is  my  pleasure  to 
concur.  We  have  said  that  the  additional  tax 
should  not  be  imposed  until  there  was  knowledge, 
or  until  a  time  had  elapsed  when  there  might  be 
knowledge;  but  nobody  has  said  that  you  must 
make  the  tax  which  each  importer  is  to  pay  de- 
pend upon  the  fact  of  each  importer  having  knowl- 
edge that  the  increased  duty  had  been  imposed. 
You  must  select  a  time;  that  is  all;  and  selecting 
a  time,  then  there  is  no  conflict  with  the  prohibi- 


1864. 


THE  COj^GHESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3047 


tioii  to  make  anything  buta  uniform  regulation  in 
reference  to  revenue. 

IVlr.  TRUMBULL.     I  apprehend  the  Senator' 
from  Maryland  did   not  hear   the   Senator  from 
Kentucky.     It  was  the  very  argument  lie  made, 
thai  he  would  not  exact  the  duty  from  any  man 
until  he  had  time  to  hear  of  the  passige  of  the  law. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  spoke  of  my  own  igno- 
rance.    That  waa  all. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
to  the  amendment. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  PRESIDINGOFFICER.  The  question 
recurs  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  excepted  amendment  was  to  insert  at 
the  end  of  section  twenty  the  following: 

And  any  duties  which  shall  have  been  exacted  and  re- 
ceived contrary  to  tlie  provisions  of  this  section  sliall  1)6 
refunded  by  llie  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  next  excepted  amendment  was  in  line  one 
hundred  and  sixty-six  of  section  three  to  strike 
out  "  or"  and  insert  "  and;"  in  line  one  liundred 
and  sixty-seven  after  the  words  "  kinds"  to  strike 
out  "  valued  at  '^3  or  less  per  dozen,  50  cents  per 
dozen,  and  in  addition  thereto  25  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem; valued  at  over  $3  per  dozen,  50  cents  per 
dozen,  and  in  addition  thereto  40;"  and  after 
"40"  to  insert  "50;"  so  that  as  amended  the 
clause  would  read: 

On  peu-knives,  jack-knives,  and  pocket-knives  of  all 
kinds,  .^0  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  propose  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment of  the  committee  by  adding  "and  50  cents 
per  dozen." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  would  just  cut  out 
the  whole  concern. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  This  whole  matter  was 
thoroughly  considered  by  the  Cpmmittee  on  Pi- 
nance  after  hearing  persons,  and  I  will  state  that 
the  duty  proposed  to  be  levied  of  50  cents  a  dozen 
on  some  of  these  jack-knives  would  amount  to 
448  per  cent.     It  is  a  ridiculous  tax. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  do  not  wish  to  take  up  the 
time  of  the  Senate  at  this  late  hour,  but  I  will  state 
that  from  careful  examination  myself  and  from 
information  received  from  parties  well  informed, 
I  believe  this  article  will  bear  this  additional  duty, 
and  a  large  increase  of  revenue  may  be  furnished 
in  thai  way. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  has  received 
his  information  one-sided;  the  committee  have 
received  theirs  from  both  sides. 

Mr.  DIXON.  The  Senator  has  received  his 
from  importers  interested. 

Mr.FESSENDEN.     We  heard  both  sides. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  have  received  some  also  from 
those  interested  in  the  manufacture,  I  acknowl- 
edge. Still  they  all  agree  the  revenue  can  be  en- 
hanced in  this  way. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected 
— ayes  eight,  noes  not  counted. 

The  amendment  made  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole  was  concurred  in. 

The  next  excepted  amendment  was  in  section 
six,  line  sixty-four,  after  the  v/ord  "  cents"  to  in- 
sert "  per  dozen;"  and  in  line  sixty-five  to  strike 
out  "on  the  excess;"  so  as  to  make  the  clause 
read; 

On  spool  tliread  of  cotton,  6  cents  perdozen  spools,  con- 
taining on  each  spool  not  exceeding  one  hundred  yards  of 
thread,  and  in  addition  thereto  3U  per  cent,  ad  valorem; 
exceeding  one  hundred  yards,  for  every  additional  hundred 
yards  of  tliread  on  each  S|)ool  or  fractional  part  thereof  in 
excess  of  one  hundred  yarils,  6  cents  per  dozen  and  30  per 
cent,  ad  valorem, 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  called  attention  to  this 
clause  for  the  purpose  of  making  an  inquiry  of 
the  coiYimittee.  i  do  not  know  inyself  much 
about  this  duty  on  cotton  thread,  but  I  am  in- 
formed that  it  is  about  70  per  cent.  It  was  for- 
merly 40.  I  desire  to  know  of  the  committee 
whether  this  is  not  higher  in  proportion  than  the 
other  duties  upon  cotton  articles.  Heretofore  it 
has  been  classed  with  the  other  articles  of  cotton. 
It  is  now  taken  out  of  that  class  and  madean  ex- 
ception, and  chai-ged  a  little  larger  duty.  It 
never  lias  been  so  ti-eated  before.  I  have  also 
looked  at  the  lax  in  the  internal  revenue  bill,  and 
1  find  it  is  but  5  per  cent,  on  cotton  thread.  I  do 
not  suppose  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Finance 
Committee  to  fix  the  duty  so  high  upon  this  ar- 
ticle as  entirely  to  exclude  it.     My  infor.matiom 


is  that  this  duty  will  be  prohibitory  upon  cotton 
thread;  and  I  liave  called  attention  to  the  subject 
for  tlie  purpose  of  any  explanation  that  the  com- 
mittee can  give. 

Mr.  CLARK.  The  committee  did  give  their 
attention  to  this  matter;  and  they  are  not  aware 
that  this  will  be  n  higher  duty  than  is  generally 
imposed  on  cotton  productions.  It  probably  is 
known  to  the  Senator  from  New  York,  it  cer- 
tainly is  to  many  other  Senators,  that  there  are 
springing  up  in  the  country  various  manufacto- 
ries of  spool-thread  cotton.  We  do  not  manu- 
facture many  kind.s,and  perhaps  not  some  of  the 
best  kinds  at  present,  though  we  make  an  excel- 
lent article;  but  it  is  desirable  to  encourage  it, 
and  we  have  proposed  a  sufficient  duty  both  ti) 
protect  the  American  manufacturer  and  to  yield 
revenue.  The  comtTiittee  think  they  have  arrived 
at  that  point,  and  desire  to  keep  the  duty  there. 

The  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  Secretary  read  the  next  excepted  amend- 
ment, which  was  in  section  eighteen,  line  five, 
after  the  word  "  except"  to  strike  out  "  silk,  raw 
or  unmanufactured,  or  not  more  advanced  in  man- 
ufacture than  singles,  ti'am,  thrown,  or  organ- 
zine,"  and  to  insert  "  raw  cotton." 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  The  inserting  the  words 
"  raw  cotton"  in  line  seven  was  not  excepted  to. 
The  exception  was  only  with  respect  to  silk,  raw 
or  unmanufactured.  That  is  the  only  question 
now  involved.  I  did  not  call  for  a  division  on 
this  proposed  amendment  when  we  were  acting 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  because  I  did  not 
want  to  delay  time  by  having  a  division  then. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  desire  to  say  that  the  com- 
mittee in  adjusting  the  duty  on  pages  25  and  26 
on  silk,  adjusted  that  duty  with  reference  to  the 
amendment  now  proposed  to  be  made  here,  and 
if  this  is  stricken  out,  in  the  opinion  of  the  com- 
mittee it  would  leave  that  duty  too  high.  I  hope 
this  will  not  be  changed,  as  it  is  in  conformity 
also  with  the  policy  adopted  in  the  section  placed 
on  page  45  encouraging  the  commerce. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  really  hope  this  proposition 
will  be  retained  as  it  came  to  us  from  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Fromthe  information  I  have, 
I  am  satisfied  thai  it  will  operate  oppressively  on 
the  infant  manufacture  of  silk  here,  if  the  man- 
ufacturers are  obliged  to  pay  a  duty  of  10  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  on  the  raw  stock  thai  they  are 
obliged  to  import.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  the 
amendment  proposed  by  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance will  not  be  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN  called  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resulted — yeas  20,  nays  19;  as  follows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Buckalew,  Clark, 
Conness,  Cowan,  Fessendcn,  JToot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlan, 
Howard,  Howe,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kan- 
sas, Ponieroy,  Uamsey,  Sherman,  and  Willey — 20. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Carlile,  Chandler,  Dixon,  Doolittle, 
Harris,  Hendricks,  McDougall,  Morgan,  Powell,  Eichard- 
son.  Riddle,  Saulsburv,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,Truni- 
bull.  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  and  Wilson— 19. 

ABSENT  —  Messrs.  Collamer,  Davis,   Hale,   Harding,. 
Henderson,    Hicks,    Morrill,   Nesmitli,    Wilkinson,    and 
Wright— 10. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

The  PRESIDINGOFFICER.  This  completes 
tlie  amendments  made  as  in  Committee  of  the 
V/hole.  The  bill  is  before  the  Senate,  still  open 
to  amendment. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  desire  to  offer  an  amend- 
inent  to  the  nineteenth  section  of  the  bill,  on  the 
42d  page,  in  the  sixth  line,  by  inserting  after  the 
word  "  day:" 

And  in  all  cases  where  the  duties  exacted  by  virtue  of 
the  joint  resolution  of  April  29,  1834,  exceed  the  duties 
])rovided  for  in  this^act,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  cause  such  excess  to  be 
refunded  in  the  manner  provided  in  other  like  eases. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  think  the  Senator  from 
New  York  would  find  it  better  located  if  he  made 
his  proposition  a  separate  section  to  be  inserted 
between  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  sections. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  Very  well.  Let  the  section 
be  read  as  it  will  stand  if  amended,  and  then,  if 
there  is  any  objection  to  it,  it  can  come  in  some 
other  place. 

The  Secretary  read,  as  follows: 

That  all  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  which  may  be 
in  the  public  stores  or  bonded  wan;houses  on  the  day  and 
year  this  act  sluilltake  effect  sliall  bcsubjected  tonootlicr 
duty  upon  the  entry  thereof  for  consumption  than  if  the 
same  were  imported  respectively  after  thatday  ;  and  in  all 
cases  where  the  duties  exacted  by  virtue  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution of  April  29, 1864,  exceed  the  duties  provided  for  in 


..this  act,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  aulhorlzf  d 
and  direclcd  to  cause  such  excess  to  be  relundod  in  ilic 
manni'r  proviiled  in  nther  like  cases;  and  so  nmeli  of  the 
act  of  August  6,  IB46,  or  any  other  act,  as  requires  ihe  sale 
of  fire-crackers  or  proliibils  their  deposit  in  bonded  ware- 
house, is  hereby  repi-aled. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  1  believe  there  is  no  objec- 
tion— I  inquire  of  the  Senator  from  Maryland  if 
he  thinks  there  is  any  olijeclion — toils  apjiearing 
in  this  place. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Not  at  all. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  do  not  offer  this  amendment 
because  the  Government  has  any  surplus  of 
money  to  return  to  importers,  but  I  offer  it  be- 
cause 1  think  it  equitable.  Let  us  see  what  we 
have  done  We  passed  a  joint  resolution  increas- 
ing the  duties  50  per  cent.  The  merchants  paid 
those  duties.  They  supposed  thai  to  be  the  lav/; 
they  supposed  that  to  be  the  decision  of  Con- 
gress; and  so  long  as  it  is  the  decision  of  Con- 
gi-ess  there  is  no  objection  to  it;  but  it  pretty  soon 
appears  Q4D  the  passage  of  this  bill  that  we  are  not 
governed  by  the  joint  resolution.  Some  parlies 
instead  of  letting  their  goods  go  into  bond  paid 
their  duties,  supposing  that  when  the  more  ma- 
tured bill  which  is  now  under  considei'ation  should 
be  passed  the  duties  would  be  equivalent  to  the 
50  per  cent,  increase  contained  in  the  joint  reso- 
lution. So  far  as  they  in  good  faith  have  paid 
those  duties  and  have  their  goods  on  hand,  I  do 
not  know  why  they  should  not  be  entitled  to  stand 
on  the  footing  of  this  bill  precisely  as  they  would 
if  they  had  let  their  goods  go  into  bond.  1  can 
see  no  objection  to  it,  no  reason  why  they  should 
not  have  the  increased  duties  refunded  to  them  if 
Congress  means  to  act  equitably  toward  the  mer- 
chants. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  think  a  little  reflection 
will  convince  the  Senator  that  this  amendment  is 
substantially  iinpraclicable  and  unjust.  Suppose 
the  Secretary  should  be  requiretl  to  refund  the 
excess  of  duties  paid  under  the  joint  resolution  to 
every  person,  what  would  be  the  result.'  Many 
of  those  persons  who  have  thus  paid  the  increased 
duties  have  sold  their  goods  and  have  realized 
tiie  increased  cost  of  those  goods.  Will  you  carry 
the  same  principle  to  the  vendee,  and  so  on  .'  Those 
goods  may  have  been  sold  a  dozen  times;  the  in- 
creased duly  and  increased  price  may  have  been 
realized  by  different  parties.  Would  you  give  to 
the  purchasers  of  ihe  various  forms  in  which  those 
goods  have  gone  into  the  market  the  same  right.-' 
That  would  be  inequitable. 

Then  there  are  other  cases.  This  bill  in  some 
cases  raises  the  duties  more  than  50  per  cent.  The 
same  principle  that  the  Senator  seeks  to  apply 
would  require  those  persons  who  have  got  the 
benefit  of  a  lower  rate  of  duly  to  pay  now  the 
addition.  On  woolens,  for  instance,  we  have 
raised  the  rate  of  duty  10  percent.,  one  third,  and 
we  have  put  a  specific  duly  of  24  cents  a  pound 
on  woolen  goods,  so  that  the  aggregate  of  the 
■increase  on  woolen  goods  is  more  llian  50  per 
cent. — more  than  the  amount  imposed  by  the  joint 
resolution.  It  is  true  that  there  is  a  correspond- 
ing duty  on  wool-which  will  be  paid  by  the  man- 
ufacturer. But  it  seems  to  me  that  to  carry  out 
such  a  principle  as  this  would  operate  unjustly. 
These  parties  have  paid  the  duties  required  by 
law.  There  is  no  reason  why  the  money  shoufd 
be  refunded  to  them.  They  chose,  instead  of  leav- 
ing the  goods  remain  in  the  bonded  warehouses, 
to  take  them  and  put  them  in  market.  They  took 
the  risk  of  the  increased  duty.  Not  only  thai; 
they  paid  the  duties  with  a  full  knowledge  that 
the  rale  of  increase  would  not  be  so  large  as  the 
50  per  cent,  provided  for  by  the  joint  resolution. 
This  bill  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  very  soon  after  the  joint  resolution  was 
passed.  All  persons  engaged  in  the  business  of 
importing  knew  that  the  proposed  permanent  in- 
crease was  not  so  great  as  50  per  cent.,  and  they 
have  acted  upon  that  idea.  Some  have  withdrawn 
their  goods  from  bonded  warehouses  and  realized, 
others  have  allowed  them  to  remain  in  bonded 
warehouses. 

It  seems  to  me  now  that  to  require  the  increased 
duly  to  be  refunded  would  operate  unjustly,  in- 
equitably. It  would  be  a  very  severe  burden  on 
the  Treasury.  I  do  not  know  how  much  it  would 
amount  to;  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  estimate. 
In  the  case  of  woolen  goods  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  estimate  whether  the  50  per  cent.  increasG 
under  the  joint  resolution   was  greater  than  the 


3048 


THE  CONGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


amount  imposed  'oy  this  bill.  It  would  mako  a 
difficult  and  troublesome  question  to  be  settled  in 
every  particular  case.  Every  importer  who  has 
taken  out  his  goods  under  the  joint  resolution 
would  asserta  demand,  and  itwould  be  very  dif- 
ficult to  ascertain  whether  tlie  amount  of  duty 
imposed  by  this  bill  is  higher  or  lower  than  the 
amount  imposed  under  the  joint  resolution.  In 
some  cases  it  is  higher,  in  some  cases  it  is  lower. 
I  think  it  would  involve  the  custom-housesin  irre- 
trievable confusion  and  innumerable  losses.  I 
do  not  think  that  any  injustice  has  been  done  to 
these  merchants.  They  have  paid  the  duties  im- 
posed by  lav^,  and  they  have  had  the  benefit  of 
the  increased  price.  They  need  not  have  paid 
the  duties  when  they  did  unless  they  chose. 
They  might  have  let  the  goods  remain  in  bonded 
■warehouses  subject  to  tlie  future  duty.  They 
chose  to  take  them  out;  they  have  sold  them  in 
many  cases  and  realized  profit.  To  refund  the 
money  would  be  to  give  these  importers  an  ad- 
vantage which  other  dealers  have  not. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  Mr.  President,  we  must  now 
admit,  1  think,  that  the  passage  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution of  the  29ih  of  Aprjl  was  an  ill-advised  meas- 
ure. It  will  be  recollected  when  that  resolution 
was  before  the  Senate  it  was' stated  that  it  was 
not  expected  that  the  permanentincrease  of  duties 
would  be  59  per  cent.  1  myself  stated  that  if  I 
thought  the  increase  would  be  50  per  cent.  1 
would  be  willing  to  vote  for  the  resolution,  but 
inasmuch  as  I  did  not  think  the  average  increase 
would  amount  to  that,  I  agreed  with  the  Finance 
Committee  in  their  amendment  to  reduce  it  to  SS^ 
per  cent.,  and  probably  25  per  cent,  would  have 
been,  better.  I  do  not  think,  however,  that  the 
amount  is  very  large' — I  do  not  know  how  much, 
but  itcaiuiot  be  very  large — of  goods  entered  for 
consumption  on  which  the  increased  duty  has 
been  paid.  I  submit  to  the  Senate  whether  it  is 
just  to  liave  n  policy  that  is  so  unstable  as  this 
has  shown  itself  to  be.  It  seems  to  me  that  so 
far  as  persons  have  paid  these  duties,  it  is  only 
equity  to  have  the  momy  returned  to  them. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  1  rt'collect  when  the  joint 
resolution  was  before  tiiia  body  it  was  proposed 
by  some  member  of  the  Finance  Committee,  I 
think  the  chairman,  to  reduce  the  increased  tax 
from  50  to  33g  per  cetit. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  committee  recom- 
mended that. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  And  the  reason  given  at 
the  time  was  that  when  the  new  bill  would  be 
matured  by  the  committee  it  probably  would  not 
impose  a  greater  tax  than  33g  per  cent,  increase, 
and  that  the  tax  in  the  mean  tmie  ought  not  to  be 
greater,  as  a  matter  of  course,  than  that  which 
would  finally  become  the  law.  But  it  was  an- 
swered, and  I  think  the  Senator  from  California 
[Mr.  CoNNEss]  made  that  reply,  that  we  could  not 
impose  less  than  50  per  cent,  of  an  increase  run- 
ning over  the  whole  list;  and  on  that  assurance, 
on  that  opinion,  as  I  believe,  the  Senate  voted  for 
the  50  per  cent.  1  am  very  sure  from  what  was 
said  at  that  time  that  the  Senate  would  not  have 
voted  for  the  50  per  cent,  except  for  the  impres- 
sion that  the  permanent  lav/  would  increase  the 
rate  of  duties  at  least  that  much. 

Now,  It  appears  that  we  do  not  do  so,  and  the 
proposition  of  the  Senator  from  New  York  seems 
to  me  to  be  just.  Suppose  that  last  week  an 
importer  has  brought  in  a  very  large  supply  of 
goods,  and  h.e  has  paid  the  50  per  cent.  That  50 
per  cent,  is  a  part  of  the  cost  of  the  goods  to 
him,  or  to  the  wholesale  merchant  who  has  pur- 
chased from  him.  To-morrow,  after  we  pass  this 
bill,  the  same  goods  are  brought  into  the  mar- 
ket of  the  country  at  20  or  30  per  cent,  less^  be- 
cause of  the  reduction  of  the  tariflT,  and  one  can 
undersell  the  other  by  that  much.  It  is  an  act  of 
injustice  to  the  commercial  communityjust  to  that 
extent.  As  the  Senator  from  Ohio  has  said,  I 
think  there  are  practical  difficulties  about  this,  but 
ihey  ought  to  be  met  by  a  Department  that  asks 
•uch  unwise  legislation  as  a  sixty  days'  tariff;  1 
do  not  care  if  I  do  impose  on  that  Department 
some  hardships 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  will  ask  my  friend  what 
Department  asked  for  it, 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  Treasury  Depart- 
ment. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  reported  it,  and  wo  passed  it.  The 
Department  did  not  ask  for  it. 


Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  understood  atthe  time 
that  it  was  adepartmental  measure.  If  Congress, 
on  its  own  motion,  adopted  what  was  a  very  im- 
politic measure,  as  now  clearly  appears.  Congress 
ought  as  far  as  possible  to  correct  it.  I  think  it 
was  impolitic  to  adopt  a  tariff  for  sixty  days. 
The  commercial  world  v/ill  be  afraid  directly  to 
see  the  Congress  of  the  IJnited  States  in  session. 
They  do  not  know  what  laws  are  going  to  affect 
their  interests  from  day  to  day.  We  strike  a 
lick  at  gold  one  day,  and  it  amounts  to  nothing; 
then  v/e  strike  a  lick  al  the  trade  of  the  country, 
and  that  amounts  to  a  good  deal.'  I  think  the 
proposition  of  the  Senator  from  New  York  ought 
to  be  adopted,  so  as  to  do  as  near  justice  as  we 
can. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Gentlemen  have  remem- 
bered a  part  of  what  took  place,  but  there  is  some- 
thing they  have  not  remembered.  The  50  per 
cent,  tariff  came  from  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, adopted  as  a  measure,  my  friend  from  Ohio 
said,  in  part  to  stop  importations  altogether  for  a 
particular  length  of  time.  The  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance did  not  understand  that  it  would  have  that 
effect  entirely,  and  they  recommended  several 
amendments.  Amongothers  they  recommended 
to  strike  it  down  to  33g  per  cent.,  and  they  did  so 
for  the  reason  expressed  by  them  very  decidedly 
that  they  did  not  believe  that  the  average  of  the 
duties  would  be  raised  above  that  amount.  The 
committee  were  not  quite  unanimous  upon  tlie 
subject,  it  appeared,  after  it  came  into  the  Senate; 
but  the  matter  was  argued, and  I  stated  the  belief 
of  the  committee  upon  that  subject,  and  the  Sen- 
ate, acting  as  in  Committee  of  tlie  Whole,  voted 
accordingly  to  strike  it  down  to  33g  per  cent. 
But  when  the  matter  came  into  the  Senate,  my 
friend  from  Ohio,  a  member  of  the  committee,  ral- 
lied very  strongly  upon  the  idea  that  it  was  very 
important  not  to  send  the  bill  back  to  the  other 
House,  that  we  must  pass  it  at  once,  and  if  we  made 
any  amendment  to  it  it  must  go  back  tliere,  and 
that  idea  seemed  to  take  with  the  Senate;  and  so, 
although  they  were  in  favor  of  and  believed  it  to 
be  right,  as  their  vote  had  shown,  to  fix  the  in- 
crease at  33^  per  cent., such  was  the  fever  of  lay- 
ing your  hand  upon  just  what  you  could  lay  it 
upon  that  the  Senate  on  the  whole,  after  discfas- 
sion,  concluded  that  it  was  best  to  put  on  50  per 
cent,  as  a  sweeping  measure,  and  leave  matters  to 
be  adjusted  afterwards. 

Now,  sir,  it  turns  out  precisely  as  the  Commit- 
tee on  Finance  supposed  it  would.  1  may  con- 
gratulate myself  ihatin  one  instance  thecommittee 
has  been  found  to  be  right  so  far  as  its  prediction 
was  concerned.  It  did  not  seem  to  me  at  that 
time,  from  the  very  little  knowledge  I  had'of  the 
subject-matter,  that  there  could  be  a  large  propor- 
tion of  articles  upon  which  any  such  increase 
could  be  made  with  reference  to  the  question  of 
revenue,  and  so  itseems  to  be.  But,  sir,  although 
that  was  tlie  view  1  entertained  at  that  lime,  and 
although  it  has  turned  out  to  be  correct,  1  by  no 
means  agree  to  the  proposition  of  the  Senator 
from  New  York,  for  the  simple  reason  that  al- 
though tlie  legislation  in  my  judgment  was  some- 
what unwise,  yet  no  sort  of  complaint  can  be 
made  by  persons  who  have  chosen  under  the 
joint  resolution  as  it  stood,  when  it  was  under- 
stood to  be  a  mere  temporary  measure,  to  take 
their  goods  out  of  warehouse  and  pay  the  addi- 
tional duty.  They  could  have  left  them  there 
until  this  time  if  they  had  seen  fit  to  do  so. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Allow  me  to  ask  the  Senator 
from  Maine  a  question.  Suppose  a  merchant 
imported  his  goods  and  had  them  in  bond,  and 
had  made  a  contract  to  deliver  the  goods,  could 
he  not  be  compelled  to  take  out  those  goods  and 
pay  the  50  per  cent..' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  On  that  supposition. 
But  when  a  contract  is  made,  goods  are  generally 
taken  out  at  once  and  the  contracts  are  generally 
that  the  purchaser  pay  the  duty.  We  cannot  legis- 
late for  all  possible  cases.  We  must  take  the 
great  majority.  The  goods  that  were  in  bond 
might  have  remained  there;  the  goods  subse- 
quently imported  might  have  been  put  into  bond; 
and  there  is  no  probability  that  many  goods  have 
been  taken  out  unless  where  it  was  to  the  interest 
of  parties  to  do  so,  because  it  was  known  that  be- 
fore the  sixty  days  when  the  joint  resolution 
Would  expire  the  whole  subject  of  duties  would 
I  be  renewed,  and  the  opinion  had  been  expressed 
S  ^s  awy  one  could  see)  that  on  many  articles  an 


increase  of  50 per  cent,  could  not  possibly  be  put. 
Any  importer  who  under  such  circ^lmstanccs  took 
his  goods  out  of  bond  and  paid  the  50  per  cent., 
did  it  simply  because  he  had  made  a  sale  and  the 
purchaser  paid  him  the  duty. 

As  was  suggested  by  my  honorable  friend  from 
Ohio,  if  you  take  this  money  out  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  whom  are  you  to  pay  it?  I  ask  my  hon- 
orable friend  from  New  York  who  has  moved 
this  amendment,  to  whom  should  the  money  be 
paid.'  If  the  person  who  sold  the  goods,  who 
took  them  out  of  bond  for  the  purpose  of  trans- 
ferring them  to  another,  (and  he  is  the  only  per- 
son known  to  the  custom-house,)  is  to  receive  the 
money,  it  isjust  so  much  clear  profit  to  him.  It 
is  notlikely  that  his  purchaser  in  Maine,  or  Iowa, 
or  anywhere  else  would  think  about  it;  and  it  is 
just  putting  into  his  pocket  so  much  over  and 
above  the  profits  of  the  sale.  Some  injustice  has 
been  done  in  particular  cases,  no  doubt;  but  in 
the  great  majority  of  cases  the  result  has  been 
what  I  have  stated,  because  these  men  are  shrewd 
business  men.  Having  the  opportunity  and  the 
right  to  let  their  goods  lie  in  bond  until  they  as- 
certained what  the  duties  under  the  new  tariff 
were  to  be,  if  they  chose  to  take  them  out  it  must 
have  been  for  some  very  good  reason  known  to 
themselves,  and  we  shall  do  nothing  like  justice 
to  anybody  by  refunding  duties  paid  under  those 
circumstances;  in  fact  we  should  do  more  injus- 
tice than  justice.  I  hope  theamendment  will  not 
be  adopted. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  have  already  referred  to  one 
case  this  evening  which  occurred  at  Salem,  and 
illustrates  this  very  point — the  case  of  the  emi- 
nent merchant,  Mr.  Bartram,  who,  on  the  2d  of 
May,  entered  at  the  custom-house  a  cargo  from 
Zanzibar,  and  paid  the  duties  on  that  day,  accord- 
ing to  the  requirement  of  the  collector,  under  the 
old  act  of  1862;  the  next  day  he  received  a  sum- 
mons to  appear  at  the  custom-house  and  pay  the 
additional  50  per  cent.  If  he  had  been  aware  of 
the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution,  he  would,  per- 
haps, as  the  Senator  from  Maine  says,  have 
allowed  his  cargo  to  remain  in  bond,  and  then  he 
could  take  advantage  of  the  remedy  provided  by 
this  statute;  but  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  do 
that,  and  therefore  he  has  paid  on  that  full  cargo 
the  additional  50  per  cent. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.     What  was  the  cargo? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  It  was  from  Zanzibar,  in  the 
East  Indies.  What  it  was  I  do  not  know.  I 
know  nothing  beyond  the  fact  that  he  made  that 
payment  of  50  per  cent. 

Now,  as  to  the  practical  difficulties  of  carrying 
this  out,  on  which  Senators  have  placed  so  much 
stress,  do  they  really  exist?  Is  it  nota  matter  of 
every  day's  experience  at  the  custom-house  to 
pay  duties  under  protest,  and  then  afterwards  if 
it  appears  that  the  duties  were  not  rightfully  ex- 
acted theGovernmentrefundsthem  ?  Why  may 
they  not  be  refunded  now? 

Then  the  Senator  from  Ohio  says  it  is  not  equi- 
table to  require  this  refunding;  but  1  appeal  to  the 
Senator,  what  was  the  original  purpose  of  the 
joint  resolution?  Was  it  not  to  arrest  foreign 
importations,  to  prevent  the  market  being  glutted 
under  the  old  statute  of  1862  in  anticipation  of  an 
approaching  cliange  of  the  tariff?  1  believe  that 
was  the  single,  specific  purpose.  Yery  well ;  that 
has  been  accomplished.  Now  that  being  accom- 
plished, it  only  remains  that  we  should  remedy 
any  hardships,  or  abuses  if  you  choose  to  call 
them  so,  which  may  have  occurred  under  the  res- 
olution, and  it  seems  to  me  that  the  case  indicated 
by  the  amendment  of  my  friend  from  New  York 
is  one  of  those.  Indeed,  my  attention  had  been 
called  to  this  hardship  before  the. Senator  moved 
his  amendment,  and  if  he  had  not  brought  it  for- 
ward I  should  have  endeavored  to  do  so  myself. 

I  would  add  one  other  remark.  It  seems,  by 
the  admission  of  all,  that  the  original  resolution 
now  is  considered  to  have  been  hasty.  I  do  not 
think  that  it  commends  itself  to  the  judgment  of 
Senators  generally.  I  think  all  will  admit  also 
that  it  has  done  us  no  good  abroad;  it  has  not 
done  the  national  credit  any  good. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  voted  for  it 
and  argued  for  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Certainly  I  was  for  it;  I  do 
not  mean  to  throw  any  shadow  over  those  who 
were,  because  if  so  it  would  fall  on  myself 

Mr,  SHERMAN.  If  the  Senator  will  allow 
me,  I  wish  to  enter  my  caveat. 


1864. 


THE  COKGliESSlONAL  GLOBE. 


3040 


Mr.  SUMNER.  Just  allow  me  to  finish  the 
idea  I  was  upon.  It  is  sintiply  to  present,  what 
doubtless  has  passed  througli  the  mind  of  every 
Senator  already,  that  the  passage  of  the  resolution 
did  not  and  could  not  have  a  beneficial  effect  on 
our  credit  abroad .  The  effect  of  it  doubtless  was 
to  give  the  idea  that  our  Treasury  was  perliaps 
at  the  last  gasp,  and  that  we  were  almost  playing 
n  game  of  grab,  seizing  what  we  could  get.  Now 
that  we  are  remodeling  the  tariff",  it  does  seem  to 
me  that  the  time  has  come  for  us  to  review  that 
transaction,  and  to  repair  any  hardship  that  may 
have  arisen  under  it.  The  very  fact  that  we  do 
repair  that  hardship  I  think  will  have  a  tendency 
to  restore  our  credit  so  far  as  it  may  have  been 
wounded  or  aff'ected  injuriously  by  the  original 
resolution. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  have  paid  but  little  attention  to 
this  matter;  but  it  strikes  me,  with  all  deference 
to  the  gentlemen  who  have  urged  this  proposition, 
tliat  it  is  the  strangest  proposition  1  have  ever 
heard  made  in  a  legislative  body.  It  is  utterly 
impossible  to  pass  any  law  of  a  general  character 
aff'ecting  a  whole  nation  that  will  not  work  in- 
dividual injustice  in  some  individual  Cases.  No 
alteration  of  the  tariff",  high  or  low,  no  law  of  any 
kind, general  in  its  character,  can  be  passed  with- 
out working  out  individual  injustice;  and  if  you 
establish  this  precedent  it  will  be  one  entirely 
novel;  and  if  you  follow  it  up  you  will  be  called 
upon  next  session  to  remedy  the  injustice  that  will 
have  been  wrought  by  the  passage  of  this  tariff" 
bill. 

It  is  said  that  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolu- 
tion was  improvident  and  unwise,  and  that  it  is 
so  admitted.  Well,  sir,  if  Congress  establishes 
the  principle  that  the  effectof  its  own  improvident 
and  unwise  legislation  is  to  be  relieved  by  grants 
of  money  from  theTreasury,it  will  tax  the  Treas- 
ury vastly  more  than  it  will  to  carry  on  the  war. 
It  seems  to.  me  that  the  only  thing  Congress  can 
do  is  to  pass  laws  general  in  their  character;  they 
may  err,  they  may  be  unwise,  impolitic;  but  to 
undertake  by  grants  of  money  from  the  national 
Treasury  to  remedy  the  consequences  of  such 
legislation  seems  to  me  to  be  improper,  unheard 
of,  and  not  to  be  tolerated  fof  a  moment  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  legislating  for  the 
whole  country. 

Mr.  President,  we  were,  as  everybody  knows, 
in  a  crisis  that  )iever  occurred  before;  a  new  state 
of  things  presented  itself;  we  were  looking  around 
to  devise  ways  and  means  for  raising  revenue  in 
every  possible  manner  that  we  could,  consistently 
with  justice  and  right;  we  contemplated  what  has 
since  come,  a  general  change  of  the  tariff";  and  to 
prevent  individuals  speculating  on  their  foresight 
and  making  importations  in  view  of  this,  the  joint 
resolution  was  passed,  and  it  had  to  be  passed 
promptly  to  be  of  any  service.  The  only  thing 
we  can  do,  whether  it  was  wise  or  unwise,  is  to 
let  its  burdens  fall  where  in  the  course  of  nature, 
the  business  of  the  country,  and  the  providence 
of  God  they  do  fall,  and  there  let  them  rest. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  believe  that  in  the  case  sug- 
gested by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  the 
ship  came  in  on  Sunday  after  the  passage  of  the 
joint  resolution. 

Mr.  SUMNER.      I  know  nothing  about  that. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  believe  it  is  the  same  case. 
That  is  my  information.  And  to  get  the  goods  im- 
mediately out  under  the  new  duties,  the  party  en- 
tered them  at  once  on  Monday  and  paid  the  duty. 
It  appears  to  me  that  in  place  of  there  being  a  grab 
game  there  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  the 
grabbing  was  on  the  other  side;  and  a  special  pro- 
vision to  cover  such  a  case,  or  a  special  provision 
illustrated  by  such  a  case,  is  not,  to  say  the  least 
of  it,  happy  in  the  illustration.  1  agree  with  hon- 
orable gentlemen  who  have  presented  the  utter  im- 
possibility of  applying  a  provision  of  this  kind. 
It  would  simply  be  erecting  the  head  of  the  Treas- 
ury Department  into  a  court  of  equity  with  busi- 
ness enough  to  occupy  him  for  the  next  year, 
without  attending  to  loans  or  the  prosecution  of 
his  other  ordinary  business. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  1  think  the  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire  need  not  have  told  us  that  he  had  not 
paid  muchattention  to  this  subject.  If  he  had 
paid  attention  to  it  I  think  he  would  not  have  made 
exactly  the  statement  he  has  made.  It  is  pretty 
evident,  however,  that  the  amendment  which  has 
been  offered  by  me  will  not  be  adopied,  for  the 
Senate,  1  jiidge,  is  about  in  the  condition  that  it 


was  when  it  passed  the  joint  resolution ;  it  is  not 
in  acondition  to  consider  anything.  Nevertheless 
the  fact  remains  that  you  have  advanced  your  du- 
ties 50  per  cent,  and  lowered  them  within  sixty 
days,  and  persons  who  paid  the  increase  have  got 
to  pocket  the  loss.  1  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  amendment. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  When  the  proposition  was 
first  suggested  to  me  by  the  honorable  member 
from  New  York  who  offers  it  I  was  in  favor  of  it, 
but  on  reflection  I  think  it  will  be  improper  to 
pass  it. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  8,  nays  25;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Buckalevv,  H.irris,  Hendricks,  Morgan, 
Powell,  Saulsbury,  Sumner,  and  Wilson — 8. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Antliony,  Brown,  Carlile,  Ulark,  Con- 
ness,  Diion,  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes, 
Hale,  Harlan,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
McDousall,  Pomeroy,  Kicliardson,  Sliernian,  Sprague,  Tea 
Eyek,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 25. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Chandler,  Collairiei-,  Cowan,  Davis, 
Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Morrill,  IVes- 
mith,  Ramsey,  Riddle,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wiiglit— 16. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  hope  not.  I  think  we 
had  better  get  through  with  this  bill  to-night. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill 
by  inserting  at  the  end  of  the  third  section: 

On  diamonds,  cameos,  mosaics,  gems,  pearls,  rubies, 
and  other  precious  stones,  vvlien  not  set,  a  duty  of  10  per 
cent,  ad  valorem. 

By  the  internal  revenue  bill  which  we  have 
passed  we  impose  a  duty  of  10  per  cent,  upon  all 
these  jewels;  but  by  a  provision  connected  with 
that  section  as  it  was  passed  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives we  excepted  from  that  tax  of  10  per 
cent,  these  jewels  not  set,  upon  which  import  du- 
ties had  been  paid.  The  Senate  amended  that 
provision,  butthe  House  of  Representatives  have 
non-concurred  in  the  Senate  amendment,  and  it 
is  more  than  probable  that  the  section  in  the  in- 
ternal revenue  bill  will  stand  as  it  was  passed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Now,  my  simple 
object  is  to  equalize  the  duties  under  these  two 
bills.  If  you  except  jewels  not  set  which  have 
paid  an  import  duty,  that  import  duty  ought  to 
be  of  the  same  amount  with  the  duty  imposed  by 
the  internal  revenue  bill,  to  wit,  10  per  cent.  But 
by  looking  at  the  act  of  1862,  from  which  I  have 
framed  word  for  word  the  amendment  I  propose, 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  import  duty  on  these 
jewels  is  only  5  per  cent.;  so  that  unless  this 
amendment  be  adopted  the  effect  will  be  that  un- 
der the  internal  revenue  bill  we  impose  a  duty  of 
10  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  all  these  jewels,  except 
jewels  upon  which  an  import  duty  has  been  paid, 
and  that  is  only  5  per  cent.,  makinga  discrimina- 
tion in  which  1  see  no  reason. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  1  move  to  amend  the  bill 
in  section  six,  line  forty-nine,  by  striking  out  the 
words  "  included  or;"  so  as  to  make  it  conform 
to  the  law  of  1861. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  will  observe 
that  on  the  goods  included  in  the  schedule  before 
the  proviso  there  is  only  a  specific  duty  of  so 
much  per  square  yard  without  any  ad  valorem  duly 
except  in  one  or  two  instances.  This  is  merely 
putting  on  an  additional  duty  if  they  are  of  a  par- 
ticular description,  so  that  the  words  "included 
or"  were  put  in  in  order  to  cover  the  list  of  goods 
in  the  schedule. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  The  Senator  will  see  by  ref- 
erence to  the  old  law  that  this  proviso  will  carry 
with  it  all  the  items  that  precede  it  in  the  section. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  is  intended  to  apply 
to  them  because  there  is  no  ad  valorem  duty  on 
them. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Then  these  duties  which  are 
specified  as  being  so  much  per  square  yard  and  a 
percentage  in  addition  need  not  be  mentioned  in 
this  section,  because  they  will  all  come  under  the 
35  per  cent,  provision;  they  cannot  come  in  any 
other  way. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  If  you  strike  out  the 
words  "included  or"  the  duty  of  35  percent, 
would  not  apply  to  the  list,  and  the  articles  in  the 
list  would  not  be  subject  to  an  ad  valorem  duty. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  It  will  apply  to  th^  rest  of 
the  section. 


Mr.  FESSENDEN.  TheSenatoris  mistaken. 
If  his  object  is  protection,  he  is  striking  out  the 
protection  he  has  on  the  other  kinds  of  goods. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  The  articles  enumerated  in 
this  section  were  enumerated  in  theact  of  1861,  but 
none  of  them  perhaps  had  then  the  value  of  16 
centsa  square  yard;  but  now  in  consequence  of  the 
rise  in  cotton  every  one  of  them  has  that  value,  and 
therefore  the  proviso  aff'ects  all  the  descriptions 
of  goods  mentioned  in  the  preceding  part  of  the 
section.  I  propose  only  to  use  the  words  which 
were  used  in  the  law  of  1861,  which  was  gotten 
up  by  those  who  were  very  capable,  and  who 
understood  this  matter  thoroughly.  It  was  done 
to  protect  qualities  of  goods  manufactured  in  this 
country  that  come  in  competition  with  English 
and  other  foreign  goods.  They  were  specified 
by  so  many  picks  to  the  square  inch,  and  all  other 
goods  above  a  certain  number  of  picks  to  llie 
square  inch  were  to  be  taxed  at  a  certain  percent- 
age ad  valorem.  The  advance  in  cotton  has  been 
so  great  that  the  35  per  cent,  ad  valorem  will  ap- 
ply to  all  those  goods  enumerated  here  in  the 
first  part  of  the  section. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  do  not  understand  it  as 
the  Senator  does,  but  I  concede  that  he  understands 
the  operation  of  it  better  than  I  do,  because  he 
has  a  practical  knowledge  on  the  subject.  I  have 
not  looked  into  the  section  and  the  operation  of 
it  suificiently  to  be  able  to  say  that  it  will  not 
have  the  effect  he  speaks  of;  but  I  can  see  very 
readily  from  the  phraseology  of  the  bill  what  tlie 
object  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was.  It 
was  to  apply  this  35  per  cent,  to  all  the  goods  in 
the  schedule  and  all  other  goods  not  enumerated 
when  they  were  over  a  certain  amount.  That 
may  cover  the  wliole. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.     It  will  cover  every  one. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  was  intended  for  that, 
I  suppose. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  It  was  not  intended  to  cover 
those  enumerated  in  the  first  part  of  the  section, 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Certainly  it  was,  or  they 
would  not  have  put  in  the  words  "  included  or 
not  included  in  the  foregoing  schedules." 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Then  why  mention  those.' 
Why  give  them  a  specific  duty .'  Why  name  the 
items.'' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Because  the  specific  duty 
is  different  on  different  classes  of  goods. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  If  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance  will  read  the  whole  bill  he  will 
find  that  in  every  other  respect  its  descriptive  lan- 
guage is  identical  with  the  act  of  1861,  but  in  this 
respect  it  is  changed.  1  do  not  propose  to  do  more 
than  make  the  meaning  clear  by  conforming  the 
language  of  this  proviso  to  that  of  the  correspond- 
ing provision  in  the  act  of  1861. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Tlie  intention  was  to 
change  it;  but  inasmuch  as  the  Senator  seems  to 
be  very  positive  about  it,  speaking  from  practical 
knowledge  of  the  subject,  1  shall  not  object  to  the 
amendment,  because  if  the  amendment  be  made 
it  will  be  considered  in  the  other  House,  whereas 
if  we  should  make  no  amendment  to  the  clause 
it  could  not  be  touched  though  we  might  find  an 
error  in  it.  1  make  no  opposition  to  the  amend- 
ment. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Now  I  move  to  insert  after 
line  fifty-eight  of  section  six,  on  page  23,  the  fol- 
lowing proviso: 

^nd  provided  further,  That  no  cotton  goods  having  more 
than  two  hundred  threads  to  the  square  inch,  counting  the 
warp  and  filling,  shall  be  admitted  at  a  less  rale  of  duly 
than  is  provided  for  goods  which  are  of  that  number  of 
threads. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  I  now  move  to  amend  by 
striking  out  the  foUowilig  clause  in  line  five  of 
section  six,  on  page  21: 

First.  On  cotton,  raw  or  unmanufactured,  2  cents  per 
pound. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  condition  of  the  cotton 
market  of  the  country  should  have  some  influ- 
ence upon  Senators  in  staying  further  taxation  to 
the  people  of  this  country  upon  that  article.  They 
now  pay  for  it  1,000  per  cent,  in  addition  to  what 
they  were  paying  before  this  war.  A  duty  of  2 
cents  per  pound  may  not  appear  to  increase  the 
price  to  the  consumer,  but  it  does.  The  Gov- 
ernment will  receive  very  little  from  it.  Tliere 
may  be  a  time — it  will  not  be  often,  butonce  in  a 
while  it  may  occur — when  the  American  manu- 


3050 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


facturer  may  be  able  to  introduce  cotton  fi'om 
abroad  and  work  it  up  into  fabric  wliicli  he  can 
put  to  liie  consumer  at  a  less  price  than  if  he  had 
to  purchase  the  Annerican  cotton. 

Ala  time  like  this,  when  thepolicy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment is  to  gobble  up  every  pound  of  cotton 
there  is  in  the  South  and  then  to  putan  embargo 
upon  it  iiere,  what  are  the  people  of  this  country 
going  to  do?  Are  you  to  continue  that  policy? 
If  so,  the  poor  people  of  this  country  will  have 
to  pay  constantly  for  the  most  necessary  articles 
a  [irice  which  it  ia  impossible  for  them  to  endure. 
While  I  am  up  I  wish  to  say  a  word  as  to  the 
cotton  manufacturers  of  this  country.  It  has 
been  said  on  this  floor  that  they  have  made  a 
great  deal  of  money  during  the  past  year.  I 
know  of  several  of  that  class  of  manufacturers  in 
this  country;  and  it  is  within  my  knowledge  that 
from  the  1st  of  .January,  1863,  to  the  1st  of  Janu- 
ary, 1864,  many  of  them  did  not  make  enough  to 
pay  to  the  Government  the  tax  which  it  charged. 
It  was  so  generally  with  the  manufacturers  of 
cotton  in  Rhode  Island,  and  I  believe  that  in 
Rhode  Island  that  business  is  prosecuted,  if  not 
more  economically,  at  any  rate  as  economically 
as  in  any  other  part  of  the  country.  If  they  have 
made  money  they  do  not  know  where  it  is.  I  do 
not  know  that  that  amounts  to  anything  on  this 
question;  but  such  is  the  fact.  I  can  see  no  rea- 
son now  why  the  people  of  this  country  should 
be  burdened  by  an  additional  tax  on  cotton.  Af- 
ter the  war,  when  the  embargo  upon  the  cotton 
of  the  South  shall  be  taken  away,  it  will  be  time 
enough,  in  my  opinion,  to  tax  this  cotton.  There 
is  no  reason  for  it  now. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  lay  an  internal  duty 
of  2  cents  a  pound  on  our  own  cotton;  and  it 
would  be  a  very  singular  thing  if  we  did  not  exact 
at  least  as  much  from  imported  cotton.  There  is 
some  cotton  imported.  We  have  made  an  ex- 
ception in  favor  of  Surat  cotton  in  allowing  it  to 
come  from  England  without  paying  the  10  per 
cent,  additional  put  upon  other  products  of  places 
beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  when  imported 
from  places  this  side  the  Cape.  After  we  have 
made  that  exception,  to  take  off  the  duty  when 
we  have  imposed  2  cents  tax  on  our  own  cotton 
would  be  very  singular  action  in  my  opinion. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Nobody  wants  this  cotton 
protected;  it  cannot  come  in  competition  with 
American  cotton. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  is  used  largely  by 
manufacturers. 
Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Not  this  imported  cotton. 
Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator's  colleague 
[Mr.  Anthony]  has  been  talking  about  it  several 
times,  and  has  been  very  anxious  to  get  the  10 
per  cent,  taken  off. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  It  can  be  used  sometimes, 
but  it  cannot  be  used  generally.  There  may  be 
some  cases  in  the  business  of  cotton  manufactur- 
ing where  it  can  be  used,  bat  it  cannot  be  used 
generally  with  the  machinery  now  in  use  in  this 
country. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  If  it  is  not  used  much  the 
duty  cannot  be  a  very  severe  burden. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE  It  is  a  burden;  there  is  no 
benefit  in  it. 

The  amendment  was  rejected — ayes  four,  noes 
not  counted. 

Mr.  ANTBONY.  I  wish  to  ask  the  attention 
of  the  committee  to  an  article  that  seems  to  have 
escaped  their  notice,  the  article  of  hair-cloth. 
That  article  is  manufactured  here.  I  understand 
the  theory  of  this  bill  to  be  that  an  import  duty 
shall  be  imposed  upon  all  imported  articles  equal 
to  the  excise  duty  on  similar  domestic  articles, 
and  taking  into  consideration  also  the  increased 
cost  of  matmfacture  caused  by  the  tax  upon  the 
raw  materials  that  enter  into  our  productions. 
Imported  hair-cloth  was  taxed  30 per  cent,  by  the 
tariff  of  1861.  When  we  put  a  tax  of  3  percent, 
on  the  domestic  manufacture  in  1862  there  was 
no  increase  of  the  import  duty  as  there  was  in 
the  case  of  other  manufactures.  Now,  there  is 
an  additional  duty  of  2  per  cent,  on  the  domestic 
manufacture,  and  still  in  this  bill  there  is  no  in- 
crease of  the  import  duty.  1  think  in  conform- 
ity with  the  spirit  of  the  bill  there  should  be  an 
increase  of  the  import  duty  corresponding  with 
the  excise  tax,  and  that  would  be  about  10  per 
cent.  The  excise  tax  is  5  per  cent.,  and  as  all 
the  raw  materials  that  enter  into  tiie  manufacture 
are  also  taxed,  1  suppose,  in  accordance  with  the 


spirit  of  the  bill,  about  double  the  tax  should  be 
imposed  on  the  foreign  article  as  on  the  domestic. 
1  move  therefore  to  insert,  after  line  seventy-one  of 
section  six,  "  on  hair-cloth,  40  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem." The  duty  is  now  30  per  cent.  I  think  it 
ought  to  be  40  per  cent.;  but  I  will  take  anything 
the  Finance  Committee  will  agree  to  give. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  think  an  amendment 
was  made  to-day  to  cover  that — an  amendment 
offered  by  the  President  of  the  body. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.     I  was  not  aware  of  it. 

The  PRESIDENT 7)ro<8jn;)ore.  The  amend- 
ment referred  to  was  after  "  bunting,"  in  line 
ninety-eight  of  section  five,  to  insert  "mohair, 
alpaca,  or  goats'  hair." 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  This  is  a  different  article. 
This  is  hair-cloth,  such  as  sofa  covers  are  made  of. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Rhode  Island 
that  his  amendment  would  come  in  a  better  classi- 
fication by  being  inserted  after  line  one  hundred 
of  section  five. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  Very  well.  I  move  to  in- 
sert at  that  place:  "on  hair-cloth  40  per  cent,  ad 
valorem." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  a  very  large  duty. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  It  is  only  10  per  cent,  ad- 
ditional. There  has  been  no  increase  of  duty  on 
the  foreign  article  since  the  excise  tax  has  been 
laid  on  the  domestic. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Do  these  manufacturers 
suffer?  No  one  came  before  us  to  complain  or  ask 
that  any  additional  duty  should  be  imposed  on 
this  article. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  They  are  very  modest 
people. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  We  had  no  chance  to  in- 
vestigate it. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  thinktheduty  is  high  enough 
already. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Ifthe  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island  will  put  his  amendment  at  35  per  cent.,  I 
shall  not  object  to  it. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  will  take  35  percent., 
because  I  know  I  cannot  get  anything  if  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maine  objects. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  amend- 
ment will  be  so  modified. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  beg  to  be  allowed  to  say 
again  to  the  Senate  that  the  import  duty  on  this 
article  is  precisely  the  same  now  as  it  was  be- 
fore there  was  any  excise  duty  on  the  domestic 
manufacture.  There  is  now  an  excise  duty  of 
5  per  cent.,  and  I  tliink  according  to  the  spirit  of 
this  bill  there  should  be  a  corresponding  increase 
in  the  import  duty.  If  there  is  any  reason  why 
there  should  not  be,  I  am  open  to  conviction  and 
I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  it. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Senators  are  continually 
asking  when  we  can  get  through  the  session,  and 
then  when  we  get  to  work  are  moving  to  adjourn. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  We  never  shall  get  through 
until  members  stop  talking.  I  insist  on  my  mo- 
tion. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  The  duty  on  ivory  in  the 
tusk  is  10  per  cent.,  and  the  duty  on  manufac- 
tured ivory  50  per  cent.  There  is  a  kind  of  ivory 
imported  that  is  partly  manufactured,  cut  into 
blocks  for  billiard  balls.  I  suggest  to  the  com- 
mittee that  that  description  of  ivory  should  pay 
an  additional  duty  over  ivory  in  the  tusk.  1 
move  to  insert  after  line  twelve  of  section  twelve: 
"On  ivory  blocks  for  billiard  balls,  20  percent,  arf 
valorem."  I  will  say  15  percent,  if  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Finance  prefers.  The  duty 
on  it  ought  to  be  more  than  on  unmanufactured 
ivory  and  not  so  much  as  on  manufactured  ivory. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  somebody's  no- 
tion who  thinks  he  can  make  a  little  something 
out  of  it. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  do  not  know  what  rea- 
son the  Senator  has  to  put  that  imputation  on  any 
amendment  I  move. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Has  the  Senator  any  in- 
formation on  the  subject? 

Mr.  ANTHONY.     We  do   not  all  know  as 
much  as  the  Senator  from  Maine,  but  we  know 
something. 
Mr.  FESSENDEN.    I  donotprbfeastoknow 


anything  about  it.  I  do  not  see  why  we  should 
put  an  additional  duty  on  the  article  because  it  is 
partially  cut  into  blocks, 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  It  is  partly  manufactured, 
and  Tveightis  taken  off. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  hope  the  Senator  from 
Maine  is  good-natured  now,  because  I  want  to 
offer  a  few  amendments  as  to  a  class  of  articles. 
These  amendments  are  in  regard  to  water  colors 
used  for  the  manufacture  of  paper-hangings.  We 
have  putan  excise  duty  on  the  manufacture;  we 
have  put  a  very  large  duty  on  many  of  the  raw 
materials  used  in  the  manufacture;  whisky  is  one 
of  the  most  important,  on  which  the  duty  is  very 
large  indeed;  but  we  have  put  no  increased  duty 
on  the  imported  article.  I  desire  that  the  duty 
on  the  imported  article  shall  be  raised  so  as  to 
correspond  with  the  excise  upon  the  domestic 
manufacture.  With  that  view,  I  move  to  insert 
at  the  end  of  section  thirteen: 

On  blank  ficks,  enameled-white,  salin-wliite,  lime- 
white,  and  all  combinations  of  barytes  with  acids  or  water, 
3^  cents  per  pound." 

The  duty  on  that  is  now  2|  cents  a  pound. 

On  carmine  lake,  35  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  duty  is  now  25  per  cent. 

On  moist  water  and  mineral  colors  and  paints  used  in 
thy  manufacture  of  paper-hangings  and  all  colored  papers 
and  cards,  not  othoiwise  provided  for,  35  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem. 

The  duty  is  now  25  per  cent. 

On  Fnnicii  green,  Paris  green,  mineral  green,  mineral 
blue,  and  Prussian  blue,  dry  or  moist,  35  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem. 

The  duty  is  now  25  per  cent. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  There  is  35  per  cent,  on 
all  water  colors. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  But  water  colors  used  for 
papei--hangings  are  different.  There  is  an  ex- 
ception of  colors  used  in  paper-hangings.  1  looked 
at  it  this  morning.  All  I  ask  is  that  there  may 
be  an  increased  duty  on  the  imported  article  cor- 
responding with  the  excise  tax,  and  that  is  the 
spirit  of  the  bill.  A  Senator  suggests  that  the 
duty  being  paid  in  gold  brings  it  up.  I  under- 
stand that  throughout  the  difference  between  gold 
and  currency  has  not  been  taken  into  considera- 
tion, because  it  is  a  fluctuating  element. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  Multiply  all  these  duties 
by  two  and  then  make  the  comparison. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  But  how  long  is  that  to  last? 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  T-he  first 
amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island  will  be  read. 

The  Secretary  read,  as  follows: 

On  blank  ficks,  enameled-white,  satin-white,  lime-white, 
anil  all  combinations  of  barytes  with  acids  or  water,  3J- 
ct;iits  per  pound. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  duty  is  now  35  per 
cent.     What  percentage  is  3i  cents  a  pounJ? 

Mr.  ANTH:0NY.  The  duty  is  now  2|  cents 
a  pound,  and  I  propose  to  raise  it  to  3|. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  a  very  large  in- 
crease, from  2?  to  3^  cents. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  will  take  3  cents,  and  I 
so  modify  the  amendment. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  next  amendment  was  read,  as  follows; 

On  carmine  lake,  35  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  next  amendment  was  read,  as  follows: 
On  moist  water  and  mineral  colors  and  paints  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  paper-hangings  and  all  colored  papers  and 
cards,  not  otherwise  provided  for,  35  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Mr.  HALE.  What  is"  moist  water?"  [Laugh- 
ter.] ^        ^ 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  Here  is  an  article  that  is 
produced  in  this  country  and  is  imported  from 
abroad.  We  lay  an  excise  of  5  per  cent,  on 
the  domestic  production,  and  we  refuse  to  lay 
any  additional  duty  on  the  foreign  production. 
Gentlemen  who  do  not  know  anything  about  it 
content  themselves  with  laughing  at  "  moist 
water." 

Mr.  HALE.  I  wish  the  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island  would  give  us  the  benefit  of  his  learning 
on  it  and  explain  what  "  moist  water"  is.  What 
use  is  it  put  to?  la  it  useful  in  mechanics  or  for 
medicinal  purposes?  How  does  itdiffer  from  any 
other  water?  [Laughter.] 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  It  is  moist  water  colors. 
Water  colors  may  be  dry  or  moiat.     It  does  not 


1864. 


THE  OOJ^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3051 


follow  that  a  water  color  must  be  moist  all  the 
time.  It  may  be  dry  or  moist.  The  article  is 
moist  water  colors. 

The  question  being  put  on  the  amendment, 
there  were,  on  a  division — ayes  13,  nays  9;  no 
quorum  voting: 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     I  hope  not. 

The  motion  to  adjourn  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  think  there  is  a  quorum 
here  if  Senators  will  vote. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  will 
put  the  question  on  the  amendment  again. 

The  question  being  put,  there  were  twelve 
ayes. 

Several  Senators.     We  give  it  up. 

Tlie  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Is  a  ftirther 
count  insisted  on  ? 

Mr.  HALE.     Does  that  make  a  quorum  ? 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  last  division  showed 
the  Senate  to  be  without  a  quorum. 

The  PRESI  DENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  opinion  that  the  last  vote  showing  the  absence 
of  a  quorum,  business  cannot  be  proceeded  with 
till  the  presence  of  a  quorum  is  ascertained. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  12,  nays  16;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Dixon,  Foot,  Hale, 
Harliin,  I[arris,  Hendricks,  Richardson,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
and  Wilson — 12. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Bilckaiew,  Clark,  Doolittle,  Fessenden, 
Foster,  Grimes,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  McDougall, 
Morgan,  Powell,  Riinisey,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Van  Win- 
kle, and  Willey— 16. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Carlile,  Chandler,  Collamer,  Con- 
ness,  Cowan,  Davis,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howard, 
Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morrill,  Nesmith,  Pomeroy,  Rid- 
dle, Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  next  amendment  of  Mr.  Anthony  was 
read,  as  follows: 

On  French  ^reeii,  Paris  green,  mineral  green,  mineral 
blue,  and  Prussian  blue,  dry  or  moist, -35  per  cent,  advalo- 
retn. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  offer  the  following  amend- 
ment as  anew  section: 

.^nd  be  il  further  enacted,  That  when  any  cask,  barrel, 
or  ether  vessel  of  American  manufacture,  exported  or 
sent  out  of  the  country  filled  with  the  products  of  the 
United  States  sliall  be  returned  to  the  United  States  empty, 
the  same  shall  be  admitted  free  of  duty. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  should  like  to  have  an 
explanation  of  that. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  will  explain  it.  There  is  a 
pretty  large  amount  of  beer  and  ale  exported  from 
the  United  States  to  the  West  Indies  and  other 
places,  and  the  barrels  and  casks  in  which  the 
article  is  exported  are  returned.  By  a  construc- 
tion of  the  act  as  it  exists  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  feels  bound  to  charge  those  empty  bar- 
rels coming  back  with  duty.  A  different  rule  has 
obtained  in  reference  to  other  articles;  for  instance, 
grain  bags  sent  out  of  the  country  with  grain  are 
returned  fi-ee  of  duty;  but  on  application  made  to 
theSecretary  of  the  Treasury — I  made  the  appli- 
cation myself— he  said  he  felt  bound  to  apply  a  dif- 
ferent rule  to  these  articles,  and  he  recommended 
that  the  matter  should  be  submitted  to  Congress. 
I  have  his  letter  before  me. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  desire  to  amend  the 
amendment  by  inserting  after  the  word  "  barrel" 
the  word  "carboy."  Precisely  the  same  thing 
is  true  of  oil  of  vitriol  manufactured  in  this  coun- 
try and  sent  to  Canada;  the  empty  carboy  in 
which  It  was  sent  is  charged  a  duty  when  return- 
ing empty;  and  the  effect  has  been  to  break  up 
the  traffic. 

Mr  JOHNSON.  Is  it  the  meaning  that  the 
barrels  shall  be  returned  in  the  same  ship  that 
takes  them  out.^ 

Mr.  HARRIS.     Not  necessarily 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Butthey  are  bought  in  Eng- 
land, and  sold  in  England,  and  exported  by  an 
English  purchaser.     The  barrels  go  with  the  ale. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  do  not  understand  the  Sen- 
ator. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  barrel  is  sold  with  the 
ale,  and  when  the  ale  is  disposed  of,  the  buyer 
there  sends  the  barrel  back  here  as  a  shipment. 


Mr.  FIARRIS.  That  is  never  done;  but  sup- 
pose that  to  be  done,  I  do  not  see  any  difficulty 
about  it.  I  am,  say,  a  brewer  of  ale;  I  send  a 
cargo  of  ale  to  the  West  Indies  and  I  bring  back 
my  barrels. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     That  I  understand. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  Or  I  can  get  my  pay  for  the 
barrels  and  the  ale,  and  afterwards  buy  back  the 
barrels.  Should  I  pay  a  duty  on  those  barrels 
when  I  bring  them  home  empty?  I  manufacture 
the  barrels  here;  I  send  them  out  for  the  purpose 
of  selling  my  ale;  I  bring  them  back  for  the  pur- 
pose of  filling  them  and  sending  out  another  car- 
go.    Should  I  pay  a  duty  on  them.' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Is  it  right  thatthe  man  in  the 
West  Indies,  who  has  bought  the  barrels  as  well 
as  the  beer,  should  send  them  back  and  sell  them 
here  in  the  market  in  competition  with  our  own 
coopers.' 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  do  not  see  any  great  diffi- 
culty about  that.  What  we  want  is  to  get  our 
barrels  back  without  paying  any  duty  on  them. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Are  not  the  barrels  sold 
when  the  beer  is  sold.' 

Mr.  HARRIS.     That  never  is  the  usage. 

Theamendment  to  the  amendment  was  adopted; 
and  the  amendment,  as  amended,  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  Finance  Committee  and  of  the  Senate  to  the 
duty  on  foreign  salt.  On  the  34th  page  of  the 
bill,  lines  eighty-five,  eighty-six,  and  eighty- 
seven  of  section  eleven  read  thus: 

On  salt  in  sacks,  barrels,  and  other  packages,  26  cents 
per  100  pounds  ;  on  salt  in  bulk,  20  cents  per  100  pounds. 

It  is  true  that  this  raises  the  duty  but  a  trifle, 
which  is,  I  believe,  24  cents  per  100  pounds  on 
salt  in  casks,  barrels,  and  packages;  and  18  cents 
on  salt  in  bulk.  That,  however,  has  been  found 
to  be  so  heavy  a  duty  that  since  it  was  laid  the 
importation  of  foreign  salt  has  very  greatly  fallen 
off;  and  now  when  the  excise  tax  is  but  6  cents 
per  100  pounds  on  domestic  salt  manufactured 
within  the  United  States,  the  effect  of  this  duly  on 
foreign  salt,  I  apprehend,  will  be  that  the  amount 
of  salt  imported  will  be  very  little,  perhaps 
scarcely  any.  This  duly  will  amount  really  to 
a  prohibition.  Now,  I  think  we  should  do  no 
injustice  to  the  home  product  if  we  diminished 
the  duty  on  imported  salt,  while  at  the  same  time 
we  should  undoubtedly  increase  the  revenue. 

I  have  not  the  figures  here  now,  but  the  fact  is 
that  since  the  duty  was  raised  to  its  present  point 
the  amount  imported  has  diminished  very  consid- 
erably. It  cannot  enter  into  competition  with 
domestic  salt  when  that  pays  only  6  cents  on  the 
one  hundred  pounds.  A  duty  of  20  cents  now 
on  salt  in  the  bulk  is  equivalent  to  a  duty  of  be- 
tween three  and  four  hundred  per  cent,  on  the  in- 
voice cost,  an  enormous  tax  on  an  article  of  prime 
necessity  everywhere.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  the 
committee  and  the  Senate  will  agree  to  adiminu- 
tion  of  that  duty.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill  by 
making  the  duty  on  salt  in  sacks  and  barrels  20 
cents  instead  of  26  cents  per  one  hundred  pounds, 
and  18  cents  instead  of  20  cents  on  salt  in  bulk. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  can  only  say  that  the 
change  made  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
which  we  agreed  is  adding  to  the  duty  on  foreign 
salt  exactly  what  has  been  added  to  the  domestic 
duty,  2  cents  per  pound.  The  tariff  before  was 
adjusted  not  only  with  reference  to  revenue,  but 
with  reference  also  to  the  production  of  salt  in  this 
country.  Although  I  might  agree  with  the  Sen- 
ator that  the  duty  on  salt  is  pretty  high  consid- 
ering the  nature  of  the  article 

Mr.  FOSTER.    Higher  than  on  anything  else. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Yet  I  doubt  whether  any- 
thing can  be  effected  by  the  amendment.  It  strikes 
doWn  the  duty  even  below  what  it  is  in  the  pres- 
ent tariff.  The  duty  on  the  two  grades  is  now 
24  and  18  cents,  and  it  is  proposed  to  strike  it 
down  to  20  and  18.  I  should  be  very  glad  to 
have  it  done  individually,  but  I  do  not  think  it 
can  be  accomplished.  The  production  of  salt  in 
this  country  is  calling  for  protection,  as  well  as 
other  interests. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to — ayes  fifteen, 
noes  not  counted. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  wish  to  call  attention  again, 
in  the  hope  of  doing  something  to  perfect  the  bill, 
to  the  three  sections  that  were  added  at  the  end. 
I  wish  to  except  to  them.     I  believe  that  they 


have  been  strictly  passed   upon   by   the  Senato, 
but  I  was  called  to  the  door  when  that  whs  done. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  toiijjore.  The  Chair  will 
remark  that  those  sections  have  been  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Then  I  must  appeal  to  the 
Senate  to  allow  me  to  except  to  them.  1  ask  my 
colleague  to  move  their  reconsideration. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  reconsider,  for  the 
purpose  of  bringing  the  question  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  I  would  like  to  know 
what  the  subject  is. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  They  are  the  three  sections 
at  the  end  ofthe  bill. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  is  moved 
by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Wil- 
son] that  the  Senate  reconsider  the  vote  concur- 
ring in  the  amendments  made  as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  so  far  as  the  last  three  sections  are 
concerned,  on  the  43d,44lh,  45ih,  and  46th  pages. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  suppose  the  Senator  fiom 
Massachusetts  may  as  well  make  his  remarks  on 
the  motion  to  reconsider. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  should  like  to  have  a  vote 
on  each  of  those  sections.     ["Oh,  no."] 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  would  like  to  under- 
stand what  the  gentleman  wishes  to  reconsider 
more  particularly  before  the  vote  is  taken. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  will  proceed  to  explain. 
The  Senate  may  remember  that  I  called  attention 
in  the  first  place  to  the  section  on  the  43d  and  44th 
pages.  I  stated  that  it  was  imperfectly  drawn, 
that  it  set  forth  an  obsolete  statute,  that  if  it  was 
adopted  it  would  tend  to  promote  litigation  rather 
than  anything  else.  At  the  same  time  I  stated, 
however,  that  I  was  not  so  well  informed  in  re- 
gard to  its  character  as  I  should  like  to  be;  but 
since  the  Senate  adjourned  this  morning  I  have 
had  an  opportunity  of  informing  myself;  I  have 
seen  a  person  whose  business  it  is  to  be  thor- 
oughly acquainted  with  that,  and  from  whom  I 
have  derived  the  necessary  information.  It  seems 
that  in  line  seven,  where  itundertakes  to  set  forth 
what  is  to  be  done  under  a  certain  statute  it  fails  to 
set  forth  another  statute  under  which  that  is  done, 
which  is  necessary  to  the  completeness  of  the 
statement.  The  object  of  the  clause  will  appear 
from  my  reading  a  few  words: 

Tliat  on  and  after  the  day  and  year  this  act  shall  lake 
eftect  it  sliall  be  lawl'ul  for  tlie  owner,  consignee,  or  agent 
of  any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise  which  shall  have  been 
actually  purchased,  or  procured  otherwise  than  by  pur- 
chase, at  the  time  when  lie  shall  produce  his  original  in- 
voice, or  invoices,  to  the  collector,  and  make  and  verify 
his  written  entry  of  his  goods,  wares,  and  nierehatiilise,  as 
provided  by  section  thirty-six  of  the  act  of  Marcii  2,  lldO, 
entitled  "An  act  to  regulate  the  collection  of  duties  on  im- 
ports and  tonnage,"  and  not  afterwards,  to  make  such  ad- 
dition in  the  entry  to  the  cost  or  value  given  in  the  invoice 
as,  in  his  opinion,  may  raise  the  same  to  the  true  market 
value  of  such  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  in  the  prin- 
cipal markets  ofthe  country  whence  they  shall  have  been 
imported. 

He  is  authorized  by  this  section  at  the  lime 
when  he  produces  his  original  invoice,  and  not 
afterwards,  to  make  such  addition  in  the  entry  to 
the  cost  or  value  as  in  his  opinion  may  raise  the 
same  to  the  true  market  value.  Now,  in  point 
of  fact,  in  this  section  the  only  thing  that  is  not 
borrowed  from  a  previous  statute,  and  in  borrow- 
ing it  that  is  not  stated  worse  than  it  is  staled  in 
the  previous  statute,  are  the  simple  words  "  and 
not  afterwards,"  which  in  point  of  fact  are  sim- 
ply embodying  in  the  statute  an  order  of  the 
Treasury  Department.  The  Treasury  Depart- 
ment has  by  a  circular  addressed  to  the  custom- 
houses limited  the  time  when  the  declaration  can 
be  made  to  the  period  of  the  entry  and  verifica- 
tion, and  not  afterwards.  All  that  this  section 
does  is  to  take  from  the  order  of  the  Treasury  De- 
partment the  words  "  and  not  afterwards,"  and 
embody  them  in  the  statute.  They  are  at  this 
moment  entirely  within  the  control  ofthe  Treas- 
ury Department.  The  Treasury  Department 
may  continue  them  or  not  as  it  pleases. 

Then,  if  you  go  through  with  this  section  to 
the  close,  it  undertakes  to  cite  a  statute  of  a  par- 
ticular year  when  there  is  another  statute  on  the 
same  subject  which  on  the  whole  is  clearer;  so 
that  the  effect  of  the  whole  section  is  to  produce 
one  inarticulate  jumble,  out  of  which  nothing  but 
litigation  can  ensue.  It  is  much  better  to  leave  it 
all  under  the  old  statutes  than  to  attempt  this  im- 
perfect codification.  That  is  my  objection  to  the 
first  ofthe  three  sections. 

Then  comes  the  second.  The  only  change  pro- 
vided in  the  second  section  is  that  which  regulates 


3052 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


k 


the  dutiable  value  according  to  the  value  of  the 
goods  at  tlie  last  place  of  shipment.  I  called  at- 
tention to  that  when  the  subject  was  under  con- 
sideration before.  The  Senator  from  Maine 
seemed  to  vindicate  that  change.  The  inquiry 
that  I  have  been  aljle  to  make  on  the  subject  sat- 
isfies me  that  the  change  is  not  advisable.  How 
does  the  Senator  propose  to  ascertain  the  value 
at  the  last  place  of  shipment.'' 

1  beg  to  say  that  it  is  with  great  reluctance  that 
I  have  undertaken  to  make  this  explanation,  but 
having  had  my  attention  called  to  it,  and  also 
knowing  that  the  attention  of  the  Treasury  De- 
partment has  been  to-day  occupied  by  it,  I  have 
felt  it  my  duty  to  lay  it  before  the  Senate.  It 
will  be  for  the  Senate  and  for  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Finance  to  treat  it  as  they  see  fit. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  suggest  to  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  Massachusetts,  this  being  an 
amendment  of  the  Senate,  it  will  necessarily  come 
up  in  committee  of  conference,  and  if  it  is  not 
drawn  just  right  it  can  be  there  considered.  Let 
us  come  to  a  vote  to-night  on  this  bill. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  have  not  interfered  much 
on  this  bill,  and  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  that  I  have  responsibilities  resting  on 
me  in  connection  with  it  as  a  Senator,  and  a  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  do  not  complain  of  the 
Senator  interfering  at  all. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  There  are  three  elements 
which,  according  to  this  section,  must  enter  into 
the  value  of  the  goods  at  the  last  place  of  ship- 
ment: first,  the  value  of  the  goods  at  the  place  of 
growth;  second,  the  cost  of  transportation;  and 
thirdly,  the  transhipment.  Now,  in  point  of  fact, 
I  am  toldthat  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  these 
elements  with  any  certainty.  Take  the  case  to 
which  1  called  the  attention  of  the  Senate  this 
morning,  of  a  shipment  from  Australia,  if  you 
please,  to  London,  and  then  from  London  to  the 
United  States.  Suppose  the  goods  arrive  at  New 
York,  how  are'you  going  to  ascertain  these  dif- 
ferent elements  that  are  specified  in  this  section, 
when  the  cargo  has  come  by  the  way  of  London 
— the  freight,  the  actual  cost  of  that  specific  por- 
tion of  the  cargo  from  Australia  to  London,  the 
cost  of  transhipment.?  I  am  told  by  those  who 
are  familiar  with  the  subject  that  practically  it  is 
impossible.  It  cannot  be  done.  Experience  and 
the  convenience  of  trade,  therefore,  all  testify  in 
favor  of  the  rule  that  ha.s  been  adopted;  and,  as  the 
Senator  from  Maine  this  morning  reminded  us,  it 
has  been  frequently  recognized  by  the  courts  of 
justice.  That  is  my  objection  to  the  second  sec- 
tion. 

Then  comes  the  third  section,  which  proposes 
a  tax  of  20  cents  on  philosophical  apparatus  and 
instruments  imported  for  the  use  of  colleges  and 
literary  societies.  I  do  not  wish  to  debate  that, 
but  the  Senate  will  remember  that  that  was 
adopted  only  by  a  majority  of  one;  and  I  wish 
to  have  another  vote  upon  it.  The  only  way  in 
which  I  can  arrive  at  the  result  is  by  taking  these 
propositions  separately. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  iempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  to  reconsider. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  On  the  motion  to  reconsider 
the  first. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Does  the 
Senator  desire  a  separate  vote  on  reconsidering 
each  section  by  itself.? 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  do. 

The  PRESJ  DENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
then  will  be  on  reconsidering  the  vote  by  which 
the  Senate  adopted  the  first  new  section,  com- 
mencing on  page  43. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  PRESI  DENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
will  now  be  on  reconsidering  the  vote  by  which 
the  second  section  was  adopted. 

The  motion  to  reconsider  was  rejected; 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  temyjore.  The  question 
now  will  be  on  reconsidering  the  vote  by  which 
the  last  section  was  adopted. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  That  relates  to  philo- 
sophical instruments,  I  believe. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  On  that  I  ask  for  the  yeas 
and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  merely  wish   to  make  one 

.remark.     1  do  not  certainly  wish  to  protract  the 

discussion  at  this  hite  hour;  but  I  must  say  that 


I  think  the  proposition  is  not  creditable  to  our 
country,  and  I  thinkif  adopted  it  will  be  mischiev- 
ous. That  is  the  way  it  impresses  me.  I  cannot 
see  it  otherwise.  It  is  tome  a  tax  on  education, 
and  as  such  odious  to  an  extent  which  I  am  hardly 
willing  to  characterize.  Because  we  are  engaged 
in  a  war  at  this  moment,  I  find  no  reason  in  our 
imposing  a  tax  on  education.  Let  us  tax  every- 
thing else,  tax  luxuries,  tax  necessaries,  but  do 
not  tax  education.  As  I  said  this  morning,  if 
need  be  rather  give  to  it  bounty. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  9,  nays  19;  as  follows: 

VEAS —Messrs.  Buckalevv,  Harlan,  Hendricks,  Mc- 
Dougall,  Morgan,  Powell,  Sprague,  Sumner,  and  Wil- 
son— 9. 

NAYS — Messri?.  Anthony,  Brown,  Clark,  Dixon,  Doo- 
little,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harris, 
Johnson,  Lane  of  Itidiana,  Ramsey,  Richardson, 7'enEyck, 
Truml)iill,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 19. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Carlile,  Chandler,  Collainer,  Con- 
ness,  Cowan,  Davis,  Harding.  Henderson,  Hicks,  How- 
ard, Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morrill,  Nesmith,  I'onieroy, 
Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wright— 21. 

So  the  motion  to  reconsider  did  not  prevail. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  offer  the  following  amend- 
ment as  an  additional  section: 

.Snd  he  it  further  enacted.  That  before  any  invoice  shall 
be  certified  by  a  consul,  vice  consul,  or  commercial  agent 
of  the  United  States  as  is  required  by  the  first  section  of 
an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  prevent  and  punish  frauds  upon 
the  revenue,  to  provide  for  the  more  certain  and  speedy 
collection  of  claims  in  favor  of  the  United  States,  and  for 
other  purposes,"  approved  March  3,  1863,  samples  of  the 
goods  embraced  in  such  invoice  shall  be  deposited  with 
such  consul,  vice  consul,  or  connnercial  agent,  except 
where  from  the  nature  of  the  goods  such  deposit  is  im- 
practicable. 

The  Senate  is  aware  that  by  the  act  referred  to 
in  the  amendment  triple  invoices  are  now  re- 
quired to  be  made  before  our  consuls  in  Europe. 
It  is  a  very  important  function  of  the  consuls  in- 
deed, and  it  has  proved  to  be  a  very  important 
check  upon  frauds;  but  in  order  to  complete  its 
efficacy  as  a  check,  something  more  is  needed. 
Our  indefatigable  and  very  able  consul  in  Paris 
has  anticipated  the  proposition  by  requiring,  so 
far  as  he  could,  the  deposit  of  samples  at  his  con- 
sulate, and  by  that  deposit  he  has  in  several  cases 
been  able  to  verify  the  invoices  and  to  detect 
frauds.  But  certain  of  the  large  merchants,  very 
anxious  to  avoid  that  check,  have  repaired  to 
some  of  the  consuls  out  of  Paris  in  order  to  get 
their  invoices  authenticated;  those  consuls  not 
requiring  the  deposit  of  samples.  My  object  is 
simply  to  put  into  the  law  that  requisition, ^o 
that  it  sliall  be  applicable  to  all  our  consuls,  and 
so  that  no  great  merchant  in  Paris,  or  in  Lyons, 
or  wherever  he  may  be,  by  repairing  to  a  consul 
in  a  smaller  place  can  evade  it.  The  Senate  will 
see  at  once  that  if  the  consul  has  the  samples  at 
hand  wiien  he  is  going  over  the  invoice,  he  has 
almost  a  certain  check. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  have  heard  something 
about  this,  and  it  was  suggested  to  me  this  morn- 
ing, but  so  late  that  with  the  attention  I  was  com- 
pelled to  give  the  bill  before  the  Senate  it  was 
impossible  for  me  to  look  into  it.  I  think  it  may 
be  as  well  to  adopt  the  amendment,  and  it  will 
then  be  open  so  that  it  can  be  considered  by  a 
committee  of  conference  and  looked  into  further. 
I  will  not  make  any  objection  to  it. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  There  is  another  point  to 
which  I  wish  to  call  attention.  On  page 38,  sec- 
tion thirteen,  with  reference  to  rice,  I  propose  to 
insert  between  lines  sixty-eight  and  sixty-nine 
an  intermediate  class  of  rice.  The  proposition  as 
it  is  now  stands  thus:  "On  rice  cleaned  and  un- 
cleaned,  2  cents  per  pound.  On  paddy  1  cent  per 
pound."  In  point  of  fact  there  is  an  intermedi- 
ate rice  which  is  known  as  "cargo  or  uncleaned 
rice,"  intermediate  between  the  two  specified  in 
the  bill,  r  propose,  therefore,  to  insert  between 
the  two  the  words,  on  "cargo  or  uncleaned  rice, 
Ik  cent  per  pound." 
"Mr.  FESSENDEN.  "  Uncleaned  "in  the  first 
line  covers  that.  "Ricecleaned  and  uncleaned, 2 
cents  per  pound." 

Mr.  SUMNER.  It  is  not  so  considered  by 
those  in  the  trade.  I  have  had  a  telegraphic  dis- 
patch in  i-egard  to  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  know  they  desire  to 
make  a  distinction,  but  the  committee  on  ex;  m- 
ination  thought  it  best  to  put  them  both  under  the 
same  classification. 


Mr.  SUMNER.  If  the  committee  have  had 
their  attention  called  to  it,  of  course  I  defer  to 
them  entirely,  but  I  have  in  my  hand  a  tele- 
graphic dispatch. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Telegraphic  dispatches 
are  a  very  unsafe  reliance. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  "1  see  that  in  the  Senate 
amendment  rice  is  2  cents,  and  paddy  is  1  cent, 
without  any  intermediate  grade.  I  insist  upon 
an  intermediate  grade  called  cargo."  That 'is 
from  a  person  engaged  in  the  business. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Undoubtedly  they  would 
like  to  have  the  distinction  made.  The  commit- 
tee were  satisfied  it  was  best  to  leave  it  as  it  is. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  If  the  attention  of  the  com- 
mittee has  been  drawn  to  it,  that  is  enough,  i 
withdraw  the  amendment. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  amend- 
ment is  withdrawn. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  On  page  30,  line  twelve  of 
section  ten,  "nickel"  has  been  struck  out  from 
the  group  of  articles  taxed  20  percent,  ad  valorem, 
I  do  not  understand  what  has  governed  the  com- 
mittee precisely  in  regard  to  "  nickel,"  for  1  do 
not  find  it  anywhere  else  in  the  bill.  ' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  is  in  the  former  bill, 
and  the  committee  thought  it  was  not  necessary 
to  raise  the  duty  on  nickel. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  The  duty  was  so  high  that  we 
could  not  coin  cents  from  it  as  it  stood. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  will  operate  very  hard 
to  raise  the  duty.  It  is  used  largely  in  manufac- 
tures. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  If  the  attention  of  the  com- 
mittee has  been  called  to  it  I  shall  not  make  any 
motion. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Certainly  if  our  attention 
had  not  been  called  to  it  we  should  not  have 
moved  to  strike  it  out. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  What  is  the  duty  in  the  old 
bill  ? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Ten  per  cent. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  My  informant,  who  is  a  gen-  ' 
tleman  who  is  interested  in  it  very  much,  and  also 
has  given  a  good  deal  of  attention  to  it  scientific- 
ally, tells  me  that  it  ought  to  pay  a  specific  duty  • 
of  50  cents  a  pound. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  would  be  destroy- 
ing a  very  large  class  of  manufactures  for  the  ben- 
efit of  one  establishment. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  had  proposed  to  m.ove  on 
the  subject  of  nickel,  but  the  explanation  of  the 
Senator  discourages  me.  If  the  committee  have 
considered  it  carefully,  of  course  I  shall  not  pro- 
ceed any  further  in  regard  to  it.    ■ 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  propose  an  amendment  which, 
if  I  understand  its  effect,  will  add  more  than  a 
million  dollars  to  the  revenue.  It  is  in  the  arti- 
cle of  brimstone  on  page  31,  line  twenty-nine  of 
section  eleven.  There  is  a  duty  of  $6  a  ton  ac- 
cording to  the  bill  as  it  comes  from  the  House  of 
Representatives.  I  propose  to  strike  out  "  $6 
per  ton"  and  to  insert  "2  cents  per  pound." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  will  say  that  the  duty 
on  brimstone  is  just  double  what  it  was  before. 
It  was  $3  a  ton  before  and  we  now  make  it  |6. 

Mr.  HARRIS.     I  understand  that  this  is  an 
article  that  is  not  produced  in  our  own  country, 
that  it  is  used  chiefly,  eight  tenths  of  the  quan- 
tity imported  is  used  for  the  manufacture  of  sul-       1 
phuric  acid,  and  that  if  we  puta  duty  of  2  cents       i 
a  pound  on  brimstone  it  will  add  less  than  a  cent 
a  pound  to  the  article  of  sulphuric  acid, and  it 
will  not  be  oppressive  at  all  to  manufacturers. 
Another  portion  of  it,  perhaps  one  tenth  of  the 
article,  is  used  in  manufacturing  blasting  powder. 
A  pound  of  brimstone  will  make  eight  pounds  of 
blasting  powder.     It  will  add  very   triflingly  to 
the  price  of  powder.     In  this  way  we  may  make 
the  importation  of  brimstone  from  Sicily,  which 
is  now  more  than  30,000  tons  a  year,  if  we  put, 
as  I  think  we  may  without  injuring  anybody, 
without  making  it  burdensome,  a  duty  of  2  cents      J 
a  pound  on  it,  pay  a  revenue  of  1^1,500,000  with-      ^ 
out  anybody  feeling  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  was  only  $1,000,000 
a  moment  ago. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  said  "  more  than  a  million." 
I  now  say  "a  million  and  a  half"  I  do  not  know 
that  there  is  any  very  great  discrepancy  in  these 
two  statements.  If  the  chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Finance  can  see  it,  1  submit  to  the  criticism. 
I  think  we  can  get  more  than  $1,000,000.     I  am 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8053 


flot  sure  about  it;  I  do  not  intend  to  press  it;  but 

T  think  it  well  enougii  for  the  Senate  to  adopt  it, 

and  the  committee  of  conference  can  consider  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  proposes  5^40 
instead  of  $6  a  ton. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  What  harm  is  that?  The 
thing  lias  been  overlooked. 

Mr.  PESSENDEN.  It  was  discussed  in  the 
other  House,  and  a  motion  was  there  made  in 
regard  to  it. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  do  not  know  what  theother 
House  did  about  it,  but  it  was  not  discussed  in 
the  Finance  Committee,  I  believe. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.    No,  sir. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  If  we  can  get  $1,000,000  out  of 
it  I  think  we  ought  to  try  it.    I  make  the  motion. 

Mr;  SPRAGUE.  This  article  of  brimstone  is 
used  almost  exclusively  in  large  quantities  in  the 
bleacheries  of  the  country,  and  1  can  say  to  the 
Senator  from  New  York  that  the  bleachers  in 
his  State  will  find  a  great  deal  of  fault  with  his 
proposition.  They  are  able  to  get  but  a  very 
small  pittance  for  bleaching;  the  price  is  reduced 
to  almost  nothing;  and  if  you  increase  the  duty 
on  the  article  which  enters  almost  exclusively 
into  that  business  you  will,  in  my  opinion,  de- 
stroy their  efficiency. 

The  amendment  was  rejected — ayes  nine,  noes 
not  counted. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  I  wish  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment on  page  21  in  reference  to  cotton,  and  be- 
fore I  move  the  amendment  I  will  say  to  the 
Senate  that  cotton  is  sent  from  New  York  to 
France  and  to  England,  and  in  many  cases  it  is 
brought  back.  Now,  1  suppose  it  is  not  the  in- 
tention of  the  Committee  on  Finance  to  tax  cotton 
already  taxed,  of  American  production.  Therefore 
I  would  suggest  whether  after  "cotton"  in  line 
five  of  section  six  the  words  "  not  of  the  growth 
of  the  United  States"  ought  not  to  be  introduced. 
If  there  is  no  objection  1  move  that  amendtnent. 
I  hope  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  Senate  to  tax 
this  cotton  when  it  is  once  taxed  by  the  Treas- 
ury Department,  and  then  when  it  goes  to  Eng- 
land and  comes  back,  owned  perhaps  by  the 
same  party." 

Mr.  GRIMES.  What  do  they  take  it  to  Eng- 
-  land  for.' 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  They  send  it  constantly  to 
England  as  they  send  it  to  Boston  from  New 
York,  or  from  Boston  to  New  York  as  there  may 
be  a  scarcity  in  New  York  or  Boston.  It  is  not 
the  intention  of  the  Government, it  seems  to  me, 
to  tax  cotton  that  "has  once  paid  a  tax  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  of  2  cents  a  pound, 
using  the  argument  of  the  Senator  from  Maine, 
and  then  when  it  comes  back  to  the  country  to 
tax  it  2  cents  more.  I  offer  the  amendment,  and 
I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays  on  it. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  7,  nays  21;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Dixon,  Hale,  Harris,  Sprague, 
Sumner,  and  Wilson — 7. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Brown,  Buckalew,  Clark,  Doolittle, 
Fesseiulen, Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlan,  Hendricks,  Jolin- 
spn,  Lane  otindiana, McDougall,  Morgan,  Powell,  Ramsey, 
Riciiardsoii,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  and  WU- 
ley — 21. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Carlile,  Chandler,  Collamer,  Con- 
ness,  Cowan, Davis,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howard, 
Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morrill,  Ncsmitli,  Ponieroy,  Riddle, 
Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 21. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  propose  to  try  the  brimstone 
again.  I  move  to  strikeout  "|6  per  ton  "and  in- 
sert "1  cent  per  pound." 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     That  is  $20  a  ton. 

Mr.  ANTFIONY.  It  is  an  enormous  increase 
of  duly  on  a  raw  material. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  is  an  article  I  under- 
stand that  we  can  just  as  well  as  not  get  revenue 
from,  and  I  hope  we  shall  get  it. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to;  there  being,  on 
a. division — ayes  14,  noes  13. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  This  amendment  requires  that 
the  next  line  should  be  anftended:  "  brimstone  in 
rolls."  I  move  to  strike  out  '<  po  per  ton"and 
insert  "  li  cent  per  pound." 

Mr.  WILSON.     Call  it  "  1  cent." 

Mr.  HARRIS.  I  have  no  objection  to  that.  I 
so  modify  the  amendment. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  makes  it  the  same  as 
the  other. 

The  amendment,  as  modified,  was  agreed  to. 


Mr.  HARRIS.  The  article  of  chiccory  is  pro- 
vided for  on  the  32d  page.  There  is  a  good  deal 
of  that  article  brought  into  this  country.  It  pays 
now  a  revenue  of  about  $250,000.  Here  is  120 
per  cent,  on  the  present  rate  of  duty,  which  is  2 
cents  on  the  root  and  3  cents  a  pound  when 
ground.  The  bill  proposes  to  charge  4  cents  a 
pound  on  the  root  and  5  cents  a  pound  on  the 
ground.  It  is  too  much.  Those  engaged  in  the 
business — there  are  but  few — say  they  cannot 
sustain  themselves  with  that  duty.  I  propose, 
therefore,  to  strike  out  "4,"  so  as  to  charge  a 
duty  of  3  cents  a  pound  on  the  root  instead  of 
2,  as  it  is  now,  and  4  cents  a  pound  on  it  ground 
instead  of  3, as  it  is  now. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  should  like  to  amend  the 
amendment  by  increasingit2centsa  pound  above 
what  the  committee  report,  instead  of  reducing 
it,  as  the  Senator  proposes.  This  is  one  of  the 
articles  imported  into  this  country  and  used  sole- 
ly for  the  purpose  of  misrepresentation  and  de- 
ception. After  having  been  imported  and  pre- 
pared it  is  passed  upon  the  people  who  finally 
consume  it  in  the  shape  of  coffee,  or  called  coffee, 
and  as  a  question  of  morals  as  well  as  of  political 
economy,  I  think  it  is  the  interest  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  of  Congress  to  ax  it  as  high  as 
possible. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  ask  the  Senator  from  Iowa  if 
he  knows  what  the  plant  is. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Yes,  sir,  I  know  what  it  is. 
I  know,  too,  the  word  "chiccory"  cannot  be 
mentioned  without  bringing  to  their  feet  several 
Senators  who  live  in  the  neighborhood  of  some 
of  these  ground-coffee  men.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  will  inform  the  Senatoc  that 
I  doubt  whether  he  knows  what  it  is.  It  is  our 
ordinary  dandelion  root,  neither  more  n<5r  loss. 
It  is  a  more  healthy  article  than  coffee,  would  be 
healthier  for  the  Senator  to  drink,  and  make  him 
better-natured  and  more  civil.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  CLARK,  (tVIr.  Anthony  in  the  chair.) 
I  want  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  this 
article  for  a  moment,  and  if  they  will  look  into 
the  chemistry  of  common  life,  they  will  find  this 
article  mentioned  as  an  article  of  all  articles  sub- 
ject to  adulteration,  as  showing  the  tricks  of  the 
trade.  The  coffee  grinder  adulterates  his  coffee 
with  chiccory;  the  chiccory  vender  adulterates 
his  chiccory  with  Venetian  red;  and  the  Venetian 
red  man  puts  in  brick-dust  to  make  it  weigh,  and 
then  it  is  all  sold  as  chiccory  or  coflee.  If  that 
article  cannot  pay  4  cents  a  pound  and  we  drink 
it,  petliaps  the  duty  had  belter  be  struck  down. 

Mr.  HARRIS.     I   withdraw  the  amendment. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     I  withdi-aw  mine. 

The  amendments  were  ordered  to  beengrossed 
and  the  bill  to  be  read  a  third  time. 

The  bill  was  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  There  are  several  gen- 
tlemen who  propose  to  discuss  this  bill,  I  am  ad- 
vised, and  that  they  may  be  able  to  do  so  con- 
veniently, I  move  thatlhe  Senate  do  nowadjourn. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays  on 
the  passage  of  the  bill,  resulted — yeas  22,  nays  5; 
as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Clark,  Dixon,  Doo- 
litllo,  Fessonden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Har- 
ris, Lane  of  Indiana,  Morgan,  Ramsey,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
Ten  Eych,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  Willey,  and  Wilson 
22. 

NAYS  — Messrs.  Buckalew,  Hendricks!,  McDougall, 
Powell,  and  Richardson  — 5. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Carlile,  Chandler,  Collamer,  Con- 
ness.  Cowan,  Davis,  Harding,  Hendrrson,  Hicks,  Howard, 
Howe,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morrill,  Nesniith,  Poni- 
erov,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wright— 22. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

ORDER  OF  BUSINESS. 

Mr:  WILSON.  I  move  to  take  up  the  bill 
(S.  No.  286)10  repeal  ihe  commutation  clause  of 
the  enrollment  act. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  move  that  the  Senate  adjourn. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  want  to  lake  up  the  bill  so 
as  to  have  it  the  order  of  the  day  for  to-mor- 
row. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  do  not. 

The  motion  of  Mr.  Hale  was  agreed  to;  and 
the  Senate  adjourned. 


•       HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Friday,  June  17,  18G4. 

The  House  met  at  twel  ve  o  'clock,  m .  Prayer  by 
the  Chaplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Channing. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN  moved  to  dispense  with  the 
reading  of  the  Journal. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  SPEAKER  proceeded,  as  the  regular  or- 
der of  business,  to  call  the  committees  for  reports 
of  a  private  nature. 

HANNAH  LANDER. 

Mr.  PRICE,  from  the  Committee  on  Revolu- 
tionary Claims,  reported  adversely  on  the  claim 
of  Hannah  Lander,  and  the  papers  in  the  case 
were  laid  upon  the  table. 

REPRESENTATIVES  OF  ABRAHAM  LIVINGSTON. 

Mr.  PRICE,  from  the  same  committee,  reported 
adversely  on  the  petition  of  the  legal  representa- 
tives of  Abraham  Livingston,  and  the  same  was 
laid  upon  the  table. 

RICHARD  CHENEY. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  Committee  of 
Claims  was  discharged  from  the  further  consid- 
eration "of  the  petition  of  Richard  Cheney,  and  the 
same  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Private 
Land  Claims. 

J.  AND  0.  P.  COBB  AND  CO. 
Mr.  HOLM  AN,  from  the  Committee  of  Claims, 
reported  back,  with  the  recommendation  that  it 
do  pass,  joint  resolution  of  the  House  (No.  80) 
for  the  adjustmentof  the  claim  of  J.  &  0.  P.  Cobb 
&  Co.,  of  Indiana. 

The  joint  resolution  authorizes  the  (Quartermas- 
ter General  to  examine  and  adjust  tlie  claim  of  J.& 
O.  P.  Cobb &. Co.,  of  Indiana,  for  losses  sustained 
by  them  on  the  lllli  and  12ih  of  July,  1863,  by 
the  destruction  by  military  orders  of  their  bai'ges 
and  other  vessels  employed  in  the  shipment  of 
hay  to  Memphis,  Tennessee,  under  contract  with 
the  G^Dvernment  of  the  United  States,  and  the  hay 
on  board  of  said  vessels, which  was  being  shipped 
by  the  said  firm  in  fulfillment  of  said  contract, 
and  otherproperty  connected  with  and  being  used 
in  the  fulfillment  of  said  contract,  said  property 
having  been  burnt  or  destroyed  by  United  States 
gunboat  No.  33,  and  the  (Quartermaster  General 
is  directed  to  allow  the  claimants  the  value  of  said 
profierty,  not  exceeding  |11,000. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  call  the  previous 
question;  but  before  doing  so  I  ask  thatlhe  re- 
port be  read. 

The  report  was  read. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  now  move  the  previous 
question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordei-ed  to  be  engrossed 
and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was 
accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  demand  the  previous  ques- 
tion on  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  the 
gentleman  will  withdraw  that  demand. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  will  for  a  moment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  From  the 
reading  of  the  report  it  would  appear  that  this  is 
one  of  that  class  of  cases  to  which  I  think  the 
House  ought  not  to  give  its  sanction  at  this  lime. 
It  seems  to  be  a  claim  for  the  destruction  of  prop- 
erty by  a  gunboat  on  the  Oliio  river.  It  is  for 
hay  which  had  not  been  delivered  to  the  Govern- 
ment. It  was  to  have  been  delivered  at  Mem- 
phis, Tennessee,  and  then  the  Government  would 
have  been  obliged  to  pay  for  it;  but  before  it  got 
there  it  was  destroyed  by  a  gunboat,  and  hence 
the  case  comes  within  the  ordinary  damages  of 
war. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  hope  the  House  will  not 
misapprehend  the  character  of  this  claim.  If  it 
is  understood,  I  have  not  a  shadow  of  doubt  that 
the  House  will  approve  of  it. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  The  gentle- 
man is  committed  to  the  principle  of  this  resolu- 
tion by  his  vole  in  the  Armes  case. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  do  not  consider  the  Armes 
case  as  being  at  all  involved  in  this  matter.  These 
gentlemen  contracted  to  deliver  hay  at  a  certain 
poiot  on  a  certain  day.  They  had  got  the  hay 
already  loaded  in  the  barges  ready  for  shipment. 


3054 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Jun^  -1^, 


General  Boyle,  at  Louisville,  Kentucky, ordered 
tlie  destruction  of  the  barges  and  hay  by  gunboat 
No.  33  in  order  to  prevent  them  from  falling  into 
the  hands  of  Morgan  in  his  raid  through  Indian^ 
and  Oliio.  Here  are  barges  worth,  say  §5,000, 
which  these  men  had  obtained  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  our  their  contract  with  the  Government 
to  deliver  hay  at  Memphis.  They  had  on  board 
about  six  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  hay  whicli 
they  had  purchased,  when, on  the  11th  or  12th  of 
July  of  last  year  General  Boyle,  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  these  barges  from  being  used  by 
the  rebels,  ordered  them  to  be  destroyed. 

Mr.  HIGBY.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from  In- 
diana this  question:  suppose  this  property  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  General  Morgan,  would 
the  Government  have  been  liable  to  pay  for  it? 

Mr.HOLMAN.  I  think  not;  but  it  would  not 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  rebel  General 
Morgan.  It  was  destroyed  by  our  own  gun- 
boats. 

Mr.  HIGBY.  I  understand  that,  but  I  under- 
stand also  that  it  was  destroyed  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  it  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
rebel  General  Morgan. 

Mr.HOLMAN.  Thatis true, certainly.  There 
can  be  no  misapprehension  about  the  facts.-  These 
gentlemen  had  a  contract  with  the  Government 
to  deliver  hay  at  Memphis  at  a  certain  time  and 
for  a  given  price;  and  they  did  finally  fulfill  their 
contract,  though  in  the  mean  time  the  price  of  hay 
had  risen  largely. 

GeneralBoyle,falsely  as  the  facts  finally  proved, 
believed  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  all  the  boats 
on  the  Ohio  river  between  Louisville  and  Madi- 
son, Indiana,  and  ordered  the  destruction  of  all 
of  them.  The  gunboats  did  destroy  many  boats, 
and  especially  these  barges  containing  hay  which 
these  parties  had  contracted  to  deliver  to  the  Gov- 
ernment at  a  certain  price.  I  think  if  any  case 
could  possibly  be  presented  carrying  strength 
with  it  this  is  that  case.  I  cannot  imagine  how 
any  gentleman  can  controvert  it. 

Mr.  BOUT  WELL.  I  wish  to  ask  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana  how  the  case  before  us  differs 
in  the  obligation  resting  upon  the  Government 
from  a  case  which  might  be  supposed  where  these 
parties  had  contracted  to  deliver  at  Memphis  hay 
to  private  parties  ?  There  was  no  obligation  rest- 
ing upon  the  Government  there  until  the  hay  had 
been  delivered.  The  parties  entered  into  this 
contract  knowing  the  liability  there  was  to  inter- 
ference on  the  river  from  the  public  enemy,  and 
they  took  that  risk. 

Now,  if  we  pass  this  bill  we  establish  a  prin- 
ciple which  lays  open  the  Treasury  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  every  party  whose  property  has  been 
destroyed  by  the  operations  of  the  Army.  These 
persons,  to  be  sure,  did  contract  with  the  Gov- 
ernment, but  they  had  no  claim  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment until  the  contract  had  been  fulfilled, 
which  would  not  occur  until  the  delivery  of  the 
hay  at  Memphis.  It  was  destroyed,  I  admit, 
while  on  its  passage,  by  order  of  the  Government, 
to  prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  public 
enemy.  But  if  it  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  public  enemy  the  gentleman  himself  admits 
these  parlies  would  have  no  claim  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Will  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  permit  me  to  ask  him  how  these 
parties  could  deliver  this  property  to  the  Govern- 
ment when  it  was  destroyed  on  its  way  by  the 
order  of  the  Government.' 

Mr.  BOUTWELL.  I  will  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  how  it  would  have  been  possible 
for  persons  to  deliver  property  on  its  way  to  pri- 
vate parties  in  Mempliis  if  it  was  destroyed  by 
the  Government  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  it 
from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  public  enemy.' 
Wha:t  I  say  is  that  these  parties  have  no  better 
claim  against  the  Government  than  other  parties 
whose  property  was  destroyed  on  the  Ohio  to 
prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  public 
enemy. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  This  is  the  moSt  remarka- 
ble case  I  ever  heard  of;  and  the  suggestions  of 
thegenileman  from  Massachusettsare  as  remarka- 
ble.    Why,  sir,iflhi5  contract  had  been  between 


Erivate  parties,  the  Government  would  have  been 
ound  to  reimburse  them  for  pr 
by  the  order  of  its  officers.    The  gentleman.will 


id  to  reimburse  them  for  property  destroyed 
he  order  of  its  officer 
not  pretend  to  deny  that. 


Mr.  BOUTWELL.  I  do  not  assume  that  a 
private  party  who  should  destroy  the  property  of 
another  is  not  liable.  If  this  contract  had  been 
between  two  private  parties,  and  the  Government, 
having  no  relation  with  either,  had  been  put  to  the 
necessity  of  destroying  the  property,  1  ask  wheth- 
er they  could  make  a  claim  on  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  gentleman  will  admit 
that  if  I  contract  to  deliver  a  lot  of  hay  or  any- 
thing else  at  a  given  point,  and  the  party  with 
whom  I  contract  prevents  the  completion  of  it,  he 
is  liable.  He  is  liable  if  he  destroys  the  property 
himself.  I  cannot  see  any  possible  good  ground 
of  objection  to  the  claim ;  and  I  trust,  Mr.  Speaker, 
it  will  not  be  presumed  by  any  gentleman  that  I 
would  favor  the  passage  of  a  bill  for  the  appro- 
priation of  money  except  upon  some  reasonable 
ground.  When  these  parties  contracted  in  the 
month  of  May  they  had  no  reason  to  appreiiend 
difficulty  about  the  shipment  of  hay  to  Mem- 
phis. They  purchased  barges,  loaded  them,  and 
were  ready  to  make  the  shipment  of  hay  in  ac- 
cordance with  their  contract.  General  Boyle,  on 
the  part  of  the  Government,  destroyed  all  the  craft 
between  certain  points,  and  among  them  these 
barges. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  What  was 
the  amount  of  property  destroyed  upon  the  Ohio 
river  during  that  raid.'  If  this  bill  passes,  for  how 
many  millions  will  it  be  a  precedent.' 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     There  is  not  much  in  that. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  There  is 
much  in  it.  Gentlemen  are  not  disposed  to  vote 
taxes  or  appropriations  of  money,  and  all  these 
things  ought  to  be  looked  to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  agree  with  the  gentleman 
on  all  these  points.  When  we  come  to  examine 
the  am6unt  of  property  destroyed  on  the  Ohio 
river  during  this  raid  and  the  Kirby  Smith  raid, 
we  find  it  will  not  reach  more  than  thirty  or  forty 
thousand  dollars.  Boats  were  destroyed  for  a  dis- 
tance of  some  sixty  or  seventy  miles  from  Louis- 
ville to  a  point  above  Madison  on  the  Ohio  river. 
The  claims  before  the  Committee  of  Claims  will 
not  exceed  $5,000  beyond  what  we  believe  has 
been  suffered  by  these  parties.  I  think  that  I  may 
say  the  whole  liability  growing  out  of  the  de- 
struction of  property  on  the  Ohio  river  during  the 
Morgan  raid  will  not  exceed  $20,000.  I  am  sorry 
that  it  amounts  to  so  much.  I  speak  from  my 
knowledge  of  the  claims  before  the  Committee  of 
Claims.  This  amounts  to  $13,500,  taking  the  hay 
at  the  price  the  Government  was  to  pay  and  de- 
ducting the  charge  for  transportation.  We  have 
reduced  it  to  $11,000,  very  unjustly  I  think,  but 
that  is  the  determination  of  the  committee.  I 
demand  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  demanded 
the  yeas  and  nays  on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  72,  nays  59,  not  voting  51; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  C.Allen,  Ancona,BaiIy,  Ba.xter, 
Beaniaii,  Blair,  Bliss,  James  S.  Brown,  Clianler,  Cnffroth, 
Cravens,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge, 
Finck,  Ganson,  Griswold,  Hale,  Harding,  Harrington, 
Charles  M.Harris,  Holmaii,  Hotclikiss,  Hutcliins,Ingersoll, 
Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Kernan, 
Law,  Le  Blond,  Long,  Mallory,  Marcy,  McDowell,  McKin- 
ney,  Middleton,  William  H.  Miller,  Moorhead,  James  II. 
Morris,  AmosMyers, Nelson,  Noble, Odell,  Cliarles  O'Neill, 
Pendleton,  Perry,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Raij^all,  Kob- 
inson,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross,  Smith,  John  B. 
Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Swcat,Thomas,Wadsworth, 
Ward,  \Vhaley,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W. 
White,  Windoni,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Woodbridge — 72. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Ashley,  John  D. 
Baldwin,  Boutwell,  Boyd,  Braiidegee,  Broomall,  Ambrose 
W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cobb,  Cole,  Dawes,  Deming, 
Dixon,  Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  Fcnton,  Garfield, 
Higby,  Hooper,  Asahel  W.  Hubljard,  John  U.  Hubbard, 
Julian,  Kcllfiy,  FrancisW.  Kellogg,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Knox, 
Loan,  Longyear,  Marvin,  McBride,  McClurg,  Mclndoe, 
Samuel  F.  Miller,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Morrison,  Orth, 
Perham,  Price,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Scofield, 
Sliannon,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Thayer,  Tracy,  Upson,  Van 
Valkcnburgh,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  William  B.Washburn, 
Williams,  Wilder,  and  Wilson — 59. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Anderson, 
Arnold,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blaine,  Blow,  Brooks, 
William  G.  Brown,  Clay,  Cox,  Creswell,  Thomas  T.  Davis, 
Henry  Winter  Davis,  Dumont,  English,  Farnsworth,  Frank, 
Goocli,Grider,Griancll,  Hall,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Herrick, 
Hulburd,  Jenckes,  Kasson,  King,  Knapp,  Lazear,  Little- 
jotin,  McAllister,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  John  O'Neill, 
Patterson,  Pike, Pomeroy,  William  H.  Randall,  Edward  H. 
Rollins,  Schenck,  Scott,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbinfi, William 


G.  Steele,  Stevens,  Voorhees,  Webster,  Winfield,  Benja- 
min Wood,  and  Yeaman — 51. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.HOLMAN  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  passed ;  and  also  moved  that 
the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ARCHIBALD  CRAIIY. 

Mr.  STILES,  by  unanimous  consent,  reported 
from  the  Committee  on  Revolutionary  Claims  a 
bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs  at  law  of  Colonel  Ar- 
chibald Crary;  which  was  read  a  first  and  sec- 
ond time  by  its  title,  referred  to  a  Committee  ot 
the  Whole  House,  and,  with  the  accompanying 
report,  ordered  to  be  printed. 

B.  D.  WILLIAMS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  Committee  of 
Claims  were  discharged  from  the  further  consid- 
eration of  the  petition  of  B.  D.  Williams  for  pay 
as  Delegate  from  the  Territory  of  Colorado;  and 
the  same  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Ter- 
ritories. 

AMASA  L.  BURNE3. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  of  "Claims, 
reported  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  Amasa  L.  Burnes; 
which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time  by  its  ti- 
tle, referred  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  House, 
and,  with  the  accompanying  report,  ordered  to  be 
printed. 

GEORGE  CALVERT. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  of  Claims; 
reported  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  George  Calvert; 
which  was  read  a  first  and  second  tiine  by  its 
title,  referred  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  House, 
and,  with  the  accompanying  report,  ordered  to  be 
printed. 

PETER  WHEELER. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  of  Claims, 
reported  a  joint  resolution  for  the  relief  of  Peter 
Wheeler;  which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time 
by  its  title. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  ask  to  have  the  bill  put  upon 
its  passage  now.  It  is  a  small  claim,  involving 
only  about  fifteen  dollars,  and  about  which  there 
is  no  dispute. 

The  bill,  which  was  read,  directs  the  Commis- 
sary General  of  Subsistence  toauditand  allowthe 
accounts  of  Peter  Wheeler  for  beef  furnished  to 
the  third  regiment  of  the  Excelsior  brigade  as  per 
certificate  of  Lieutenant  Fry,  and  approved  by 
General  Sickles,  the  same  having  been  disallowed 
in  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  Lieutenant 
Fry's  papers  by  the  enemy,  from  which  it  be- 
came impossible  to  present  the  claim. 

Mr.  HALE  demanded  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  resolution  was  ordered  to 
be  engrossed  and  read  a  third  time,  and  being  en- 
grossed it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time  and 
passed. 

Mr.  HALE  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  resolution  was  passed; and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

EGBERT  A.  THOMPSON. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  of  Claims, 
reported  a  bill  for  therelief  of  Egbert  A.  Thomp- 
son; which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time  by 
its  title,  referred  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House,  and,  with  the  accompanying  report,  or- 
dered to  be  printed. 

POST  ROUTE  BILL. 

Mr.  ALLEY,  by  unanimous  consent,  from  the 
Committee  on  the  Post  Office  and  Post  Roads,  re- 
ported a  bill  to  establish  certain  post  roads;  which 
was  read  a  first  and  second  time  by  its  title,  and 
postponed  until  to-morrow  morning. 

ARMY  NEWS. 
The  SPEAKER  laiS  before  the  House  the  fol- 
lowing communication  from  the  Secretary  of  War: 

War  Department, 
June  17,  1864,  9^  o'clock  a.  m. 
Sir:  The  following  dispatclies  have  been  received  by 
this  Department : 

City  Point,  Virginia,  June  15, 
via  Jamestown  Island,  5.30  a.  m.  June  16,  1864. 
Smith  with  fifteen  thousand  men  attacked  Petersburg 
this  morning.     General  Bntler  reports  from  hie  observatory 


1864. 


THE  OONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8055 


near  Bermuda  Hundred  that  there  lias  been  sliarp  fightnig, 
and  that  the  troops  and  trains  of  the  enemy  wort;,  as  he 
writes,  moving  across  the  Appomattox  as  if  retreating. 
Hancock  is  not  near  enougli  to  rciuler  General  Smitli  any 
aid.  The  Richmond  papers  iiave  notliiiig  to  indicate  a 
suspicion  of  our  crossing  tlic  James  river.  They  expect  to 
be  attacked  from  the  direction  of  Malvern  Hill. 

C:ty  Point,  Virginia, 
June  1.5,  1864,  7.30  p.  m. 

Our  latest  report  from  Smifli  was  at  4.04  p.  m.  He  liad 
carried  a  line  of  intrenohments  at  15catty"s  House,  tlie  col- 
ored troops  assaulting  and  carrying  the  rifle-pits  witli  grrat 
gallantry,  but  lie  had  not  yet  carried  tlie  main  line.  He 
describes  the  rebel  artillery  fire  as  very  heavy.  He  ex- 
pected to  assault  this  line  just  before  dark.  Hancock  is 
within  three  miles  of  Smith. 

CiTir  Point,  Virginia,  7  a.  m.,  June  16,  1864, 
via  Jamestown  Island,  11.45  a.  rn. 
At  7.20  p.  m.  yesterday,  Smith  assaulted  and  carried  the 
principal  line  of  the  enemy  before  Petersburg,  taking  thir- 
teen carmon,  several  stands  of  colors,  and  between  three 
and  four  hundred  prisoners.  This  line  is  two  miles  from 
Petersburg.  Hancock  got  up  and  took  position  on  Smith's 
left  at  3  a.  m.  to-day.  There  was  heavy  firing  in  that  di- 
rection from  5  to  6.     No  report  yet. 

DoNTUAun  Landing,  Virginia, 
1  [1.  m.,  June  16,  1864. 
After  sending  my  dispatch  of  this  morning  from  the 
heights  southeast  of  Petersburg,  I  went  over  the  conquered 
lines  with  General  Grant  and  the  engineer  officers.  The 
works  are  of  the  very  strongest  kind,  more  difficult  even  to 
take  than  was  Missionary  Kidge,  at  Chattanooga.  The 
Jiardest  fighting  was  dune  by  the  black  troops.  The  forts 
they  stormed  Were,  I  think,  the  worst  of  all.  After  the 
affair  was  over,  Genera!  Smith  went  to  thank  them  and  tell 
them  he  was  proud  of  their  courage  and  dash.  He  says 
they  cannot  be  exceeded  as  soldiers,  and  that  hereafter  he 
will  send  them  in  a  difficult  place  as  readily  as  the  best 
white  troops.  They  captured  six  out  of  the  sixteen  cannon 
which  he  took.  The  prisoners  he  took  were  from  Beaure- 
gard's command.  Some  of  them  said  they  had  just  crossed 
the  James  above  Drury's  Bluff.  I  do  not  think  any  of 
Lee's  army  had  reached  Petersburg  when  Smith  stormed 
it.  They  seem  to  be  there  lliis  morning,  however,  and  to 
be  making  arrangeinenls  to  hold  the  west  side  of  the  Appo- 
mattox. The  town  they  cannot  think  of  holding,  for  it  lies 
directly  under  our  guns.    The  weather  continues  splendid. 

City  Point,  Virginia,  June  16,  1864,  4.15  p.  ni., 
via  Jamestown,  11.45  p.m. 
General  Butler  reports  from  Bermuda  Hundred  that  the 
enemy  have  abandoned  the  works  in  front  of  that  place. 
His  troops  are  now  engaged  in  tearing  up  the  railroad  be- 
tween Petersburg  and  Richmond. 

.The  following  dispatch  does  not  designate  the  hour,  but 
it  is  supposed  to  be  later  than  the  preceding  ones: 

Jamestown,  Virginia,  June  16,  1864. 

I  came  down  from  the  pontoon  above  Port  Powhatan 
with  dispatches  for  Secretary  Stanton.  Just  as  I  left  Cap- 
tain Pilkin  reported  to  me  that  Petersburg  was  in  our  pos- 
session. 

Nothing  of  a  recent  date  has  been  heard  from  General 
Sheridan,  but  the  Richmond  Whig  of  the  15tli  contains  a 
dispatch  from  General  Lee  stating  that  Slieridan  had  been 
routed  in  an  engagement  with  Fitz  Lee  and  Hampton, 
losing  five  hundred  prisoners,  and  leaving  his  dead  and 
wounded  on  the  field. 

From  General  Sherman,  a  dispatch  dated  last  night  at 
9  p.  in.,  has  been  received.  Jt  only  states  the  relative 
position  of  the  forces.  No  serious  engagement  had  yet  oc- 
curred. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
Hon.  ScHUYLEuCoLKAX,  Speaker  House  o/ileprese»ita<iues. 

Tlie  reading  of  the  communication  wa.s  followed 
by  loud  applause  on  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries. 

REBELLION  LOSSES. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Comniittce  of  Claims, 
reported  back,  with  a  recommendation  that  it  do 
pass,  a  bill  (H.  R.  No.  212)  to  provide  for  ascer- 
taining and  adjusting  claims  against  the  Govern- 
ment for  injury  or  destruction  of  property  by  the 
Army  of  the  United  States,  or  by  military  author- 
ity, during  the  present  rebellion. 

Mr.  HALE.  It  will  be  recollected  that  this 
bill  was  before  the  House  some  two  months  ago. 
It  was  printed,  and  I  suppose  it  has  been  exam- 
ined by  the  merpbers  of  the  House.  A  bill  sub- 
stantially like  this  was  first  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on'  the  Judiciary,  and  that  committee 
reported  favorably  upon  it  to  the  House. 

This  bill  is  well  understood  by  the  members  of 
the  House.  It  is  an  important  bill.  It  contains  no 
appropriation  of  money.  It  provides  merely  for 
an  investigation  ofclaims  arising  against  the  Gov- 
ernment for  property  destroyed  by  the  Govern- 
ment during  this  war,  and  the  facts  are  to  be  re- 
ported to  Congress.  It  does  not  include  any 
claims  for  slaves,  nor  are  the  claims  of  any  dis- 
loyal men  to  be  included.  A  man  must  prove  his 
loyalty  before  his  claim  can  be  considered.  Com- 
missioners are  to  be  appointed  to  take  testimony 


on  both  sides,  and  report  it  to  Congress,  so  that 
Congress  canact  intelligently.  The  billdoesnot 
commit  Congress  to  the  appropriation  of  any 
money.  It  merely  provides  for  perpetuating  the 
testimony  in  relation  to  these  claims,  and  I  think 
the  justice  and  fixirness  of  the  bill  will  commend 
it  to  every  member  of  the  House.  It  is  a  well- 
known  fact  that  a  considerable  amount  of  prop- 
erty has  been  taken  by  the  Government  from  loyal 
citizens  for  its  own  use,  and  has  been  either  de- 
stroyed or  consumed.  We  have  by  express  en- 
actment taken  away  from  the  Court  of  Claims 
jurisdiction  in  these  cases,  it  therefore  becomes 
necessary  that  we  should  create  some  tribunal 
where  these  claimants  can  be  heard,  and  it  seems 
to  me  that  it  is  not  only  wisdom  and  sound  policy 
but  strict  justice  that  we  shall  at  least  give  to  loyal 
citizens  who  have  lost  property  by  the  action  of 
the  Government  permission  to  prove  their  claims 
before  commissioners  appointed  by  the  Govern- 
ment. 

This  bill  authorizes  the  commissioners  to  take 
testimony  on  both  sides,  and  provides  that  there 
shall  be  a  solicitor  to  cross-examine  the  witnesses 
f(ir  the  claimants,  and  to  subpena  and  examine 
witnesses  in  behalf  of  the  Governtnent.  Now,  it 
is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  Committee  of  Claims 
are  obliged  to  act  very  much  in  the  dark  in  such 
cases,  and  in  many  instances  it  is  impossible  for 
us  to  get  at  the  truth  of  a  case.  We  have  to  rely 
on  ex  p«rie  testimony.  The  Government  is  not 
represented,  and  there  is  no  opportunity  of  cross- 
examining  the  witnesses.  The  object  of  this  bill 
is  to  obviate  that  difficulty  and  provide  for  a  fair 
hearing  on  both  sides,  so  that  Congress  r.ay 
know  the  true  state  of  the  case,  and  be  able  to 
act  intelligently.  It  seems  to  me  that  now,  when 
the  witnesses  are  still  in  existence,  and  the  facts 
are  fresh  in  their  recollection,  it  is  certainly  the 
proper  time  to  ascertain  the  facts,  in  order  that 
at  some  future  time  we  may  do  justice  not  only 
to  the  claimants  but  to  the  Government. 

These  are  the  principal  features  of  the  bill  now 
before  the  House.  Unless  some  gentleman  de- 
sires to  oppose  the  bill,  I  shall  move  the  previous 
question.  I  would  not  do  it  but  for  the  fact  that 
the  bill  has  been  printed  and  has  been  discussed 
heretofore,  and  its  provisions  are  known  to  the 
members  of  the  House. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  to  whom  these  commission- 
ers are  to  report. 

Mr.  HALE.  They  are  to  be  appointed  by  the 
President.  <^ 

Mr.  FEINTON.  To  whom  are  they  to  make 
their  reports.' 

Mr.  HALE.     To  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Does  the  bill  provide  that  the 
Secretary  of  War  shall  from  time  to  time  submit 
their  reports  to  Congress.' 

Mr.  HALE.     It  does. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Is  this  bill  substantially  the 
same  as  the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of 
Claims  of  the  last  Congress? 

Mr.  HALE.  It  is  the  same  bill  with  some 
modifications. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  The  bill 
which  the  last  House  of  Representatives  de- 
feated. 

Mr.  HALE.     Let  the  bill  be  read. 

The  Clerk  read  the  bill. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Will  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  give  way  to  me  for  a  moment.' 

Mr.  HALE.  What  does  the  gentleman  de- 
sire .'' 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  desire  to  make  a  proposi- 
tion. I  will  take  no  advantage  of  any  courtesy 
the  gentleman  may  accord  to  me. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  does  not  propose 
to  call  the  previous  question  on  a  bill  of  this  mag- 
nitude. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE  BILL. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  want  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  House  that  a  small  amendment  may 
made  in  the  internal  revenue  bill  before  itgoes  to 
the  committee  of  conference,  to  define  what "  pea 
coal"  means.  We  have  not  defined  itatall  in  the 
bill,  and  I  understand  that  great  frauds  hav-e  been 
practiced  by  parties  returning  as  "pea  coal," 
which  is  exempt  from  tax,  what  they  afterwards 
sell  as  "chestnut  coal,"  which  is  an  article  that 
is  taxed. 


I  simply  want  to  insert  a  prcyvision  that  coal 
which  will  pass  through  a  five  eighths  and  over  a 
three  eishths  inch  mesh  shall  be  considered  as  pea 
coal.  I'hatis  what  it  oughtto  be;  thalistheway 
they  define  it  in  the  trade;  but  there  being  no 
legal  definition,  they  are  taking  advantage  of  the 
fact  to  defraud  the  Government.  I  ask  the  unan- 
imous consent,  therefore,  to  insert  after  the  word 
"  ton,"  in  the  fourteenth  line,  page  134,  the  words 
"  that  can  pass  through  a  five  eighths  and  over  a 
three  eighths  inch  mesh  shall  be  considered  pea 
coal." 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  1  wish  to  suggest  to  the 
gentleman  i'rom  Pennsylvania  whether  he  cannot 
at  the  same  time  put  in  a  sentence  fixing  the 
weight  of  a  ton  at  two  thousand  pounds  instead 
of  the  long  ton  of  two  thousand  two  hundred  and 
forty  pounds.  I  have  conversed  with  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania  on  the  sttbject,  and  I 
think  there  is  a  concurrence  between  us  as  to  the 
propriety  of  that  provision. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  afraid  there  will  be  ob- 
jection to  that.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent  to 
mtroduce  the  amendment  I  have  suggested. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  amendment  was 
received  and  adopted. 

Mr.  PRU  YN.  I  desire  to  ask  a  question  in  re- 
lation to  one  feature  of  this  tax  bill,  whether  there 
is  any  provision  or  reservation  in  favor  of  State 

IlC6nSGS  ^ 

Mr.  STEVENS.     That  is  provided  for. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  If  the  geiTtleman  will 
turn  to  page  91  of  the  bill,  he  will  find  this  pro- 
vision: 

Provided,  That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  held  or  con- 
strued so  as  to  prevent  the  several  States,  within  the  limits 
thereof,  from  placing  a  duty,  tax,  or  license,  for  State  pur- 
poses, or  any  business  matter  or  thing  on  which  a  duty,  tax, 
or  license  is  required  to  be  paid  by  law,  nor  shall  any  law 
of  any  State  or  Territory  prohibiting  any  trade,  business,  or 
profession,  be  held  to  exempt  or  excuse  any  person  follow- 
ing or  being  engaged  In  any  such  trade,  business,  or  pro- 
fession, from  the  payment  of  the  license  tax  herein  re- 
quired. 

Mr.  PRUYN.     That  covers  the  ground. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Since  the  cttention  of  the 
House  has  been  directed  to  this  matter,  I  desire 
the  unanimous  consent  of  the  House  to  make  an- 
other slight  amendment  in  the  tax  bill.  The  six 
hundred  and  twenty-sixth  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ate, which  the  House  has  concurred  in,  contains 
this  provision: 

Jlnd  provided  further,  That  no  direct  tax  whatever 
shall  be  assessed  or  collected  under  this  or  any  other  act 
of  Congress  heretofore  passed,  until  Congress  shall  entict 
another  law  requiring  such  assessment  and  collection  to 
be  made. 

This  provision  applies  not  only  to  the  loyal 
States  but  to  the  rebel  States,  and  would  prevent 
the  Governmental  any  future  time  from  collect- 
ing this  first  direct  tax  which  has  not  been  as- 
sessed or  collected  in  the  rebel  States.  I  think 
that  was  not  the  object  of  the  House,  and  for  the 
purpose  of  reserving  the  power  of  modifying  the 
amendment  so  as  to  leave  the  Government  at  lib- 
erty to  collect  this  first  tax  in  the  rebel  States,  I 
ask  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  House  to  non- 
concur in  this  amendment. 

Mr.  PRICE.     I  object. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  ask  my  colleague  to  with- 
draw his  amendment  for  a  moment,  until  I  can 
make  a  suggestion.  1  request  the  gentleman  from 
Vermont  to  ask  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Plouse  to  concur  in  the  amendment  of  the  Senate, 
reserving  the  right  to  collect  the  direct  tax  au- 
thorized by  the  act  of  1861  in  the  States  in  which 
it  has  not  been  collected. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  will  so  modify  my  prop- 
osition, and  I  hope  there  will  be  no  objection  to  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  must  object.  It  is  im- 
possible to  understand  its  efl!ect. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  will  explain  the  effect  of 
it.  The  language  of  the  repealing  clause  goes  too 
far,  and  repeals  the  directtax  not  only  in  the  loyal 
States  but  in  the  disloyal  also,  where  it  has  never 
been  assessed  or  collected.  Now,  what  1  propose 
is  merely  to  concur  in  the  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ate, reserving  the  right  to  collect  the  tax  in  the 
rebel  States. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  For  fear  of  misunderstand- 
ing,! shall  have  to  insist  on  my  objection. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  ask  the  attention  of  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  for  a  moment. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  say  to  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  that  I  shall  not  for  the  present  give  my  con- 
sent to  that  amendment. 


3056 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17.' 


REBELLION  LOSSES AGAIN. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  desire  only  to  say  that  I  am 
in  favor  of  the  object  of  this  bill,  but  I  am  not  in 
favor  of  all  the  methods  provided  for  carrying  it 
out.  I  therefore  ask  that  sections  one  and  two 
of  House  bill  No.  401  of  the  last  Congress  as  re- 
ported by  tile  Committee  of  Claims  may  be  sub- 
stituted for  sections  oneand  two  of  this  bill.  The 
bill  will  then  receive  my  cordial  assent.  My 
reasons  for  these  changes  are  these:  the  bill  of 
last  Congress  proposed  three  commissioners  and 
one  solicitor,  at  a  salary  in  gross  of  $12,000,  with 
authority  to  hold  their  courts  in  the  different  States 
or  localities  where  it  might  be  found  necessary. 
The  present  bill  provides  for  five  commissioners, 
with  different  districts,  ten  officers  in  all,  with  a 
salary  in  gross  of  $25,000.  1  desire  to  avoid  this 
large  number  of  officers  and  of  commissioners.  1 
believe  that  the  business  should  be  intrusted  to 
one  general  commissioner,  with  authority  and  un- 
derdirection  to  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War, as 
provided  in  this  bill,  and  for  him  to  submit  such 
reports  to  Congress  from  time  to  time.  I  there- 
fore have  to  suggest  to  the  Committee  of  Claims 
that  this  bill  will  receive  a  larger  support  and  be 
more  generally  satisfactory  in  myjudgment  ifthe 
amendments  wjiich  I  propose  are  accepted.  I 
ask  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  whether  he 
will  accept  the  amendments. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania cannot  accept  the  amendments,  as  the  bill 
is  a  report  from  the  conamittee. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  did  not  wish  to  take  the  floor 
from  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  move 
these  amendments  without  his  consent.  If  he  de- 
sires to  renew  the  demand  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion, of  course  I  will  notoffer  the  amendments;  but 
if  he  does  not  1  will. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  am  not  authorized  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Claims  to  accept  the  amendments  sug- 
gested by  the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Will  the  gentleman  yield  the 
floor  to  me  that  I  may  move  the  amendments.-' 

Mr.  HALE.  I  do  not  believe  that  they  would 
be  an  improvement  on  the  bill.  We  have  made 
these  districts  as  sraallas  we  thought  they  should 
be  made,  so  as  to  have  the  law  efficient.  They 
comprise  a  large  extent  of  territory,  quite  too 
large  already;  and  if  we  should  make  the  districts 
larger  there  would  be  nothing  done  under  the  bill. 
The  committee  has  considered  the  bill  very  care- 
fully; and  I  hope  the  gentleman  from  New  York 
will  not  press  his  amendments. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  have  no  doubt  that  this 
whole  subject  should  be  under  one  general  com- 
mission. 1  am  opposed  to  this  division  of  labors, 
and  in  favor  of  that  uniformity  which  should 
characterize  the  decisions  of  the  commissioners. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  desire  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  to  yield  to  me  that  I  may  suggest 
two  or  three  amendments  to  the  first  section  of 
the  bill. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  will  hear  them. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  propose  to  amend  the  first 
section  by  inserting  the  word  "  loyal,"  so  as  to 
make  it  read,  "and  one  commissioner  and' one 
solicitor  for  those  loyal  States  not  included  in  the  , 
foregoing  districts."  As  the  section  now  stands 
the  commissioners  will  have  jurisdiction  of  all 
the  rebel  States,  of  claims  of  citizens  of  all  the 
States  in  rebellion. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  gentleman  will  see  by  the 
last  section  of  the  bill  that  the  provision  is  en- 
tirely confined  to  loyal  citizens.  Now,  a  loyal 
man  may  be  in  a  rebel  State,  and  may  lose  his 
property  in  a  rebel  State. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  only  want  to  ascertain  the 
intention  of  the  committee,  whether  they  intend 
to  have  the  jurisdiction  of  the  commissioners  ex- 
tend to  all  the  rebel  States  as  well  as  the  loyal. 

Mr.  HALE.  Certainly.  1  ask,  why  should 
not  a  loyal  man  residing  in  a  rebel  State  be  paid 
for  his  losses  as  well  as  a  loyal  man  elsewhere.' 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  not  desire  to  argue  the 
question  now. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  rise  to  a 
question  of  order.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Hale]  cannot  yield  the  floorunless 
he  yields  it. unconditionally.  He  has  brought  in 
a  bill  of  eight  printed  pages,  and  proposes  to  put 
it  through  under  the  previous  question,  holding 
the  floor  at  his  own  option.  Now,  unless  he 
yields  the  floor  entirely,  I  object  to  his  yielding 
It  at  all. 


Mr.  FENTON.  If  the  gentleman  yields  the 
floor  unconditionally,  I  will  claim  it. 

Mr.  WILSON.  As  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania objects  to  my  amendment,  I  desire  to 
suggest  another. 

Mr.  HALE.     Certainly. 

Mr.  WILSON.  It  is  to  insert  after  the  word 
"  President  "  in  the  first  section  the  words  "not 
being  residents  of  the  district  for  which  they  are 
appointed;"  so  that  it  will  read: 

Who  sliall  severally  liold  their  respective  offices  during 
the  pleasure  of  the  President,  not  being  residents  of  the 
district  for  which  tliey  are  appointed. 

The  object  is  to  have  persons  entirely  disin- 
terested to  act  as  commissioners. 
Mr.  HALE.     I  have  not  the  least  objection  to 

that  amendment. 

Mr.  WILSON.  With  the  gentleman's  per- 
mission I  will  suggest  another  amendment  to 
which  I  think  no  one  will  object,  and  that  is  after 
the  word  "salary,"  in  the  sixteenth  line,  first 
section,  insert  "at  the  rate  of;"  and  in  the  sev- 
enteenth line  after  the  words  "  per  annum"  the 
words  "  for  the  time  actually  employed;"  so  that 
it  will  read: 

That  there  shall  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  one  commissioner.and  one  solicitor  of  claims  for  the 
district  composed  ofthe  States  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania, 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  Virginia;  one  commissioner 
and  one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  ofthe  States  of 
West  Virginia,  Ohio,  and  Indiana;  one  commissioner  and 
one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  of  the  States  of  Ten- 
nessee and  Kentucliy;  one  commissioner  and  one  solicitor 
for  the  district  composed  of  tiie  States  of  Illinois,  Missouri, 
and  Kansas;  and  one  commissioner  and  one  solicitor  for 
those  States  not  included  in  the  foregoing  districts,  who 
shall  severally  hold  their  respective  offices  during  the 
pleasure  of  the  President,  and  be  entitled  for  their  services 
to  a  salary  at  the  rate  of  $2,500  each  per  annum  for  the 
time  actually  employed,  to  be  paid  quarterly  out  of  any 
money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  and 
sucli  other  sums  as  shall  be  necessarily  and  unavoidably 
expended  liy  them  for  stationery  and  office  rent  in  the  dis- 
cliarge  of  their  duties  under  this  act,  and  certified  as  rea- 
sonable by  the  Secretary  of  War  or  First  Comptroller  of  the 
Treasury. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  have  no  objection  to  the  gen- 
tleman from  Iowa  offering  his  amendment,  but  it 
will  amount  to  nothing.  I  demand  the  previous 
question. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  demanded  tell- 
ers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs. Washburne, 
of  Illinois,  and  Hale,  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided  ;  and  there  were — ayes  55, 
noes  50. 

So  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  that 
the  hill  be  laid  upon  the  table. 

Mr.  HOLMAN  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  57,  nays  73,  not  voting  52;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Alley,  Allison,  Ames, 
Arnold,  Ashley,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Blaine, 
Boutwell,  Brandegce,  Chanler,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Free- 
man Clarke,  Cobb,  Cole,  Dawes,  Doming,  Dixon,  Eckley, 
Farnsworih,  Fenlon,  Higby,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  John  il. 
Hubbard,  Hulburil,  Ingorsoll,  Julian,  Kolley,  Orlando  Kel- 
logg, Knox,  Loan, McUlnrg,Mc[ndoe, Morrill,  Daniel  Mor- 
ris, Amos  Myers,  Orth,  Patterson,  Perham,  Pike,  Poineroy, 
Price,  John  H.  Rice,  Schenck,  Scofield,  Shannon,  Sloan, 
SniLtliers,  Stevens,  Thayer,  Upson,  Van  Valkenburgh,  El- 
ihu  B.  Waphburne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Williams,  Wil- 
son, and  Woodbridge — 57. 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Ancona,  Anderson, 
Baily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blair,  Bliss,  Blow,  Boyd, 
Cravens,  Creswell,  Dawson,  Denison,Driggs,Eden,  Edger- 
ton,  Eldridge,  English,  Finck,  Frank,  Ganson,  Grider,  Gris- 
wokl,  Hale,  Harding,  Harrington,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Hol- 
man,  Hotelikiss,  Hutchins,  Philip  Johnson,  William  John- 
son, Kalbfleisch,  Kernan,  Law,  Lazear,  Long,  Mallory, 
Marcy,  McAllister,  McDowell,  Middleton,  William  11.  Mil- 
ler, Moorhead,  James  R.  Morris,  Morrison,  Leonard  Myers, 
Noble,  Odell,  Charles  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Pruyn, 
Radford,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross, 
Scott,  Smith,  John  B.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart, 
Thomas,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  Whaley,  Wheeler,  Chilton 
A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Winilom,  and  Fernando 
Wood— 73. 

NOT  VOTfNG— Messrs.  Brooks,  Broomall,  James  S. 
Brown,  William  G.  Brown,  Clay,  CoiTroth,  Cox,  Henry 
Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.Davis,  Donnelly,  Dumont,  Eliot, 
Garfield,  Gooch,  Grinnell,  Hall,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Her- 
rick,  Hooper,  Jcnckes,  Kasson,  Francis  VV.  Kellogg,  King, 
Knapp,  Le  Blond,  Litllejohn,  Longyear,  Marvin,  SlcBride, 
McKinney,SamuelF.  Miller,  Nelson, Norton,  John  O'Neill, 
William  1-i.  Randall,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  Robinson,  Edward 
H.  Rollins,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Wiiliam  G.  Steele, 
Sweat,  Tracy,  Voorhees,  Webster,  Wilder,  Winficld,  Ben- 
jamin Wood,andYeaman— 52. 

So  the  Hou.se  refused  to  lay  the  bill  on  the 
table. 


Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  15^ 
which  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  demanded  tell- 
ers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  WiLSONand 
Blair  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  52,  noes  48. 

So  the  vote  by  which  the  previous  question  was 
seconded  was  reconsidered. 

The  question  recurred  on  seconding  the  demand 
for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  demanded  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Cravens 
and  Fenton  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  54,  noes  65. 

So  the  House  refused  to  second  the  demand 
for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  FENTON  moved  to  strike  out  the  follow- 
ing: 

That  there  shall  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  one  commissioner  and  one  solicitor  of  claims  for 
the  district  composed  ofthe  States  of  Maryland,  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  District  of  Columbia,  and  Virginia;  one  com- 
missioner and  one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  ofthe 
States  of  West  Virginia,  Ohio,  and  Indiana;  one  com- 
missioner and  one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  of  the 
Stales  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  ;  one  commissioner  and 
one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  ofthe  States  of  Illi- 
nois, Missouri,  and  Kansas  ;  and  one  commissioner  and 
one  solicitor  for  those  States  not  included  in  the  foregoing 
districts,  who  shall  severally  hold  their  respective  offices 
during  the  pleasure  of  the  President,  and  be  entitled  for 
their  services  to  a  salary  of  $2,500  each  per  annum,  to  be 
paid  quarterly  outof  any  moncyin  the  Treasury  not  other- 
wise appropriated,  and  such  other  sums  as  shall  be  neces- 
sarily and  unavoidably  expended  by  them  lor  stationery  and 
office  rent  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  under  this  act, 
and  certified  as  reasonable  by  the  Secretary  of  War  or 
First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury. 

Sec.  2.  Idndhe  it  furtlier  enacted,  That  each  of  said  com- 
missioners shall  appoiirt  a  clerk  for  his  district,  who  shall 
hold  his  office  during  the  pleasure  of  said  commissioner, 
and  perform  sucli  duties  as  may  be  required  of  him  under 
this  act,  wlio  shall  receive  a  salary  of  $1,600;  and  the  com- 
missioner may  (rom  time  to  time  employ  a  marshal,  at  a 
compensation  of  four  dollars  per  day  for  the  time  actually 
employed  by  said  marshal  in  subpenaing  witnesses  for  the 
United  States,  and  for  such  other  duties  as  may  be  required 
ofliim  by  the  commissioner,  which  salary  to  the  clerk,  and 
compensation  to  the  marshal,  shall  be  paid  quarterly,  out 
of  any  money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated, 
on  the  certificate  of  the  commissioner.  And  said  com- 
missioners, solicitors,  clerks,  and  marshals  shall  each  take 
and  subscribe  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  faithfully  discharge  the  duties  of  their 
respective  offices,  and  shall,  in  addition,  take  and  sub- 
scribe the  oath  of  allegiance  required  by  the  act  of  Con- 
gress passed  August  6,  1861,  which  oaths  shall  be  filed  In 
the  War  Department. 

And  in  lieu  thereof  insert  the  following: 
That  there  shall  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  and  witii  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,three  commissioners  and  one  solicitor  ofclainis, who 
shall  hold  their  offices  during  the  pleasure  of  the  President, 
and  be  entitled  for  their  services  to  a  salary  of  $3,000  each 
per  annum,  to  he  paid  quarterly  out  of  any  money  in  the 
Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated,  and  such  other  sum 
as  shall  actually  be  expended  or  incurred  by  them  for  trav- 
eling expenses  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  under  this 
act,  and  certified  as  reasonable  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
or  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury.  Each  of  sai«l  com- 
missioners and  solicitor,  before  entering  upon  the  discharge 
of  his  duties,  shall  take  and  subscribe  an  oath  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  faithfully  dis- 
charge the  duties  of  said  office  ;  and  shall  also  take  and 
subscribe  the  oath  of  allegiance  required  by  the  aclof  Au- 
gust 6,  1861 ;  which  oath  shall  be  filed  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment. 

Sec.  2.  •Andheit  further  enacted.  That  said  commission- 
ers shall  appoint  a  clerk  and  marshal,  who  shall  hold  their 
offices  during  the  pleasure  of  said  commissioners,  and  per- 
form such  duties  as  may  be  required  of  them  under  this 
act.  The  clerk  shall  receive  a  salary  of  $1,600  and  the 
marshal  a  salary  of  $1,000  per<innum,  to  be  paid  (juarterly 
from  the  Treasury ;  and  in  addition  the  amount  which  they 
shall  actually  c.vpend  for  traveling  expetises  in  the  dis- 
charge of  their  duties  under  this  aci,  and  which  shall  be 
certified  as  reasonable;  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  First 
Comptroller  of  the  Treasury.  Before  entering  upon  the  dis- 
charge of  tlieir  duties,  said  clerk  and  marshal  shall  each 
take  and  subscribe  an  oath  to  support.the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  faithfully  discharge  the  duties  of  said 
office,  and  shall  In  addition  take  and  sub.scribe  the  oath  of 
allegiance  required  by  the  act  of  Conaress  passed  August 
6,  1861 ;  which  oaths  shall  be  filed  in  the  War  Department. 

INTERNAL  REVENUE. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  move,  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, to  insert  in  the  repealing  section  in  reference 
to  the  direct  tax  the  following: 

But  this  shall  not  be  construed  to  repeal  or  postpone  the 
assessment  or  collection  of  the  first  direct  tax  levied  M 
which  should  be  levied  under  the  act  entitled  "  An  act  to 
provide  increased  revenue  from  imports,  to  pay  intereston 
the  public  debt,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved  August 
5,  1861,  nor  in  any  way  to  alTect  the  legality  of  said  tax  or 
any  process  or  remedy  provided  in  said  act  or  any  other 
act  tor  the  cnrbrccmeni  orcoliection  of  the  8suiie  in  any 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PliOOEEDINGS  OF  CONGIIESS.  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  I).  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session'. 


MONDAY,  .TUNE  20,  1864. 


New  Series No.  192. 


StatP  or  States  aiui  Territories,  mid  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia ;  but  said  first  tax  mid  any  sucii  processor  remedy  sliall 
contiMue  in  all  respects  In  force,  anything  in  tliisucltothe 
contrary  notwithstanding. 

There  was  no  objection, and  it  was  ordered  ac- 
cordingly. 

MESSAGE  FllOM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Fornet, 
their  Secretary,  informed  the  House  that  llie  Sen- 
ate have  passed  a  bill  (H.  R.  No.  217)  to  confirm 
certain  entries  of  land  in  the  State  of  Missouri, 
with  amendments;  in  whicli  the  concurrence  of 
the  House  was  requested. 

REBELLION  LOSSES AGAIN. 

Mr.  FENTON.  The  gentleman  from  Iowa 
appeals  to  me  to  allow  him  to  offer  an  amendment. 
I  yield  to  him  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  WILSON.  My  first  amendment  is  to  in- 
sert in  line  thirteen  of  the  first  section  of  the  bill 
the  word  "loyal"  before  the  word  "  States." 

The  section,  as  proposed  to  be  amended,  will 
read  as  follows: 

Tliat  tlicre  sliall  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  and  witli  the  advice  and  consent  of  tlie 
Senate,  one  coniniissioner  and  one  solicitor  of  claims  for 
the  district  composed  of  tlie  States  of  Maryland,  Penn- 
sylvania, the  District  of  Columbia,  and  Virginia;  one  com- 
missioner and  one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  of  the 
States  of  West  Virginia,  Ohio, and  Indiana  ;  one  commis- 
sioner and  one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  of  the 
States  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky;  one  conimissionerand 
one  solicitor  for  the  district  composed  of  the  States  of  Illi- 
nois, Missouri,  and  ICans.is;  and  one  commissioner  and 
one  solicitor  for  those  loyal  Slates  not  included  In  the  fore- 
going districts,  who  shall  severally  hold  their  respective 
offices  during  the  pleasure  of  tlie  President,  and  be  entitled 
for  their  services  to  a  salary  of  $2,500  each  per  annum,  to 
be  paid  quarterly,  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury  not 
otherwise  appropriated,  and  such  other  sums  as  shall  be 
necessarily  and  unavoidably  expended  by  tliem  for  station- 
ery and  office  rent  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  under 
this  act,  and  certified  as  reasonable  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  or  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury. 

Mr.  FENTON  resumed  the  floor. 
Mr.  WILSON.     1  desire  to  say  a  word  in  ref- 
erence to  that  amendment. 

Mr.  SMITH.  I  hope  the  gentleman  from  Iowa 
will  be  permitted  to  give  his  reasons  for  offering 
that  amendment. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  will  yield  for  that  purpose. 
Mr.  WILSON.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
when  this  bill  was  pending  some  time  ago  it  was 
first  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary, 
having  been  attached  as  an  amendment  to  a  bill 
reported  from  the  Judiciary  Committee,  and  which 
was  recommitted  to  the  committee.  That  com- 
mittee considered  the  bill  and  agreed  upon  a  re- 
port, which  was  made  some  time  since  by  the 
gentleman  from  Maryland.  The  bill  which  was 
reported  was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union.  The  amend- 
ment which  I  have  now  offered  was  one  of  those 
which  were  agreed  upon  by  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee. The  other  amendments  I  shall  indicate 
as  I  have  an  opportunity;  and  in  submitting  them 
I  but  represent  the  wishes  of  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee, to  whom  the  House  referred  the  whole 
subject,  and  which  made  the  report  to  which  I 
have  referred. 

The  object  of  this  amendment  is  to  confine  the 
taking  of  testimony  in  relation  to  these  claims 
against  the  Government  to  States  which  have  not 
been  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  and 
which  have  not  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession. 
I  think  it  is  fair  to  allow  testimony  to  be  taken 
only  in  relation  to  claims  belonging  to  citizens  of 
States  which  have  not  been  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  reserving  other  claims  to  some 
other  time.  I  iiope  the  amendment  will  be  con- 
curred in  by  the  House.  I  desire  also  to  offer  an- 
other amendment  to  this  section. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  only  way  in  which  that 

can  be  done  is  by  calling  the  previous  question 

upon  the  pending  amendment 

_  Mr.  FENTON.     " 

tion. 

Mr.  THOMAS 
or  two. 

I  hope  the  demand  for  the 


I  call  for  the  previous  ques- 
I  would  like  to  say  a  word 


Mr.  HOLMAN. 
previous  question  will  be  'insisted  on,  as  the  bill 

192 


has  already  occupied  much  time,   and  there  is 
other  pressing  business  before  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  previous  question  is 
called,  not  upon  the  bill,  but  upon  the  pending 
amendinoni. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  take  great  pleasure  in  yield- 
ing to  the  gentleman  from  Maryland. 

Mr.  THOMAS.  1  shall  occupy  less  time  than 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana  does  upon  any  oc- 
casion. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Is  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  entitled  to  control  the  floor.' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  can  yield 
for  an  explanation  of  the  matter. 

Mr.  FENTON.     I  yield  for  an  explanation. 

Mr.  THOMAS.  That  is  what  I  desire  to 
make. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.  It 
is  that  the  gentleman  from  New  York  is  not  en- 
titled to  the  floor.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Hale]  controls  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  There  have  been  several 
votes  since  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  was 
upon  the  floor.  When  he  demanded  the  previ- 
ous question  he  lost  the  right  to  the  floor.  The 
Chair  knows  no  rule  by  which  a  gentleman,  after 
he  has  demanded  the  previous  question,  can  be 
entitled  to  the  floor. 

Mr.  THOMAS.  I  simply  want  to  remind  the 
gentleman  from  New  York,  who  in  good  faith,  I 
believe,  is  disposed  to  apply  the  law  to  the  par- 
ties intended  to  be  affected  by  this  bill,  precisely 
in  the  same  temper  and  in  the  sairie  spirit  in 
which  Congress  has  acted  in  reference  to  another 
class  of  claims — I  will  remind  that  gentleman 
that  in  the  last  Congress  and  in  the  present  Con- 
gress we  had  under  consideration  a  bill  intended 
to  remunerate  the  people  of  Minnesota  and  Iowa 
for  depredations  committed  by  Indians  in  their 
inroad  into  that  section  of  country,  and  we  ap- 
pointed a  commission  for  that  one  section  of 
territory.-  Not  only  so,  but  that  measure  passed 
both  branches  of  Congress  without  the  slightest 
manifestation  of  opposition  or  unfriendliness. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Will  my  colleague  on  the 
committee  allow  me  to  make  one  suggestion.' 

Mr.  THOMAS.  Certainly,  although  I  dislike 
the  system  of  interrupting  speakers. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  suggest  that  the  act  in  re- 
lation to  the  Minnesota  claims  provided  that  the 
money  should  be  paid  out  of  funds  belonging  to 
the  Indians  and  forfeited  by  them. 

Mr.  THOMAS.  I  am  aware  of  that,  but  that 
is  a  matter  which  is  easily  susceptible  of  expla- 
nation. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  merely  state  the  fact. 

Mr.  THOMAS.  There  is  no  man  who  was 
in  the  last  Congress  or  who  is  in  this  who  is  not 
cognizant  of  that  fact.  I  admit  that  in  the  case 
of  Minnesota  provision  was  made  for  a  forfeit- 
ure of  the  amount  of  money  due  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  the  tribes  of  Indians 
by  whom  the  depredations  were  committed,  but 
who  will  contend  that  that  amount  of  money  will 
cover  the  amount  of  claims  which  we  have  it  in 
contemplation  to  pay.?  That  is  the  question. 
Have  we  provided  that  the  fund  of  which  we 
deprive  the  Indians  shall  be  distributed  pro  rata 
among  the  claimants.'  No,  sir;  we  have  author- 
ized the  commissioners  to  examine  into  the  ex- 
tent of  the  depredations  committed,  not  only  by 
the  Army  of  the  United  States,  but  by  the  ene- 
my. This  bill  contemplates  no  provision  for  the 
immense  amount  of  plunder  to  which  the  people 
have  been  subjected  by  the  enemy  in  their  inva- 
sions. 

But,  sir,  if  it  was  really  the  intention  of  Con- 
gress that  no  money  should  be  taken  from  the 
national  Treasury  for  the  purpose  of  liquidating 
those  claims  in  Minnesota,  why  does  it  not  ap- 
pear on  the  face  of  the  bill?  Why  not  in  the 
practice  of  the  Government?  Have  we  not  paid 
the  claimants  in  Minnesota  as  far  as  we  have 
gone  dollar  for  dollar.'  Is  there  any  proposition 
in  that  case  to  pay  pro  rata;  to  wait  until  a  cer- 
tain aggregate  amount  of  claims  is  ascertained 
and    then   apportion   the   whole  amount   of  the 


money  of  which  you  have  deprived  the  Lidians 
among  the  claimtints.'  No,  sir,  no  such  policy 
has  been  adopted.  No  gentleman  who  is  ut  all 
cognizant  of  the  facts  will  pretend  for  ii  moment 
that  it  was  the  design  of  Congres.'^i  to  limit  the 
payment  to  the  amount  of  money  forfeited  by  the 
Indians.  You  have  a[)pointf'.d  tiiree  commission- 
ers for  that  small  tcrriiory,  a  part  of  Minnesota 
and  of  Wisconsin,  and  you  intend  no  limitation 
upon  the  amount  you  intend  to  pay,  as  an  honest 
Government  ought  to  pay  every  dollar  of  these 
claims,  no  matter  what  they  may  amount  to.  No 
gentleman  can  state  with  accuracy  what  the 
amount  of  those  claims  will  be,  but  I  have  seen 
it  stated  in  the  newspapers  of  the  country  that 
the  amount  will  exceed  $5,000,000,  while  the 
money  forfeited  by  the  Indians  will  not  ue  more 
than  $2,500,000. 

A  large  amount  was  appropriated  last  year  and 
again  this  year,  already  fur  beyond  the  amount 
of  the  fund  reserved  fir  the  Indians. 

Mr.  WINDOM.  Will  the  gentleman  allow  me 
to  correct  him .' 

Mr.  THOMAS.  I  hope  the  gentleman  will 
permit  me  to  proceed  without  interruption.  I 
never  interrupted  any  gentleman  in  the  Halls  of 
Congress  in  my  life.  I  have  always  regarded  it 
as  one  of  the  first  rules  of  politeness  never  to  in- 
terrupt a  gentleman. 

Mr.  WlNDOM.  I  did  not  suppose  the  gen- 
tleman would  desire  to  misstate  a  fact;  I  merely 
wished  to  correct  him. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Mary- 
land declines  to  yield  the  floor,  and  is  entitled  to 
proceed  witliout  interruption. 

Mr.  THOMAS.  1  mean  no  discourtesy  to  the 
gentleman  from  Minnesota,  nor  any  personal  ap- 
plication of  the  remark  I  madi^.  One  word  more 
and  1  have  done;  and  1  should  not  have  detained 
the  House  as  long  as  1  havi;  but  for  the  interrog- 
atory proposed  to  me  by  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa,  [Mr.  Wilson.]  1  simply  wish  to  remind 
the  gentleman  from  New  York,  who,  I  believe, 
has  recognized  thedntyas  obligatory  upon  the 
Government,  resting  in  vested  obligations  wliich 
no  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth  has  ever  repu- 
diated, that  to  establish  a  single  tribunal  for  the 
investigation  of  the  claims  arising  out  of  these 
depredatio-ns  would  make  it  physically  impossible 
during  the  lifetime  of  the  present  generation  to 
discharge  that  duty.  The  area  over  which  it  is 
proposed  these  commissioners  shall  havejurisdic- 
tion  covers  more  than  one  half  the  territory  of  the 
loyal  States  as  we  now  stand.  Ho  proposes  that 
these  three  commissioners  shall  perform  this  duty 
in  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Kansas,  Maryland,  Tennessee,  and  West  Vir- 
ginia. 1  repeat  that  it  is  physically  impossible 
for  any  three  gentlemen  to  perform  that  labor 
within  the  lifetime  of  a  generation.  I  say,  there- 
fore, to  the  gentlemen  representing  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Judiciary  and  the  Committee  of  Claims 
that  if  they  intend  in  good  faith  to  recognize  as 
binding  and  obligatory  on  Congress  to  pay  these 
claims  whenever  the  Government  is  able  to  pay 
them,  it  is  nothing  more  than  reasonable  that  the 
number  of  commissioners  to  be  appointed  for  the 
purpose  of  making  these  investigations  should  be 
as  large  as  provided  for  in  the  bill  before  the 
House.  I  have  now  said  all  [  intended  to  say, 
which  was  merely  to  res|)ond  to  the  gentleinan 
from  Iowa.  I  simply  desired  toassert  the  prin- 
ciple in  respect  to  the  obligation  of  this  Govern- 
ment, which  I  have  done. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  think  sufficient  has  been 
said  upon  this  matter.  The  House  is  getting  tired 
of  this  discussion,  and  I  must  insist  upon  the  de- 
mand for  the  pi-evious  question  upon  the  amend- 
ment of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  after  which  I 
will  submit  my  own  amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  say  to  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  that  if  he  demands 
the  previous  question  he  cannot  hold  the  floor. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Then  I  inust  demand  the  pre- 
vious question  on  both  of  the  amendments. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  desire  to  say  a  word  upon  this 
amendment  to  insert  the  word  "loyal      before 


3058 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Jane  17, 


thu  vote  is  taken  upon  it.ond  I  ask  the  gentleman 
to  wilhdiaw  the  demand  for  the  previous  question 
for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  can  hardly  refuse  to  allow 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  which  reported 
the  bill  to  speak  if  he  desires,  and  I  will  therefore 
withdraw  the  demand  and  yield  to  him  if  he  will 
state  the  time  he  wishes  to  occupy. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  think  I  ought  to  have  one  word 
on  the  subjectof  this  amendment.  Idonotwant 
two  minutes. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Very  well,  1  will  yield  the 
floor  to  the  gentleman  for  two  minutes. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  provision  contained  in  the 
nmcndnietit  of  tiie  gentleman  from  loWa  is  already 
substantially  in  the  bill.  His  amendment  pro- 
vides for  loyal  States.  The  bill  provides  for  loyal 
men.  I  do  not  know  what  the  term  "  loyal  States" 
means  exactly,  and,  as  I  understand  it,  I  think 
the  gentleman  will  fiiul  it  very  difficult  to  explain 
v^hat  it  means.  We  know  what  is  meant  by 
loyal  men;  the  terin  is  understood  everywhere. 
Now,  I  submit  to  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  that 
when  we  make  the  advantages  of  the  bill  apply 
only  to  loyal  men  we  ought  not  to  go  further. 
I  see  no  reason  why  a  true  loyal  man  who  lives 
in  a  disloyal  State  is  not  entitled  to  at  least  as 
much  consideration  as  a  man  living  in  a  loyal 
State. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  suggest  to  the  gentle- 
man that  I  see  no  particular  difficulty  in  describ- 
ing the  meaning  of"  loyal  State."  I  should  say 
that  where  a  State,  by  its  legal  authorities,  has 
engaged  its  people  in  rebellion  against  the  au- 
thority of  the  United  States,  that  State  is  not  a 
loyal  State. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  gentleman  from  Iowa  says 
any  State  that  has  adopted  an  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion. How  would  he  regard  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee.' What  would  he  do  with  the  property  of 
Andrew  Johnson .' 

Mr.  WILSON.   There  is  a  provision  by  which 
he  puts  Tennessee  in  a  special  district. 
Mr.  HALE.     Certainly. 

Mr.  WILSON.  He  then  provides  in  a  special 
provision  that  all  the  other  States  shall  be  in  an- 
other district  to  be  presided  over  by  another  com- 
mission. 

Mr.  HALE.  What  does  the  gentleman  mean 
by  loyal  States — those  which  did  not  adopt  the 
ordinance  of  secession? 

Mr.  WILSON.  It  will  not  include  Tennessee. 
Mr.  HALE.  We  did  not  believe  there  were 
many  men  in  the  disloyal  States  who  were  loyal, 
but  undoubtedly  there  are  some.  I  suggest  to 
the  gentleman  that  the  provision  he  proposes  to 
put  m  is  already  in  the  bill.  They  must  be  loyal 
men  before  their  claim  can  be  considered. 

Mr.  FENTON  demanded  the  previous  question 
on  the  amendment. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

Mr.  MALLORY  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 
.  The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken,  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  70,  nays  61,  not  voting  51; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Anderson,  Jolin  D. 
rnlflwiii,  Bnxtor,  Bi^iunan,  BlainK,  l?oiitvv«ll,  BoydjBran- 
lU-jcp,  IJrooiiiiili,  Ambrosi?  W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Col)li,Cole,  Creswell,  Dawes,  Deminn,  Donnelly,  Eekley, 
Elinr,  Famsworlli,  Fenton,  Frank,  Cartleld,  (ioocli,  Higliy, 
Hooper,  Asaliel  W.  Hubbard,  llulburil,  liigersoll,  Julian, 
OrlandoICeiloijg,  Knox,  Loan,  JiOnsyenr,  Marvin,  Mo  Bride, 
McCUuf.',  ftlclndoe,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers, 
Leonard  Myers,  Cliarles  O'Neill,  Ortli,  I'erliain,  Pike,  Pom- 
eroy,  Price,  Alexander  U.  Rice,  Joliii  H.  Rice,  Sclienck, 
Scolield,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Suiilbcrs,  ^^tevens,  'J'liayer, 
Tln)nia<,'l'rney,  tfpson.  \'arrV;!l!c''nlHiri;li.  Elihu  B.  U'r.i-h- 
hnriii-,  W'llliai'n  B.  Washburn,  VVilliain>;,  Wilder,  Wilson, 
.    and  Woodbridye — 7U.     ., 

NAV.-^ — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
cona,  Baily,  Ulair,  Blow,  Brooks,  Janus  3.  Brown,  Cra- 
vens, Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Edgerion,  Cidridge,  Eng- 
plish,  Finck,  Ganson,  Grider,  Hale,  Harding,  Harrijigton, 
Cliarles  M.  Harris,  Ilolman,Ili)tclikiss.  Hutchins,  Philip 
Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbllei-eli,  ICernan,  Law, 
Lnzear,  Le  Blond,  Long,  Mallory,  IMarry,  McAllister, 
McDowell,  William  II.  Miller,  James  K.  Morris,  Morrison, 
Nelson,  Noble,  Pendleton,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Ran- 
dall, Rol>in;'oii,' James  S.  Rollins,  Koss.Scolt,  Smith,  Stiles, 
Stuart,  Wad^worlh,  Ward,  Whaley,  Wlieclcr,  Chilton  A. 
White,  Joseiih  W.  White,  Windoni,  and  Fernando  Wood 
—01. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs,  Arnold,  A^hloy,  Augustus  C. 
B.iklwin.  Bliss,  William  G.  Brown,  Chanter,  Clay,  Cof- 
froth,  Cox,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dixon, 
Driggs,  Duniolil,  Grinnell,  Griswold,  H.ill,  Benjamin  G. 
Harris,  llcrriek,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Jeucki-s,  Kasson,  Kel- 
ley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  King,  Knapp,  Liiilejohn,  McKin- 
iiey;  Mlddletnn,   Samuel    F.    Mlll<:r,   Mo.>rl)ead,  Norton, 


Odell,  John  O'Neill,  r,atterson.  Perry,  William  H.  Randall, 
Rogers,  Edward  li.  Rollins,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  John 
B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stronse,  Sweat,  Voorhees, 
Webster,  Witifield,  Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yeaman— 5L 

So  the  amendment  was  adopted. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  to  re- 
consider the  vote  by  which  the  amendment  was 
adopted;  and  also  moved  that  the  motion  to  re- 
consider be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  insert  after  the  words 
"and  one  commissioner  and  one  solicitor  for 
those  States  not  included  in  the  foregoing  dis- 
tricts, who  shall  severally  hold  their  respective 
offices  during  the  pleasure  of  the  President,"  the 
words   "not  being  residents  of  the  district  for 


wiiich  they  were  appointed." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  insert  in  the  first  sec- 
tion the  words  "  at  the  rate  of"  and  "  for  the  time 
actually  employed,"  so  that  these  officers  shall 
only  be  paid  for  what  they  do. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  tore- 
consider  the  vote  by  which  the  amendment  was 
agreed  to;  and  also  moved  that  the  motion  to  re- 
consider be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  question  then  recurred  on  Mr.  FENTO^f's 
amendment. 

Mr.  FENTON  deinanded  the  previous  ques- 
tion. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

Mr.  MALLORY  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  53,  nays  70,  not  voting  59;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Allison,  Ames,  Ashley,  John  D.  Bald- 
win, Beaman,  Boutwell,  Braiidegee,  Brooniall,  Ambrose 
W,  Clark,  Cobb,  Cole,  Dawes,  Deming,  Dixon,  Donnelly, 
Eliot,  Farnsvvorth,  Fenton,  Frank,  Gooch,  Uigby,  Asaliel 
W,  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Ingersoll,  Julian, 
Orlando  Kellosrg,  Knox,  Longyear,  Marvin ,  Moorhead,  Mor- 
rill, Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers,  Orth,  Patterson,  Perham, 
Pike,  P(mieroy,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Seofield, 
Shannon,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Tliayer,  Tracy,  Van  Valkon- 
hurgh,  Eiihu  B.  Washhurne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Wil- 
liams, Wilson,  and  Woodbridge— 53. 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Alley,  Ancona,  Ander- 
son, Baily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blair,  Blow,  Boyd, 
Brooks,  JJimes  S.  Brown.  Clianler,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cra- 
vens, Creswel  I, Dawson.  Eden,  Edgerton,Eldridge,  English, 
Finck,  Ganson,  GarHeld,  Grider,  Hale,  Harding,  Harring- 
ton, Charles  M.  Harris,  flolchkiss.Pliilip  Johnson,  William 
Johnson,  Kalbfioisch,  Kernan,  liazear.  Loan,  Long,  Mal- 
lorv,  Marcv,  McAllister,  McClurg,  McDowell,  Mclndoe, 
Mi'ddleton,' William  H.  Miller,  Morrison,  Noble,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Perry,  Price,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Randall, 
Robinson,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross,  Scott,  Smith,  Stiles, 
Strouse,  Stuart,  Thomas,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  Whaley, 
Wheeler,  Chilton  A,  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Wilder, 
Windom,and  Fernando  Wood — 70. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Arnold,  Bax- 
ter, Blaine,  Bliss,  William  G.  Brown,  Clay,  Coffroth,  Cox, 
Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.Davis,  Denison,  Driggs, 
Dumont,  Eekley,  Grinnell,  Griswold,  Hall,  Benjamin  G. 
Harris,  Herrick,"Holman,  Hooper,  Hutchins,  Jenelies,  Kas- 
son, Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Kinff,  Knapp,  Law,  Le 
BlomLLittlejohn,  McBride,  McKinney,  Samuel  F.  Miller, 
James  R.  Morris,  Leonard  Myers,  Nelson,  Norton,  Odell, 
John  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  William  H.  Randall,  Rogers,  Ed- 
ward O.  Rollins,  Sclienck,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  John 
B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stevens,  Sweat,  Upson, 
Voorhees,  Webster,  Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yea- 
man — 59.  ,  . 
So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 
During  the  roll-call, 
Mr.  WILSON  stated  that   Mr.  Eckley  was 

paired  oft' with  Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 

last  taken;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to 

reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.     I  desire   to   offer  an 

amendment  to  the  fourth  section. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  desire  to  offer  one  to  the 

third  section. 

Mr.  GARFIELD,    I  desire  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment to  the  first  section,  and  1  do  not  want  to 

lose  my  right  by  passing  by  that  section. 

The   SPEAKER.     The   House    has   not   yet 

passed  by  any  section. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH    offered  the  following 

amendment  to  be  added  to  the  fourth  section: 
And  shall  also  prove  by  the  testimony  ot  disinterested 

and  compeient  witnesses  the  extent  ot"  his,  iier,  or  their 

loss,  and  the  Value  ol'the  property  taken  or  dcslroyed  ;  and 

the  commission  shall  have  power  in  addition  to  cross-ex- 
amine the  claimant  or  claimants  upon  any  matter  or  thing 

staled  in  his,  her.  fir  tlieir  aceouiil. 


Mr.  THAYER.  I  suggest  that  that  provision 
is  already  contained  in  the  ninth  section. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 
It  is  that  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  adds  nothing  new  to  the  bill.  Every- 
thino-  contained  in  the  amendment  is  in  the  bill 

now. 

Mr.  SPEAKER..  That  may  be  a  good  reason 
for  voting  against  the  amendment  but  not  for  rul- 
inp-  it  out  of  order  by  the  Chair. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  The  bill  provides  that 
the  claimant  only  shall  make  oath.  The  bill  does 
not  require  him  to  prove  by  any  other  person  any- 
thing except  his  title  and  the  extent  of  it.  It  is 
important  that  a  provision  should  be  adopted  re- 
quiring the  claimant  to  prove  the  extent  of  his 
loss  and  the  value  of  the  property  taken. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  would  call  the  attention  of  the 
gentleman  to  the  eighth  line  of  the;,niiUh  section 
of  the  bill.  ,  ■•,;..■  •: 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  inadvertently  over- 
looked the  fact  that  the  provision  in  the  last  clause 
of  my  amendment  is  already  in*  the  bill,  and  I 
therefore  modify  the  amendment  by  striking  out 
the  last  clause. 

Mr.  HALE.     Let  it  be  read  as  it  now  is. 

The  Clerk  read  the  amendment,  as  follows: 

And  shall  also  prove  by  the  testimony  of  disinterested 
and  competent  witnesses  the  extent  ofliis,  her,  or  their 
loss,  and  the  value  of  the  property  taken  or  destroyed. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  have  no  objection  to  that. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTPL  There  is  no  provis- 
ion of  that  kind  in  the  bill.  It  is  suggested  that 
I  should  also  modify  the  amendment  by  insert- 
ing after  the  word  "disinterested"  the  word 
"loyal." 

Mr.  HOTCHKISS.  Will  the  gentleman  yield 
for  a  suggestion  .' 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  HOTCHKISS.  The  gentleman's  amen'd- 
ment  requires  that  the  witnesses  shall  be  disin- 
terested. Now,  I  apprehend  that  in  most  of  the 
States  interest  does  not  disqualify  a  witness,  and 
I  do  not  think  it  should. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  prefer  to  have  it  just 
as  it  is,  "disinterested,  loyal,  and  competent."' 

Mr.  HOTCHKISS.  This  bill  provides  for  the 
examination  and  cross-examination  of  the  claim- 
ants, and  of  all  parties  who  know  anything  upon 
the  subject.  I  do  not  object  to  requiring  that  the 
witness  shall  be  loyal,  for  I  do  not  think  a  disloyal 
man  is  a  competent  witness;  but  to  say  that  a  man 
who  is  interested  in  a  matter  shall  not  be  allowed 
to  testify  is  an  exploded  theory  in  this  country. 
It  is  not  the  rule  in  many  of  the  States. 

The  question  recurring  on  the  amendment  of 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  ' 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  demanded  the* 
yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  calkd  for  tellers  on  the 
yeas  and  nays. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Mr.  BRANDEGEEand 
Mr.  Scott  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported- 
ayes  twenty-six — a  sufficient  number. 

So'the  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered.  J 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  i'lr 
the  affirmative— yeas  66,  nays  59,  not  voting  57; 
as  follows:  , 

YEAS- Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Ashley,  John  D. 
Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Boniwell,  Boyd,  BrandegKCj< 
BioomalI,AmbioseW.  Clark,  Cobb,  Cole, Cre3vvell,Dawes^< 
Demiii",  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eliot,  Farnsworth,  Feii-i 
ton,  Frank,  Gooch,  Higby,  Hooper,  Asalul  W.  Hubbard, 
John  H.  Hubbard.  Hulburd,  Ing:.'rsoll,  Julian,  Orlando 
Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan,  Longvear,  Marvin,  McClurg.  Mcln- 
doe,SamuclF.  Miller,Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Myers, 
Leonard  Myers,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Perham,  Pike,: 
Pomeioy,  Price,  Alexander  H.  Kice,  John  H.  Rice.  Scolield, 
Sloan,  Smilhi'rs,Stevcns,Thayer,  Tracy,  VanValkenburgh,^ 
Elihu  B.  Washburne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Williams,' 
Wilder,  Wilson,  Windom,  and  Woodbridge— CO.  " 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen.  Aiw 
cona,  .'Vnderson,  Bailv,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blair, 
Brooks,  Chaiiler,  Dawson,  Eden,  Edgerton,Eldridge,  Eng- 
lish, Finck,  Ganson,  Gartield,  Grider,  Hale,  Harding,  flar- 
rington,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Holnian,  Hotchkiss,  Philip 
Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleiseh,  Law,  Lazear,  Lc 
Blond,  Long,  Mallory,  Marcy,  McDoa-ell,  MiddhUon,  Wil- 
liam H,  Miller,  Moorhead, Morrison, NeUon,  Noble,  Perry, 
Pruvn,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Robinson,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross, 
Sco«.  Smith,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Thomas,  Wadsworth, 
Ward,  Whalev,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  W'lnte,  Joseph  M. 
White,  and  Fernando'  Wood— 59.  , 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Arnold,  Blaine,  Bliss,  Blow, 
James  S.  Brown,  William  G.  Brown,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Clav,  Coftroth.  Cox,  Cravens,  Henry  Winter  Davis,^  I  lioin»» 
T  Davi-:.  Denison,  Duinonl,  Eekley,  Grinnell,  Griswold, 
Halt,  BenjamlnG.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hutchins,  Jeiickea.K^i^- 

8011   Kellcy.  Francis  W.   Kellogy:,  Kernan,  Muu,  Knai>p, 


1864. 


THE  CONGiiESSlONAL  GLOBE. 


^OQd 


LlttlPiolin,MrAllit'ter,I\I/;Bridc,McICiiinoy,  JaniesR.  Mor- 
rU,  Nort'ui,  Odnll,  Jolm"  iJ'Ncill,  ralterscin,  Pciulhitoii, 
RixHuril,  Willinm  H.  Riimlall,  l!o!,'('rs,  Kdwaid  IJ.  Uolliiis, 
Sclieiicic,  SliiiiuioM,  Spaldiiiij;,  Siarr,  Stebbiiis,  John  It. 
Steele,  VVilliaiii  G.  Su'ele,  Sweat,  Upson, Voorlipes,  Wob- 
Kter,  Wiiifiuld,  Cciij.-tmiJi  VVoixl,  and  Yccunaii— 57. 

So  the  ainendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  to  reconsider 
the  vote  by  whicli  the  amendment  was  adopted; 
and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider 
on  tlie  tahle. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HALE  resumed  the  floor. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  appeal  to  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  toallow  me  to  ofleranotheramend- 
ment  which  has  been  agreed  to  by  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Judiciary. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  will  hear  it. 

Mr.  WILSON.  It  is  to  add  to  the  fourtli  sec- 
tion the  following  proviso: 

Provided  further.  That  no  testimony  shall  be  taken  uii- 
(ler  the  provisions  of  this  act  until  theclaiinant  shall  have 
taken,  sub.scrib(!d,  and  filed  vvirli  his  claim  the  oath  pre- 
scribed by  the  "act  to  prescribe  an  oath  ot  office,"  ap- 
proved July  2,  1863,  except  so  much  of  said  oath  as  relates 
to  the  discbarge  ot  the  duties  of  office,  and  every  person 
,who  shall  falsely  take  said  oath  under  the  provisions  of 
this  act  shall  be  liable  to  the  penalties  prescribed  by  said 
act  of  July  2,  1802. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  have  no  objection  to  that. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  the  previous  question 
on  the  amendment. 

|j,^,The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
jptiain  question  ordered;  and  under  the  operation 
jjhereof  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  amendment  was  adopted;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  As  I  understand  it,  tlie 
House  has  adopted  an  amendment  to  tlie  first  sec- 
tion, inserting  the  word  "  loyal"  in  the  tliirteenth 
litie. 

The  SPEAKER.     It  has. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  If  gentlemen  will  read  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  lines  they  will  see  that 
the  result  of  that  amendment  will  be  to  appoint 
one  commissioner  and  one  solicitor  for  eacli  of 
those  loyal  States  not  included  in  the  "  foregoing 
districts."  That  is,  it  appoints  a  solicitor  and  a 
commissioner,  with  all  their  clerks,  for  the  States 
of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Iowa, 
Michigan,  and  other  Slates  in  which  no  damages 
of  this  character  have  accrued;  in  other  words,  we 
shall  have  all  these  officers  appointed  for  districts 
where  there  is  no  business  wliatever.  I  think  that 
ought  to  be  amended. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  that  the  Delegate  from  New  Mexico  states 
jihere  are  a  large  amount  of  claims  existing  in  that 
Territory,  and  that  the  bill  should  be  made  to  ap- 
ply to  Territories  as  well  as  to  States.  1  intend 
offering  that  amendment. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  desire  to  have  stricken 
out  of  the  first  section  the  words  "  and  one  com- 
missioner and  one  solicitor  for  those  States  not 
included  in  the  foregoing  districts." 

Mr.  HALE.  Those  words  include  the  States 
of  Iowa  and  Minnesota,  where  there  are  claims 
of  this  character. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  state  to  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio  that  there  are  claims  coming  from  his 
own  district  every  day. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  My  own  State  comes  within 
the  third  district. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Then  the  gentleman  wants  to 
cut  out  other  States,  so  that  they  shall  not  derive 
any  benefit  at  all  from  the  act. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  The  bill,  as  drawn,  is  con- 
sidered as  including  every  State  where  there  are 
claims. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  desire  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
to  designate  his  amendment. 

Mr.  GARFIELD  repeated  tl^e  terms  of  his 
amendment. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  cannot  agree  to  that. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  move  the  previous  ques- 
tion on  my  amendment. 

Mr.  W ILSON.  I  did  not  understand  the  gen- 
tleniun  froiu  Pennsylvania  as  yielding  for  tlie 
purpose  of  having  that  amendment  offered. 

Mr.  HALE.     1  did  not  yield. 

The  SPEAKER.  Then  the  Chair  cannot  en- 
tertain the  demand  for  the  previous  question. 


Mr.  HALE.  I  only  yielded  to  have  the  amend- 
ment rend. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  have  an  amendment  to 
offer  to  the  third  section. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  will  yield  to  hear  it  read. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  My  amendment  is  to  strike 
out  the  words  "or  by  any"  and  insert  "acting 
under  legal;"  so  that  it  will  read: 

Sec.  3.  Jind  he  it  further  enact e:!,  That  said  commis- 
sioners shall  severally  have  cognizance  of  all  claims 
against  the  United  States  arising  in  their  respective  dis- 
triets,  and  which  shall  he  presented  to  them  by  any  person 
who,  durinc;  the  present  rebellion,  has  sustained,  or  may 
sustain.  danias;es  by  injury  to  or  destruction  of  any  prop- 
erty which  has  been  or  maybe  injured  or  destroyed  by  the 
use  or  occupation  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  or  of 
anydivisioii  or  portion  thereof,  acting,  under  legal  military 
atithority. 

Mr.  IIALE.  I  will  suggest  an  amendment 
which  I  think  Will  cover  the  ground — to  insert 
the  word  "competent,"  so  that  it  will  read  "by 
any  competent  military  authority." 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  think  that  will  answer 
the  purpose. 

The  SPEAKER..  Does  tlie  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  yield  to  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
to  offer  his  amendment.' 

Mr.  HALE.  No,  sir;  but  he  will  accept  the 
modification  which  I  offer. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  think  the  object  can  be 
accomplished  by  striking  out  the  words  "or 
any;"  so  that  it  will  read,  "  by  competent  mili- 
tary authority."  My  reason  for  introducing  the 
amendment  is  this:  as  the  section  now  stands, 
the  Government  might  have  to  pay  for  damages 
done  by  tlie  rebel  army;  for  it  reads,  "  or  by  any 
militar)'  authority."  I  want  that  so  changed  as 
that  the  Government  can  only  be  called  upon  to 
pay  for  damages  done  by  our  own  Army. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  whether  he  thinlis  that  the  action  of  the 
rebels  would  be  construed  as  being  "  by  military 
authority"  as  against  the  United  States.' 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  Most  certainly  it  v.'ould 
not  be. 

The  question  was  taken  on  Mr.  Garfield's 
amendment  as  modified  by  Mr.  Hale.;  and  it  was 
rejected.  .":",,.,,'-._',  ',,    '  ',' 

iMr.  BEAMAN.  I  mbve'to'lay  the'billon  the 
table. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Hale]  has  the  floor.  When  he 
surrenders  the  floor  that  motion  will  be  in  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to  cor- 
rect the  sentence  by  inserting  the  word  "  thereof;" 
so  that  it  will  read,  "  by  any  competent  military 
authority  thereof." 

There  being  no  objection,  the  amendm.ent  was 
agreed  to. 

Mr.  BOUTWELL.  1  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  to  yield  for  an  amendment  which 
1  desire  to  offer. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  will  yield  to  hear  it  read. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.     I  object. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  have  another  amendment  to 
offer.  It  is  to  insert  after  the  words  "  United 
States,"  in  the  thirty-fourth  line  of  the  fourth 
section,  the  words  "  and  that  he  has  presented 
all  his  just  claims  arising  under  this  act  against 
the  United  States." 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  The  object  of  that  is  to 
prevent  claimants  bringing  up  other  claims  after- 
words. 

The  SPEAKER.  Does  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  desire  a  vote  on  his  amendment.' 

Mr.  HALE.     I  do. 

The  SPEAKER.  Then  the  gentleman  will 
lose  his  right  to  the  floor. 

Mr.  HALE.  Then  I  do  not  insist  on  a  vote. 
[Laughter.]  i  wish  to  move  another  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  make  the 
point  of  order  tliat  there  is  one  arncndment  pend- 
ing now. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  suslnins  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  withdraw  that  amendment.  I 
move  to  amend  the  first  section  by  inserting  after 
the  word  "  States"  the  words  "  and  Territories." 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  lUinois.  I  call  for  a 
division  on  that  amendment. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  withdraw  the  amendment. 
[Laughter.]  And  now  I  will  hear  the  amend- 
ment of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 

BouTWELL.] 


Mr.  WADSWORTH.     I  objoci. 

Mr.  BOaTWELL.  1  nsk  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvarjiii  to  yield  to  tne  the  floor. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  rise  to  a  privileged 
motion.  I  move  that  the  House  resnlvc  itself 
into  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the 
Private  Calendar. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  genUemanfrom  Penn- 
sylvania has  the  floor.  Whi  ii  he  surrenders  it 
that  moiion  will  be  in  oider. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  understand  that  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvaniaagrees  tooffi-r  the  amend- 
ment of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Bout  well's  amendment  was  read,  as  fol- 
lows: 

Jind  provided  further.  That  no  inference  .^hall  be  drawn 
from  Ibis  act  that  the  Government  of  the  United  .States  l3 
liable  to  pay  any  of  the  claims  that  may  be  presented  an 
herein  provided;  biitsaid  claims  shall  stand,  in  all  respects, 
as  to  the  liability  of  the  Government,  as  If  this  act  hud  not 
been  passed.  •^■i 

Mr.  HALE.    There  ia  no  objection  to  that.'' 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.     I  object. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  am  in  favor  of  the  amendment, 
and  I  think  it  should  be  adopted. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Hale]  can  move  it  himself. 

Mr.  HALE.  Unless  the  Chair  should  recog- 
nize me  again,  I  would  not  be  entitled  to  the  floor. 
,  Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  object  to 
bargains.     [Laughter.] 

The  SPEAKER.  TheChaircan  make  nobar- 
gain  with  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  aa  to 
who  shall  be  recognized.  The  gentleman  is  now 
in  possession  of  the  floor  for  the  second  time  to- 
day. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  object  to  his  yielding 
for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  move  the  amendment,  and  I 
move  the  previous  question  on  the  bill  and  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  BEAMAN.  1  move  to  lay  the  bill  on  th« 
table. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  that  motion.  I  want  a  record  on  this  first  step 
in  the  road  of  repudiation. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  50,  nays  74,  not  voting  SS*, 
as  follows: 

7EAS— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Allison.  Ashley,  Bav- 
ter,  Beaman,  (^hauler,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Cobb,  Dawes, 
Dawson,  Demins,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Eden,  Eliot,  FaroB- 
vvortli.  Fenton,  Frank,  Gooeh,  Migby,  Asahel  VV.  Hubbard, 
John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Ill!;er^oll,  Julian,  Orlando Kel- 
lotrg,  Knox,  Loneyear,  Mclndoe,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris^ 
Morrison,  OrtI],  Pike,  Fomeroy,  Trice,  Alexander  H.  Rice, 
John  H.  Uiee,  Robinson,  Sehenck,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Stiles, 
'J'hoyer,  Tracy,  Upson,  F.lihu  B.  Wasbburne,  William  B. 
Washburn,  Wilson, and  Woodbridge— .50. 

NAYS — Messrs.  James G.  Allen,  Alley,  Ancona,  Ander- 
son, ]5aily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blair,  Blow,  Boutwell, 
Boyd,  Brooks,  Brooniall,  OuTroth,  Cravens,  (^reswell,  Den- 
ison,  Drigss,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  English,  Finck,  Ganson, 
Garfield, "Griiler,"  Griswold,  Hale,  Harding,  Harrington, 
Charles  M.  Harris,  Holman,  Hooper,  Hotehkiss,  Philip 
Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleiscli,  Keman,Law,  La- 
zear,  Le  Blond,  Loan,  Long,  Mallorv,  IMarcv,  McBrlde, 
McCluig,  McDowell,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Williain  H.  iMiller, 
Moorhead,  Amos  Myers,  Noble,  Odell,  Charles  O'Neill, 
Pruyu,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  James  S.  R.iIIIuh, 
Ross,  Scott,  Smith,  John  B.Steele,  Stronse,  Stuart,  Thom- 
as, Wadsvvorth,  Ward,  Webster,  Whaley,  Wheeler.  Chilton 
A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Wilder,  Windoni,  and  Fer- 
nando Wood — 74. 

NOT  VOTING— .Messrs.  Ame.=!,  Arnold,  John  D.  Bald- 
win, Blaine,  Bliss,  Brandegee,  James  S.  Brown,  William 
G.  Brown.  Freeman  Clarke,  Clay,  Cole,  Cox,  Henry  Win- 
ter Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis.  DnnKuit,  Eckley,  Gr!uneil( 
Hall,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Ilerrick,  Hutchins,  Jenckes, 
Kasson,  Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg, King,  Knapp,  Little- 
john,  Marvin,  McAllister,  McKinney,  Middletou,  James  R. 
Morris,  Leonard  Myers,  Nelson,  Norton,  John  O'Neill, 
Patterson,  Pendli>toii,  Perham,  Perry,  Williain  H.  Randall, 
Rogers,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  Scofield,  Shannon,  Spalding, 
Starr,  Stebbins,  William  G.  Steele,  Stevens,  Sweat,  Van 
Valkenburgh,  Voorhees,  Williams,  W^infield,  Benjamlti 
U'ood,  and  Yeainaii — 58.  .     •    -  '        ^      .j. 

So  the  bill  w!is  not  laid  on  the  ta'b'lf':    •'■■    '"§ 

The  question  being  on  seconding  the  demand 
for  the  previous  question  on  the  engros.^niciit  of 
the  bill,  :^'a 

Mr.  WILSON  called  for  tellers. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  that 
ihe  House  do  now  adjourn. 

The  SPEAKER.  'Before  putting  the  question 
on  that  motion  the  Chair  will  state  that  if  the 
House  now  adjourns  the  evening  session  which 
has  been  set  apart  for  the  business  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  will  not  be  lield. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  called  for  the 
yeas  and  naye  on  the  motion  to  adjourn. 


3060 


THE  COJS^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  17, 


The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  48,  nays  83,  not  voting  51; as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Ancona,  Ashley,  Bax- 
ter, nrookfl,  James  S.  Brown,  Chanler,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Dawes,  Diiilson,  Dixon,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Farns- 
wonli.  Feiiton,  Gooch,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulburd,  Iiiger- 
noll, William  Johnson,  Kalblleiach,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Knox, 
Law,  Le  Blond,  Loan,  Longyear-Mcindoe,  Morrison,  Amos 
Myers.  Odell,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth,  Pike,  Pruyn,  Radford, 
John  H.  Itico,  Robinson,  .Schenek,  SInan,  Smlthers,  Stiles, 
Stronse,  Thayer,  Tracy,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  and  Wil- 
liams— 48. 

NAYS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Alley,  Allison,  Ames, 
Anderson,  Gaily,  Aujiiistus  C.  Baldwin,  John  D.  Baldwin, 
Beaman,  Blair,  Blow,Boutwell,  Boyd,  Broomall,  Ambrose 
W.  Clark,  Cobb,  Coffroth,  Cole,  Cravens,  Creswell,  Daw- 
son, Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eliot,  Enalish,  Finck,  Frank,  Gan- 
Bon,  Garfield,  Glider,  Hale,  Harding,  Charles  M.  Harris, 
Higby,  Holman,  Hooper,  Hotclikiss,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard, 
Philip  Johnson,  Julian,  Kernan,  Lazear,  Long,  Mallory, 
Marcy,McBride,  MeClurg,  McDowell,  Middleton, Samuel 
F.  Miller,  William  H.Miller,  Moorhead,  Morrill,  Daniel 
Morris,  Leonard  Myers,  Pendleton,  Price,  Samuel  J.  Ran- 
dall, Ale,\ander  H,  Rice,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross, 
Scott,  Smith,  John  B.  Steele,  Stevens,  Stuart,  Sweat, 
Thomas,  Upson,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  William  B.  Wash- 
burn, Webster,  Whaley,!Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White,  Jo- 
seph VV.  White,  Wilder,  Wilson,  Windoai,  Fernando  Wood, 
and  Woodbridgc — 83. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Arnold,  Blaine,  Bliss,  Brande- 
gee,  William  G.  Brown,  Clay,  Cox,  Henry  Winter  Davis, 
Thomas  T.  Davis,  Deming,  Duinont,  Eckley,  Grinnell, 
Griswold,  Hall,  Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Herrick, 
Huteliins,  Jenckes,  Kasson,  KcUey,  Francis  W.  Kellogg, 
King,  Kiiapp,  Littlejohn,  Marvin,  McAllister,  McKinney, 
James  R.  Morris,  Nelson,  Noble,  Norton,  Jolm  O'Neill,  Pat- 
terson, Perliam,  Perry,  Pomeroy,  William  H.  Randall,  Ed- 
ward H.  Rollins,  Seofield,  Shannon,  Spalding,  Starr,  Steb- 
bins,  William  G.  Steele,  Van  Valkenburgh,  Voorhees, 
Winfleld,  Benjamin  Wood,  and  Yeaniati — 5L 

So  the  House  refused  to  adjourn. 

During  the  call  of  the  roll, 

Mr.  HARRINGTON  stated  that  he  had  paired 

with  Mr.  Deming,  of  Connecticut,  on  all  questions 

affecting  the  bill  before  the  House,  and  as  this 

vote  might  incidentally  affect  it,  he  would  decline 

to  vote. 

ENROLLED  BILLS. 

Mr,  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  rejiorted  that  the  committee  had  examined 
and  found  truly  enrolled  bills  and  a  joint  resolution 
of  the  following  titles,  when  the  Speaker  signed 
the  same: 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  relief  of  Rhoda 
Wolcott; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  521)  to  amend  an  act  enti- 
tled "  An  act  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  the 
claims  of  Peruvian  citizens  under  the  convention 
between  the  United  States  and  Peru  of  the  12th 
of  January,  1863,"  approved  June  1,  1864; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  227)  granting  lands  to  the 
State  of  Michigan  for  the  construction  of  certain 
wagon  roads  for  military  and  other  purposes;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  47)  for  the  relief 
of  Rev.  W.  B.  Matchett. 

REBELLION  LOSSES AGAIN. 

The  question  being  on  seconding  the  demand 
for  the  previous  question,  on  which  tellers  had 
been  demanded,  tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs. 
Wilson  and  Strocse  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  62,  noes  48. 

So  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, oflUinois, demanded  the 
yeas  and  nays  on  ordering  the  main  question. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

The  main  question  was  ordered  —  ayes  68, 
noes  24. 

The  question  being  put  on  the  amendment  sub- 
mitted by  Mr.  Hale,  on  the  suggestion  of  Mr. 
BouTWELL,  68  voted  in  the  affirmative  and  24  in 
the  negative. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  called  for 
the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill,  as  amended,  was  then  ordered  to  be 
engrossed  and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  HALE  moved  the  previous  question  on 
the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

Mr.  LE  BLOND  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  CRESWELL.  I  move  that  the  House 
adjourn  intimediately  after  the  roll-call  on  the 
pasaagn  of  the  bill. 


The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  doubts  whether 
that  motion  will  be  in  order.  The  gentleman 
may,  if  he  desires  it,  move  to  extend  the  session 
after  half  past  four  o'clock. 

Mr.  CRESWELL.     I  make  that  motion. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  demand  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  that  motion.  We  have  set  apart  to-night  for 
the  consideration  of  the  business  of  the  District 
of  Columbia,  atid  I  want  to  see  whether  we  will 
break  faith  with  that  committee. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state,  so  that 
the  House  may  understand  it,  what  will  be  the 
condition  of  this  bill  if  the  House  do  now  adjourn 
or  take  a  recess.  The  matn  question  having  been 
ordered  on  its  passage,  should  the  House  adjourn 
it  will  come  up  immediately  after  the  reading  of 
the  Journal  to-morrow  morning,  and  should  the 
House  not  adjourn  but  take  a  recess,  inasmuch 
as  to-night  has  been  devoted  to  the  business  of 
the  District  of  Columbia  by  unanimous  consent, 
that  business  will  take  precedence,  and  this  bill 
will  still  go  over  till  to-morrow  immediately  after 
the  reading  of  the  Journal. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.  I  desire  to  inquire 
whether  this  party  opposition  is  to  defeat  the  bill .' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  cannot  answer 
the  question  put  in  that  way. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  Is  there  not  a  special 
order  for  to-morrow? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  business  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs  is  assigned  as  a  special 
order  after  to-morrow  morning.  During  the  morn- 
ing hour  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  is  the  business 
in  order.  The  morning  hour,  however,  will  not 
commence  until  after  the  disposal  of  this  bill 
should  it  go  over  to-day's  session. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  ask  the  gen- 
tleman to  postpone  his  motion  for  half  an  hour. 

Mr.  CRESWELL.  As  that  seems  to  be  the 
pleasure  of  the  House,  I  withdraw  my  motion  for 
half  an  hour. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  that  the  House  do 
now  adjourn. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  What  will  be  the  effect  of  an 
adjournment.' 

The  SPEAKER.  This  bill  will  come  up  to- 
morrow in  the  morning  hour,  and  there  will  be  no 
evening  session. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  44, 
noes  61. 

Mr.  ANCONA  demanded  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Ancona,  and 
Rice  of  Maine,  were  appointed. 

During  the  division,  the  hour  of  half  past  four 
having  arrived. 

The  SPEAKER  announced  that,  under  the  or- 
der of  the  House,  the  House  would  take  a  recess 
until  half  past  seven  o'clock,  p.  m. 


EVENING  SESSION. 
The  House,  at  half  past  seven  o'clock,  p.  m., 
resumed  its  session. 

CALIFORNIA  LANDS. 

Mr,  HIGBY.  I  move,  by  unanimous  consent, 
to  take  up  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  to  House 
bill  No.  179,  concerning  lands  in  the  State  of  Cal- 
ifornia, in  order  that  they  may  be  concurred  in. 
They  are  immaterial  amendments,  and  will  give 
rise  to  no  debate. 

There  was  no  objection,  and  the  amendments 
were  taken  up  and  severally  concurred  in. 

Mr.  HIGBY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  amendments  were  concurred  in;  and 
also  moved  that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid 
upon  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MILITARY  ROAD  TO  LAKE  SUPERIOR. 

Mr.  DRIGGS.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to 
take  up  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  to  House 
bill  No.  247,  granting  lands  to  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin to  build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Superior, 
in  order  that  the  amendments  may  be  concurred  in . 

The  amendments  were  read. 

Mr.  BROOKS,  I  object,  I  think  the  amend- 
ments ought  to  be  referred  to  a  committee  of  this 

House, 

PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  that  this  evening  was 
set  apart  for  the  consideration  of  business  relat- 
ing to  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Mr.  STEVENS,  1  do  not  know  whether  we 
are  entitled  to  the  morning  hour  for  the  Pacific 


railroad  bill.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  Steele,]  who  is  chairman  of  the 
Committee  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  whether 
he  will  not  have  enough  time  after  the  morning 
hour  for  his  business  ?  I  think  he  will,  and  1  ask 
him  to  yield  to  me  to  call  up  the  Pacific  rail  road  bill. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  1  yield  for  that 
purpose. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  House  will  resume  the 
consideration  of  the  Pacific  railroad  bill, on  which 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  is  entitled  to  the 
floor. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  have  no  fur- 
ther remarks  to  make. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  following  amend- 
ment submitted  by  Mr.  Holman: 

And  said  road  shall  be  a  public  highway,  and  shall  trans- 
port the  property  and  troops  of  the  United  States,  when 
transportation  of  them  shall  be  required,  free  of  toll  or  other 
charge. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  have  examined  very  care- 
fully,  as  any  gentleman  may  do,  the  original  char- 
ter of  this  company,  and  it  was  granted  on  con- 
dition that  the  railroad  shall  at  all  times  give  the 
preference  to  the  United  States  at  a  reasonable 
rate,  which  is  to  be  credited  on  the  bonds.  I  hope 
the  amendment  will  not  be  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ANCONA.  In  the  absence  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana  I  demand  a  division. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  There  is  not  a  quorum  pres- 
ent. It  was  the  general  understanding  that  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  business  would  be  considered 
this  evening.  I  know  gentlemen  who  would  be 
here  if  they  thought  this  bill  would  come  up,  as 
they  have  amendments  to  offer  to  it. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  suggest  that 
the  bill  be  postponed  until  we  dispose  of  the  Dis- 
trict business.  We  will  not  occupy  more  than 
an  hour. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  With  the  understanding  that 
it  will  come  up  when  this  business  is  disposed  of, 
I  do  not  object. 

It  was  so  ordered. 

ENTRIES  OP  LAND  IN  MISSOURI. 

Mr.  HALE,  by  unanimous  consent,  moved  to 
take  up  and  concur  in  the  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ate to  House  bill  No.  217,  to  confirm  certain  en- 
tries of  land  in  the  State  of  Missouri. 

The  bill  was  taken  up,  and  the  amendment  was 
concurred  in. 

Mr.  HALE  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  amendment  was  concurred  in;  and  also 
moved  that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  \vas  agreed  to. 

ALEXANDRIA  AND  WASHINGTON  RAILROAD. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  from  the  Com- 
mittee for  the  District  of  Columbia,  reported  back 
House  bill  No.  514,  to  amend  an  act  to  extend  the 
charter  of  the  Alexandria  and  Washington  rail- 
road, and  for  other  purposes,  passed  March  3, 
1863,  with  the  recommendation  that  it  do  pass. 

The  bill  was  read. 

Mr.  DRIGGS.  The  bill  provides  for  steam 
power  through  this  city,  and  I  would  like  to  have 
further  time  to  consider  it. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  1  withdraw  the 
report  for  the  present. 

METROPOLITAN  RAILROAD  COMPANY. 

Mr.  WHEELER,  from  the  Committee  for  the 
District  of  Columbia,  reported  back  Senate  bill 
No.  54,  to  incorporate  the  Metropolitan  Railroad 
Company  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  with  the 
recommendation  that  it  do  pass. 

The  bill  was  read. 

The  several  amendments  recommended  by  the 
Committee  for  the  District  of  Columbia  to  the  bill 
of  the  Senate  were  agreed  to  without  division, 
with  the  exception  of  the  seventh  amendment, 
which  was  reported  as  follows: 

Strike  out  the  following  proviso  at  tlie  end  of  the  four- 
teenth section  : 

Provided,  Tltut  there  shall  be  no  regulation  excluding 
any  person  from  any  car  on  account  of  color. 

Mr.  MORRIS,  of  Ohio.  Will  it  be  in  order  to 
move  an  amendment  to  perfect  the  clause  before 
the  vote  is  taken  upon  striking  it  out? 

The  SPEAKER.     It  will. 

Mr.  MORRIS,  of  Ohio.  I  move  to  amend  by 
adding  to  the  proviso  the  following: 

But  the  said  company  may  place  cars  upon  said  route, 
Indorsed  on  ttie  outside  of  same  in  large  letters,  "  While 
prrsons  admitted. ■'  < 


1864 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3061 


Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  No  objec- 
tion to  tiiat. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  addingtiiereto  the  words  "provided  they 
are  sober." 

Mr.  UPSON.    I  demand  thepreviouB  question. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  Is  it  in  order  to  move  an 
amendment  to  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio.' 

The  SPEAKER,  It  is  not,  as  one  amendment 
to  the  amendment  is  already  jjcnding. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  I  want  to  move  to  include 
also  the  members  from  Iowa.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  PRICE.  And  the  member  from  Wiscon- 
sin too.     [Laughter.] 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

The  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Price  to  the 
amendment  of  Mr.  Morris,  of  Ohio,  was  agreed 
to. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  amendment  as 
amended. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  Is  it  in  order  now  to  move 
my  amendment? 

The  SPEAKER.     It  is  not. 

The  House  was  divided  on  the  amendment; 
and  there  were — ayes  28,  noes  33,  no  quorum 
voting. 

The  SPEAKER  ordered  tellers;  and  appointed 
Mr.  MoRRts,  of  Ohio,  and  Mr.  Price. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  It  is  evident 
there  is  no  quorum  here,  and  I  suggest  that  we 
take  up  some  other  matter  with  which  we  can 
proceed . 

.  Mr.  STEVENS.  There  is  a  quorum  here  if 
they  are  only  sober.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  BRO  WN,  of  Wisconsin.  They  are  all  in 
thecondition  of  thegentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     Then  they  are  all  right. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  I  wish  to  inquire  as  to  the 
effect  of  this  vote.  If  we  adopt  this  amendment 
does  it  admit  while  men  provided  they  are  sober, 
and  drunken  negroes .' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  cannot  answer 
the  question. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  White  men  sober,  and  ne- 
groes drunk.' 

The  House  was  then  divided;  and  the  tellers 
reported — ayes  sixteen,  noes  not  counted. 

So  the  amendment  as  amended  was  not  agreed 
to. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  demand  the  yeas  and 
nays  on  agreeing  with  the  recommendation  of  the 
committee  to  strike  out  the  proviso. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  put;  and  there  were — yeas 
38,  nays  45,  not  voting  99;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Aiicona,  Bally,  Augus- 
tus C.  Baldwin,  Brooks,  James  S.  Brown, Coffri<tli,  Dawson, 
Eden,  Edgcrton,  Eldiidge,  English,  Finck,  Grider,  Hard- 
ing, CiuirJesM.  Harris,  William  Johnson,  Keriian,  I.azear, 
Long,  McDowell, McKinney,  William  H.Miller,  James  R. 
Morris,  Morrison,  Noble,  Robinson,  Ross,  Scott,  Smilhers, 
John  B.  Steele, Stiles,  Thomas, Webster, Wlialcy, Wheeler, 
Chilton  A.  Wliite,  and  Joseph  W.  White— 38. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Alley,  Ames,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter, 
Beaman,  Blaine,  Boutvvell,  Broomall,Cobb,  Cole,  Dawes, 
Dixon,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  (Jooch,  Hale,  Higby,Asahel 
W.  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Ingersoll,  Orlando  Kel- 
logg, Loan,  Longyear, Marvin,  McClurg,  Mclndoe,  Samuel 
F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Daniel  Morris,  Ainos  Myers,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Patterson,  Perham,  Price,  Scofield,  Shannon, 
Sloan,  Stevens,  Upson,  Eliliu  B.  Washburne,  William  B. 
Washburn,  Wilder,  Wilson,  and  Windom — 45. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Allison,  An- 
derson,Arnold,Ashley,  Blair,  Bliss,  Blow,  Boyd,  Brandcgee, 
William  G.Brown, Chanter,  Ambrose  W.Clark,  Freeman 
Clarke,  Clay, Cox, Cravens,  Creswell,Henrv  Winter  Davis, 
Thomas  T.  Davis,  Deming,  Denison,  Doniielly,  Dumont, 
Farnsvvorth,  Fenton,  Frank,  Ganson,  Garfield,  Grlnnell, 
Griswold,  Hall,  Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Herrick, 
ilolman,  Hooper,  Hotchkiss,  Hulburd,  Hutchins,  Jenckes, 
Philip  Johnson,  Julian,  Kalbfleisch,  Kasson,  Kelley,  Fran- 
cis VV.  Kellogg,  King,  Knapp,  Knox,  Law,  Le  Blond,  Lit- 
i    tlejolin,  Mallory,  Marey,  McAllister,  McBrlde,  Middleton, 
.    Morrill,   Leonatd   Myers,   Nelson,   Norton,   Odell,    John 
i    O'Neill,  Orth,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Pike,  Ponierov,  Pruyn, 
!    lladtbrd,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  William  H.  Randall",  Alexan- 
der H.  Rice,  John   H.  Rice,  Rogers,  Edward  H.  Rollins, 
James  S.  Rollins,  Schenck,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Steb- 
bins,  William  G.  Steele,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Thayer, 
Tracy,  Van  Valkenburgh,  Voorhees,  Wadsworth,  Ward, 
Williams,   Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood, 
Woodbridge,  and  Yeaman— 99. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  DAWES  stated  that  Mr.  Hooper  was 
paired  off. 

Mr.  McBRlDE  stated  that  he  was  paired  off. 
i       No  quorum  having  voted, 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN  moved  that  the  House 
adjourn . 


Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  suggest  that 
we  take  upsomeother  business, and  take  another 
vote  upon  this  hereafter. 

The  SPEAKER.  No  business  can  be  trans- 
acted until  a  quorum  appears. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  If  the  House  adjourns  now 
will  liiis  come  up  as  unfinished  business  to-mor- 
row.' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will,  as  the  previous  ques- 
tion has  been  sustained  on  it. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  1  ask  the  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois  to  withdi-aw  the  motion  to 
adjourn,  that  I  may  ask  the  House  to setanother 
day  for  the  consideration  of  District  of  Columbia 
business. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.     I  will  do  so. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  ask  the  House 
to  assign  some  other  time  for  District  of  Columbia 
business. 

Mr.  BLAINE.     Say  Monday  evening. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  will  ask  for 
Wednesday  evening. 

The  SPE.AKER.  The  same  objection  exists 
to  that  as  did  to  passing  to  other  business,  from 
the  fact  that  no  quorum  is  present. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLLN.  I  renew  my  motion  to 
adjourn. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  motion  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Maine  [Mr.  Blaine]  that  there  be  a  call 
of  the  House  will  now  be  in  order  ifon  an  actual 
count  a  quorum  shall  not  be  found  in  their  seals. 
The  Chair  will  count  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER  proceeded  to  count  the  tlouse, 
and  ascertained  that  there  were  only  91  members 
present,  being  1  less  than  a  quoruin. 

The  question  was  taken  on  Mr.  Blaine's  mo- 
tion; and  it  was  agreed  to. 

So  a  call  of  the  House  was  ordered. 

The  roll  was  accordingly  called;  when  the  fol- 
lowing members  failed  to  answer  to  their  names: 

Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Allison,  Anderson,  Arnold, 
Ashley,  Bli.ss,  Boyd,  Br.indegee,  Chanter,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Clay,  Coffroih,  Cox,  Cravens,  Creswell,  Henry  Winter 
Davis,  Tliomas  T.  Davis,  Deming,  Denison,  Donnelly,  Du- 
mont, Farnswortli,  Fenton,  Frank,  Ganson,  Garrield,Grin- 
nell.  Hall.  Harrington,  Ifenjaniin  G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hoop- 
er, Hotchkiss,  Hulburd,  Hutchins,  Jenckes,  Philip  John- 
son, Julian,  Kalbfleisch,  Kasson,  Kelley,  Francis  VV.  Kel- 
logg, King,  Knapp,  Law,  Le  Blond,  Littlejohn,  Mallory, 
Marey,  McAllister,  Middleton,  Morrill,  Leonard  Myers, 
Nelson,  Norton,OdPll,  John  O'Neill,  Pendleton, Perry,  Pike, 
I'omcroy,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  VViliiam  H. 
Randall,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Robinson,  Ro- 
gers, Edward  U.  Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins,  Schenck,  Smith, 
Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  William  G. Steele,  Strouse, Stu- 
art, Tliayer,  Voorhees,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  Winfield,  Ben- 
jamin Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridge,  and  Yeaman. 

A  quorum  having  now  appeared, 

Mr.  ANCONA  moved  that  all  further  proceed- 
ings under  the  call  be  dispensed  with. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

So  all  further  proceedings  under  the  call  were 
dispensed  with. 

The  question  recurred  onagreeing  to  theamend- 
ment  reported  by  the  Committee  for  the  District 
of  Columbia. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  suggest  that  this  bill  be 
passed  over,  and  that  we  take  up  some  other  bill 
about  which  there  is  no  controversy. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  can  be  done  now  by 
unanimous  consent.     [Cries  of  "  Agreed."] 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  There  is  no  ob- 
jection to  that  on  the  part  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I  object  unless  this  bill,  after 
the  other  business  shall  be  disposed  of,  can  take 
the  place  it  now  holds  in  reference  to  the  business 
of  to-morrow. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  can  if  it  is  passed  over 
by  unanimous  consent.  It  will  then  retain  pre- 
cisely the  same  position  it  now  occupies. 

Mr.  BLAINE.     Then  I  make  no  objection. 

The  bill  was  then  passed  over  informally. 

LEAVE  OF  ABSENCE. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  met  the 
gentleman  from  Missouri  [Mr.  King]  at  the 
depot  last  evening,  and  he  said  that  he  was  going 
home  on  account  of  the  illness  of  his  wife.  He 
desired  that  I  should  ask  leave  of  absence  for  him 
indefinitely,  and  1  now  do  so. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  leave  of  absence 
was  gi-anted. 

LANDLORD  AND  TENANT  LAWS. 

Mr.  WHEELER,  from  the  Committee  for  the 
District  of  Columbia,  reported  back,  with  sundry 
amendments,  and  with  the  recommendation  that 


it  do  pass,  bill  of  the  Senate  No.  138,  to  regulate 
proceedings  in  cases  between  landlords  and  ten- 
ants in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  bill  was  read,  and  the  amendments  reported 
by  the  committee  were  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  should  like  to  hear  some 
explanation  of  this  bill.  If  I  understand  ilarigiit, 
it  reverses  the  whole  doctrine  of  tenancy  at  will. 
Tenancy  at  will  is  by  sufferance  generally,  and 
without  any  contract.  Now,  if  I  understand  the 
first  section  of  this  bill,  tenancy  at  will  cun  never 
existexcept  under  express  agreement.  How  that 
can  be  tortured  into  tenancy  at  will,  I  cannot  un- 
derstand. 

There  are  two  or  three  other  provisions  in  liie 
bill  which  are  utterly  at  variance  with  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  common  lav/,  and  which  may  be 
well  enough  for  the  landlord,  but  very  hard  for 
the  tenant.  I  think  that  the  bill  ought  to  bo  fully 
and  thoroughly  examined  by  the  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary,  and  I  move  its  reference  to  that 
committee. 

Mr.  WHEELER.  One  of  the  amendments 
reported  by  the  committee  for  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  which  has  been  adopted,  provides 
that  the  first  section  shall  not  apply  to  existing 
leases  or  contracts,  and  persons  who  contract 
hereafter  and  then  lease  buildings  will  contract 
with  reference  to  the  law  as  ii  then  exists.  There 
is  no  objection  to  it  if  it  does  change  the  common 
law  rule  on  this  sul)ject. 

The  other  amendments  have  been  prepared 
simply  for  the  purpose  of  ada[)ting  the  proceed- 
ings of  justices' courts  so  as  to  allow  a  civil  rem- 
edy in  obtaining  possession  of  property.  I  think 
there  is  no  necessity  for  referring  this  bill  to  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary.  I  hope  it  will  be 
passed. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  demand 
the  previous  question  on  the  motion  to  refer. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  that  if 
the  previous  question  is  ordered  it  will  extend  to 
the  third  reading  of  the  bill,  if  the  motion  to  refer 
should  not  be  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Very  well; 
let  us  have  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

The  bill  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  to  re- 
consider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  referred; 
and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider 
on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ENROLLED  BILL. 
Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  that  the  committee  had  examined 
and  found  truly  enrolled  an  act  (H.  R.  No.  217) 
to  confirm  certain  entries  of  land  in  the  State  of 
Missouri;  when  the  Speaker  signed  the  same. 

WASHINGTON  AND  ALEXANDRIA  RAILROAD. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  The  gentleman 
from  Michigan  [Mr.  Driggs]  objected  a  short 
time  ago  to  the  passage  of  House  bill  No.  514,  to 
amend  and  extend  the  charter  of  the  Washington 
and  Alexandria  Railroad  Company,  and  for  other 
purposes.  He  has  since  examined  the  bill,  and 
finding  that  his  objections  were  not  well  founded 
is  willing  to  withdraw  them.  I  ask  that  the  bill 
may  be  put  upon  its  passage. 

Mr.  DRIGGS.  1  desire  to  state  that  when  I 
objected  to  the  bill  I  understood,  not  having  heard 
it  read  distinctly,  that  its  object  was  to  extend 
the  privileges  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad 
Company  instead  of  the  Washington  and  Alex- 
andria Railroad  Company;  and  I  supposed  that 
the  right  to  use  steam  dummies  upon  the  road 
was  to  be  independent  of  any  control  by  the  cor- 
poration of  Washington.  1  have  since  read  the 
bill, and  finding  that  1  was  mistaken  in  both  sup- 
positions, I  liave  no  objection  to  it  and  hope  it 
will  pass. 

The  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.  PATTERSON  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

WASHINGTON  AND  GEORGETOWN  RAILROAD.,     . 

Mr.  PATTERSON,  from  the  Committee  for 
the  District  of  Columbia,  reported  back  House 
billNo.  529,  to  amend  the  charter  of  the  Washing- 


3062 


THE  COj^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


ton  tiiid  Georgetown  Railroad  Company,  with  an 
amendment  in   the  form  of  a  substitute. 

The  sulistitute  gives  the  right  to  the  Washing- 
ton and  Georgetown  Railroad  Company  to  con- 
Btruct  horse  railways  upon  any  public  highway 
witiiin  the  county  of  Washington,  limiting  the 
fare  on  such  roads  to  ten  cents  for  each  passen- 
ger, and  making  the  necessary  limitations  and 
guards  connected  with  the  grant. 

The  substitute  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  as  amended  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed 
and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was 
accordingly  read  the  third  time, and  passed. 

Mr.  PATTERSON  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  vi^hich  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

IlEVISION  OF  TUE  BISTRICT  LAWS. 

Mr.  BEAMAN,  from  the  Committee  for  the 
District  of  Columbia,  reported  back  without 
amendment  Senate  joint  resolution  No.  59,  to 
provide  for  tlie  revision  of  the  laws  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia. 

The  joint  resolution  was  read.  It  states  that 
the  revised  code  of  the  District  of  Columbia  was 
prepared  under  the  act  to  improve  the  laws  of  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  to  codify  the  same,  ap- 
proved Marcii  3,  1855,  and  published  by  order 
of  Congress  in  1857,  and  it  is  believed  that  said 
code  was  a  comprehensive,  complete,  and  accu- 
rate compilation  of  the  laws  of  the  District  at  the 
period  of  its  execution,  and  that  measures  should 
be  taken  to  have  the  work  brought  down  to  the 
present  time  and  perfected;  and  enacts  that  the 
Committees  on  the  District  of  Columbia  of  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress,  respectively,  be  instructed 
to  cause  said  code  to  be  so  revised,  amended,  and 
corrected,  and  also  the  laws  of  Congress  for  said 
District  passed  since  the  compilation  aforesaid, 
as  shall  adapt  the  same  to  the  present  condition 
of  the  laws,  and  may  employ  not  more  than  two 
suitable  [lersons  on  the  preparation  of  the  work 
at  a  compensation  of  ten  dollars  per  day  for  the 
time  employed;  and  the  code  so  prepared  shall 
be  printed  t)y  direction  of  the  committees  in  a 
neat  and  convenient  form  for  the  use  of  the  com- 
mittees and  Congress;  and  the  committees  shall 
report  the  same  to  their  respective  Houses  at  the 
next  session  of  Congress  for  adoption. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  a  third 
reading;  and  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

Mr  BEAMAN  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PACIFIC  llAILUOAD. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  that  the  business  of 
the  Commilte  for  the  District  of  Columbia  hav- 
ing been  disposed  of,  the  business  next  in  order 
was  the  consideration  of  the  Pacific  railroad  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  have  just  learned  that  the 
Senate  has  taken  off  the  duty  on  railroad  iron, 
■which  I  suppose  will  enable  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Company  to  get  their  iron  so  cheaply  that  no 
further  grant  will  be  necessary.  [Laughter.]  1 
therefore  move  that  the  bill  be  postponed  till  to- 
morrow. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  that 
the  bill  will  come  up  in  the  morning  hour  at  any 
rate, 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Very  well,  I  move,  then,  that 
the  House  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  thereupon  (at 
nine  o'clock,  p.  m.)  the  Plouse  adjourned. 


IN  SENATE. 
Saturday,  June  18, 1864. 

Prayer  by  the  Chaplain,  Rev.  Dr.  Bowman. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  ANTHONY,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent,  the  reading  of  the  Journal  was  dis- 
pensed with. 

PETITIONS  AND  MEMORIALS. 

Mr.  COLLAMER  presented  twenty-live  pe- 
titions, embracing  the  names  of  fourteen  hundred 
and  eighty-nine  citizens  of  Vermont,  praying  for 
the  passage  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure 
to  persons  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the 
United  States  homesteads  on  confiscated  or  for- 
feited estates  in  insurrectionary  districts;  which 
were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands. 


Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana,  presented  a  petition  of 
men  and  women  of  Indiana,  praying  for  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit  itsexistence 
in  any  portion  of  the  Union;  which  was  referred 
to  the  select  committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  three  petitions  of  citizens 
of  Vermont,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  socare  to  persons  in  the  mil- 
itary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

REPORTS  T'ROM  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  ANTHONY,  from  the  Committee  on 
Printing,  to  whom  was  referred  the  rnoiion  to 
print  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
communicating  an  abstract  of  the  returns  re- 
quired to  be  made  by  banks  and  associations 
doing  a  banking  business,  as  provided  by  the  act 
of  March  3,  1863,  reported  the  following  resolu- 
tion; which  was  considered  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, and  agreed  to: 

Resolved,  That  two  tliousand  additional  copies  of  the 
abstract  of  the  reports  of  the  banks,  associatiotid,  corpora- 
tions, and  individuals  doing  a  banking  business,  made  to 
tlie  Commissioner  of  Internal  Ilevenue,  connnunlcated  to 
tlie  Senate  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  response 
to  a  resolution  passed  May  20,  1864,  be  printed  for  the  use 
of  the  Senate. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  resolution  submitted  by  Mr. 
TnuMBULL  on  the  13th  instant,  that  five  thousand 
additional  copies  of  the  report  of  the  Smithso- 
nian Institution,  for  1863,  be  printed,  reported 
it  without  amendment;  and  it  was  agreed  to,  as 
follows: 

Resolred,  That  five  thousand  additional  copies  of  the 
report  of  the  Sniitlisonian  Institution  for  1863  be  printed, 
two  thousand  for  the  use  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution 
and  three  thousand  for  the  use  of  the  Senate:  Provided, 
That  the  aggregate  number  of  pages  contained  in  said  re- 
port shall  not  exceed  four  hundred  and  fifty,  without  wood- 
cuts or  plates,  except  those  furnished  by  the  Institution ; 
and  that  the  Superintendent  of  Public  Printing  be  author- 
ized, if  consistent  with  the  public  service,  to  allow  the 
Smithsonian  Institution  to  stereotype  the  report  atitsown 
expense,  or  to  otherwise  print  at  its  own  expense  such  .ad- 
ditional copies  as  may  be  desired,  from  the  type  set  in  the 
Government  printing  establishment. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  a  resolution  to  print  one  thousand 
copies  of  all  Indian  treaties,  asked  to  be  discharged 
from  its  further  consideration,  and  that  it  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs;  which 
was  agreed  to. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  motion  to  print  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Senate,  exhibiting  a  detailed 
statementofall  payments  from  thecontingentfund 
of  theSenate  ferthe  yearending December  6, 1863, 
reported  in  favor  of  printing  the  same;  and  the 
report  was  agreed  to. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  DIXON,  it  was 

Ordered,  That  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate 
be  referred  to  the  Committee  to  Audit  and  Control  the  Con- 
tingent Expenses  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  am  also  instructed  by  the 
Committee  on  Printing,  to  whom  was  referred  the 
motion  to  print  the  report  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
J.  H.  Simpson,  on  his  explorations  across  the 
Great  Basin  of  Utah  Territory,  to  report  a  res- 
olution on  the  subject.  The  report  is  an  ex- 
ceedingly valuable  one,  and  at  some  time  should 
be  printed;  but  thecostof  it  will  exceed  pOO,000, 
and  the  committee  did  not  deem  it  proper  to  rec- 
ommend such  an  appropriation  at  the  present 
time.  They  instruct  me  to  report  the  following 
resolution,  and  I  ask  for  its  present  consideration: 

Resolved,  That  it  is  inexpedient  at  present  to  print  the 
report  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  J.  H.  Simpson,  and  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Senate  return  the  manuscripts,  drawings, 
and  maps,  now  on  the  files  of  the  Senate,  to  the  chief  of 
the  engineer  corp  for  preservation. 

The  resolution  was  considered  by  unanimous 
consent,  and  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  am  also  directed  by  the 
Committee  on  Printing,  to  whom  was  referred  the 
motion  to  print  the  message  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  communicating  a  copy  of  the  rec- 
ord containing  the  charges,  sentence,  judgment, 
and  proceedings  in  the  case  of  William  Yocum, 
to  report  in  favor  of  printing  the  same.  I  ask 
for  its  present  consideration. 

Mr.  WILSON.  What  is  the  use  of  printing 
that? 


Mr.  COLLAMER.  1  move  that  that  report 
lie  over  under  the  rule. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  will  lie  over 
if  objection  be  made. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  not.  It  is  a  very 
small  matter. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  The  cost  is  very  trifling; 
only  some  ^50. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Objection  be- 
ing made,  it  must  lie  over. 

Mr.  HARLAN,  from  the  Committee  on  Public 
Lands,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H.R.Nu. 
483)  granting  lands  to  aid  in  the  construction  (rf  a 
railroad  and  telegraph  line  from  Lake  Superior 
to  Puget  sound  on  the  Pacific  coast,  by  the  north- 
ern route,  reported  it  with  amendments. 

Mr.  FOSTER,  from  the  Committee  on  Pen- 
sions, to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
466)  for  the  relief  of  the  widow  of  C.  A.  tiaun, 
reported  it  with  amendments,  and  submitted  a  re- 
port (No.  86)  which  was  ordered  to  be  printed. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  v^hom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  347)  for  the  re- 
lief of  Martha  Jane  Skaggs,  reported  it  with  an 
amendment,  and  submitted  a  report  (No.  87) 
which  was  ordei'ed  to  be  printed. 

BILLS  INTRODUCED.  .-.'liOf 

Mr.  POMEROY  asked,  and  by  unanimous 
consent  obtained,  leave  to  bring  in  a  joint  resolu- 
tion (S.  No.  68)  securing  payment  to  the  Dela- 
ware and  Pottawatomie  Indians  for  lands  sold  to 
the  Leavenworth,  Pawnee,  and  Western  Rail- 
road Company,  now  known  as  the  Union  Pacific 
Railway  Company,  eastern  division;  which  was 
read  twice  by  its  title,  and  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Indian  Affairs. 

Mr.  HARLAN  asked,  and  by  unanimous  con- 
sent obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No. 
312)  to  regulate  the  compensation  of  registers 
and  receivers  of  the  land  offices  in  the  State  of 
Iowa,  in  the  location  of  lands  by  States  and  cor- 
porations under  grants  from  Congress;  which  was 
read  twice  by  its  title,  and  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Public  Lands,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

He  also  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent  ob"- 
tained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  313)  for 
the  relief  of  Henry  Rudd;  which  was  read  twice 
by  its  title,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

He  also  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent  ob- 
tained, leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  314)  for 
the  reliefof  James  P.  Johnson;  which  was  read 
twice  by  its  title,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

Mr.  HOWE  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent 
obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  315)  in 
relation  to  the  sale  of  reservations  of  the  public 
lands;  which  v/as  read  twice  by  its  title. 

Mr.  HOWE.  The  substance  of  this  bill  has 
been  sent  to  me  by  the  Commissioner  of  the  Gen- 
eral Land  Office.  There  are  some  reservations 
ordered  for  sale,  and  he  desires  that  this  bill  may 
be  passed  at  this  session,  otherwise  it  will  not  be 
in  season  for  those  sales.  I  have  shown  it  to  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands, 
and  to  one  other  member  of  that  committee  in 
the  Senate,  and  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
the  part  of  the  tlouse  of  Representatives.  They 
think  it  is  right;  and  if  there  is  no  objection,  I 
should  like  to  have  it  considered  now.  It  will 
lead  to  no  debate. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  object  to  its  consideration. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  <em;)(H-e.  Objection  be- 
ing made,  it  cannot  be  considered  to-day. 

BILLS  BECOME  LAWS. 

A  message  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  Mr.  Hay,  his  Secretary,  announced 
that  he  had  on  yesterday,  the  17th  instant,  ap- 
proved and  signed  the  following  bills: 

A  bill  (S.  No.  106)  to  prohibit  certain  sales  of 
gold  and  foreign  exchange; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  129)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  authorize  the  corporation  of  George- 
town, in  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  lay  and  col- 
lect a  water  tax,  and  for  other  purposes,"  ap-' 
proved  May  91,  1862; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  216)  to  grant  the  right  of  pre- 
emption to  certain  settlers  on  the  Rancho  Bolsa 
de  Tomales,  in  the  State  of  California; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  223)  to  regulate  the  foreign  and  ■ 
coasting  trade  on  the  northern, northeastern, and 
northwestern  frontiers  of  the  United  States; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  282)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  extend  the  time  for  the  withdrawal  of  ' 


1804. 


THE  COiSTGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3063 


■^. 


goods  from  public  stores  and  bonded  wareliouses, 
and  for  other  purposes,"  approved  29tli  Febru- 
ary, 1864; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  285)  to  regulate  the  veto  power 
in  the  Territory  of  Washington;  and 

A  bill  (S.  No.293)  to  empower  the  Superannu- 
atca  Fund  Society  ofthe  Maryland  Annual  Confer- 
ence to  hold  property  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  to  take  a  devise  under  the  will  of  the  late 
William  Doughty. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  iVIr.  JVIcPherson-,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  House  had  agreed  to  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee of  conference  on  tlie  disagreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  the  bill  (S.  No.  ]45)  to  equal- 
ize the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the  United  States  Army. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  agreed  to  the  amendments  of 
the  Senate  to  the  Atllowing  House  bills: 

A  bill  (No.  179)  concerning  lands  in  the  State 
of  California; 

A  bill  (No.  217)  to  confirm  certain  entries  of 
lands  in  the  State  of  Missouri;  and 

A  bill  (No.  247)  granting  lands  to  the  State  of 
Wisconsin  to  build  a  military  road  to  Lake  Su- 
perior. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  passed  the  following  bills  and 
joint  resolutions  of  the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  253)  to  amend  the  act  of  21st  De- 
cember, 1861,  entitled  "An  act  to  further  pro- 
mote the  efficiency  of  the  Navy;" 

A  bill  (No.  270)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "  An 
act  to  establish  and  equalize  the  grades  of  line 
officers  of  the  United  States  Navy,"  approved 
July  16,  1862; 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  44)  for  therelief  of  the 
desks  at  the  Kittery  and  Philadelphia  navy-yards ; 
and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  59)  to  provide  for  the 
revision  of  the  laws  of  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  passed  the  following  bills;  in 
which  it  requested  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  514)  to  amend  "  An  act  to  extend  the 
charter  of  the  Alexandria  and  Washington  rail- 
road, and  for  other  purposes;"  passed  March  3, 
1863;  and 

Abill  (No.  522)  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 
Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad  Company. 

OVERLAND  MAIL. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  By  order  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads  i  reported  yes- 
terday morninga  jointresolution  from  theHouse 
of  Representatives  authorizing  the  Postmaster 
General  to  extend  the  contract  with  the  Overland 
Mail  Company  for  a  year.  1  suggested  then  that 
the  value  of  it  depended  entirely  upon  the  prompt- 
ness of  action  upon  it.  Unless  we  can  have  it 
passed  immediately,  it  is  of  no  use.  I  simply 
wish  the  Senate  to  pass  upon  it,  either  reject  it  or 
allow  it,  one  or  the  other.  1  move  to  take  up 
that  joint  resolution.    . 

The  motion  v^as  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate,  as 
in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  con- 
sider the  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  93)  to  au- 
thorize the  Postmaster  General  to  extend  the 
contract  with  the  Overland  Mail  Company.  It 
authorizes  the  Postmaster  General,  in  his  discre- 
tion, to  extend  the  mail  contract.  No.  10773,  with 
the  present  contractors,  commonly  known  as  the 
Overland  Mail  Company,  for  the  term  of  one 
year  from  the  1st  of  .Tuly  next,  upon  the  same 
terms  and  conditions  with  the  present  existing 
contract. 

The  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads 
reported  the  joint  resolution  with  an  amendment, 
to  add  the  following: 

Except  as  to  schedule  lime,  which  sliall  not  exceed  six- 
teen days  I'or  cigiit  inoiuh.s  of  the  year  and  twenty  days  for 
the  remaining  tour  nionllis. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Mr.  President,  the  con- 
'  tract  of  the'  Pacific  iVlnil  Company  expires  on  the 
1st  of  .Tuly.  By  that  contract  that  company  re- 
ceive p,000,OUO  a-yoar;  but  §160,000  of  that  is 
taken  to  pay  for  carrying  the  printed  matter  of 
that  mail  by  water  to  California,  leaving  to  them 
$840,000  for  the  overland  letter  mail  for  the  Ter- 
ritories and  for  California.  The  Postmaster 
General,  under  authority  given  by  law,  adver- 
tised for  bids  for  this  service  at  the  expiration  of 


that  contract.  The  bids  were  put  in,  but  before 
they  were  opened  (I  believe  they  v/ere  opened 
the  day  before  yesterday)  and  decided  upon,  the 
inquiry  arose  whether  the  bids  would  not  be  very 
extravagant  and  create  the  necessity  for  a  very 
great  outlay  of  money,  and  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives passed  this  resolution  which  has  been 
read,  authorizing  the  Postmaster  General,  in  his 
discretion,  to  extend  the  present  contract  for  one 
year.  As  I"  understand,  those  bids  have  been 
opened,  and  the  condition  of  the  matter  stands 
thus:  there  were  four  bids  put  in  for  the  letter 
mail  only,  the  Postmaster  General  being  now 
authorized  to  have  the  printed  matter  carried  by 
water  at  the  expense  of  the  Department,  not  ex- 
ceeding the  11160,000  a  year.  A  Mr.  John  A. 
Hiestand  bid  for  this  contract  at  $750,000  a  year; 
the  next  was  Mr.  Holadav,  at  |,820,000;  the  next 
was  Mr.  Burbank,  at  $824,000,  and  then  a  Mr. 
Dinsmore,  at  $880,000.  The  lowest  bid  was  that 
of  Mr.  Hiestand  at  $750,000,  and  as  1  understand 
he  was  declared  to  be  the  lowest  bidder,  and  by 
law  the  Postmaster  General  is  bound  to  give  the 
contract  to  the  lowest  bidder;  but  immediately 
upon  declaring  that  bid  to  be  the  lowest,  the 
Postmaster  General  opened  a  letter  which  was 
at  his  office,  and  found  that  this  man  withdrew 
his  bid  and  declined  to  proceed  with  it,  and  there- 
upon Mr.  Holaday  claims  that  he  is  the  lowest 
bidder  at  $820,000,  which  would  be  about  $20,000 
less  than  the  present  company  receives  for  that 
service.  They  receive  $840,000.  The  rest  of 
their  pay  goes  to  the  steamboat  service.  There 
is  a  dispute  and  a  question  of  law  arising  whether 
in  point  of  fact  this  lowest  bidder  at  $750,000 
withdrew  his  bid  in  any  regular  season,  and 
whether  in  that  state  of  things  he  becomes  a  non- 
performer;  and  whether  the  next  lowest  bidder 
is  therefore  entitled  to  it  remains  a  question. 

The  only  amendment  proposed  to  this  resolu- 
tion by  the  committee  is  one  to  limit  the  period 
of  service,  that  is,  the  schedule  time,  to  the  same 
that  is  bid  for  in  these  contracts,  that  is  at  sixteen 
and  twenty  days.  At  present  the  time  of  the  com- 
pany, I  believe,  is  twenty  and  twenty-three  days, 
but  it  is  proposed  to  require  them  to  go  in  sixteen 
and  twenty  days,  putting  them  upon  the  same 
footing  as  the  present  bids.  In  this  condition  of 
things  the  effect  of  this  resolution  if  passed  would 
be  this:  it  would  leave  it  optional  with  the  Post- 
master General  to  extend  this  contract  for  one  year 
or  to  accept  one  of  these  bids.  In  the  present  state 
of  the  currency  the  query  is  whether  it  would  be 
advisable  to  make  a  contract  to  extend  for  four 
years,  or  whether  it  might  not  be  better,  in  his 
discretion,  to  make  it  for  one  year.  The  effect 
of  passing  this  resolution  will  be  to  leave  with 
him  and  at  his  discretion  either  of  those  courses 
that  he  thinks  the  public  service  may  require. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  explained  the  resolution 
as  well  as  I  am  able; 

The  amendment  ofthe  committee  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  If  it  is  in  order,  I  move  the 
indefinite  postponement  of  the  resolution. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  hope  that  will  not  be  done. 
As  has  been  stated  by  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee, this  resolution  has  been  fully  considered 
by  the  committee,  and  it  merely  proposes  to  give 
the  discretion  to  the  Postmaster  General  to  let  the 
contract' for  one  year  or  for  four  years  and  to  se- 
cure the  shortest  Schedule  time.  The  instruction 
to  him  is  to  extend  the  service  to  the  men  who 
now  perform  it,  and  we  do  not  care  as  to  who 
shall  perform  it,  but  that  it  shall  be  performed  in 
a  certain  way  and  at  a  given  time.  I  cannot  un- 
derstand any  proper  motive  for  its  indefinite  post- 
ponement, and  am  very  much  surprised  at  the  mo- 
tion. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  lain  perfectly  indifFerentas 
to  who  shall  perform  the  service,  but  I  am  not  per- 
fectly indifferent  as  to  the  amount  of  pay  which 
shall  be  given  for  it.  I  have  not  been  able  to  com- 
prehend the  reason  for  the  passage  of  this  reso- 
lution in  the  House  of  Representatives.  There  was 
perhaps  at  the  time  of  its  introduction  some  reason 
for  it.  It  was  then  supposed  that  the  bids  which 
would  be  put  in  under  the  proposals  that  were  in- 
vited by  the  Postmaster  General,  might  be  so  ex- 
orbitant that  they  could  not  be  accepted.  The  Gov- 
ernment was  paying  that  company  $1,000,000  for 
the  performance  of  this  service  under  a  schedule  of 
twenty  and  twenty-three  days.  The  Postmaster 
General  advertised  for  proposals  to  carry  the  mails 
upon  a  reduced  schedule  of  sixteen  and  twenty 


days.  The  House  ofllepresentativcs  then  passed 
this  resolution,  providing  that  the  Postmaster 
General  may  extend  the  contract  under  the  old 
schedule,  and  pay  $20,000  more  for  the  service 
than  is  provided  for  under  the  new  schedule  at 
which  the  contract  was  let.  As  I  understand, it 
bid  of  $820,000  has  been  received.  The  chair- 
man ofthe  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Po.st 
Roads  states  that  that  company  is  now  receiving 
$840,000  on  a  twenty  and  twenty-three  days' 
schedule.  A  bid  is  in,  and  I  apprehend  it  is 
within  the  power  ofthe  Postmaster  General  to  ac- 
cept it,  reducing  that  time  four  days,  making  it 
sixteen  and  twenty  days  for  the  sum  of  $820,000, 
$20,000  less  than  is  now  paid.  Sir,  I  cannot  con- 
ceive of  any  object  for  continuing  the  old  contract 
at  $20,000  per  annum  more  than  parties  stand 
willing  to  accept  it  for  under  the  new  contract. 
There  seems  to  be  no  plausible  reason  presented 
why  it  should  be  done.  It  may  be  left  with  per- 
fect safety,  perhaps,  to  the  discretion  of  the  Post- 
master General;  but  I  see  no  necessity  for  any 
such  discretion  in  this  case,  where  the  exercise 
ofitis  tocost  the  Government  $20,000  perannum. 

There  is  another  fact  that  should  be  taken  into 
consideration.  If  this  contract  is  continued  at 
$1,000,000  a  year  under  the  old  contract  the  ques- 
tion will  be  in  a  year  from  now  whether  we  shall 
be  any  better  prepared  to  get  the  service  at  a 
lower  price.  Generally  theenhanced  price  of  mnil 
contracts  results  from  the  depreciation  of  the  cur- 
rency. I  can  see  no  evidence  going  to  show  that 
gold  will  be  any  lower  in  a  year  from  now  than 
it  is  at  present,  and  I  do  not  apprehend  that  the 
Postmaster  General  will  be  able  to  procure  the 
service  at  any  reduced  price.  I  think  it  better, 
therefore,  that  this  resolution  be  not  passed,  and 
that  the  Postmaster  General  avail  himself  of  the 
bid  that  he  now  has  the  power  to  accept  to  carry 
the  mail  for  four  years  at  $820,000  v/ith  a  reduced 
schedule  of  four  days.  The  passage  of  this  res- 
olution will  in  nowise  affect  the  reduced  time.  It 
merely  increases  the  expense,  and  does  not  reduce 
the  time  below  what  other  parties  have  already 
put  in  iheir  bids  for. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  A  very  important  consider- 
ation in  this  case  has  been  presented  briefly  by 
the  honorable  chairman  of  the  committee,  namely, 
that  at  this  time  we  cannot  tell  what  the  condition 
of  our  finances  v;ill  be  in  a  year  from  now.  Sup- 
pose gold  should  go  up  to  300,  three  for  one  or 
four  for  one,  would  any  mail  contractors  be  able 
to  continue  their  contracts .>  Would  not  Con- 
gress be  called  upon  for  an  additional  compensa- 
tion to  the  contractors  in  this  case?  Is  it  wise  not 
to  place  a  discretion  of  this  kind  in  the  hands  of 
the  Postmaster  General?  Will  he  abuse  it?  Is 
$20,000  a  sufficient  sum  to  avail  against  placing 
that  discretion  in  his  hands?  But  sir,  I  do  not 
wish  to  continue  the  debate. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  agree  with  what  the  chair- 
man ofthe  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post 
Roads  has  said  about  this  resolution.  I  believe 
that  when  it  was  introduced  into  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  passed  by  them  it  was  emi- 
nently proper,  because  at  that  time  there  was  great 
danger  that  the  Government  would  have  to  pay 
an  exorbitant  price  for  this  service.  No  one 
knew  what  the  bids  were  going  to  be,  and  this 
resolution,  therefore,  was  eminently  proper.  1  do 
not  think  now  there  is  much  importance  to  be 
attached  to  it,  because  Benjamin  Holaday,  who 
is  perfectly  able  and  responsible,  is  entitled,  as  I 
think,  and  as  the  law  officers  of  the  Government 
•  have  given  their  opinion,  to  this  contract  at 
$820,000.  I  do  not  know  of  any  reason  why  there 
should  be  any  effort  to  put  it  into  the  hands  of 
the  old  contractors  at  $840,000.  However,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  contractors  either  way  will  be 
about  the  same.  Benjamin  Holaday  is  a  sub- 
contractor under  the  old  parties,  and  if  he  gets 
the  contract  they  will  be  sub-contractors  under 
him  and  run  their  end  ofthe  route.  That  is  all 
there  is  to  it.  He  will  be  the  principal  where 
now  he  is  only  the  deputy.  If  the  resolution  does 
not  pass  Holaday  will  get  the  contract  and  the 
Government  will  save  $20,000  a  year.  I  think  it 
is  very  important  that  Holaday  should  have  the 
contract  on  one  account:  if  he  should  come  here, 
as  the  Senator  from  California  suggests,  after  ad- 
ditional pay,  he  will  not  have  the  sympathy  of 
Congress  as  a  poor  man  would,  or  a  man  who 
had  not  the  means  to  carry  it  on.  Holaday  haa 
abundant  means,  and  if  the  Government  currenc 


3064 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


depreciates  he  will  be  able  to  carry  it  out  of  his 
own  funds. 

As  we  cannot  gel  any  shorter  service,  as  we 
cannot  get  any  reduced  price,  and  as  the  con- 
tractor runs  as  much  risk  as  the  Government  about 
the  currency — I  consider  ihey  both  run  about  the 
same  risk — I  think  the  Postmaster  General  ought 
to  let  it  to  the  lowest  bidder,  who  is  entitled  toil 
under  the  law.  I  do  not  believe  that  Congress 
ought  to  interfere  by  any  legislation,  when  bids 
are  fairly  made  upon  an  advertisement. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  hope  this  resolu- 
tion will  not  be  postponed.  The  object  of  the 
resolution  is  this,  to  open  up  this  route  to  compe- 
tition by  bidders.  The  time  between  the  period 
when  these  bids  were  made  and  the  1st  of  July 
precluded  competition,  and  the  result  has  been 
that  the  old  contractor  has  the  lowest  bid.  If  you 
pass  this  resolution  and  allow  the  Postmaster 
General  to  let  the  contract  for  a  year,  when  that 
year  expires  there  will  be  competitors  for  the 
route,  and  the  Government  will  let  it  at  a  i-eason- 
able  rate.  1  think  it  would  be  suicidal  to  close 
this  contract  for  four  years  at  the  bid  that  has 
been  declared  the  lowest  at  the  present  opening. 
I  hope  that  the  resolution  will  pass,  and  that  we 
shall  open  this  route  to  competition  to  the  people 
of  Kansas  and  to  the  people  of  other  western 
States,  and  thereby  greatly  economize  the  outlay 
to  the  Government. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  My  colleague  is  mistaken 
in  one  or  two  of  his  statements.  This  matter  has 
been  open  some  three  months.  The  bids  have 
been  in  two  months,  if  not  three  months;  I  think 
three  months.  Mr.  Dinsmore  bid  for  the  old 
contractor.^. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  The  old  contractors  did 
not  bid  at  all. 

Mr.  POMEROY.     Dinsmore  bid  for  them. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  do  not  know  whether 
he  bid  for  them  or  not.  I  know  they  did  not  bid 
in  their  own  name. 

.    Mr.  POMEROY.     He  is  one  of  them, and  the 
Department  understand  that  it  was  for  them. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.    They  withdrew  their  bid. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Mr.  Dinsmore,  who  was 
the  highest  bidder  at  jJ880,000,  bid  for  the  old 
company.  Now,  the  proposition  is  to  let  it  to 
the  highest  bidder  for  one  year,  that  is  the  party 
who  represented  the  highest  bidder,  in  preference 
to  the  man  who  put  in  a  bid  at  $820,000,  who  is 
now  a  sub-contractor,  and  runs  two  thirds  of  the 
road  to-day.  My  colleague  is  mistaken  in  say- 
ing there  has  not  been  competition.  This  thing 
has  been  advertised  for  three  months,  and  the  bids 
have  all  been  in  in  the  regular  way,  and  been 
regularly  opened  and  published,  and  a  report  of 
them  made  to  the  House  of  Representatives  yes- 
terday.    There  was  nothing  secret  about  it. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  am  not  mistaken 
about  the  statement  that  1  made.  The  constitu- 
ents that  1  represent  are  not  prepared  now  to  bid 
upon  this  contract.  The  temporary  rise  in  the 
price  of  slock  and  labor  has  prevented  that  com- 
petition which,  in  my  opinion,  we  shall  have  at 
the  end  of  a  year.  The  question  presented  to 
the  Senate  is  this:  shall  we  continue  this  old  con- 
tractor at  $820,000  for  four  years,  or  shall  we 
give  the  Postmaster  General  the  privilege  of  con- 
tinuing him  for  one  year  at  |840,000.' 

Mr.  CONNESS.    That  is  the  question  exactly. 

Mr.  LANE,of  Kansas.  That  is  the  question. 
As  far  as  my  constituents  are  concerned,  we  want 
this  limitation  so  that  at  the  end  of  the  year  the 
contract  can  be  let,  and  they  may  become  com- 
petitors and  save  to  the  Government,  in  my  opin- 
ion, hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars.  Should 
this  rebellion  be  crushed,  as  I  hope  and  believe  it 
will  within  that  year,  two  or  three  hundred  thou- 
isand  dollars  will  pay  for  this  same  service.  The 
idea  of  agreeing  to  pay  f820,000  for  four  years 
with  this  prospect  before  us  is  in  my  opinion  most 
suicidal,  and  I  hope  the  opinions  and  desires  ex- 
pressed by  tlie  chairman  of  our  committee  may  be 
sanctioned  by  the  Senate  and  this  motion  defeated. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  It  seems  to  metheconstitu- 
ents  of  the  Senator  from  Kansas  have  had  fair 
notice  of  this  matter.  This  route  has  been  adver- 
tised for  some  time,  and  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know 
how  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  are  going 
to  be  saved  to  the  Government  by  delay.  Before 
there  was  any  rebellion,  and  when  gold  was  paid 
for  the  transmission  iif  the  overland  mail,  a  mil- 
lion dollars  in  coin  was  paid  for  that  service.     I 


do  not  apprehend  that  the  close  of  the  rebellion 
within  one  year  is  going  to  raise  our  paper  to  such 
a  standard  as  will  enable  the  contract  to  be  let  so 
much  more  cheaply  as  to  save  to  the  Government 
any  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  at  all.  The 
probabilities  seem  to  me  to  be  that  the  currency  of 
the  country  is  liable  to  become  more  depreciated. 
On  that,  however,  I  do  not  pretend  to  give  an 
opinion.  We  know  that  as  the  war  has  pro- 
gressed the  currency  of  the  country  has  become 
depreciated;  and  I  suppose  it  will  be  a  fair  infer- 
ence to  reason  of  what  may  occur  in  the  future 
from  the  past.  I  do  not  believe  there  is  going  to 
be  any  such  appreciation  of  the  currency  as  will 
enable  the  Government  to  save  a  single  dollar. 

The  question  is  now  presented  to  the  Senate 
whether  this  contract  shall  be  let  to  the  lowest 
bidder  or  whether  the  Postmaster  General  shall 
be  authorized  to  let  it  to  the  highest  bidder.  The 
present  proposition,  which  comes  from  the  old 
contractors,  is  that  the  Postmaster  General  be  au- 
thorized to  let  the  contract,  under  this  resolution, 
to  the  very  highest  bidders.  It  proposes  to  give 
the  Postmaster  General  the  discretionary  power 
to  give  the  contract  for  one  year  to  the  highest 
bidder  to  the  exclusion  of  the  lowest  bidder  for 
four  years.  That  seems  to  me  to  be  a  very  anom- 
alous condition  of  affairs,  and  a  reversal  of  the 
ordinary  mode  of  proceedings  in  such  circum- 
stances. 1  do  not  believe  the  Government  will 
save  a  cent  by  it.  I  believe  that  in  a  year  from 
now  you  will  not  be  able  to  get  a  bid  to  carry  that 
mail  for  less  than  $1,000,000.  I  am  anxious,  there- 
fore, that  it  should  be  closed  at  the  present  pend- 
ing proposition. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  happened  to  be  a  member  of 
the  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Roads 
when  this  contract  was  made,  and  know  some- 
thing about  it.  I  desire  to  make  a  short  state- 
ment in  regard  to  it,  and  then  I  will  leave  it  to 
the  Senate. 

When  this  contract  was  originally  made,  I 
think  Mr.  A.V.Brown  was  Postmaster  General, 
a)id  the  route  was  run  down  through  Arkansas, 
instead  of  going,  as  the  manifest  intention  of  the 
law  was,  straight  across  the  country.  It  was 
supposed  at  that  time  to  have  been  improperly  if 
not  corruptly  done.  At  any  rate,  the  contract 
was  made,  and  the  contractors  ran  it  until  the 
symptomjs  of  rebellion  began  to  manifest  them- 
selves, and  the  teams  of  the  parties  were  seized 
and  it  was  found  impracticable  to  run  it  upon  the 
route  which  was  then  contracted  for.  The  con- 
tractors then  came  forward  and  asked  to  have  that 
contract  moved  up  from  the  extreme  southern 
route  to  the  route  that  is  now  run  by  this  com- 
pany. A  bill  was  introduced,  I  think  by  my 
friend  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Wilson,]  giv- 
ing these  contractors  $1,150,000,  and  the  report 
that  was  made  was  that  they  could  not  possibly 
run  it  short  of  that  sum.  I  happened  at  that  time, 
being  on  the  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and  Post 
Roaas,  to  know  that  there  were  responsible  par- 
ties in  this  city  who  were  ready  to  take  it  for  a 
very  much  less  sum;  and  finally,  I  think  it  was 
upon  my  motion  in  the  Senate,  the  sum  was  re- 
duced from  §1,150,000  to  $1,000,000,  and  they  took 
it.  It  was  represented  tliat  it  could  not  possibly 
be  done  for  that  sum;  but  there  were  gentlemen  in 
this  city  at  that  moment  ready  to  contract  for  it 
for  a  sum  much  less  than  $1,000,000.  However, 
such  were  the  representations  made  to  Congress 
that  it  was  let  to  them  for  $1,000,000.  They  have 
had  it,  and  carried  it,  and  I  suppose  received  for 
their  pay  $1,000,000  per  annum. 

The  fact  that  I  am  going  to  speak  of  now  I  do 
not  know  of  myself;  what  I  have  said  I  know; 
but  I  have  had  it  stated  to  me  that  in  the  regular 
operation  of  the  Post  Office  laws  they  have  adver- 
tised for  the  letting  of  this  route,  and  responsible 
bidders  have  offered  to  carry  it  for  $820,000,  and 
they  ought  to  have  the  contract.  These  parties 
have  received  $200,000  a  year  for  four  years  more 
than  the  Government  could  have  contracted  for  it 
at  the  time  they  took  it,  for  it  could  have  been  let 
at  $800,000  at  that  time.  In  the  due  course  of 
law  and  the  administration  of  this  Department, 
this  contract  can  be  let  to  responsible  parties  for 
$820,000  a  year  at  a  less  time  than  the  old  con- 
tractors have  it;  and  instead  of  closing  with  that 
proposition  here  is  an  extraordinary  proposition 
made  to  give  these  parties  this  contract  for  an- 
other year  at  $180,000  more  than  responsible 
parties  stand  ready  to  take  it  for. 


Mr.  COLLAMER.  You  mean  $20,000  more. 
What  they  receive  is  $840,000. 

Mr.  HALE.     They  did  have  $1,000,000. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  But  $160,000  was  taken 
off  to  pay  for  carrying  the  printed  matter  by 
water. 

Mr.  HALE.  That  I  was  not  aware  of.  But, 
sir,  why  not  give  it  to  these  parties  who  have  bid 
for  it?  Where  is  the  necessity  of  renewing  the 
present  contract.' 

Mr.  CONNESS.  My  friend  from  New  Hamp- 
shire is  always  very  ingenious  as  well  as  always 
able.  He-says  why  give  $20,000  more  for  carry- 
ing it  for  a  year  than  you  can  get  it  for  four  years.' 

Mr.  COLLAMER.     Carrying  it  by  the  year. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Carrying  it  by  the  year  for 
four  years  at  $820,000.  I  will  tell  the  Senator, 
and  I  will  speak  it  to  the  Senator  from  Oregon, 
who  ought  to  be  well  aware  of  it  and  doubtless 
is.  The  price  at  which  this  contract  was  originally 
let,  it  should  be  remembered  by  the  Senate,  was 
a  price  based  upon  its  being  carried  through  an 
unpopulated  country,  through  a  country  without 
roads,  without  population,  without  incidental 
business.  To-day  the  overland  route  to  Cali- 
fornia is  the  most  profitable  and  the  greatest  stage 
route  in  the  world.  The  whole  route  teems  with 
population.  New  Territories  and  new  States 
are  springing  up  in  every  direction.  Millions  of 
dollars  of  treasure  are  offering  to  be  carried  at 
the  highest  rates  by  the  parlies  who  are  to  be  paid 
for  carrying  the  mail,  and  as  it  is  to-day  it  offers 
the  best  opportunity  foracolossal  fortune  to  the 
parties  engaged  in  it  of  any  other  operation  un- 
der this  Government  or  in  this  country. 

Now,  sir,  why  not  give  the  Government  the 
opportunity  a  year  after  this  time  of  availing  it- 
self of  the  advantages  that  these  great  incidents 
place  in  its  way.'  Admitting  that  currency  shall 
be  worth  a  year  from  this  time  just  what  it  is  now, 
does  any  Senator  mean  to  say  or  suppose  that 
the  service  over  that  great  route  cannot  be  let  at 
a  less  rate  than  when  it  was  originally  let,  under 
the  circumstances  so  graphically  and  exactly  de- 
scribed by  the  honorable  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire?  Why,  sir,  it  must'  not  be  forgotten 
that  it  is  entirely  a  different  kind  of  proposition. 
As  I  desire  in  part  to  hold  the  Postmaster  Gen-i 
eral  responsible  as  the  head  of  the  Post  Office 
Department  for  this  service  and  for  its  fair  and 
exact  management,  I  am  willing  to  place  in  his 
hand  the  power  to  close  the  contract  with  these 
parties  for  one  year  longer  for  $840,000,  or,  if  he 
shall  elect  it,  wilh  these  other  parties  for  four  years 
at  $820,000.  What  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Kansas  [Mr.  Lane]  has  said  is  strictly  true. 
These  advertisements,  I  think,  have  been  buifor 
the  short  period  of  two  months.  There  has  been 
no  fair  opportunity  for  competition,  and  it  is  ex- 
ceedingly doubtful  to  my  mind  whether  there  has 
been  but  one  real  bid  made. 

Another  fact  in  this  connection  that  has  not 
been  stated  is  that  the  present  contractors  have 
already  agreed  with  the  Department  to  continue 
the  service  until  October  next  upon  the  present 
terms.  Why  then  desire  to  indefinitely  postpone 
and  dispose  of  this  matter,  and  prevent  the  Gov- 
■ernment  from  availing  itself  of  whatever  advant- 
age shall  present  itself  hereafter? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have  as  much  confidence 
in  the  discretion  of  the  Postmaster  General  as  the 
honorable  member  from  California  can  have;  but 
the  reason  that  operates  upon  me,  as  at  present 
advised,  in  voting  against  the  resolution  upon  the 
table,  or  for  its  indefinite  postponement,  I  rise 
simply  to'stale.  1  do  not  understand  it  to  be  de- 
nied that  the  notice  which  the  law  requires  for 
these  lettings  was  in  fact  given.  If  that  notice 
is  not  such  as  enables  all  parties  concerned  to 
have  an  opportunity  of  bidding,  the  fault  is  in 
the  law,  and  should  not  be  visited  upon  those 
who  do  bid. 

As  I  recollect  the  facts  from  the  debate  (and  I 
know  nothing  of  then  in  any  other  way)  this 
roule  was,  in  the  ordinary  way  and  in  strict  com- 
pliance wilh  the  law,  advertised.  There  were 
four  bids.  Some  of  those  bidders  are  entitled, 
to  the  contract.  That  is  very  clear.  The  Post- 
master General  under  certain  circumstances  has 
a  right  to  reject  a  bid;  bul  where  the  bid  is  the 
lowest,  and  the  party  is  in  a  condition  to  satisfy 
the  Postmaster  General  that  he  is  able  to  comply 
with  the  contract,  the  Postmaster  General  is 
bound  by  law  to  give  it  to  him.     Now,  sir,  in 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8065 


my  view,  the  observance  of  faith  is  just  as  much 
a  duty  with  nations  as  with  individuals;  and  if 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  by  its  laws, 
has  told  its  citizens  tliat  if  they  will  agree  to  do 
a  certain  service  for  a  certain  specified  sum,  and 
they  show  that  they  are  able  to  do  the  service 
and  to  secure  the  Government  against  the  con- 
tingency of  their  not  doing  the  service,  it  is  just 
j-iRs  much  the  obligation  of  the  Government  to  give 
v)them  the  contract  as  it  would  be  the  obligation 
of  the  party  offering  to  perform  the  service  if  the 
contract  is  given  To  him  to  perform  it.  That 
would  seem  to  be  clear.  Now  it  is  proposed  to 
say  by  legislation  that  the  Postmaster  General 
may  give  it  to  somebody  else. 

iVIr.  COLLAMER.     For  one  year. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  For  one  year;  and  if  you  can 
say  that  he  can  give  it  to  some  one  else  for  one  year, 
you  can  say  lie  may  give  it  to  somebody  else  for 
four  years.  In  other  words,  you  come  in  by  legis- 
lation and  say  to  the  Postmaster  General,  "  Do  not 
somply  with  your  contract" — which  binds  the 
Government,  if  the  Government  does  not  inter- 
fere by  legislation — "  we  have  changed  our  mind; 
we  have  got  the  contractor  bound,  if  we  think 
properto  hold  liim;  bethought  he  had  us  bound. 
Hut  we  are  a  Government,  and  beyond  his  control, 
and  cannot  be  sued;  and  we  tell  you,  however 
morally  bound  we  may  be,  and  however  legally 
bound  it  would  be  held  that  we  were  if  our  obli- 
gation could  be  enforced  legally,  we  will  not  be 
bound,  and  you  may  give  it  to  somebody  else." 
Without  inquiring,  therefore,  whether  the  Gov- 
ernment will  gain  in  dollars  by  changing  the 
contract,  it  seems  to  me,  according  to  the  old- 
fashioned  notion  which  I  have  adopted,  it  is  ne- 
cessary for  the  public  interest  that  the  public 
faith  should  be  preserved,  and  that  legislation 
such  as  is  proposed  is,  if  ijot  legally  wrong,  mor- 
ally erroneous. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  My  understanding 
of  the  rules  of  the  Department  does  not  agree  with 
the  statement  of  the  Senator  from  Maryland  at 
all.  There  is  a  rule  binding  the  Department  to 
give  the  contract  to  the  lowest  responsible  bid- 
der; but  on  his  failing  it  is  left  entirely  optional 
.with  the  Department  to  give  it  to  the  next  low- 
est bidder  or  not.  Indeed,  the  Gluartermaster 
General's  department  rules  that  in  such  a  case 
there  is  no  binding  obligation  at  all,  and  that  the 
bidding  must  be  made  over  again. 

I  desire  the  Senate  to  understand  this  question 
fully  before  the  vote  is  taken.  When  this  con- 
tract was  let,  it  was  understood  to  be  a  wild  ad- 
venture starting  from  the  western  terminus  of  the 
Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  road.  Within  the  next 
year  a  continuous  road  will  be  built  from  St. 
Louis  to  Lawrence,  Kansas.  We  are  already 
discussing  the  question  alLeaven  worth  and  Law- 
rence of  starting  an  independent  line  of  stages  to 
Denver,  expecting  to  be  maintained  by  the  pas- 
senger busmess  along  the  route,  a  distance  of 
some  five  or  six  hundred  miles.  Believing  that 
this  rebellion  will  be  crushed  during  the  next 
year,  believing  that  that  crushing  will  bring  down 
the  price  of  gold  to  the  same  value  as  our  paper 
money,  I  believe  that  next  year  you  will  be  able 
to  let  this  contract  for  one  fourth  of  the  present 
amount,  and  the  passenger  business  from  Den- 
ver to  Atchison  will  sustain  a  line  of  stages  with- 
out any  contract.  I  am  not  conversant  with  the 
business  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  but 
I  am  conversant  as  to  the  business  between  Den- 
ver and  the  western  terminus  of  our  railroad. 

1  hope,  as  a  matter  of  economy  to  the  Govern- 
ment as  well  as  justice  to  the  other  lines  of  rail- 
road that  will  be  completed  within  the  next  year, 
that  the  Government  will  not  tie  its  hands  for 
four  years.  As  a  matter  of  economy  we  have 
not  had  a  more  important  question  before  the 
Senate. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  fcmjjore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Oregon  that 
the  bill  be  indefinitely  postponed. 

Mr.  HALE  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  and 
tiiey  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted — 
yeas  12,  nays  24;  a.s  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Carlile,  Hale,  Harlan,  Hicks,  Jolinson, 
Nesmitli,  Porneioy,  Powell,  Ricliaidson,  Saulsburv,  Ten 
Eyck,  and  Trumbull— 12. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Buckalew,  Clark,  Col- 
lamer,  Coniiess,  Davis,  Dixon,  Foot,  Foster,  Harris.  How- 
ard, Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Ramsey,  Riddle, 
Sprague,  Sumner,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  Wilkinson,WilIev. 
and  Wilson— 24  •" 


ABSENT— Messrs.  Chandler,  Cowan,  Doolittle,  Fcssen- 
den,  Grimes,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Lane  of  In- 
diana, MoDougall,  Morrill,  Sherman,  and  Wright — 13, 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  offer  an  amendment  to  come 
in  at  the  end  of  the  resolution.  It  is  to  add:  "And 
except  as  to  the  compensation,  which  shall  not 
exceed  the  sum  of  $820,000," 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  ask  the  Secretary  to  read 
the  resolution  as  it  will  stand  with  that  amend- 
ment. 

The  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

Resolced,  i^c-,  That  the  Postmaster  General  be,  and  he 
is  liereby,  authorized  and  empowered,  in  his  discretion,  to 
extend  the  mail  contract  No.  10773  with  the  present  con- 
tractors, commonly  known  as  the  Overland  Mail  Company, 
for  the  term  of  one  year  from  the  1st  day  of  July  next,  upon 
the  same  terms  and  conditions  with  the  present  existing 
contract,  except  as  to  schedule  time,  wliich  shall  not  ex- 
ceed sixteen  days  for  eight  months  of  the  year  and  twenty 
days  for  the  remaining  four  months,  and  except  as  to  the 
compensation,  which  shall  not  exceed  the  sum  of  ^820,000. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.     1  think  that  is  right. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  There  i.s  one  little  diffi- 
culty which'might  arise  under  that  amendmint 
which  the  gentleman  does  not  seem  to  have  cim- 
templated.  The  contract  existing  with  the  present 
company  is  for  $1,000,000;  but  there  is  a  law  pro- 
viding that  they  may  have  the  printed  matter 
carried  by  water  at  their  expense.  It  is  carried  by 
water  at  their  expense;  at  an  expense  of  $160,000 
a  year.  I  think  1  can  suggest  a  modification  of 
tlie  amendment  which  will  cover  that  point  and 
at  the  same  time  carry  out  the  object  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Missouri.  I  propose  that  it  shall  i-ead 
in  this  way:  "Not  to  exceed  $820,000  beyond  the 
amount  paid  for  carrying  the  printed  matter  by 
water." 

Mr.  BROWN.  The  intention  of  the  amend- 
ment is  to  confine  the  compensation  to  the  bid  now 
pending. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  You  understand  my  sug- 
gestion.' 

Mr.  BROWN.     Yes.  sir,  and  I  accept  it. 

The  PPvESlDENT  pro  temjiore.  Then  the 
question  is  on  the  amendment  as  modified,  to  in- 
sert at  the  end  of  the  resolution  these  words:  "And 
except  as  to  the  compensation,  which  shall  not 
exceed  the  sum  of  $820,000  beyond  the  amount 
paid  for  carrying  the  printed  matter  by  water." 

Tlie  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  would  suggest  another 
amendment,  which  perhaps  will  not  hurt  the  res- 
olution. It  is  to  insert  after  the  word  "contract- 
ors," in  the  sixth  line,  tl>e  words  "  or  any  other 
responsible  party."  That  will  allow  the  Post- 
master General  to  contract  with  the  old  contract- 
ors or  any  other  responsible  party. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  It  is  apparent  that  there  will 
be  no  time  to  contract  with  new  contractors,  and 
I  hope  the  Senator  will  not  persist  in  offering  that 
amendment. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  submit  that  this  amend- 
ment will  not  injure  the  resolution  at  all.  The 
Postmaster  General  will  then  have  an  opportu- 
nity to  contract  with  the  old  contractors,  or  with 
other  responsible  parties,  at  his  discretion. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  No  new  party  can  con- 
tract for  a  year. 

Mr.  POMEROY.     It  will  not  do  any  hurt. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  wish  somebody  would  tell  me 
— perhaps  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Post 
Offices  and  Post  Roads  can — how  long  this  con- 
tract runs  now. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  It  runs  out  on  the  1st  day 
of  July. 

Mr.  HALE.  Somebody  told  me  that  it  ran 
until  October. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  They  can  continue  the  ser- 
vice until  then. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  It  is  said  that  there  is  an 
agreement  that  they  may  run  until  October;  but  I 
do  not  knowanythingaboutit.  The  contract  ex- 
pires in  a  few  days. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  think  the  resolution  ought 
to  be  still  further  amended.  Instead  of  saying 
"  one  year"  we  ought  to  say  "  not  to  exceed  four 
years."    That  will  bring  it  within  the  law. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.     What  law.? 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Within  the  lettings,  and  if 
the  resolution  is  now  amended  so  as  to  say  "  not 
to  exceed  four  years,"  then  we  have  it  exactly. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  do  not  see  why  this  resolution 
should  be  rushed  through  here  in  this  way.     If 


this  contract  runs  until  the  1st  of  October,  and 
they  want  to  make  another  contract,  why  not  let 
it  be  upon  advertisements  and  proposals? 

Mr.  CONNESS.  The  contract  does  not  run 
until  the  1st  of  October.  It  expires  on  the  1st  of 
July.  They  have  simply  agreed  temporarily  with 
the  Postmaster  General  to  continue  the  service 
until  October;  but  if  they  get  this  contract  they  go 
on  from  the  1st  of  July. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
as  amended,  and  the  amendments  wereconcurred 
in  and  ordered  to  be  engrossed,  and  the  resolution 
to  be  read  a  third  time.  It  was  read  the  third 
time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  think  the  title  should  b« 
amended  so  as  to  read:  A  joint  resolution  to  au- 
thorize the  PostmasterGeneral  to  extend  the  con- 
tract with  the  Overland  Mail  Company,  or  any 
other  parties. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  It  will  be  the  same  with- 
out amendment  as  with  it. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  title  will 
remain  as  it  is  unless  otherwise  ordered. 

INTBR-CONTINENTAL  TELEGRAPH. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
postpone  all  prior  orders  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
up  the  bill  (S.  No.  302)  to  encourage  and  facili- 
tate telegraphic  communication  between  the  east- 
ern and  western  continents. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  had  hoped  that  that  bill 
would  not  be  moved  here  this  morning.  A  week 
ago  last  Thursday  the  bill  in  regard  to  commuta- 
tion was  taken  up  here  and  debated,  and  then 
gave  way  to  the  Senator  from  Maine,  [Mr.  Fes- 
sENDEN.]  It  was  understood  that  we  were  to 
have  the  present  week  to  act  upon  other  matters; 
but  this  week  has  been  consumed  mainly  by  the 
Committee  on  Finance  with  bills  under  their  care. 
I  had  to  displace  the  bill  of  my  colleague,  and 
then  I  gave  way  to  him,  supposing  I  should  have 
time  enough  to  get  that  bill  through  this  week. 
We  have  before  us  two  very  important  military 
bills,  and  I  am  pressed  every  day  by  the  Depart- 
ment to  have  those  measures  acted  upon.  I  hope 
the  Senator  from  Michigan  will  not  press  the 
consideration  of  that  bill  to-day.  I  came  here 
this  morning  supposing  as  a  matter  of  course  that 
these  military  bills  were  to'  be  acted  upon.  They 
are  public  bills  of  great  importance  to  the  country. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  do  not  think  the  Senate 
has  before  it  a  bill  more  important  than  this  for 
the  present  and  future  interests  of  this  nation.  It 
will  not  lead  to  much  discussion,  I  think;  cer- 
tainly I  shall  occupy  but  very  little  of  the  time 
of  the  Senate  in  explaining  it.  The  Committee 
on  Commerce  has  not  occupied  four  hours  of  the 
time  of  this  Senate  during  the  whole  of  this  ses- 
sion. There  are  some  four  or  five  very  import-, 
ant  bills  indeed  coming  from  that  committee  that 
I  desire  to  have  acted  upon,  and  I  will  promise 
the  Senate  1  shall  occupy  as  little  time  as  possible 
in  their  explanation.  I  hope  the  Senate  will  grant 
me  my  request. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  cannot  consent  to  it.  I  think 
it  of  decided  importance  that  we  should  proceed 
to  the  consideration  of  the  measures  to  which  I 
have  alluded.  I  ask  for  the  ^eas  and  nays  upon 
the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Michigan. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  desire  to  make  one  remark 
with  regard  to  that.  I  regret  very  much  that  the 
Senator  from  Michigan  has  moved  his  bill  to-day, 
by  which  he  excludes  some  other  measures  from 
the  consideration  of  the  Senate  on  which  we  have 
already  commenced.  My  colleague  has  referred 
to  the  measures  that  he  has  in  charge.  There  are 
one  or  two  measures  that  I  also  have  in  charge, 
whicli  I  had  hoped  the  Senate  would  be  willing 
to  act  upon  to-day  and  close  before  sunset.  There 
is  the  bill  for  the  establishment  of  a  Bureau  of 
Freedmen's  Affairs.  There  is  also  a  bill  from  the 
Hou.se  of  Representatives  sweeping  away  all  the 
fugitive  slave  acts.  I  do  not  like  to  let  the  oppor- 
tunity slip  of  acting  upon  each  of  those  meas- 
ures. But  the  SenatcM-  from  Michigan  has  the 
floor;  he  has  made  his  motion;  he  has  brought 
the  measure  forward ;  I  am  sincerely  for  that  meas- 
ure; I  am  anxious  that  no  vote  of  mine  shall  throw 
any  shadow  over  it  at  all;  and  therefore,  under 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  I  shall  vote  for  his 
motion. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  iMr.  President,  of  what 
use  will  this  telegraph  line  be  unless  we  put  down 


3066 


THE  OOA^GKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


the  rebellion  ?  How  are  we  to  put  down  the  re- 
bellion unless  we  fill  up  the  Army?  The  first 
thing  in  my  impression  to  be  done  is  to  keep  the 
Army  full  through  the  agency  and  means  of  the 
bill  to  which  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  has 
alluded,  and  when  that  shall  liave  passed,  if  the 
Senate  can  be  disposed  to  encourage  the  estab- 
lishment of  several  thousand  miles  of  line  of  tel- 
egraphic communication,  I  shall  have  no  objec- 
tion myself.  That  bill  perhaps  will  not  pass  as 
soon  as  the  Senator  from  Michigan,  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  seems  to  sup- 
pose. I  am  not  aware  of  any  very  great  and  ex- 
tended opposition  to  the  bill,  but  I  think  item- 
braces  very  important  features  and  proposes  to 
confer  very  extreme  and  extensive  privileges  and 
advantages  upon  a  company  which  now  has  very 
extensive  and  very  extraordinary  powers.  It 
cannot  be  passed  without  attention,  at  least,  be- 
ing called  to  its  character, and  some  amendments 
being  proposed.  I  hope  the  bill  of  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  will  be  taken  up. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  This  it  will  be  noticed  is 
a  Senate  bill,  and  if  we  hope  to  pass  it  at  this 
session  it  must  be  passed  immediately  or  it  can- 
not be  considered  in  the  other  House.  I  deem  it 
a  very  important  measure.  I  do  not  think  it  will 
lead  to  any  extended  debate.  As  I  said  before,! 
certainly  shall  occupy  but  a  very  few  moments 
in  explaining  the  bill.  As  1  presume  every  Sen- 
ator has  made  up  his  mind  precisely  how  he  will 
vote,  I  shall  merely  state  the  facts  in  the  case,  and 
then  leave  it  to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate.  I 
see  no  reason  why  there  should  beany  extended 
debate  upon  it,  and  I  do  not  believe  there  will  be. 
I  think  this  measure  and  the  measure  the  Sena- 
tor from  Massachusetts  has  in  charge  and  several 
others  can  be  passed  to-day  if  debate  can  be 
avoided,  as  I  think  it  can. 

iVIr.  BROWN.  The  reason  which  has  been 
assigned  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan  for  tak- 
ing up  tliis  bill,  that  it  is  a  Senate  bill  and  that  if 
not  acted  upon  nov/  the  chances  are  it  will  be 
lost  in  the  other  House,  is  very  conclusive  to  me 
that  it  ought  not  to  be  taken  up  in  preference  to 
this  military  bill  in  regard  to  dispensing  with  the 
§300  commutation  clause  and  other  features  that 
are  seriously  agitated  in  connection  with  our  mil- 
itary system.  That  is  perhaps  the  most  import- 
ant bill  connected  with  our  military  affairs,  and 
if  the  question  is  raised  that  we  are  likely  to  lose 
bills  now  originating  in  the  Senate  because  of  the 
short  length  of  time  which  the  session  is  likely 
to  continue,  unquestionably  we  ought  to  take  up 
those  bills  that  are  the  most  important  to  the  na- 
tion. I  apprehend  that  no  Senator  here  will  deny 
but  that  our  first  business  in  hand  is  to  deal  with 
our  military  affairs,  and  deal  with  them  as  ener- 
getically as  we  may  and  as  speedily  as  possible. 
The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  gave  notice  last 
night  that  he  would  move  to  take  up  this  bill  to- 
day. He  has  only  awaited  the  getting  through 
of  the  tariff  bill  and  the  tax  bill  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  necessary  measures;  and  it  natur- 
ally comes  up  in  its  proper  order  as  a  bill  already 
partially  acted  upon,  and  having  the  precedence 
by  right  over  the  motion  proposed  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Michigan.  I  trust  the  Senate  will  con- 
sider this  matter  calmly,  and  not  be  carried  away 
by  the  mere  idea  of  courtesy  in  this  matter,  but 
that  we  shall  take  up  those  bills  which  are  par- 
tially gone  through  with  that  are  essential  to  the 
effectiveness  of  the  military  service,  and  that  are 
connected  directly  with  the  prosecution  of  the 
war. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted— yeas  19,  nays  14;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Uhanrller,  Comiess,  Davis, 
Dooliule,  Hale,  Hailaii,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Howe,  Jolin- 
soii,  Lane  ol  Kansas,  Nesniith.  Powell,  Saulsbury,  Sumner, 
Triiiiil)Ull,  Van  Winkle,  and  Wade— ]9. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  iJrowii,  Clark,  Collamer, 
Di.\OM,  Fcssenden,  Foot,  Poster,  Grimes,  Lane  of  Indiana, 
Morgan,  'J'en  Eyck,  Willey,  and  Wilson— 14. 

AltciENT— Messrs.  Carlile,  Cowan,  Harding,  Harris, 
Henderson,  Howard,  McDougall,  Morrill,  Poineroy,  Ram- 
sey, Iticliardson,  lUddle,  Slierman,  Spragne,  Wilkinson, 
and  Wriglit— 16.  ;     r    =     j  , 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to ;  and  the  Senate,  as 
in  Com  mittce  of  the  W  hole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill  (S.  No.  302)  to  encourage  and  facilitate 
telegraphic  communication  between  the  eastern 
and  western  continents. 

The  Governments  of  Russia  and  Great  Britain 
have  granted  to  Perry  MacDonough  Collins,  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  the  right  to  construct 


and  maintain  a  line  of  electric  telegraph  through 
their  respective  territories,  from  the  mouth  of  the 
A  moor  river,  in  Asiatic  Russia,  by  way  of  Behr- 
ing's  straits  and  along  the  Pacific  coast  to  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  United  States,  with  a 
view  of  thereby  uniting  the  telegraphic  systems 
of  both  continents  and  of  promoting  international 
and  commercial  intercourse.  The  Government 
of  Russia,  in  furtherance  of  that  object,  is  now 
constructingalineof  telegraph  through  its  Asiatic 
territory; to  unite  at  the  mouth  of  the  A  moor  river 
with  the  line  projected  by  Collins;  and  as  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  desires  cordially 
to  cooperate  with  Russia  and  Great  Britain  in  the 
establishment  and  maintenance  of  such  a  line  of 
communication ,  the  bill  proposes  to  grant  to  Perry 
MacDonough  Collins,  of  California,  his  asso- 
ciates and  assignees,  the  right  to  construct  and 
maintain  a  line  or  lines  of  telegraph  from  any 
point  or  points  on  the  line  of  the  Pacific  telegraph, 
constructed  in  pursuance  of  the  act  of  Congress 
approved  June  16,  1860,  northerly,  through  any 
of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
boundaries  of  British  America,  with  such  branch 
lines  as  may  be  needed  to  open  communication 
with  the  various  mining  districts  and  other  set- 
tlements in  those  Territories.  And  for  these  pur- 
poses Collins,  his  associatesand  assignees, are  to 
have  a  permanent  right  of  way  over  any  unap- 
propriated public  lands  of  the  United  States,  to- 
gether with  the  ri^ht  to  take  any  timber  and  stone 
for  construction  purposes;  and  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  and  maintaining  those  lines  and  the 
stations  necessary  for  the  repair  and  working 
thereof,  there  is  donated  to  them  out  of  such  un- 
appropriated lands,  not  exceeding  one  quarter  sec- 
tion for  each  fifteen  miles  of  line  constructed ;  but 
so  much  of  this  section  as  authorizes  the  construc- 
tion of  telegraph  lines  to  open  communications 
with  the  various  mining  districts  and  other  set- 
tlements in  those  Territories  is  to  be  null  and  void 
unless  the  branch  lines  are  completed  withinfive 
years  from  the  approval  of  this  biJI. 

The  second  section  of  the  bill,  in  order  to  en- 
courage and  aid  the  construction  of  the  line  of 
telegraph  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  States, 
authorizes  and  instructs  th.e  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  to  detail  for  the  use  of  the  surveys  and 
soundings  along  that  portion  of  the  Pacific  coast, 
both  of  America  and  Asia,  where  it  is  proposed 
to  establish  the  telegraph,  one  steam  or  sailing 
vessel,  in  his  discretion,  to  assist  in  surveys  and 
soundings,  laying  down  submerged  cable,  and 
in  transporting  materials  connected  therewith,  and 
generally  afford  such  assistance  as  may  be  deemed 
best  calculated  to  secure  a  successful  promotion 
of  the  enterprise. 

The  third  section  provides  that  if  within  five 
years  from  the  passage  of  this  act  Collins,  his 
associates  and  assignees,  shall  complete  and  have 
ready  for  successful  use  a  line  of  telegraph  from 
its  connection  with  the  Pacific  telegraph  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Amoor  river,  the  Secretary  of  State 
is  instructed  to  contract  v/ith  the  parties  owning 
the  line  or  lines,  upon  receiving  suitable  guaran- 
tees from  them,  as  in  the  case  of  bids  for  mail 
contracts,  for  the  use  of  tlie  same  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  State,  the  Treasury,  the  War,  the  Navy, 
and  the  Interior  Departments,  the  General  Post 
Oflice,  the  legislative  and  judicial  departments, 
and  the  respective  offices  thereof  for  all  public 
purposes,  for  a  period  of  ten  years  next  ensuing 
the  date  of  the  contract,  the  United  States  to  pay 
for  such  use  at  the  rate  of  ^50,000  a  year  in  equal 
quarterly  payments;  but  if,  during  any  of  those 
fifteen  years,  the  business  done  for. the  United 
States  under  the  contract  shall,  at  the  ordinary 
rate  of  charge  for  private  messages,  exceed  the 
sum  of  $100,000,  an  account  thereof,  duly  au- 
thenticated, is  to  be  presented  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  who  is  to  certify  the  same  to  Con- 
gress for  payment. 

The  fourth  section  provides  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  shall,  atall  times,  have 
priority  in  the  use  of  the  line  or  lines,  so  far  as 
they  are  within  its  territory,  and  shall  have  the 
right,  when  authorized  by  law,  to  connect  the  line 
or  lines  by  telegraph  with  any  military  posts  of 
the  United  States,  and  to  use  them  for  Govern- 
ment purposes.  In  order  to  secure  them  from 
injury  by  savages  or  other  evil-disposed  persons, 
to  the  interruption  of  the  public  business,  the  com- 
manders of  the  military  districts  or  stations  and 
other  officers  acting  under  authority  of  the  United 


States  in  the  Territories  traversed  by  the  telegraph 
are  to  use  any  available  force  at  their  command 
to  protect  them.  Subject  to  the  right  of  prior 
use  by  the  Government,  the  line  or  lines  m\;  to 
be  at  all  times  open  to  the  public  for  the  trans- 
mission of  messages  in  the  order  of  their  recep- 
tion, upon  the  paymentof  the  established  charges. 

The  fifth  section  provides  that  the  better  to  ac- 
complish the  object  of  this  act,  namely,  to  pro- 
mote the  public  interest  and  welfare,  by  facili- 
tating international  and  commercial  intercourse 
between  the  eastern  and  western  continents,  in  the 
construction  of  the  telegraph,  and  keeping  it  in 
working  order,  and  to  secure  to  the  Government 
at  all  times,  but  particularly  in  time  of  war,  the 
use  and  benefits  of  it  for  diplomatic,  naval,  mili- 
tary, postal,  commercial,  and  other  purposes, 
Congress  may  at  any  time,  having  due  regard  for 
the  rights  of  the  parties  thereinbefore  specified, 
add  to,  alter,  amend,  or  repeal  the  act. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Mr.  President,  I  suppose 
every  member  of  the  body  has  investigated  this 
subject.  The  maps  and  drawings,  the  general 
plan  and  general  route,  have  been  laid  upon  the 
desk  of  every  Senator,  I  presume.  The  proposi- 
tion is  to  connect  Europe,  Asia,  and  China,  byj 
telegraph,  with  the  United  States.  Mr.  Collins 
has  made  a  contract  with  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, by  which  they  agree  to  extend  their  line 
up  to  a  certain  point  and  grant  him  a  large  sub- 
sidy. Mr.  Collins  then  went  to  England  and 
made  an  arrangement  to  pass  the  line  through  the 
British  American  possessions.  He  proposes  to 
build  about  seven  thousand  miles  of  telegraph 
through  British  North  America,  through  Russian 
America,  and  through  Siberia,  to  connect  with 
this  great  Russian  line,  bringing  us  into  direct 
telegraphic  communication  with  nearly  all  the 
nations  of  Europe.  "Fhe  Committee  on  Com- 
merce deem  it  a  very  great  desideratum  that  this 
should  be  done. 

In  the  bill  there  are  three  points:  first,  the  grant- 
ing of  the  right  of  way,  and  every  fifteen  miles 
the  right  to  use  a  quarter  section  of  the  public 
lands  for  their  buildings,  stations,  &c.;  secondly, 
a  ship,  either  a  steam  or  sailing  ship,  is  granted 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  soundings  across  Bchr- 
ing's  straits  and  around  the  Russian  possessions, 
which  will  be  very  useful  to  the  Government, 
even  if  the  line  should  not  be  built;  and  next,  we 
are  to  pay  ^50,000  a  year  for  ten  years  for  the 
use  of  the  telegraph.  In  my  judgment,  the  Gov- 
ernment will  use  that  telegraph  to  the  amount  of 
more  than  §100,000  a  year  every  year  from  the 
day  itisfirst  completed;  therefore  1  consider  that 
no  subsidy  at  all.  It  simply  shows  that  the 
United  States  takes  an  interest  in  connecting  her- 
self with  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Those  are  the  only  points  in  the  bill.  We  do 
not  pay  one  dollar,  we  do  not  expend  one  dollar  un- 
less the  route  is  completed, and  completed  within 
five  years.  The  whole  thing  falls  to  the  ground 
at  the  end  of  five  years  unless  we  are  in  direct 
communication  with  the  world.  The  Committee 
on  Commerce  have  reported  the  bill;  and  with 
this  statement  I  leave  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Sen- 
ate. 

Mr.  TENEYCK.  I  was  in  hopes  that  some 
one  whose  attention  had  been  called  earlier  and 
doubtless  more  fully  to  this  subject  than  mine  has 
would  have  proposed  some  amendments  to  this 
bill  and  called  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  its 
features;  but  as  it  appears  there  is  no  other  per- 
son, as  I  happen  to  be  honored  with  a  position 
on  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  which  did  not 
report  this  bill  unanimously 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     I  did  not  so  state  it. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  know  you  did  not.  It 
may  not  be  amiss  for  me  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  Senate  to  this  bill  before  it  shall  receive  its 
final  action;  but  still,  for  the  purpose  of  perfecting 
it  and  making  it  less  objectionable,  I  desire  to  pro- 
pose soiTie  amendtnenis  to  it.  The  first  amend- 
ment I  shall  propose  is  on  page  2,  section  one, 
line  nineteen,  to  strike  out  the  word  "  donated" 
and  insert  "granted,"  and  after  the  word  "  par- 
ties" to  strike  out  the  word  "  out"  and  to  insert 
the  words  "  the  use;"  so  that  it  will  read: 

There  is  hereby  granted  to  said  parties  tlie  use  of  such 
unappropriated  lauds,  not  exceeding  one  quarter  seciiou, 
&c. 

The  object  is  to  change  this  from  an  absolute 
gift  of  the  land  to  the  granting  of  the  use  of  the. 
land. 


y 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3067 


Mr.  CHANDLER.     I  accept  the  amendment. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  There  is  no  objection 
to  that. 

Tiie  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  now  move  to  strike  out 
the  v^hole  of  the  third  section,  and  I  ask  for  its 
reading. 

Tlie  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

Sec.  3.  ^Ond  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  within  five 
years  from  tlie  passage  of  this  act  the  said  Collins,  liis  as- 
sociates and  assignees,  shall  complete  and  have  ready  for 
successful  use  a  line  of  telegraph  from  its  connection 
with  the  said  Pacific  telegraph  to  the  mouth  of  the  Anioor 
river  aforesaid,  the  Secretary  of  State  is  authorized  and 
instructed  to  contract  with  the  parties  owning  said  line  or 
lines,  upon  receiving  s-uitable  guarantees  from  them,  as  in 
tiio  case  of  bids  for  mail  contracts,  for  the  use  of  the  same 
by  the  Department  of  State,  the  Treasury,  the  War,  the 
Navy,  and  the  Interior  Departments,  the  General  Post  Of- 
fice, the  legislative  and  judicial  departments,  and  the  re- 
spective ollices  thereof  for  all  public  purposes,  for  a  period 
of  ton  years  next  ensuing  the  date  of  said  contract,  the 
tJnited  States  to  pay  for  such  use  at  the  rate  of  .§50,000  a 
year  in  equal  quarterly  payments:  Provided,  That  if,  dur- 
ing any  of  tlie  fifteen  years  aforesaid,  the  business  done 
for  the  United  States  under  said  contract  shall,  at  the  or- 
dinary rate  of  charge  for  private  messages,  exceed  the  sum 
of  $) 00,000,  an  account  thereof,  duly  authenticated,  shall 
be  presented  to  the  Secretarj'  of  the  Treasuiy,  who  sliall 
certify  the  same  to  Congress  for  payment. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  shall  proceed  to  state  in  as 
few  words  as  1  possibly  can  the  reason  why  this 
section  should  be  stricken  Out.  I  may  be  allowed 
to  say  that  I  feel  less  interest  in  the  success  of 
this  bill  under  the  course  its  friends  have  pursued 
in  endeavoring  to  force  its  passage  at  the  expense 
of  a  much  larger  and  more  important  interest  to 
the  country  now  at  stake,  and  that  is  the  pas- 
sage of  the  amendment  of  the  enrollment  bill. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  do  not  understand  the 
Senator  exactly  when  he  speaks  of  the  course  of 
the  friends  of  this  bill.  We  have  felt  in  my  part 
of  the  country  that  we  were  as  much  concerned 
as  any  persons  in  the  Republic  in  this  measure, 
as  it  unites  us  immediately  and  particularly  with 
eastern  Asia.  I  was  not  aware  when  I  came  in 
here  that  this  bill  had  been  urged outof  its  order; 
but  I  trust  it  will  receive  no  prejudice  from  the 
fact  that  it  has  been  urged  on  the  attention  of  the 
Senate.  It  is  a  simple  bill,  and  I  think  it  can  be 
disposed  of  promptly,  and  there  is  no  good  rea- 
son why  it  should  be  objected  to,  because  as  a 
matter  of  hegislation  it  is  now  pending. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  was  not  designing  or  in- 
tending to  prejudice  the  passage  of  the  bill.  I  was 
simply  stating  the  reason  why  I  felt  less  hesitancy 
in  opposing  a  measure  of  this  kind  or  interposing 
objections  to  its  passage  than  1  would  have  felt 
under  other  circumstances,  because  feeling,  as  I 
do,  the  absolute  necessity  of  an  immediate  action 
on  the  part  of  Congress  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  our 
armies,  which  are  now  being  thinned  in  conse- 
quence of  the  terrible  warfiire  being  carried  on, 
I  think  I  may  be  justified  in  at  least  stating  the 
reasons  emphatically  and  distinctly  which  influ- 
ence my  mind  in  opposing  the  bill  in  the  charac- 
ter in  which  it  now  stands  before  the  Senate. 

Sir,  1  can  understand  as  well  as  any  other  Sen- 
ator on  this  floor,  and  I  trust  I  am  as  keenly  alive 
to  the  honor  and  glory  of  rendering  efficient  aid 
on  the  part  of  the  Governmctit  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  telegraph  line  which  is  to  encircle  the 
world  as  any  other  Senator,  or  as  any  person  con- 
nected with  the  Government  in  either  of  its 
branches.  It  is  an  ennobling  enterprise,  worthy 
of  the  grandest  thoughts  and  considerations  of 
the  greatest  and  ablest  men  of  the  country.  But, 
sir,  we  should  regard  the  position  in  which  we 
are  placed;  we  should  not  be  captivated  and  car- 
ried away  by  the  excellency  of  the  motive  and 
design,  and  lose  sight  of  our  judgments,  and  open 
the  public  Treasury  to  any  demands  which  may 
be  made  upon  it  and  fi-om  any  quarter,  no  matter 
how  respectable  that  quarter  may  be,  and  no  matter 
how  respectable  the  friends  may  be  who  come 
from  that  direction. 

We  are  asked  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  this 
great  work.  This  bill  asks  us,  in  the  first  place, 
to  grant  the  right  of  way,  which  is  a  great  priv- 
ilege to  a  company  of  this  kind,  because  if  the 
right  of  way  is  granted  and  a  work  of  this  kind 
is  established,  it  will  go  very  far  toward  pre- 
venting any  competition  hereafter  on  the  part  of 
other  persons  who  have  not  the  vast  amount  of 
capital  that  this  company  which  is  asking  for 
these  privileges  under  this  bill  have.  They  then 
a.sk,  and  we  are  willing  to  give,  or  at  least  the 
bill,  as  reported,  contained  an  absolute  gift  of 


uYiappropriated  lands  not  exceeding  a  quarter  sec- 
tion for  each  fifteen  miles  on  the  line  of  this  tele- 
graph. That  at  the  present  moment  is  no  very 
great  gift.  The  public  lands  are  given  upon  al- 
most every  bill.  Our  western  friends  day  after 
day  receive  donations  in  every  variety  of  shape 
to  the  amount  of  millions;  and  I,  for  one,  repre- 
senting an  old  State,  have  made  no  objection, 
because  I  was  desirous  of  doing  what  1  could 
to  contribute  toward  the  progress  of  these  new 
giants  who,  I  fear,  before  many  years  will  take 
entire  control  of  the  affairs  of  this  nation;  and 
knowing,  too,  that,  let  us  do  as  we  choose,  the 
old  States  would  derive  but  very  little  advantage 
from  the  public  domain,  as  we  have  in  times  past 
derived  very  little  advantage  from  it.  But  that  is 
a  gratuity.  In  addition  to  that  this  bill  proposes 
that  the  Navy  Department  shall  fit  out  and  sup- 
ply this  company  with  a  vessel.  The  second 
section  is  in  these  words: 

Sec.  2.  ^nd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  in  order  to  en- 
courage and  aid  the  construction  of  said  line  of  telegraph 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  is  authorized  and  iiisfiucted  to  detail  for  the  use  of 
the  surveys  and  soundings  along  that  portion  of  the  Pacific 
coast,  both  of  America  and  Asia,  where  it  is  proposed  to 
establish  said  telegraph,  one  steam  or  sailing  vessel,  in  his 
discretion,  to  assist  in  surveys  and  soundings,  laying  down 
submerged  cable,  and  in  transporting  materials  connected 
therewith,  and  generally  afToid  such  assistance  as  may  be 
deemed  best  calculated  to  secure  a  successful  promotion  of 
the  enterprise. 

This  is  no  small  assistance  on  the  part  of  the 
Government.  A  national  vessel  is  to  be  detailed 
with  its  ofliccrs  at  the  public  expense,  without 
limitation  with  regard  to  time  for  the  jiurpose  of 
enabling  this  company  to  establish  this  great  pub- 
lic work. 

In  addition  to  all  that,  this  company  ask  us  to 
subsidize  them  for  a  period  of  ten  years,  granting 
them  $50,000  per  year,  amounting  to  §500,000  in 
the  aggregate,  in  addition  to  all  other  privileges 
which  they  ask  Congress  to  conferupon  them  to- 
ward the  establishment  of  this  line.  It  should  be 
a  very  extreme  case  that  should  constrain  the  Gov- 
ernment in  making  all  these  efforts  and  granting 
all  these  aids  toward  a  company  to  construct  a 
work  of  this  kind.  The  Government  should  be 
first  satisfied  that  they  have  the  means  at  hand 
ready  to  do  it.  If  we  were  in  a  state  of  peace  and 
prosperity,  and  it  was  desired  to  lend  a  helping 
hand  to  a  feeble  company,  unable  to  execute  this 
work  with  their  own  means  and  unassisted,  it 
would  be  a  matter  for  the  consideration  of  Con- 
gress; and  no  Secretary  of  State  could  have  ex- 
ceeded the  present  Secretary  of  State  in  his  just 
eulogium  upon  the  character  and  magnitude  of 
this  work  and  its  desirability. 

But,  sir,  if  I  am  not  incorrectly  informed,  this 
company  is  one  of  immense  wealth;  and  my  hon- 
est and  firm  conviction  from  the  evidence  which 
has  come  before  me  is,  that  they  will  gladly  com- 
plete this  work  without  any  such  subsidy  as 
1^50,000  per  year  from  the  Treasury  for  ten  years, 
amounting  to  $500,000  in  the  aggregate.  1  have 
been  informed  that  the  company  who  ask  this 
privilege,  the  chief  of  whom  is  this  Mr.  Collins 
who  comes  here  armed  with  charters  from  the 
different  Governments  of  Europe  to  build  this 
line  over  the  territory  of  those  Governments,  com- 
menced its  operations  some  years  ago  with  a  capi- 
tel  of  some  three  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and 
that  is  all  the  capital  they  have  ever  had  by  any 
charter  or  by  any  law. 

I  repeat,  I  have  been  credibly  informed  that  the 
company  now  asking  for  this  subsidy  and  the 
right  to  build  this  telegraph  line  across  the  con- 
tinent, a  distance,  as  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
says,  of  several  thousand  miles,  commenced  with 
a  capital  stock  of  ^00,000,  and  by  their  business 
tact,  by  the  skill  with  which  they  have  managed 
their  affairs,  and  by  the  purchasing  out  of  other 
and  rival  companies  and  throv/ing  impediments 
in  their  way,  their  capital  this  day  is  worth 
$9,000,000;  their  capital  stock  has  increased  be- 
tween three  and  four  hundred  per  cent.  It  is 
stated  that  there  is  a  prospective  puixhasc  in  view 
of  the  California  Telegraph  Company,  to  be  es- 
timated at  some  three  million  dollars,  which,  if 
true,  would  swell  up  this  capital  to  the  amount  of 
$12,000,000.  I  do  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  these 
statements,  because  I  have  no  means  of  personal 
knowledge;  but  I  have  been  informed  in  a  way 
and  from  a  source  upon  which  I  place  great  re- 
liance that  such  ia  the  fact. 

Then,  sir,  if  that  be  true,  here  we  have  a  com- 


pany with  a  capital  of  either  $9,000,000  or  $12,- 
000, 000, which  has  increased  faster  than  any  snow 
ball  ever  did  by  rolling  it  over  the  surfiice  of  the 
ground,  by  the  increase  of  its  own  stock  and  by 
the  increased  value  of  its  lines  arising  from  the 
manner  in  which  they  have  conducted  business, 
asking  this  Government  to  bestow  all  these  priv- 
ileges upon  them,  and  to  subsidize  them  to  the  tune 
of$500,000  in  order  to  enable  them  to  construct  this 
line  and  to  carry  on  their  works.  I  understand, 
I  do  not  know  how  true  it  is,  that  the  gentleman 
to  whom  the  chairman  of  the  C6mmiltee  on  Comr 
merce  has  referred,  and  who  has  brought  the  Rus- 
sian charter  here,  to  which  he  has  referred  with 
commendations,  proposes  to  place  that  in  the  char- 
ter of  this  new  company  at  the  value  of  some 
three  million  dollars. 

It  is  by  these  means  that  the  men  who  are  en- 
gaged in  this  originally  comparatively  small  com- 
pany have  become  millionaires,  it  being  rather  a 
close  corporation,  and  confined  to  perhaps  not 
moi-e  than  a  score  of  men,  if  they  amount  to  that 
number.  1  would  not  for  all  this  throw  any  irn- 
pedimentin  the  way  of  their  constructingthis  line; 
nor  would  I  oppose  their  having  the  right  of  way 
granted  to  them;  nor  would  I  oppose  their  having 
granted  to  them  upon  which  to  construct  their 
works  the  use  of  a  quarter  section  of  land  at  the 
distance  of  every  fifteen  miles;  nor  would  I,  as  it  is 
a  great  national  measure  and  would  reflect  credit 
upon  our  nation,  refuse  to  give  them  the  benefit 
and  advantage  of  a  national  vessel  to  give  them 
credit  abroad,  and  to  overawe  the  Indian  tribes 
and  lawless  people  who  might  be  disposed  to  in- 
terfere with  them  upon  the  Pacific  coast.  I  would 
not  oppose  any  of  these  things,  but  would  cheer- 
fully and  gladly  grant  them  all;  but  when  they 
come  and  ask  in  addition  to  this  a  subsidy  of 
$500,000  to  enable  them  to  construct  a  work 
which  they  would  in  my  opinion  gladly  and  joy- 
fully construct  without  a  dollar  being  granted  to 
them,  under  the  protection  of  the  Government, 
and  tlie  grant  of  a  right  of  way;  in  a  time  of  war, 
when  the  Committee  on  Finance  with  all  their 
ability  and  all  their  skill  are  driven  to  their  wits' 
ends  to  keep  the  coffers  of  the  Treasury  full 
enough  even  to  pay  the  soldiers  in  greetibacks,  I 
would  hesitate  for  the  time  before  I  would  under- 
take to  give  this  subsidy. 

It  does  not  stop  there.  The  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Commerce  says  he  has  no  doubt 
the  Government  will  require  the  use  of  this  tele- 
graph line  for  its  business  to  an  amount  exceeding 
$100,000  a  year.  What  I  have  to  say  on  that 
subject  is  this;  I  had  much  rather  that  the  Gov- 
ernment should  pay  as  it  has  its  work  performed, 
as  every  citizen  pays,  than  to  undertake  such 
a  work  under  these  circumstances,  and  offer  a 
large  sum  of  money  in  advance  without  knowing 
whether  we  should  require  thatamount  of  service 
to  be  performed  upon  this  work  or  not.  But  the 
bill  docs  not  stop  here;  there  is  a  very  cautious 
expression  at  the  end  of  the  third  section  to  this 
effect: 

That  if,  during  any  of  the  fifteen  years  aforesaid,  the  busi- 
ness done  for  the  United  States.under  said  contract  shall,  at 
the  ordinary  rate  of  charge  for  private  messages  exceed  the 
sum  of  $100,000,  an  account  thereof,  duly  authenticated, 
shall  be  presented  to  (he  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  ^vvho 
sliall  certify  the  same  to  Congress  for  payment. 

As  I  understand  this  section  we  undertake  to 
subsidize  them  to  the  tune  of  $500,000,  at  the  t:ate 
of  $50,000  a  year;  but  if  the  charges  for  carrying 
the  messages  of  the  Government  should  exceed  the 
sum  of  $100,000,  then  we  are  to  pay  all  the  excess 
of  that  $100,000, let  the  amount  be  more  or  less. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  in  moving 
to  strike  out  the  third  section  of  this  bill  to  lay 
these  statements  before  the  Senate  that  they  may 
see  what  they  are  doing  at  the  present  time,  and 
to  ask  them  seriously  whether  in  their  adrniration 
and  regard  for  so  great  a  work,  which  i^to  reflect 
credit  and  honor  upon  the  nation,  they  are  will- 
ing to  throw  away  $500,000  in  addition  to  all  the 
other  aid  and  assistance  they  give  this  company, 
when  it  is  manifest  from  the  ability,  power,  and 
riches  of  this  corporation,  they  are  not  only  will- 
ing but  able  to  construct  this  work,  and  doubtless 
will  construct  it  without  the  aid  of  this  tliird  sec- 
tion which  I  have  moved  to  strike  out. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Senator  has  alluded 
to  the  affairs  of  the  American  Telegraph  Com- 
pany. 1  understand  they  have  made  a  great  deal 
of  money,  but  I  do  not  know  anything  about  the 
facts  that  the  Senator  states,  nor  do  I  care.     I 


8068 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


only  hope  that  they  have  money  enough  to  build 
this  line.  They  propose  to  g;o  through  an  inhos- 
pitable region,  across  Behring's  straits,  and  to  con- 
nect US  in  five  years  with  the  whole  of  Europe 
and  China.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  map  which  I 
have  before  ine  that  the  whole  of  Europe,  which 
is  now  traversed  in  every  direction  by  telegraph 
lines,  would  instantly  be  brought  by  the  con- 
struction of  this  line  in  telegraphic  communica- 
tion with  the  city  of  Washington. 

With  regard  to  the  former  management  of  that 
company  or  its  future  management  I  have  noth- 
ing to  say.  I  deem  this  a  great  national  work  of 
BO  much  importance  that  I  should  be  very  glad 
to  have  them  use  the  money  they  have  made  or 
any  other  money  that  they  can  get  in  building 
this  line. 

If  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey 
to  striite  out  the  third  sectionof  this  bill  prevails, 
in  my  judgment  it  will  defeat  the  measure.  The 
Senator  talks  of  the  condition  of  the  Treasury. 
This  bill  does  not  take  a  single  dollar  out  of  the 
Treasury  until  the  completion  of  this  work,  and 
I  trust  in  five  years  from  to-day  our  Treasury 
will  be  in  a  better  condition  than  it  is  now.  This 
is  not  a  subsidy.  There  is  not  a  Senator  on  this 
floor  who  does  not  know  that  when  this  Govern- 
ment shall  be  placed  in  telegraphic  communica- 
tion with  the  whole  of  Europe  and  Asia,  our 
telegraphic  bill  would  amount  to  more  than  this 
sum  of  $50,000.  The  Government  of  Russia  has 
very  kindly  agreed  to  subsidize  this  line  in  order 
to  bring  herself  into  communication  with  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Would  it  be  well  now  for  the  United 
States  to  turn  her  back  upon  this  great  enterprise 
and  coldly  say,  "  We  take  no  interest  in  the 
work  ?"  [  repeat,  sir,  this  is  not  a  subsidy.  It 
is  merely  a  contract  in  advance  for  what  you 
know  you  will  need  when  the  time  arrives. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  ob- 
taining some  information  from  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Commerce.  I  should  like  to 
know  what  is  the  character  of  this  subsidy  that 
is  given  by  the  Russian  Government.  As  I 
understand  it,  the  Russian  Government  have 
agreed  to  assist  in  building  a  line  over  their  own 
territory  as  far  as  a  certain  point,  and  that  it  is 
now  near  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor  river,  for  the 
purpose  of  connecting  with  this  line  at  that  point. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Yes,  sir;  thatis  so. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Has  the  Russian  Government 
ever  agreed  to  build,  or  to  assist  in  building,  or 
have  they  subsidized  this  company  so  as  to  en- 
able them  to  build  through  the  Russian  posses- 
sions in  America? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  cannot  answer  that  ques- 
tion. They  have  granted  them  a  subsidy.  Russia 
owns  all  her  telegraphic  lines.  She  has  agreed  to 
give  forty  per  cent,  of  the  receipts  from  her  por- 
tion of  the  line  to  this  line  as  a  subsidy. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  As  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Amoor  river.? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     No,  sir;  through. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     To  what  point? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  capital  of  Russia, 
St.  Petersburg. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  From  the  capital  of  Russia 
how  far  west? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  To  the  British  posses- 
sions, I  suppose. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Has  the  Senator  a  copy  of 
that  contract  between  the  Russian  Government 
and  Mr.  Collins? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     I  have  it  not  with  me. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  would  be  very  satisfactory 
to  know  exactly  what  are  the  relations  this  man 
holds  to  the  Russian  Government. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  have  seen  the  contract. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Can  the  Senator  tell  how  far 
the  line  is  completed  through  the  British  posses- 
sions?   How  much  yet  remains  to  be  completed? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Yes,  sir.  Nine  thousand 
five  hundred  miles  remain  to  be  completed. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     In  Russia? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Oh,  no,  sir.  The  Russian 
Government  have  agreed  to  build  two  thousand 
five  hundred  miles,  or  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor 
river,  to  extend  her  line  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor, 
and  from  there  this  Mr.  Collins  is  to  take  it. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey. 
It  is  a  matter  of  a  good  deal  of  consequence. 

Tlie  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  will  simply  remark  that 


if  this  amendment  prevails  it  defeats  the  bill;  that 
is  all. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  It  seems  to  me  that  some 
gentlemen  are  falling  into  a  very  great  mistake  if 
they  suppose  this  is  a  subsidy  of  §500, 000.  It  is 
simply  an  agreement  on  our  part  that  if  they  will 
build  the  line  at  their  own  expense  and  set  it  in 
operation,  we  will  pay  them  for  the  use  of  it  by 
this  Government  to  the  amount  of  $50,000  a  year 
for  ten  years.  We  agreed,  in  order  to  aid  in  the 
building  of  the  Pacific  telegraph,  to  give  them 
$40,000  or  $50,000  a  year;  1  forget  which. 

Mr.  CONN  ESS.     Sixty  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Mr.  President,  that  en- 
terprise was  undertaken  by  those  gentlemen  at  a 
time  when  the  majority  of  men  di,nounced  it  as  a 
humbug.  It  was  said  it  could  not  be  built,  and 
that  even  if  it  were  you  could  not  keep  it  up 
against  the  Indians.  Mr,  Benton,  who  was  a 
very  wise  man  generally,  said  if  such  a  thing  was 
attempted  the  Indians  would  dig  up  the  poles  and 
carry  off  the  wire.  But,  sir,  it  was  attempted, 
and  by  great  energy  and^  skill  carried  through, 
and  it  was  a  success. 

Mr.  Collins  has  gone  to  Russia  and  obtained 
from  Russia  this  contract  by  which  the  Russian 
Government  grants  to  him  lands  for  stations,  the 
right  to  the  timber,  and  assistance  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  line,  and  furthermore, as  I  understand, 
has  agreed  to  pay  at  the  rate  of  forty  per  cent, 
of  the  through  business  on  their  line  to  aid  in  sus- 
taining the  line.  What  are  we  asked  to  do?  To 
give  this  company  for  the  use  of  the  line  by  the 
Government  $50,000  a  year.  In  relation  to  that 
provision  in  regard  to  certifying  the  account  for 
payment  whenever  the  amount  of  Government 
business  exceeds  $100,000,  I  think  that  might 
be  amended  so  as  to  be  more  definite  and  clear  as 
to  what  is  meant  by  certifying  it  to  Congress  for 
payment.  I  suppose  the  facts  will  be  reported  to 
Congress  and  they  can  do  as  they  will  about  it. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  should  like  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator a  question.     I  do  not  wish  to  interrupt  him. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  If  this  question  is  going 
to  give  rise  to  any  discussion  I  do  not  propose  to 
go  into  it  myself.  1  want  to  have  the  bill  acted 
upon.  I  do  not  want  it  to  stand  in  the  way  of 
other  business. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  desire  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  Senator  to  the  fact  that  the  "  act  to  facili- 
tate communication  between  the  Atlanticand  Pa- 
cific States  by  electric  telegraph, "provided  in  the 
first  place  that  it  should  be  thrown  open  to  pub- 
lic competition  to  see  who  would  do  it  for  the 
lowest  amount.  In  the  second  place  the  subsidy 
was  not  $50,000  or  $60,000,  but  it  was  "  not  to 
exceed  $40,000."  I  will  call  the  attention  of  the 
Senator  to  the  further  fact  that  notwithstanding 
the  large  bonuses  and  grants  that  have  been  given 
to  that  company,!  am  informed  there  is  another 
telegraph  company  constructing  a  line  across  the 
continent  without  any  bonus  at  all,  on  their  own 
hook. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  The  bill  has  been  re- 
ported. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  believe  there  is  one  in  con- 
templation going  ahead. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Mr.  President,  I  think  my 
friend,  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin,  could  not 
have  read  this  bill,  or  else  he  would  not  inform 
the  Senate  that  all  there  was  in  it  was  what  the 
Senator  from  New  Jersey  has  denominated  the 
subsidy;  that  is,  the  payment  of  $50,000  a  year 
for  ten  years.  In  the  first  place  the  first  section 
declares  that  this  Mr.  Collins  shall  be  entitled  to 
the  "  right  of  way  over  any  unappropriated  pub- 
lic lands  of  the  United  States,  together  with  the 
right  to  take  any  timber  and  stone  for  construc- 
tion purposes;"  not  for  the  construction  of  the 
telegraph  line,  but  for  "construction  purposes," 
leaving  it  in  the  broadest  terms  possible. 

And  for  tlie  purpose  of  establisliingand  maintaining  said 
lines  and  the  stations  necessary  for  tlie  repair  and  work- 
ing thereof,  there  is  hereby  donated — 

Not  the  use  of,  but  an  absolute  donation 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.     That  has  been  amended. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  was  not  aware  that  it  had 
been  amended.  That  is  the  way  the  bill  read  as 
introduced  here: 

Donated  to  said  parties,  out  of  such  unappropriated  lands, 
not  exceeding  one  quarter  section  for  each  fittcen  miles  of 
line  constructed. 

The  second  section  decferes: 

That  in  order  to  encourage  mid  aid  the  cuu:itruction 


of  said  line  of  telegraph  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  authorized  and  in- 
structed— 

He  is  absolutely  required — 
to  detail  for  the  use  of  the  surveys  and  soundings  along 
that  portion  of  the  Pacificcoast,botliof  America  and  Asia, 
where  it  is  proposed  to  establish  said  telegraph,  one  steam 
or  sailing  vessel,  in  his  discretion,  to  aid  and  assist  iii  sur- 
veys and  soundings, — 

And  not  in  that  only — 

laying  down  submerged  cable,  and  In  transporting  mate- 
rials connected  therewith,  and  generally  afford  such  assist- 
ance as  may  be  deemed  bust  calculated  to  secure  a  success- 
ful promotion  of  the  enterprise. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Senator  will  recol- 
lect that  a  few  years  ago  this  Government  agreed 
to  pay  $70,000  a  year  for  ten  years,  and  to  fur- 
nish ships  to  lay  the  cable  across  the  Atlantic, 
and  to  do  divers  and  sundry  other  things  to  a 
much  greater  extent  than  we  propose  to  do  here. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Because  this  Government  con- 
tracted several  years  ago  to  do  some  very  foolish 
things  is  no  reason  in  the  world  why  I  as  a  Sen- 
ator to-day  should  contract  to  do  what,  in  my 
estimation,  is  an  exceedingly  foolish  thing.  I  do 
not  know  what  the  contract  was,  nor  what  agree- 
ment this  Government  made  in  regard  to  the  lay- 
ing of  the  Atlantic  cable.  I  only  know  that  ac- 
cording to  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  so  far  as 
the  laying  of  this  cable  is  concerned  through 
Behring's  straits  or  in  the  northern  Pacific  ocean, 
the  Navy  Department  is  required  to  perform  all 
the  duty;  first,  to  make  the  survey;  second,  to 
transport  the  material  for  the  company;  and  third, 
to  lay  down  the  cable  after  they  get  it  there;  to 
furnish  the  vessels  to  do  it. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Only  across  Behring's 
straits. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  suppose  that  does  not  follow 
as  a  matter  of  course.  Behring's  straits  are  tol- 
erably wide  in  certain  places.  We  do  not  know 
where  the  cable  is  going  to  be  laid.  It  may  be 
laid  across  the  straits  in  the  narrowest  point,  or 
it  may  be  laid  further  south  in  order  to  obviate 
the  objections  that  may  arise  in  consequence  of 
the  cold  weather,  running  it  from  island  to  island. 
The  very  purpose  of  making  surveys  is  to  determ- 
ine whether  or  not  there  may  not  be  some  more 
feasible  plan  and  place  of  laying  it  than  laying  ' 
it  across  the  straits;  because,  if  they  were  going  /" 
to  lay  it  across  the  straits  at  the  shortest  point, 
there  would  be  no  necessity  for  putting  in  this 
requirement  here,  that  the  Navy  Department  shall 
survey  and  sound  out  the  routes  across  there.  I 
understand  from  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey 
that  the  company  claim  that  the  most  proper 
point  probably  for  taking  the  telegraph  wire 
across  would  be  from  the  Russian-American  pos- 
sessions to  the  St.  Lawrence  island,  and  from 
the  St.  Lawrence  island  over  to  the  Asiatic  side. 
If  so,  we  shall  be  compelled,  under  the  provis- 
ions of  this  bill,  to  transport  a  very  considerable 
amount  of  material.  I  am  now  only  alluding  to 
those  portions  of  the  bill  which  were  not  referred 
to  by  my  friend  from  Wisconsin.  Now,  if  he 
will  turn  to  the  fourth  section 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     I  stated  them  all. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  "In  order  to  secure  the  same" — 
thatis,  this  telegraph  after  it  shall  be  established — 
"from  injury  by  savages  or  other  evil-disposed  per- 
sons, to  the  interruption  ofthe  public  business,  the 
commanders  of  the  military  districts  or  stations 
and  other  officers,  acting  under  authority  of  the 
United  States,  in  the  Territories  traversed  by  said 
telegraph,  shall  use  any  available  force  at  their 
command  to  protect  the  same." 

The  law  requires  thatour  military  commanders 
in  California  or  in  Oregon  or  in  Washington  Ter- 
ritory ocin  any  other  ofthe  Territories  through 
which  this  telegraph  wire  shall  be  laid,  shall  use 
the  whole  available  military  force  within  their 
jurisdictions  to  see  that  this  telegraph  wire  is 
kept  unharmed  by  the  Indians.  I  do  not  think 
that  at  this  particularjuncture  we  are  prepared  to 
assume  any  such  burden. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  It  is  only  the  force  he  may 
happen  to  have  at  the  spot  where  danger  occurs. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  may  not  be  convenient  to 
bring  up  the  whole  force  we  may  have  in  any  one 
of  tlicse  military  departments  and  use  it  for  the 
benefit  of  this  company  or  the  simple  protection 
of  tlieir  property.  It  may  be  convenient  to  the 
company;  but  there  may  be  higher  claims  upon 
us  to  protect  the  citzens  of  some  of  these  Terri- 
tories or  States  from  the  savages  than  to  protect 


1864. 


THE  CONGEESSIOISrAL  GLOBE. 


3069 


the  telegraph  wire  of  this  rich  corporation  to 
which,  i  understand,  the  benefit  of  this  grant  is 
to  inure. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  bill,  as  I  stated  when 
I  was  up,  proposes  to  give  either  a  steamer  or 
sailing  vessel,  nt  the  discretion  o{  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  for  the  purpose. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  is  not  at  his  direction;  it 
■^  Bays  expressly,  "  is  authorized  and  instructed." 
^  Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  said  either  a  steamer  or 
a  sailing  vessel  at  the  discretion  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy.  He  is  to  furnish  either  a  sailing 
vessel  or  a  steamer  at  his  discretion,  whichever 
he  prefers.  Of  course  he  is  instructed  to  furnish 
either  a  steamer  or  a  sailing  vessel  for  this  pur- 
pose. I  stated  that  fairly  at  the  outset.  That  is 
what  it  does  propose  to  do.  That  is  what  I  be- 
lieve this  nation  would  be  derelict  if  itdid  not  do. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays,  re- 
sulted— yeas  17,  nays  17;  as  follovifs: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown ,  Carl ile,  Clark,  Fesseiiden ,  Foot, 
Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Hendricks,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indi- 
ana, Powell,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Ten  Eyck,  Van  Winkle, 
and  Wilson— 17. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Chandler,  Conness,  Dixon,  Doolittle, 
Foster,  Harris,  Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
Morgan,  Poineroy,  Ramsey,  Richardson,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
and  Wilkinson— 17. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Anthony,  Buckalew,  CoUamer,  Cow- 
an, Davis,  Harding,  Henderson,  McDougall,  Morrill,  Nes- 
initb,  Sherman, Trumbull,  Wade,  Willey,  and  Wrigtit— 15 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  offer  an  amendment  to  come 
in  at  the  end  of  the  first  section: 

Provided,  That  the  lands  thus  set  apart  for  said  telegraph 
company  shall  always  be  kept  open  to  settlement  and  oc- 
cupancy, and  shall  be  sold  to  actual  settlers  in  qiiafltities 
not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  each,  at  prices 
not  exceeding  $1  25  an  acre,  under  regulations  to  be  estab- 
lished by  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  and  patents  shall 
not  issue  except  to  the  actual  purchaser,  on  proof  of  pay- 
ment and  compliance  with  this  provision. 

The  donations  that  are  given  to  this  company 
are  in  quarter  sections.  My  object  is  to  prevent 
the  making  of  a  land  monopoly  out  of  this  com- 
pany. 1  desire  that  if  we  are  to  give  them  the 
benefit  of  these  latids,  while  we  do  so  we  shall 
also  give  the  actual  settlers  of  the  country  the 
benefit  of  settling  them;  in  other  words,  that  we 
shall  retain  the  principle  of  preemption  as  far  as 
practicable,  and  simply  give  the  company  the  ben- 
efit of  the  money  accruing  from  the  sales.  My 
object  is  to  prevent,  in  other  words,  a  monopo- 
lizing of  the  choice  sites  and  locations  along  the 
whole  of  this  route  and  consolidating  them  into 
agreat  landcompany  upon  which  to  makea  bank- 
ing operation.  I  am  opposed  to  that  system,  and 
therefore  move  this  amendment. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  If  the  Senator  was  pres- 
ent when  the  amendment  was  offered  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  New  Jersey  he  would  have  seen  that 
it  is  simply  the  use  of  a  quarter  section  for  a  sta- 
tion once  in  fifteen  miles  that  is  granted.  They  do 
not  own  one  foot.  The  word  was  originally  "  do- 
nated," but  that  was  a  mistake.  We  do  not  in- 
tend to  donate  them  one  foot,  but  we  grant  them 
the  use  of  a  quarter  section  for  their  station,  and 
for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  BROWN.     In  perpetuity? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  As  long  as  they  keep  up 
the  telegraph. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  do  not  see  much  difference 
between  the  use  in  perpetuity  and  a  donation. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  It  can  never  be  sold  or 
any  other  use  made  of  it  except  for  a  station.  I 
do  not  see  any  object  in  the  amendment. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  should  like  to  hear  that 
part  of  the  bill  read  with  the  amendment  which 
has  heretofore  been  adopted. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     From  line  nineteen. 

The  Secretary.     An   amendment  has  been 

made  in  line  nineteen  of  section  one,  to  strike  out 

.  "donated"  and  insert  "granted;"  to  strike  out 

the  word  "  out"  and  insert "  the  use;"  so  that  the 

clause  will  read: 

And  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  and  maintaining  said 
lines  and  the  stations  necessary  for  the  repair  and  working 
thereof,  there  is  hereby  granted  to  said  parties  the  use  of 
.  such  unappropriated  lands,  not  exceeding  one  quarter  sec- 
tion for  each  tifteen  miles  of  line  constructed,  &o. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  was  not  aware  that  this  bill 
had  been  so  changed,  and  with  the  permission  of 
the  Senate  I  will  withdraw  my  amendment. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tojipore.  The  arnend- 
raent  is  withdrawn. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  now  offer  the  following 
amendment  to  come  in  at  the  end  of  section  three: 

Provided Jurther,  That  it  shall  not  be  competent  for  the 


owners  or  operators  of  said  telegraph  line  toninke  any  con- 
tract for  the  exclusive  transmission  of  dispalclies  frorn  any 
newspaper  or  newspaper  associations  upon  terms  ditferent 
from  those  open  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  other  newspapers; 
and  in  the  event  of  any  violation  of  this  provision  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  upon  proof 
thereof,  to  withhold  the  payment  that  may  be  coming  to 
said  parties  from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  have  no  objection  to 
that. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  should  like  to  have  that 
modified  and  changed,  so  as  to  make  it  apply  to 
the  company  that  we  have  already  got  established 
across  to  the  Pacific  coast. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  can  say  to  the  Senator  that 
there  is  a  bill  now  pending  in  the  Senate  on  that 
subject. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Very  well. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  move  in  the  fourth  line  of 
the  second  section,  on  the  3d  page,  to  strike  out 
the  words  "  and  instructed,"  and  to  insert  in  lieu 
thereof  the  words  "if  in  his  judgment  the  public 
interest  will  be  promoted  thereby;"  so  as  to  read, 
"the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  authorized,  if  in 
his  judgment  the  public  interest  will  be  promoted 
theieby,  to  detail  for  the  use  of  the  surveys  and 
soundings,"  &c. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  This  clause  is  in  the  usual 
form,  and  1  hope  the  amendment  will  not  prevail. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Our  Navy,  1  supposed,  was 
built  for  war  purposes,  and  not  for  commercial 
purposes  or  for  laying  down  telegraph  lines,  and 
if  there  is  any  time  when  we  do  need  it  we  need 
it  now  on  our  coast  and  in  our  rivers  for  hostile 
purposes,  and  not  for  this  purpose.  This  section 
provides  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  shall 
have  authority  to  detail  either  a  steam  vessel  or 
a  sailing  vessel;  but  the  concoctors  of  this  bill 
knew  that  no  vessel  would  be  of  the  slightest  avail 
there  except  a  steam  vessel,  and  that  one  of  a  su- 
perior quality.  You  cannot  send  a  sailing  vessel 
around  Cape  Horn  with  the  material  that  it  is  re- 
quired to  carry  for  this  company  and  get  it  there 
under  nine  months  from  the  time  that  she  sails 
from  some  Atlantic  port  to  be  able  to  deliver  it 
there.  Therefore  I  suppose  it  was  the  intention 
of  these  parties  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
should  be  required  to  send  a  steamer — a  steamer 
of  very  large  capacity  she  must  be,  too — in  order 
to  carry  this  telegraphic  wire,  for  she  is  compelled 
according  to  the  terms  of  this  bill  to  transport 
the  "materials  connected  therewith."  This  bill 
would  require  her  to  carry  not  only  the  wire  from 
the  Atlantic  ports  around  to  this  place,  but  it 
would  require  her  to  be  the  carrier  of  the  poles  to 
either  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence  island,  or  to  either 
side  of  the  straits. 

If  we  are  going  to  give  this  company  the  right 
to  build  this  line  and  pay  them  ^50,000,  do  so, 
and  I  am  perfectly  content  that  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  if  in  his  judgment  he  deems  the  public 
interest  will  be  promoted  thereby,  shall  send  a 
vessel  there  to  make  surveys  and  soundings. 
That  is  legitimate;  that  pertains  to  the  commerce 
of  the  country,  although  it  is  on  the  coast  of  a 
foreign  nation,  and  it  is  fair  that  if  we  can  detail 
a  vessel  at  this  time  for  that  purpose  that  we 
should  do  a  fair  proportion  toward  making 
charts,  laying  down  the  soundings  of  waters  other 
than  those  that  appertain  to  our  shores,  &c.  But 
when  you  ask  the  Government  to  send  a  vessel 
from  the  Atlantic  or  from  San  Francisco  to  the 
North  Pacific  to  transport  all  the  material  that 
may  be  necessary  to  be  carried  for  this  company, 
as  well  as  to  make  soundings  and  to  lay  the  cable 
itself,  and  to  do  this  in  a  time  of  war  when  you 
are  constantly  making  complaints  because  you 
have  not  vessels  enough  on  your  coast,  it  is 
asking  a  little  too  much,  Mr.  President.  It  is 
enough  for  these  men  to  put  their  hands  into  the 
Treasury  and  take  our  money,  and  not  take  our 
Navy  and  make  us  build  vessels  for  them. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  It  is  well  known  thatwe 
have  a  Pacific  squadron.  A  small  vessel  can  be 
detached  from  that  Pacific  squadron,  I  appre- 
hend, without  any  serious  detriment  to  the  public 
service.  This  vessel  might  just  as  well  be  up  at 
Behring's  straits,  where  we  have  hundreds  of 
whale  ships,  as  anywhere  else.  I  do  not  think 
the  public  interest  can  be  injured  at  all  by  de- 
taching a  small  vessel  from  the  Pacific  squadron 
for  this  purpose. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  that  be  so,  leave  it  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy.   Why  do  you  want  to  re- 


quire him  to  do  it.'  Let  him  judge  whether  it  can 
be  safely  done  or  not.  I  am  willit)g  to  leave  this 
clause  so  that  he  shall  be  authorized  to  do  it;  but 
it  might  not  be  safe  to  take  away  all  the  vessels 
from  Panama  and  San  Francisco  and  other  point.s 
along  the  coast  at  this  time.  You  may  have  the 
mostefficienl  vessel  that  belongs  to  that  squadron 
up  two  thousand  miles  north  of  the  place  where 
she  ought  to  be,  and  then  if  a  misfortune  should 
befall  our  arms,  whata  clamor  would  be  raised  be- 
cause the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  did  not  have  his 
vessel  where  it  ought  to  have  been ;  and  how  many 
men  would  there  be  who  would  excuse  him  for 
not  having  it  there  because  Congress  by  a  solemn 
act  of  legislation  had  required  him  to  send  off  that 
vessel  and  assist  in  laynig  the  telegraph  wire  for 
this  company? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  do  not  know  what  ser- 
vice the  Pacific  squadron  has  performed  for  the 
last  three  years.  I  imagine  one  of  the  sliips  from 
that  squadron  can  very  readily  be  detailed  with- 
out detriment  to  the  public  welfare. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  have  not  been  charged  with 
any  of  the  care  of  this  bill, and  yet  I  feel  agreat 
interest  in  it.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  Iowa,  if  he  will  excuse  me,  is 
rather  narrow  in  his  views  on  this  question.  Why 
shall  we,  as  the  legislative  body  of  the  United 
States,  determine  that  the  construction  of  this 
work  shall  be  aided  if,  in  his  judgment,  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  shall  determine  that  it  requires 
aid?  Why  shall  we  do  that?  Why  shall  we  del- 
egate that  act  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy?  Be- 
cause he  stands  at  the  head  of  that  Department. 
I  think  it  is  a  question  as  to  whether  we  shall  aid 
this  work  or  not;  and,  that  question  beitig determ- 
ined, it  is  proper  for  us  to  say  whetherthataid  or 
a  part  of  it  shall  consist  in  a  public  vessel  being 
placed  at  the  disposition  of  this  company  for  the 
performance  of  the  service  required  in  the  con- 
struction of  this  work. 

I  have  been  astonished  while  I  have  listened  to 
this  discussion  thatgentlemen  from  the  East,  gen- 
tlemen directly  interested  in  the  great  whaling 
interest,  should  hesitate  a  single  moment  to  ex- 
tend a  reasonable  degree  of  aid  for  the  purpose  of 
putting  their  whaling  ships  in  direct  connection 
with  their  owners  in  the  East.  They  are  not  in 
connection  with  them  now.  They cannotconnect 
with  them  nearer  than  San  Francisco.  It  appears 
to  me  that  we  are  dealing  rather  illiberally,  or  pro- 
posing to  deal  rather  ungenerously,  in  connection 
with  this  great  international  work  to  put  a  tele- 
gra]5h  cable  around  the  world.  Very  well  spoken 
it  was  a  while  since  by  the  honorable  Senator  that 
has  this  bill  in  chai-ge,  when  he  said  that  we  sent 
one  of  our  greatest  national  ships  to  aid  in  laying 
tlie  Atlantic  telegraph.  There  never  was  such  a 
jubilee  in  the  nation  as  the  celebration  of  the  suc- 
cessful laying  of  that  cable;  thei'e  was  never  such 
a  proud  step  of  material  progi-ess  up  to  that  time 
as  was  then  made;  and  there  never  have  been 
deeper  regrets  expressed  by  the  American  public 
at  large  than  upon  the  unfortunate  failure  of  that 
cable. 

Again,  American  capital,  American  genius, 
European  capital,  European  genius,  are  engaged 
in  an  effort  to  relay  that  cable  and  make  it  a  suc- 
cess. It  is  shrewdly  suspected  by  some  that  we 
are  making  a  mistake  in  the  effort  we  are  making 
to  lay  a  cable  from  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain 
to  its  transatlantic  territory;  and  that  notwith- 
standing any  contract  or  promise  that  they,  make 
to  us,  in  case  of  war  they  will  use  it  against  us, 
and  I  am  very  much  inclined  to  think  it  is  true. 
Nay,  not  very  much  inclined,  but  I  have  no  doubt 
they  would  do  it  in  an  instant.  Is  it  not  import- 
ant in  that  case  thatwe  should  have  communica- 
tion with  the  European  world  by  another  means? 

Mr.  BROWN.  This  will  go  to  the  British 
possessions. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  So  it  will,  but  it  will  go 
through  a  part  of  the  British  possessions  that  at 
the  first  sound  of  the  tocsin  of  war  we  should 
seize  and  make  our  own.  We  would  seize  it  by 
the  strong  arms  that  are  now  concentrating  and 
gathering  on  the  entire  Pacific  coast,  and  it  would 
not  be  in  the  power  of  England  to  prevent  the 
seizure.  We  cannot  seize  the  transatlantic  tel- 
egraph. Shall  we  be  then  placed  at  the  mercy 
of  Gieiit  Britain  in  the  event  of  war,  where  our 
commerce  and  ourselves  would  be  subjected  to 
all  its  direcalamities,  without  giving  us  this  great 
expedient  and  means?    Shall  we  deal — Senators 


3070 


THE  OONGEESSIO^^AL  GLOBE. 


June  18. 


■will  excuse  me,  I  only  speak  of  their  views — in 
a  paisimonious  manner  with  this  great  enterprise  ? 
It  has  been  discussed  for  half  a  dozen  years  past. 
One  of  our  most  intelligent  and  patriotic  citizens 
has  addressed  himself  to  this  subject  in  a  manner 
to  make  his  name  a  part  of  the  history  of  our 
country.  The  Secretary  of  State  of  the  Utiiled 
States  has  sent  you  a  communication  that  is  deep 
and  full  of  wisdom  and  meaning,  based  on  the 
inquiries,  the  industry,  and  the  great  enterprise 
of  that  great  and  distinguished  citizen,  and  he  lias 
recommended  that  the  small  aid  asked  for  be 
given,  generously  given,  be  given  in  the  spirit  of 
Amerij;an  progress  and  enterprise. 

What  shall  it  avail  if  we  sit  here  and  talk  as 
to  whether  a  vessel  may  be  dispatched  or  may 
not  from  the  Pacific  squadron  to  engage  in  mak- 
ing this  survey  and  these  soundings?  Shall 
we  spenj  our  time  as  to  the  exact  point  upon 
Behring's  straits  upon  which  this  survey  shall  be 
made?  Have  we  not  the  ability  to  take  one  sin- 
gle ship  and  dispatch  it  upon  this  great  service? 
1  hope  that  we  shall  not  waste  time  in  such  econ- 
omy. I  hope,  on  the  contrary,  that  our  discus- 
sions and  our  acts  will  partake  of  the  spirit  of 
the  enterprise,  of  its  great  usefulness,  of  its  great 
national  interest,  of  its  great  consequences  to  the 
civilization  of  the  entire  world. 

Why,  sir,  there  is  opening  up  to  us  in  that 
portion  of  the  earth  that  will  be  brought  nearer 
to  us  by  Ike  construction  of  this  line  of  telegraph, 
a  country  that  we  have  little  knowledge  of,  that 
the  enter[)rise  and  industry  of  Mr.  Collins  have 
given  us  the  first  great  and  intelligent  view  of — 
a  country  full  of  trade,  full  of  employment  for 
our  ships  when  peace  shall  come  again.  Sir,  we 
are  building  up  exactly  opposite  on  the  Pacific 
coast  a  community,  nay,  an  empire  of  itself,  com- 
posed of  a  population  of  the  choicest  portion  of 
the  American  people.  Shall  we  notinvite  neigh- 
borhood? Shall  we  not  attempt  to  make  a  con- 
nection and  a  commercial  fraternization  between 
the  two  hemispheres  in  this  manner?  Shall  v/e 
hesitate  to  do  it,  lest  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
under  the  instructions  contained  in  this  act, 
should  employ  a  steam  vessel  rather  than  a  sailing 
vessel?  Why,  Mr.  President,  I  am  ashamed  of 
these  views  of  the  case.  They  bear  no  parallel 
to  the  subject;  they  in  no  part  commend  them- 
selves in  the  advocacy  or  in  the  reasoning  of  so 
great  a  subject  as  this. 

We  are  told  that  there  are  other  lines  of  tele- 
gra[)h,  other  companies  engaged  in  crossing  the 
continent.  Let  them  cross  the  continent.  Give 
them  aid,  such  only  as  you  give  to  this,  which  is 
not  an  expensive  aid  to  the  nation.  Let  these 
great  improvements  go  on.  Shall  it  be  because 
we  are  immersed  in  a  great  and  expensive  war 
that  all  progress  and  all  efforts  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  to  develop  industry  shall  cease? 
Certainly  not.  Either  we  are  able  to  carry  both 
on,  or  we  are  not  able  to  carry  one  on  success- 
fully. 

I  hope  that  first  we  shall  give  the  aid  that  is 
asked  for;  it  is  very  limited  indeed;  and  next, 
that  the  aid  we  shall  give  will  be  generously  and 
freely  given. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  think  the  amendment 
proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Iowa  is  eminently 
just  and  proper.  What  do  we  propose  to  do  by 
this  bill?  We  propose  to  put  a  part,  at  least,  of 
the  Navy  of  the  United  States  under  the  control 
of  this  telegraph  company;  and  at  their  bidding, 
and  under  their  authority,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  is  bound  to  detail  a  vessel  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  on  all  their  operations.  In  time  of 
peace  1  would  not  make  the  head  of  the  Navy 
Department  subject  to  the  dictation  of  a  telegraph 
company  or  any  other  company,  no  matter  how 
respectable  or  how  wealthy  they  might  be. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  1  call  the  honorable  Sena- 
tor's attention,  with  his  permission,  to  the  fact 
that  the  whole  eastern  part  of  the  continent  is 
brought  pretty  much  in  subjection  to  a  company 
that  runs  a  railroad  line  through  his  own  State, 
and  1  have  not  heard  the  declamation  of  the  Sen- 
ator against  it.  There  can  be  no  such  objection- 
able monopoly  and  combination  as  tiiat  to  which 
all  of  us  are  subjected  who  pass  backward  and 
forward  between  New  York  and  the  national 
capital. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  When  the  time  comes  for 
that  matter  to  be  discussed,  perhaps  1  may  have 
something  to  say  on  that  subject,  l)ull  gi^nerally 


endeavor  to  confine  my  remarks  to  the  subject  in 
hand  before  the  Senate.  I  can  sec  a  very  great 
difference,  however,  I  may  remark  in  passing, 
between  establishing  a  new  exclusive  privilege 
and  interfering  with  one  that  was  established  a 
quarter  of  a  century  ago.  1  respectfully  submit, 
before  discussing  that  subject,  that  the  inquiry 
of  the  Senator  from  California  is  no  argument 
upon  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator 
from  Iowa. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     It  was  not  offered  as  such. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  Then  it  was  not  offered 
legitimately  in  the  discussion,  but  for  some  other 
purpose.  Now,  all  the  declarations  of  the  Senator 
are  very  fine  in  relation  to  aidingand  assisting  in 
this  national  work.  He  has  taken  me  captive  by 
the  power  of  his  eloquence.  I  had  some  faint 
glimmering  or  idea  of  the  honor  that  was  to  fall 
on  our  national  character  by  the  establishment 
of  such  a  work;  but  I  do  not  think  it  will  add 
very  much  to  ourjudgment,  our  prudence, or  pro- 
priety as  legislators,  if  we  detail  a  part  of  our 
Navy  and  appropriate  a  portion  of  the  public 
treasure  for  the  establishment  of  a  work  which 
beyond  all  earthly  doubt  will  be  maintained  and 
established  by  the  corporation  without  any  con- 
trol. It  v/as  alluded  to  by  the  Senator  from  Mis- 
souri that  this  company,  when  they  first  intro- 
duced their  bill  asking  for  a  subsidy,  did  not 
pretend  to  claim  more  than  $40,000.  That  was 
enough;  but  1  suppose  on  the  principle  on  which 
other  men  act,  when  they  go  in  for  a  penny  they 
go  in  for  a  pound,  and  finding  the  disposition  of 
the  Senate  to  be  perhaps  to  encourage  these  great 
works  under  the  eloquent  appeals  of  the  Senator 
from  California,  they  would  just  as  soon  vote 
$50,000  a  year  as  $40,000,  and'perhaps  $100,000, 
for  aught  I  know,  because  after  we  get  over  the 
limit  of  $100,000,  then  an  account  is  to  be  kept, 
and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  to  settle  the 
bill  according  to  the  charges  tliey  may  choose  to 
make. 

Now,  sir,  I  am  not  willing  to  detail  the  Navy 
for  this  purpose  any  more  than  I  am  willing  that 
this  other  feature  shall  stand  in  the  bill  which  de- 
clares that  the  Armyof  the  United  States,  or  such 
portions  of  the  Army  as  may  be  in  the  region  of 
country  through  which  this  line  may  run,  may, 
under  the  order  of  the  company  and  not  under 
the  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  be  detailed  and 
employed  for  the  exclusive  purpose  and  express 
design  of  protecting  this  long  line  of  several  thou- 
sands of  miles  of  telegraph  from  the  attacks  of 
savages  and  every  other  wrong-doer  who  may 
see  fit  to  lay  his  hand  upon  it.  Why  give  any 
more  exclusive  privileges  to  this  than  to  any 
other  enterprise  of  like  characterfor  the  transmis- 
sion of  intelligence  or  the  transmission  of  passen- 
gers? 1  had  intended  to  move  an  amendment  on 
that  point,  but  the  floor  was  taken  from  me  for 
the  purpose  of  moving  other  amendments.  1 
have  two  or  three  other  amendments  that  1  shall 
move  at  the  proper  lime.  The  motion  to  strike 
out  the  third  section  having  failed  by  a  tie  vote, 
I  shall  move  to  amend  the  fourth  section  so  that 
the  Army  shall  not  be  subject  to  be  taken  at  the 
dictation  of  this  company,  or  such  portions  of 
it  as  may  be  in  that  section,  and  that  the  rights 
and  interests  and  property  of  the  company  shall 
be  put  upon  the  same  footing  in  regard  to  gov- 
ernmental care  and  protection  with  the  rights  and 
interests  and  property  of  every  other  company 
and  of  every  citizen  in  the  Union;  and  that  is,  in 
case  of  their  invasion ,  upon  a  call  being  made  on 
the  regular  constituted  authorities,  the  constituted 
authorities,  if  they  see  fit,  appropriate  the  ne- 
cessary force  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  peace 
and  maintaining  the  laws.  1  do  not  know  that 
these  gentlemen  with  their  increase  of  capital  in 
the  course  of  fifteen  months  from  $3,000,000  to 
$9,000,000  should  lay  the  whole  power  of  the 
United  States,  the  Army,  the  Navy,  and  the 
Treasury  to  boot,  at  their  hands  and  subject  to 
their  dictation  and  tlieir  call,  especially  in  a  time 
of  war  which  is  taxing  every  energy  and  strain- 
ing every  sinew  in  the  arms  of  every  loyal,  noble, 
patriotic  man  within  the  length  and  Dreadth  of  the 
Union. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Committee  on  Com- 
merce spent  more  than  three  months  in  thorough- 
ly investigating  this  subject;  it  was  before  them 
day  after  day;  and  they  have  recommended  that 
a  sailing  vessel  or  a  steamer  shall  be  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  company  for  this  purpose.    That 


is  just  what  is  intended.  The  Senator  from  New 
Jersey  is  perfectly  consistent.  If  he  has  not  pro- 
claimed it  himself  he  is  an  enemy  to  this  bill  in 
all  its  parts,  and  he  was  in  committee.  Aside 
from  him,  the  committee  were  unanimous  in 
every  conclusion  at  which  they  arrived.  The 
Senator  gave  us  notice  that  he  would  fight  the 
bill,  and  he  is  doing  it  manfully;  but  I  want  the 
friends  of  the  bill  to  vote  and  not  talk.  I  prom- 
ised when  it  was  taken  up  that  1  would  not  oc- 
cupy the  time  of  the  Senate.  I  renew  the  pledge. 
1  simply  ask  for  a  a  vote. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  The  Senator  from  Michi- 
gan says  that  the  Committee  on  Commerce  have 
been  engaged  three  months  in  perfecting  this  bill. 
I  happen  to  be  a  humble  member  of  that  com- 
mittee  

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  papers  were  at  the 
Senator's  disposal. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  All  1  was  going  to  say  was 
that  if  it  took  three  months  incubation  to  hatch 
a  bill  of  this  kind,  I  do  not  glory  in  the  achieve- 
ment. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Mr.  President,  I  have 
not  been  particularly  pleased  by  the  tone  of  the 
objections  made  by  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey 
to  this  bill.  1  regret  that  I  should  have  heard 
from  him  the  expression  of  sentiments  that  have 
not  to  do  with  the  security  of  our  own  people.  He 
suggested  among  the  considerations  governing 
his  action  that  the  people  of  the  older  States  were 
not  concerned  in  these  great  enterprises;  that  the 
West  calls  for  large  appropriations,  great  sub- 
sidies, the  lavishment  of  the  public  lands,  from 
which  his  State  of  New  Jersey  derives  no  benefit. 
I  regret  to  have  heard  the  suggestion  of  an  an- 
tagonism between  the  West  and  the  East,  or  be- 
tween the  old  and  new  States,  come  from  the  Sena- 
tor from  New  Jersey,  and  mostly  for  the  reason 
that  for  him  1  have  a  profound  respect.  I  respect 
his  judgment  always. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  The  Senator  entirely  mis- 
understood me.  I  made  no  attack  upon  the  West. 
I  said,  it  had  always  afforded  us  the  utmost  pleas- 
ure to  vote  for  all  the  measures  the  West  had  at 
heart,  asking  for  tlie  donation  of  lands;  and  1  do 
not  know  of  any  measure  of  that  kind  for  which 
i  have  not  voted  except  the  amendment  proposed 
this  year  to  the  Pacific  railroad  act.  I  withheld 
my  vote  from  that  on  the  ground  that  it  was  ndt 
simply  for  the  building  of  a  Pacific  railroad,  but 
proposed  to  build  a  great  variety  of  branch  roads 
in  different  States, and  appropriated  for  that  pur- 
pose millions  of  acres  of  land  and  additional  mil- 
lions of  dollius  in  bonds,  with  interest  payable  iri 
gold  insieud  of  in  the  ordinary  currency  of  the 
country.  That  is  the  only  case  in  which  1  have 
not  voted  in  favor  of  the  West  in  relation  to  all 
her  measures,  without  ever  expecting  a  dollar  of 
benefit  from  the  public  lands  for  my  State;  and 
I  do  not  now,  and  yet  1  shall  freely  vote  for  such 
measures  in  time  to  come. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  unt'erstood  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  New  Jersey  correctly,  as  he 
would  have  seen  if  he  had  allowed  me  to  go  on 
with  my  remarks.  His  remark  was,  that  in  all 
these  things  the  older  States  had  no  interest.  I 
remember  within  myown  period — and  lam  not  yet 
as  venerable  as  some  of  the  gentlemen  who  are 
about  me — when,  in  the  part  of  the  country  where 
the  Senator  was  reared,  land  was  hardly  a  salable 
commodity,  and  certainly  did  not  command  as  a 
regular  thing  five  dollars  an  acre.  That  same 
land  now  commands  in  the  markela  hundred  dol- 
lars an  acre.  On  the  development  of  the  West, 
in  her  special  interests  and  with  her  special  en- 
terprises, has  been  dependent  to  a  large  extent 
the  growth  of  New  Jersey  and  her  accumulated 
wealth.  To  the  development  and  growth  of  the 
West  is  to  be  attributed  to  a  large  extent  the  de- 
velopment of  the  manufacturing  interest  of  New 
England.  We  are  mutually  dependent.  We  could 
never  have  built  up  the  great  manufacturing  cities 
of  New  England  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  labor 
in  the  corn  and  the  grain  fields  of  the  farmers  of 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, Michigan,  Iowa,  and  Wis- 
consin, and  all  the  West;  and  tJiey  never  would 
have  culminated  into  their  present  prosperity  but 
for  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe-Hidalgo,  which  se- 
cured to  us  a  commanding  position  on  the  Pacific 
coast  and  developed  those  gold  fields  and  those 
hills  of  silver  that  now  furnish  the  prominent  feat- 
ure of  the  exportations  of  the  entire  Republic;! 
Properly  considered,  we  have  no  divided  interest. 


1804. 


THE  OOJ^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3071 


What  is  tlie  true  interpst  of  the  coast  of  the  Pa- 
cific is  the  true  interest  of  the  Sta,te  of  Maine,  and 
even  her  lumber  fields  have  derived  benefits  from 
my  Slate,  for  many  a  large  liouse  have  1  seen  go 
^  up  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  the  timber  for 
•which  had  been  cut  down  in  the  forests  of  Maine, 
and  sawed  in  her  mills  and  planed  in  her  shops 
and  framed  by  her  mechaiiicsand  shipped  by  her 
ship-owners  and  constructed  and  put  up  in  my 
own  State. 

The  enterprise  that  is  now  suggested  is  one  that 
belongs  to  a  common  development,  in  which  the 
enterprisi)ig  man,  the  man  of  capital,  particularly 
the  man  of  commerce,  is  as  much  concerned  in 
New  Jersey  or  Connecticut  or  Massachusefts  or 
Maine  as  the  merchant  on  my  own  coast.  The 
subsidy  asked  for  this  enterprise  is  a  mere  baga- 
telle as  compared  to  the  great  benefits  it  will  in- 
sure to  us.  if  the  great  enterprise  of  a  telegraphic 
line  across  the  Atlantic  that  failed  some  years  ago, 
but  that  we  hope  yet  to  see  realized,  should  be  a 
thing  accomplished,  we  should  notcommand  itin 
the  event  of  our  having  a  collision  with  a  European 
Power,  because  it  starts  from  Great  Britain  and 
lands  in  Great  Britain's  dependencies.  It  is  well 
understood  that  our  nearest  relation  to  Asia  and 
Europe  is  with  Russia  in  Europe  and  Asia.  The 
■  liberality  exercised  by  the  northern  European 
Powers,  and  especially  by  Russia,  should  be  a  les- 
son to  us  to  show  some  liberality.  The  amount 
of  subsidy  is  of  but  little  consideration;  and  I  am 
confident  that  the  amount  of  compensation  pro- 
posed to  be  given  to  these  parties  is  nothing  like 
an  equivalent  to  what  would  be  justly  due  from 
the  Government  for  the  service  it  will  require,  and 
it  is  to  have  the  command  of  the  telegraph  line. 

A  word  now  about  this  great  conspiracy,  this 
great  combination,  this  aggregation  of  capital 
which  seems  to  have  filled  the  mind  and  overcome 
the  vision  of  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey.  I 
may  take  the  liberty  of  remarking  that  when  Mr. 
Collins,  after  making  his  trip  from  St.  Petersburg 
to  the  Amoor  river,  reported  himself  in  San  Fran- 
cisco, he  brought  with  him  the  idea  of  this  pro- 
ject; I  took  the  opportunity  to  converse  with  him 
and  possess  myself  as  far  as  possible  with  his 
views,  and  to  understand  whether  or  not  the  en- 
terprise was  feasible.  From  that  time  until  this 
time  it  has  been  more  or  less  within  the  range  of 
my  observation.  My  fear  has  always  been  that 
we  could  not  secure  favor  enough  from  the  Gov- 
ernment to  establish  it  as  a  fact.  My  fear  now 
is  that  we  do  not  extend  favor  enough.  Ifthisis 
to  be  a  very  greatand  a  very  successful  enterprise 
and  it  is  going  to  embrace  large  capital,  it  will  be 
because  to  carry  out  the  main  line  of  the  work  a 
great  many  accessories  will  have  to  be  included. 
1  do  not  believe  that  a  line  from  San  Francisco, 
taking  that  as  the  departing  point,  running  up 
through  Oregon  and  British  America  and  Russian 
America,  crossing  at  Behring's  straits,  and  run- 
ning down  then  by  the  coast  line  to  the  Amoor 
river,  as  an  independent  proposition  can  be  main- 
tained as  a  success;  but  upon  a  careful  business 
calculation  these  gentlemen  think  that  by  joining 
I  witli  it  various  other  enterprises  of  the  same  char- 
acter, so  as  to  bring  the  United  States  in  commu- 
nication with  Europe  and  Asia,  running  down  to 
Cliina  arid  Japan,  it  can  be  made  a  success;  and 
if  it  is  done  at  all  it  will  be  a  great  and  triumphant 
success. 

I  cannot  understand  how  persons  having  the 
true  interests  of  the  Government  in  their  mind's 
eye  can  question  the  propriety  of  this  action.  It 
will  be  great  economy  to  us,  i  believe,  as  a  mat- 
ter of  mere  government;  it  will  be  a  great  advant- 
age to  U3  as  a  matter  of  commercial  regulation; 
It  will  give  us  our  true  position  upon  the  Pacific, 
and  that  has  been  for  years  the  theater  of  the 
greatest  enterprises  of  the  great  nations  of  the 
world.  France  is  in  Mexico  to  get  ascendency 
lihere,  and  France  is  in  Siam  to  get  ascendency 
there,  and  France  is  occupying  positions  on  the 
Pacific  to  get  ascendency  there.  Russia  bestows 
more  attention  on  her  policy  on  the  Pacific  than 
she  does  on  her  policy  in  any  of  the  States  of 
Europe.  England  is  doing  the  same  thing.  It 
is  our  duty  to  do  it,  and  we  shall  fail  in  duty  if 
we  do  not  look  to  our  great  interests,  occupying 
as  we  do  the  most  commanding  position  on  the 
Pacific.    . 

Tlien  again,  Mr.  President,  let  me  remind  Sen- 
ators that  the  history  of  England  is  the  history  to 
which  we  look  for  our  great  lessons.     Look  at 


her  policy  during  her  great  wars  with  the  conti-  • 
nental  Powers  of  Europe,  including  the  war  she 
conducted  against  us  when  we  were  called  in  re- 
bellion, and  again  after  our  war  of  1812.  The 
course  of  the  English,  the  stern,  enterprising, 
determined  English  people,  indi(jatesand  has  es- 
tablished that  by  a  resisting  and  compelling  force 
that  appears  to  existin  the  Anglo-Saxon,  the  Eng- 
lish as  they  liave  been  assaulted  from  abroad  have 
risen  stronger  in  their  great  northern  strength ;  and 
therefore  it  is  laid  down  as  a  truth  by  the  ablest 
writers  that  have  written  upon  politico-econom- 
ical science  in  England,  that  instead  of  those  great 
wars  liaving  impaired  the  wealth  and  strength 
of  England,  they  have  added  both  to  her  wealth 
and  her  strength,  for  two  causes:  first,  their  con- 
dition led  (I  am  sorry  it  is  not  so  in  this  country 
yet)  to  economy,  private,  individual,  and  partic- 
ular economy;  and  second,  it  led  to  enterprises 
to  overcome  the  privations  that  belonged  to  war. 
1  might  quote  Mill,  McCulloch,  and  Richards,  as 
laying  it  down  as  a  truth  demonstrated  by  figures 
that  England  has  been  stronger  by  developing 
her  resources  even  in  time  of  war  to  overcome 
her  necessities  than  she  v/ould  have  been  if  she 
had  passed  the  same  period  in  a  time  of  pro- 
found peace.  1  say,  let  not  our  surroundings 
affright  us:  let  us  make  ourselves  as  strong  as 
possible,  so  that  when  this  war  shall  be  over  we 
shall  be  yet  in  the  tide  of  prosperity. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  from  California 
has  addressed  the  Senate  very  ably  on  the  gen- 
eral subject  of  communication  between  the  differ- 
ent portions  of  the  world.  I  have  nothing  to  say 
in  regard  to  that;  I  am  willing  for  the  present  to 
assent  to  the  truth  of  everything  he  has  said. 
The  only  question  now  before  the  Senate,  how- 
ever, is  whether  we  shall  make  it  absolutely  im- 
perative on  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  send  a 
vessel  to  the  Pacific  for  the  purpose  not  only  of 
surveying  and  sounding  the  waters  of  the  North 
Pacific,  but  of  transporting  the  material  with 
which  this  telegraph  line  is  to  be  laid,  and  after- 
wards of  laying  it.  If  a  vessel  is  sent,  it  must  be 
a  steamer.  If  she  is  sent,  she  must  be  deprived 
of  her  armament.  Now,  are  you  going  to  direct, 
without  any  opportunity  for  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  to  exercise  his  judgment  about  it,  that  in  a 
time  of  war  like  this  your  vessels  (and  they  must 
be  your  best  vessels-of-vi/ar)  shall  be  sent  up  into 
the  North  Pacific  unarmed,  upon  an  expedition 
of  this  kind,  and  be  liable  to  capture? 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Allow  me  to  make  a  sug- 
gestion. There  are  several  vessels,  old  wooden 
ships,  out  there  on  that  coast  belonging  to  the 
squadron  of  the  Pacific.  The  Senator  knows 
what  they  are  better  than  I  do.  It  seems  to  me 
that  to  detail  one  of  them  would  be  no  great 
charge  on  the  Government.  We  can  spare  them 
from  the  harbor  of  San  Francisco. 

Mr.  GPv.IMES.  I  have  no  objection  to  allov/- 
ing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  do  that  if  he 
does  not  believe  it  will  be  to  the  detriment  of  the 
Government  to  permit  it  to  be  done;  but  I  do 
not  want  to  compel  him  to  do  it,  because  it  is 
possible  that  when  this  company  wants  to  lay  its 
telegraph  wires,  or  wants  to  transport  its  material, 
it  may  not  be  to  the  interest  of  the  Government 
to  thus  detach  a  vessel  for  that  purpose;  and  it 
seems  to  me  somewhat  singular  that  the  Senators 
from  the  Pacific  coast,  who  are  so  much  inter- 
ested in  the  maintenance  of  that  fleet,  should  be 
the  most  anxious  to  detach  some  of  the  vessels 
from  it  and  send  them  off  on  an  expedition  of 
this  kind.  I  am  willing  to  leave  it  exactly  as  the 
question  always  has  been  left  before.  It  was  not, 
I  apprehend,  made  imperative  on  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  detach  tlie  Niagara  at  the  time  the 
Atlantic  cable  was  laid.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  was  allowed  to  do  it,  and  he  did  it. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     And  the  nation  applauded. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  And  the  nation  applauded  it. 
Very  well,  that  was  in  a  time  of  peace;  but  you 
did  not  then,  in  a  time  of  peace,  instruct  and  re- 
quire the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  do  it.  Now, 
in  a  time  of  war,  you  propose  to  require  him  to 
send  vessels  up  into  the  North  Pacific,  where  they 
will  be  liable  to  capture.  That  is  the  question 
that  is  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  ask  the  friends  of  this 
bill  to  let  us  vote.  I  think  the  subject  is  fully  un- 
derstood. Each  section  of  the  country  has  an 
equal  interest  in  it  with  every  other;  perhaps  the 
East  more  than  the  West.     All  the  commercial 


interests  of  the  nation  are  concerned  in  this  bill, 
and  I  hope  its  friends  will  let  us  come  to  a  vote. 
It  is  very  well  understood,  I  believe. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Pomisroy 
in  the  chair.)  The  question  is  on  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Senator  from  Iowa. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  We  are  passing  a  law  in 
the  usual  form  directing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
to  furnish  a  ship.  Now  the  Senator  proposes  to 
say  that  it  shall  be  the  law  if  the  Secretary  thinks 
best;  if  he  does  not  think  it  best  it  shall  be  no  law. 
That  is  the  question. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  suppose  the  Senator  from 
Michigan  wants  to  be  ingenuous.  He  does  not 
want  to  misrepresent. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Certainly  not. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Does  the  Senator  say  thatthis 
is  in  the  usual  form? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Certainly. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Does  the  Senator  say  that  this 
was  the  form  of  the  law  passed  for  laying  the 
Atlantic  cable,  tliat  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  was 
instructed  and  required  to  detach  the  Niagara? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     I  have  not  read  ihatlaw. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  That  is  the  only  case  that  oc- 
curred, and  I  think  if  the  Senator  will  refresh  his 
memory  by  reference  to  the  law,  he  will  find  that 
it  says  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  may  do  so. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     I  do  not  remember  that. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  the  Senator  has  not  re- 
freshed his  memory  by  a  reference  to  that  law,  I 
do  not  think  he  is  justified  in  saying  that  this  is  the 
usual  form.  The  Senator  says  that  the  effect  of 
my  amendment  will  be  to  make  it  dependent  on 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  say  whether  this 
law  is  in  operation  or  not.  Not  at  all.  The  law 
will  be  in  operation;  the  subsidy  will  be  given; 
the  Army  of  the  United  States,  as  the  bill  now 
stands  without  amendment,  will  be  put  under  the 
con  trol  of  this  company  in  the  departments  through 
which  the  telegraphic  line  may  be  located;  but  so 
far  as  the  detailing  of  a  particular  ship  is  con- 
cerned, that  will  be  left  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  and  there  is  where  it  ought  to  be  left.  So 
far  as  the  subsidy  is  concerned,  so  far  as  the  grant 
of  land  and  of  the  riglit  of  way  is  concerned,  the 
the  law  will  stand;  but  in  regard  to  the  action  of 
the  Navy  Department  in  detailing  a  ship,  I  trust 
we  are  not  going  to  instruct  the  head  of  that  De- 
partment absolutely  to  send  a  ship,  but  authorize 
him  to  do  it  if  he  believes  the  public  exigencies 
will  justify  him  in  so  doing. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Senator's  amend- 
ment is  not  "  if  the  public  exigencies  will  justify 
him  in  so  doing,"  but  his  amendment  puts  it  in 
the  discretion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  de- 
termine whether  it  will  be  for  the  public  interest 
of  this  country  to  favor  this  telegraph.  That  is 
the  form  it  is  in,  and  I  shall  vote  against  it  in 
that  form.  ,> 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  should  like  to  have  the  Sen-' 
ator  explain  how  that  is. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.     The  amendment  says  in 
so  many  words,  "if  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
shall  believe  the  public  interest  will  be  prflinoted  ■ 
by  it." 

Mr.  GRIMES.     By  detailing  a  ship. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  believe  in  asking 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  whether  the  public  in- 
terests of  the  nation  will  be  promoted  or  not.  If 
it  can  be  done  without  detriment  to  the  public  ser- 
vice I  am  for  tellinghim  to  do  it,  for  I  think  it  is  a 
proper  thing  to  be  done. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator  from 
Iowa  that  he  move  simply  to  strike  out  the  words 
"and  instructed,"  and  then  I  think  there  will  be 
no  objection  to  the  amendment.  The  effect  of  that 
would  be  simply  to  authorize  the  Secretary  to  de- 
tail a  vessel. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  accept  the  suggestion,  and 
my  amendment  is  to  strike  out  the  words  "and 
instructed  "after  "authorized"  in  linefour  of  sec- 
tion two. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  propose  to  strike  out  all  of 
that  section  after  the  word  "soundings"  in  line 
eight.     The  words  I  propose  to  strikeout  are: 

Laying  down  submerged  eablR,  and  in  transporting  ma- 
terials connected  therewitti,  and  generally  afford  such  as- 
sistance as  may  1)6  deemed  bestcalculated  to  secure  a  sue- . 
cessful  promotion  of  tlie  enterprise. 

The  effect  of  my  amendment  will  be  to  leave 
the  public  vessel  that  may  be  detailed  to  be  em- 
ployed in  making  the  survey.s  and  soundings,  but 


3072 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18. 


not  to  compel  the  Government  to  employ  a  vessel 
to  transport  the  materials  with  which  this  tele- 
graph company  is  to  build  its  line. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  does  not  compel  any- 
thing; it  merely  authorizes. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  There  is  no  compulsion  about 
it  now  with  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
Iowa. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Then  there  is  no  use  in  hav- 
ing it  in.  lam  not  willing  even  that  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  should  have  power,  if  he  sees  fit,  to 
employ  a  public  vessel  to  transport  materials  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  for  the  purpose  of  build- 
ing this  line,  when  lam  assured  by  men  in  whom 
I  place  the  utmost  confidence  that  this  line  will 
be  constructed  if  we  do  notgive  one  single  copper 
by  way  of  subsidy. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  hope  the  amendment 
will  not  be  adopted. 

Theamendmentwas  rejected — ayes  14, noes  15. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  In  the  ninth  line  of  the  second 
section  I  move  to  strike  out  the  words  "  and  in 
transporting  materials  connected  therewith." 
This  will  leave  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  at 
liberty  to  use  a  public  vessel,  if  he  sees  fit,  in 
laying  down  the  telegraph  wire,  but  not  in  trans- 
porting materials. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  am  really  sorry  to  see 
such  objections  made  here.  The  Senate  has 
yielded  to  the  suggestions  of  the  Senator  from 
Iowa  and  has  merely  authorized  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  use  a  vessel  in  aid  of  this  object. 
When  he  is  authorized  to  send  outa  vessel,  what 
objection  can  the  Senator  from  Iowa  have  to  al- 
lowing that  vessel  to  take  along  some  of  the  ma- 
terials if  the  Secretary  thinks  it  pro[)er?  He  is 
not  compelled  to  do  it.  Yoy  are  not  willing  to 
authorize  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
to  cooperate  in  this  great  enterprise,  but  you 
must  put  it  in  the  law  that  a  naval  vessel  shall 
not  be  permitted  to  take  along  an  instrument. 
Certainly  no  harm  can  be  done  by  it.  I  hope 
the  Senate  will  vote  down  all  such  amendments. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  cannot  be  any 
more  surprised  at  me  than  I  am  at  him.  I  am 
surprised  that  he,  a  strict  constructionist  and  econ- 
omist, a  man  who  has  always  professed  to  be 
an  extreme  economist  and  strict  constructionist, 
should  be  in  favor  of  such  a  proposition  as  is  no  w 
under  consideration  in  the  Senate.  I  think  I  have 
seen  the  Senator  stickle  and  higgle  on  much 
smaller  questions  than  this.  This  is  a  question 
of  granting  naval  vessels  for  the  purpose  of  car- 
rying all  the  materials  for  this  immense  company 
that  we  are  required  to  pay  a  subsidy  of  f 50, 000 
a  year  to  get  it  to  build  this  line;  carrying  them 
either  from  Europe,  as  it  may  be  under  this  pro- 
vision, or  from  the  Atlantic  coast  to  Behring's 
straits  or  to  any  other  such  point  as  the  company 
may  determine  to  lay  down  its  telegraph  wires 
to.  I  repeat,  I  am  astonished  that  the  Senator  from 
Illinois  should  be  willing  to  bestow  on  the  chief 
of  any  Department  of  this  Government  such  ex- 
traordinary power  as  is  to  be  given  in  this  sec- 
tion. I  frankly  confess  that  I  am  unwilling  to 
do  it.  1  thought  I  sympathized  with  the  Sena- 
tor from  Illinois  on  all  such  questions  as  this.  1 
would  not  confer  any  such  power  on  the  head  of 
any  Department. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  The  most  prominent  point 
that  I  see  in  this  connection  is  the  suddenness 
with  which  the  honorable  Senator  from  Iowa  has 
lost  confidence  in  the  honorable  Secretary. 

Mr.  GRIMES  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  15,  nays  19;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Clark,  Cowan,  Fes- 
senden,Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlan,  llenilricks,  Lane  of 
Indiana,  Ponieroy,  TenEyck,  Willey,  and  Wilson— 15. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Chandler,  Coniiess,  Davis,  Ui.\on,Doo- 
llttle,  Hale,  Harris,  Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Kan- 
sas, McDougall,  Morgan,  Nesmith,  Powell,Sumner, Trum- 
bull. Wade,  and  Wilkinson— 19. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Collainer, Hard- 
ing, Henderson,  Johnson,  Morrill,  Ramsey,  Richardson, 
Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Van  Winkle,  and 
Wright- 15. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  desire  to  offer  an  amendment 
to  perfect  the  bill,  but  before  doing  so  I  want  to 
ask  the  attention  of  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee oti  Commerce.  1  understand  that  there 
was  a  bill  introduced  into  the  Senate  on  the  31st 
of  May  for  increased  facilities  of  telegraphic 
communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pa- 


cific States  and  the  Tenitory  of  Idaho.  That  bill 
contained  in  it  a  clause  for  a  subsidy  of  $20,000 
per  annum.  I  would  inquire  of  the  chairman  of 
the  committee  whether  that  bill  has  been  reported 
back  to  the  Senate  with  the  subsidy  stricken  out. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Yes,  sir,  it  has  been. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  should  like  to  ask,  then, 
why  there  is  a  subsidy  in  this  bill  for  this  tele- 
graph line  to  every  mineral  s.tation  in  California, 
and  none  for  that  line  across  the  continent  to 
Idaho.' 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  will  answer  the  Sena- 
tor: because  we  are  already  paying  a  subsidy  for 
the  same  line. 

Mr.  BROWN.     Not  the  same  company. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Not  the  same  company; 
but  the  committee  did  not  recommend  subsidizing 
a  new  company  for  the  same  line. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  desire  then  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Senate  to  the  manifest  injustice  of  the 
action  of  this  committee.  Here  they  go  to  work 
and  bring  in  large  subsidies  for  a  corporation  or 
for  an  individual  who  is  proposed  to  be  endowed 
with  a  large  amount  of  land  and  to  have  the  right 
of  running  a  telegraphic  communication  notonly 
across  the  States  of  California  and  Oregon,  but  to 
make  connections  with  every  mining  district  in 
that  country;  and,  if  I  am  correctly  informed,  the 
interests  which  connect  this  company  with  the 
present  overland  company  are  very  closely  allied; 
and  yet  when  there  is  a  proposition  to  give  us  a 
rival  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  it  is  voted  down  by  the  Committee  on 
Commerce,  the  subsidy  is  stricken  out.  I  cannot 
understand  where  the  fairness  is  in  that  transac- 
tion, nor  do  I  appreciate  the  ground  upon  which  the 
chairman  has  predicated  the  decision  of  the  com- 
mittee. I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate 
to  that  feature  of  the  bill  in  connection  with  some 
amendments  that  I  may  hereafter  offer.  At  the 
present  time  1  desire  to  perfect  the  bill  as  far  as 
possible,  and  I  offer  this  amendment 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  If  the  Senator  will  pardon 
me,  the  committee  would  not  recommend  subsi- 
dizing a  new  line  in  the  same  direction.  Congress 
adopted  its  policy  years  ago  when  it  was  exceed- 
ingly doubtful  whether  a  telegi-aphic  communi- 
cation could  be  opened  with  California,  and  voted 
a  liberal  subsidy.  Another  competing  line  now 
asks  for  a  subsidy,  but  the  Committee  on  Com- 
merce declined  to  subsidize  a  new  line  on  the  same 
route.  That  is  the  whole  of  it.  There  is  no  in- 
consistency or  injustice  in  it.  We  would  not 
certainly  recommend  subsidizing  another  line  on 
the  route  of  this. 

Mr.  BROWN.  The  present  telegraph  across 
the  continent  is  a  close  monopoly.  I  move  to 
amend  the  bill  by  inserting  after  the  words  "  open 
to  the  public"  in  line  fifteen  of  section  four  the 
following: 

And  to  any  other  telegraph  company  upon  paynientofthe 
regular  charges  for  transmission  of  dispatches,  and  all  such 
dispatches  shall  be  transmitted  in  the  order  of  their  recep- 
tion, and  the  answers  thereto  shall  be  delivered  to  said  com- 
panies for  transmission  over  their  lines  to  the  office  vvlieuce 
the  original  message  was  sent. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  have  no  objection  to 
that  amendment. 

Tlie  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  move  to  strike  out  all  of  the 
tenth  line  of  the  fifth  section  and  the  word  "  spe- 
cified" in  the  eleventh  line.  It  will  be  observed — 
I  suppose  that  it  has  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary — that 
this  is  a  very  peculiar  provision,  authorizing  Con- 
gress to  alter,  amend,  or  repeal  this  act.  It  says 
that  "Congress  may  at  any  time,  having  due  re- 
gard to  the  rights  of  said  parties  hereinbefore  spe- 
cified, add  to,  alter,  amend,  or  repeal  this  act." 
We  have  been  in  the  habit,  in  all  charters  granted 
by  Congress  since  I  have  been  here;  of  putting 
in  an  absolute  authority  to  add  to,  alter,  amend, 
or  repeal  them;  I  therefore  move  to  strike  out  the 
tenth  line  and  tlie  word  "  specified  "in  the  eleventh 
line,  so  as  to  let  it  stand  like  all  other  charters  we 
pass.  I  propose  to  strike  out  the  words  "  having 
due  regard  for  the  rights  of  said  parties  hereinbe- 
fore specified." 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  should  like  to  ask  the 
Senator  from  lowaif  he  would  repeala  law  with- 
out having  due  regard  to  the  rights  of  parties  to 
be  aifected  by  it.'' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  clause  is  put  in  to 
control  the  legal  right  of  Congress. 


Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  suppose  that  it  is  put  in 
for  the  judgment  of  Congress. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN-.  Would  there  not  be  the 
same  power  if  the  words  were  out.' 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Exactly;  and  I  ask  the 
Senator  from  Maine  then  if  it  would  make  any 
difference  with  his  vote  if  those  words  were  out. 
Would  he  not  just  as  soon  vote  to  repeal  what  is 
granted  here  with  the  words  in  as  he  would  with 
them  out,  and  would  he  ever  vote  to  repeal  any 
law  without  having  what  he  considered  due  re- 
gard to  the  rights  of  the  parties? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  is  not  the  question. 
The  .question  is  whether  these  words  would  not 
form  a  limitation  on  the  power  of  Congress  to 
act,  and  whether  that  was  not  the  intention  of 
putting  them  in.  My  opinion  is  that  they  would, 
and  that  that  was  the  design  of  putting  them  in, 
to  restrict  the  right  of  Congress  over  the  subject. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  In  my  judgment  they 
would  not  restrict  the  power  of  Congress  at  all. 
I  think  it  would  be  in  the  discretion  of  Congress 
to  determine  what  was  a  due  regard  to  the  rights 
of  the  parties,  and  it  would  not  be  a  judicial  ques- 
tion for  anybody  else. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Then  you  have  no  objection 
to  striking  out  the  words. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  suppose  it  would 
make  any  difference  with  anybody 's  vote.  1  have 
no  objection  to  the  striking  out,  but  I  do  not  con- 
trol the  bill. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  In  the  fourth  section  I  move 
to  strike  out  all  after  the  word  "purposes"  in 
the  seventh  line,  down  to  the  word  "  subject"  in 
the  thirteenfli  line.  The  words,  which  are  an 
unusual  provision,  are: 

And  in  order  to  secure  the  same  from  injury  by  savages 
or  other  evil-disposed  persons,  to  the  interruption  of  the 
public  business,  the  commanders  of  the  military  districts  or 
stations  and  other  officers,  acting  under  authority  of  the 
United  Slates  in  the  Territories  traversed  by  said  telegraph, 
shall  use  any  available  force  at  their  command  to  protect 
the  same. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  hope  that  will  not  be 
stricken  out. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  had  prepared  an  amendment 
to  this  clause  which  I  think  ought  to  be  adopted, 
and  I  hope  no  one  will  object  to  it. 

Mr.  GRItMES.     I  withdraw  my  amendment,' 
then,  that  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  may 
offer  his. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  think  in  the  form  in  which 
it  now  stands  the  clause  is  very  objectionable. 
It  is  passing  a  law  allowing  this  company  to  com- 
mand our  troops,  instead  of  having  them  under 
the  control  of  the  Government.  1  simply  pro- 
pose to  insert  before  "  commanders,"  in  line  nine 
of  section  four,  the  words  "  Secretary  of  War  is 
authorized  to  direct  the;"  and  in  line  twelve  to 
strike  out  "  shall"and  insert  "  to-;"  so  as  to  make 
it  read : 

The  Secretary  of  War  is  authorized  to  direct  the  com- 
manders of  the  military  districts  or  stations,  and  other  offi- 
cers acting  under  authority  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Territories  traversed  by  said  telegraph,  to  use  any  available 
force  at  their  command  to  protect  the  same. 

That  puts  it  under  the  control  of  the  Secretary 
of  War  to  direct  the  military,  and  to  use  the 
power  of  the  Government  to  protect  this  line,  and 
I  think  that  ought  to  be  accepted. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  have  no  objection  to 
that. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  was  going  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment, striking  out  the  grant  of  a  quarter  section 
every  fifteen  miles,  but  at  the  suggestion  of  one 
of  the  Senators  who  takes  some  interest  in  this 
bill  1  will  modify  it.  It  is  thought  some  little  pro- 
vision may  be  needed  for  oflices  or  something  of 
that  kind,  but  there  certainly  can  be  no  need  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land.  I  will  move, 
therefore,  to  substitute  after  the  words  "quarter 
section,"  in  the  twentieth  line,  the  words  "ten 
acres."  ["Forty,"]  Well,  1  will  say  forty  acres. 
That  is  the  smallest  legal  subdivision. 

Ml'.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  do  not  see  what  use 
they  have  for  forty  acres;  I  would  rather  say  ten 
acres. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Forty  acres  is  the  smallest 
legal  subdivision,  and  it  is  a  small  matter  at  any 
rate.     I  hope  it  will  be  loft. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  1  cannot  see  why  the 
telegrapii  company  should  want  forty  acres  of 
land  for  a  station. 


P3BTOMPggnsnEaggM7ggaggiKy;3iiaaHga/MYgqaK^^  ''r^WT?^"^vTi'rn^rm7.vr.injmv3: 


m-rr.r-i'yr;^7rvirr'i'.ii'ii-fny/j;%.t;^t'rrm.'n::y-r:u 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 


TUESDAY,  JUNE  21,  1864. 


New  Series No.  193. 


Mr.  CONNESS.  Tliey  will  not  consume  it. 
It  will  only  be  given  to  them  to  be  used. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  will  agree  to  ten 
acre.s. 

Mr.  BROWN.  That  was  my  original  motion, 
and  I  think  I  will  let  it  stand  at  ten  acres. 

Mr.  HOWE.  It  does  not  seem  to  me  worth 
while  to  inalce  this  enterprise  more  expensive 
than  is  absolutely  necessary,  and  I  suppose  every 
Senator  knows  it  will  cost  the  Government  four 
times  as  much  to  survey  and  set  out  ten  acres 
from  a  forty  acre  tract  as  the  forty  acre  tract  is 
worth  to  the  Government. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  hope  the  amendment 
will  not  prevail.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  [Mr. 
Harlan]  has  a  proposition  that  I  will  agree  to. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Ten  acres  will  make 
a  town  every  fifteen  miles  on  this  line.  I  think 
ten  acres  is  as  much  as  we  ought  to  give  them. 
If  gentlemen  fear  the  expense  of  survey  they  can 
put  in  a  provision  that  the  expense  of  the  survey 
shall  be  borne  by  the  company.  Ten  acres  is  as 
large  as  these  stations  ought  to  be,  every  fifteen 
miles.  I  hope  the  Senate  will  limit  the  amount, 
and  I  would  propose  anam<!ndmcnt  that  tlie  sur- 
vey of  the  ten  acres,  the  town,  shall  be  tuade  at 
tlie  expense  of  the  telegraph  company. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  inserting  the  smallest  legal  sul)division, 
forty  acres,  instead  of  ten  acres.  I  hope  that  will 
be  determined,  and  that  weshall  not  waste  time  on 
so  small  a  matter. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Is  forty  acres  accepted 
on  all  hands.?  ["Yes."]  if  the  Senate  agree  to  it 
all  round  1  will  not  object. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  striking  out  "one  quarter  section,"  and 
inserting  "  forty  acres." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  1  move  to  amend  the  first 
section  by  striking  out  in  the  nineteenth,  twen- 
tieth, and  twenty-first  lines,  the  words  "granted 
to  said  parties  tJie  use  of  such  unappropriated 
lands  not  exceeditig  forty  acres  for  each  fifteen 
miles  of  line  constructed;"  and  inserting  in  lieu 
thereof: 

Granted  to  saitl  parties  the  use  of  so  much  unappro- 
priated piil)lic  lands  not  sold,  granted,  reserved,  preempted, 
nor  occupied  by  homestead  settlers,  as  may  be  necessary 
for  stations,  not  exceeding  one  quarter  section  for  each 
fifteen,  miles  of  line  constructed  across  the  public  lands 
of  the  United  States,  so  long  as  the  same  may  be  used  for 
said  purpose. 

Mr.  BROWN.  That  has  "  one  quarter  sec- 
tion" in  it. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  will  suggest  to  the  Senator 
that  out  on  the  |)lains,  a  long  distance  from  set- 
tlements, it  may  be  necessary  for  those  wl)o  watch 
the  stations  to  cultivate  the  lands  to  secure  a  sub- 
sistence; and  if  they  have  the  vise  and  occupancy 
of  a  quarter  sectioti  of  land  it  may  become  the 
nucleus  of  a  new  settlement.  The  fee  is  not  lobe 
enjoyed  by  the  company;  they  only  have  the  en- 
joyment of  the  land  as  long  as  they  use  it  for  sta- 
tions. -  It  seems  to  me  no  detriment  will  resultto 
the  Governmet:t. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  have  no  objection  to  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  submit  whether  the  amend- 
ment IS  in  order.  The  original  bill  fixed  one 
hundred  and  sixty  acres,  and  we  have  just  stricken 
it  out  and  substituted  forty  acres.  Now  it  is  pro- 
posed to  strike  out  forty  acres  and  insert  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  Thereare  other 
words  to  be  stricken  out  with  those.  This  amend- 
ment is  in  order. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  It  seemed  to  me  there  was 
some  uncertainty  in  the  language  of  the  bill  as  it 
stood.  It  said  a  quarter  section  for  each  fifteen 
miles  of  the  line.  A  large  portion  of  the  line  may 
not  be  across  the  public  lands;  and  it  would  not 
be  proper,  it  seems  to  me,  to  select  public  lands 
for  any  line  not  built  across  the  public  lands.  The 
language  of  the  bill  unamended  would  convey  the 
use  of- a  much  larger  quantity  of  land  than  this 
amendment  will.  This  will  only  convey  so 
much  as  may  be  necessary  for  stations,  not  ex- 


193 


cceding  one  hundred  and  sixty  acif.^.  If  a  less 
quantity  should  be  necessary  they  will  only  be 
enabled  to  hold  the  smaller  quantity. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  trust  the  amendment  will  not 
beado[ited,  bi,'cause  it  virtually  restores  the  bill  to 
what  it  was  before.  In  the  first  place,  I  move  to 
amend  the  amendment  by  striking  out  "fifteen 
miles"  and  inserting  "fifty  miles." 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected, 

Mr.  BROWN.      I   now  move  to  amend  it  by 

striking  out  "one  quarter  section  "and  inserting 

"  forty  acres." 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
now  is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
Iowa  as  amended. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  There  is  one  amendment 
I  wish  to  proposi-  tliat  has  relation  to  the  subsidy 
in  the  third  section.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
proviso  at  the  end  of  the  section.  I  do  not  mean 
to  use  any  words;  the  reason  of  it  has  been  dis- 
cussed and  stated,  and  I  trust  the  Senate  will  see 
the  propriety  of  it. 

The  proviso  proposed  to  be  stricken  out  was 
read,  as  follows: 

Provided,  That  if,  durini^  any  of  the  fifteen  years  afore- 
said, the  business  done  for  the  United  States  under  said 
contract  shall,  at  the  ordinary  rate  of  charge  for  private 
messages,  exceed  the  sum  of  §100,000,  an  account  thereof, 
duly  authenticated,  shall  be  presented  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  who  shall  certify  the  same  to  Congress  for 
payment. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  have  read  that  over  two 
or  three  times,  but  I  confess  myself  at  a  loss  to 
understntid  what  it  meatis. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  move  to  strike  out 
"  1100,000"  and  insert  "  $50,000. "  The  original 
bill  pro[)Osed  j^l00,000  per  annum;  and  the  sum 
named  in  the  proviso  was  overlooked  when  the 
amount  was  changed.  It  should  be  §50,000  to 
correspond  with  the  bill. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  It  needs  something  more 
yet. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  will  attend  to  that  in  a 
moment. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  It  now  reads,  "  provided, 
that  if  during  any  of  the  fifteen  years  aforesaid." 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  will  move  to  strike  out 
"fifteen "and  insert  "ten." 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Senator 
from  Michigan  moves  to  amend  the  proviso  by 
striking  out  "  fifteen"  and  inserting  "  ten,"  and 
strikingout"$100,000"and  inserting"  |50,000." 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  do  not  think  it  will  an- 
swer yet  according  to  myjudgment.  The  object 
is  to  secure  |,50,000  by  way  of  subsidy  for  ten 
years  as  the  bill  ia  now  amended  to  this  company, 
after  the  line  shall  have  been  completed.  If  that 
be  the  object  and  the  sole  object,  why  have  any 
account  kept  to  be  "presented  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  who  shall  certify  the  same  to 
Congress  for  payment.'"  Does  not  that  contem- 
plate that  we  are  to  pay  any  amount  of  charge 
they  may  ask.'     Why  say  ^500,000  at  all.? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Up  to  the  $50,000,  of 
course,  we  shaii  have  paid.  Are  you  not  willing 
if  you  use  the  wires  to  the  amount  of  $100,000 
to  pay  for  it  ? 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.     That  is  your  object,  is  it.' 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Certainly. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  was  not  sure  that  I 
understood  this  before,  and  it  seems  that  it  was 
not  exactly  understandable.  Now,  the  amend- 
ment makes  it  look  more  like  something.  If  I 
understand  it  now,  and  1  inquire  of  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Commerce,  we  are  to  pay 
$50,000  for  ten  years,  at  any  rate,  whether  we 
have  use  for  it  to  the  extent  of  five,  ten,  fifteen  or 
twenty  thousand  dollars.  They  are  to  have  that, 
no  matter  how  small  the  use  of  it  may  be  on  our 
part,  or  if  we  do  not  use  it  at  all;  but  if  we  use 
it  any  more  than  that,  we  are  to  jiay  the  excess 
on  whatever  we  do  use.     That  is  the  idea. 

One  thing  more.  They  are  of  course  to  fix 
their  own  rate  of  charges  for  private  messages. 
Being  the  only  line,  having  no  competitors,  they 


may  charge  )-i;'eciseIy  what  they  please.  They 
will  fix  their  own  tarift'of  charges;  we  shall  have 
no  control  over  it.  They  having  fixed  that,  we 
are  to  give  them  $50,000  a  year  at  all  events,  and 
if  at  the  rate  they  charge  for  private  messages, 
notwithstanding  all  we  do  for  them,  they  can 
bring  up  the  charge  for  Government  business  to 
over  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  any  year,  we  are  to 
pay  that  excess,  whatever  they  choose  to  make 
it.  That  is  the  plain  construction  of  it.  All  I  have 
to  say  aboutitisthat  it  is  simply  monstrous;  in  the 
shape  of  a  bargain  or  anytiiing  of  that  kind  wft 
have  no  advantage,  but  every  disadvantage;  and 
the  Government  and  the  public,  after  it  is  built, 
are  to  be  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  company. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Senator  voted  in  my 
presence  to  pay  $70,000  a  year  lo  the  Atlantic 
Telegraph  Company  under  precisely  the  same 
circumstances  in  every  respect. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Is  the  Senator  certain 
that  I  voted  for  it .' 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     1  think  so.     I  did. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  You  did;  thatis  another 
matter.  The  Senator  had  better  go  back  and  look 
at  the  record.  If  I  voted  for  it,  1  did  it  very  much 
against  my  will,  and  very  much  against  my  judg- 
ment, I  miglit  have  been  carried  away,  but  my 
impression  is  that  I  did  not  vote  for  it. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  We  reserve  the  right  to 
alter,  amend,  or  take  away  these  privileges. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Undoubtedly,  but  when 
do  we  ever  alter,  amend,  or  take  them  away  .'  The 
interest  that  can  control  this  thing  so  strongly  as 
it  evidently  does  here  now  can  control  it  then  quite 
as  easily,  in  myjudgment.  In  the  first  place,  how 
does  the  matter  stand  before  the  Senate.'  We 
have  a  bill  reported  from  a  committee,  but  we 
have  4no  statement  of  fiicts,  we  have  no  report,  we 
have  nothing  from  the  committee  itself.  We  are 
told  that  thereare  certain  contracts,  and  when  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  is  inquired  of  what 
those  contracts  are,  he  says  he  doe.s  not  know, 
he  does  not  remember  what  tliey  are,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  after  he  says  that  he  has  been  studying 
the  subject  for  three  months. 

Mr. CHANDLER.  I  gave  the  substantial  facts. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Very  well;  but  it  would 
seem  as  if  the  facts  upon  which  the  bill  is  predi- 
cated should  be  familiar  at  least  to  the  commit- 
tee. It  is  the  third  bill  of  this  kind  that  ever  I 
saw  brought  in  where  a  report  was  not  made, 
and  where  the  papers  on  which  the  report  was 
predicated  were  not  brought  in  for  the  Senate  to 
look  at  and  see  what  the  facts  were. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  Senator  has  had  the 
report  on  his  desk  for  more  than  a  week. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  report  of  the  com- 
mittee .' 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Yes. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Ihave  notsecn  it.  Are 
the  contracts  printed.' 

Mr.  CHANDLER      No. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Why  are  not  the  contracts 
reported  and  printed,  iliai  we  may  see  what  they 
are.'  1  should  like  lo  read  the  contracts  myself', 
especially  as  no  member  of  the  committee  is  pre- 
pared to  tell  me  what  they  are. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Allow  me  to  suggest  to 
the  Senator  from  Maine  that  the  proposition  now 
is  to  do  something  in  the  form  of  a  legislative  con- 
tract between  the  United  States  and  these  parties. 
What  has  that  to  do  with  other  outside  contracts, 
supposing  this  to  be  a  good  contract  for  the  Gov- 
ernment under  the  circumstances.' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  But  I  am  called  upon  to 
help  to  make  this  contract,  and  1  should  like  to 
see  the  papers  on  which  the  contract  that  I  am 
called  upon  to  vote  for  is  predicated,  or  to  have 
somebody  tell  me  what  they  are. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  All  that  the  officers  of  the 
Government  are  authorized  to  do  is  contained  in 
the  provisions.of  this  bill;  and  what  contracts  may 
have  been  made  with  outside  persons  is  foreign 
to  this  discussion. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  ButwhatlwanttoknowiB 
what  contracts  have  been  made  with  foreign  Gov- 
ernments, It  issetforth  thatsome  have  been  made. 


3074 


THE  CONGEESSIOj^AL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


Mr.  McDOUGALL.  1  do  not.  see  tlie  import- 
ance of  that. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  do.  Because  the  Sen- 
ator does  not  see  it,  it  is  no  reason  why  I  should 
not  see  it  so  far  as  I  am  concerned.  1  am  afraid 
it  is  not  considered  of  any  consequence,  but  1 
should  like  to  Itnow  something  about  it  and  have 
the  liberty  to  examine  it. 

Mr.  HOWE.  What  is  the  importance  of 
knowing  what  that  contract  is.^ 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  How  do  I  know  but  timt 
this  story  of  a  contract  being  made  with  foreign 
Governments  is  all  got  up.' 

Mr.  CHANDLER:     I  tell  you  we  have  seen  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Why  should  I  not  see  it? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  What  would  the  Senator 
from  Maine  think  if  1  were  to  demand  that  he 
should  show  me  every  iota  of  proof  of  statements 
made  before  the  Committee  on  Finance.' 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Certainly.  I  should  show 
it  to  the  Senate  without  hesitation. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Suppose  I  were  to  get  up 
here  and  ask  him  to  present  every  single  iota  of 
proof  before  his  committee  on  every  bill? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  always  produce  papers 
when  called  for. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  If  I  were  to  ask  such  a 
thing  I  should  consider  it  a  piece  of  downright 
impertinence. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  has  a  very 
queer  idea  of  imperlinence.  His  idea  is  that  he 
can  bring  in  a  bill  founded  upon  papers,  tell  us 
what  the  papers  are,  and  if  we  cull  for  tliem  say 
he  does  not  Icnow  what  is  in  them. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  did  not  say  any  such 
thing.  I  told  you  what  was  in  them  substan- 
tially. The  papers  were  before  the  Committee  on 
Commerce  for  months. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  In  answer  to  a  question 
put  by  the  Senator  from  Iowa,  if  I  recollect  aright, 
the  Senator  from  Michigan  said  he  could  not  re- 
member what  was  in  the  papers.  Does  he  deny 
that  he  told  the  Senator  from  Iowa  that  he  did 
not  remember  a  certain  fact  in  those  papers? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  had  not  them  with  me, 
but  I  stated  substantially  what  was  in  them. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Did  not  the  Senator 
make  that  answer  to  the  Senator  from  Iowa?  Has 
the  contract  Ijcen  before  the  committee? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     It  has  been  for  months. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  from  New 
Jersey  says  lie  never  saw  it. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  1  am  a  member  of 
that  committee,  and  I  say  those  contracts  were 
before  the  committee. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  They  may  have  been,  but 
I  have  not  seen  them. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Our  action  was  pred- 
icated upon  the  contracts  made  by  Mr.  Collins 
with  foreign  Governments.  My  action  was  gov- 
erned solely  by  those  contracts. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  is  possible,  barely 
possible,  that  1  might  have  as  good  an  opinion 
of  my  ability  to  construe  and  understand  a  con- 
tract, and  what  it  meant,  as  I  should  have  of  the 
ability  of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Com- 
merce to  do  the  same  thing. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  will  inform  the  Senator 
that  the  Committee  on  Commerce  has  upon  it  as 
able  lawyers  as  he  is  himself,  and  that  legal  talent 
is  there  as  well  as  on  some  other  committees. 
That  committee  examined  it  critically.  His  col- 
league, if  he  were  present,  would  explain  all  the 
legal  points  to  him  quite  as  well  as  he  could  him- 
self if  he  had  been  on  the  committee. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  have  no  question  about 
that;  and  I  was  not  disputing  but,  that  the  honor- 
able Senator  himself  was  as  able  as  1  was  to  con- 
strue a  contract.  All  I  said  was  that  perhaps  I 
might  have  as  good  an  opinion  of  my  ability  to, 
construe  and  understand  a  contract  as  I  had  of 
his;  at  any  rate,  it  would  be  quite  as  satisfactory 
to  myself.  Fiu'ther,  1  have  a  curiosity  to  see  it, 
and  before  I  act  I  do  not  see  why  my  curiosity 
should  not  be  gratified  in  relation  to  the  matter, 
or  why,  when  1  call  for  the  production  of  a  paper 
which  I  would  lilte  to  sue  upon  which  to  predi- 
cate my  action,  I  should  be  told  that  it  is  a  piece 
of  iinperiineiice  to  ask  to  see  a  contract  on  which 
our  committee  have  acted. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  did  not  say  that.  1 
said  that  i/'  1  demanded  the  same  thing  from  you 
it  would  be  so  regarded. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     I  should  think  the  in- 


ference was  very  obvious.  It  is  a  new  idea  to 
me.  I  am  getting  to  learn  something.  I  am  in- 
formed by  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  that 
there  is  not  only  no  contract  here,  but  no  report 
from  tlie  committee. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  committee  adopted 
the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  State  as  their  re- 
port. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  may  be;  but  I  have 
not  seen  it. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Did  I  understand  the 
Senator  from  Maine  to  say  that  the  Senator  from 
New  Jersey  declared  that  the  contracts  were  not 
before  the  committee? 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  He  said  there  was  no 
coiitriict  ihat  he  was  aware  of. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  stated  that  I  never  saw 
one.  1  was  told  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
that  the  contracts  wereamong  the  papers.  I  have 
gone  to  the  desk  and  looked  at  the  papers,  and  I 
see  a  copy  of  some  paper,  but  no  original,  and 
there  is  no  report  from  the  committee  except  the 
letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  commending  this 
proposed  telegra[)hic  enterprise. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Which  the  committee 
adopted. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Do  I  understand  the 
Senator  iVoni  New  Jersey  to  say 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  am  entitled  to  the  floor; 
but  I  yield  to  this  conversation,  which  seems  to 
be  very  interesting. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  stated  that  these 
contracts  were  before  the  committee. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.     I  say  I  never  saw  them. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  And  the  originals 
were  there. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  from  New  Jer- 
sey says  they  are  not  here. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Do  I  understand  the 
Senator  from  New  Jersey  to  say  that  the  con- 
tracts were  not  before  the  committee  ? 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  No,  sir;  you  did  not.  1 
never  was  so  blind  and  rash  as  that.  I  say  I  never 
saw  them,  and  they  are  not  here  now  with  the 
papers. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Tlie  contracts  were 
before  the  cominittee. 

Mr.  HALE.  Let  me  inquire  of  the  Senator 
from  Kansas  whether  the  original  contracts  were 
in  the  Russian  or  in  the  English  language. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  The  contracts  were 
before  the  committee,  and  Mr.  Collins  was  be- 
fore the  committee  with  the  contracts.  I  do  not 
remember  in  what  language  they  were.  My 
knowledge  of  the  Russian  has  become  somewhat 
dull  since  I  studied  the  language,  [laughter,]  and 
it  is  not  likely  I  could  have  read  them  in  that 
language. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  think  the  whole  question 
is  very  well  set  forth  in  the  communication  from 
the  Department  of  State,  and  the  question  of  con- 
tract, as  it  is  called,  pretty  well  determined,  too, 
by  a  paragraph  in  that  communication  where  the 
honorable  Secretary  says: 

"Tlie  only  political  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  enter- 
prise is  the  fact  that  it  requires  eoiieerted  aid  from  three 
several  States,  iiainoly,  the  Uiiiteri  Stales,  Great  Britain, 
and  Russia.  The  two  last-ii;inied  Powers  have  already, 
with  euligliteiied  and  fraternal  liheiality  toward  the  United 
States,  made  all  the  concessions  which  were  demanded. 
Therefore  if  Congress  shall  grant  tlie  application  of  Mr. 
Collins,  no  political  obstacle  will  remain." 

I  do  not  know  what  the  Senators  mean  by  talk- 
ing of  a  contract,  and  predicating  their  action  upon 
the  production  of  the  original  papers  or  certified 
copies  of  them  between  Mr.  Collins  and  the  Eng- 
lish Government  and  Mr.  Collins  and  the  Rus- 
sian Government,  I  think  it  is  rather  an  excep- 
tionable exception,  if  the  language  be  permissible. 
1  have  in  my  hand  here  also  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives, which 
I  will  not  weary  the  Senate  by  reading,  though 
it  appears  as  I  cast  my  eye  over  it  to  be  very  clear 
and  concise  upon  the  whole  subject,  giving  its 
facts.  I  apprehend  thatall  the  factsgoing  to  verify 
and  necessary  to  verify  the  substantiality  of  the 
arrangements  made  between  those  two  Govern- 
ments and  Mr.  Collins  are  accessible  to  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Maine.  I  have  also  here  in 
my  hand  a  report  made  by  my  predecessor  in 
this  body,  Hon.  Milton  S.  Latham,  made  at  the 
second  session  of  the  Thirty-Seventh  Congress. 
This  appears  to  be  very  complete  on  the  subject 
and  very  concise. 


But  wiihoutspending  more  time  on  this  branch 
of  the  subject,  I  adopt  the  question  propounded 
by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Wisccmsin,  [Mr. 
Howe,]  of  what  consequence  is  it  to  us  that  we 
shall  call  for  the  production  of  the  contracts,  as 
they  tire  termed  here — the  concessions,  perhaps 
more  properly  speaking — made  by  the  Govern- 
ments of  Russia  and  Great  Britain  to  this  com- 
pany or  to  their  agent?  The  honorable  Sentstor 
from  Maine  says  it  is  important  to  him.  I  am 
willing  to  concede  that,  but  it  is  not  important  to 
me.  I  am  prepared  to  vote  on  the  information 
before  me.  I  think  the  honorable  Senator  froin 
Maine  is  not  very  friendly  to  this  measure,  i  do 
not  mean  to  underrate  the  weight  of  his  argu- 
ments nor  to  try  them  by  that  position.  But  it 
appears  to  me  that  after  the  length  of  time  which 
has  been  spent  upon  the  measure  it  is,  to  say  the 
least,  a  strange  mode  of  opposition. 

The  honorable  Senator,  I  think,  might  with 
great  credit  to  himself — he  will  pernnit  me  to  say 
that — take  a  prominent  part  in  promoting  a  meas- 
ure of  this  kind.  I  do  not  know  any  measure 
that  has  been  before  this  body  that  is  so  pregnant 
with  important  results  to  the  nation  of  which  the 
distinguished  Senator  is  so  bright  an  ornament. 
I  have  before  me,  as  I  before  observed,  in  these 
communications  tlie  necessary  facts,  I  ihink,  to 
predicate  votes  and  action  upon,  very  clearly  and 
concisely  set  forth.  I  will  take  pleasure,  if  the 
Senator  desires  them, in  sending  them  to  his  desk. 

Mr.  HALE.     Mr.  President 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  1  think  1  cannot  give  way 
any  longer.  I  gave  way  to  several  gentlemen  to 
hold  a  conversation  when  I  was  discussing  the 
question. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  did  not  know  that  I  was 
trespassing.     I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  was  about  to  say  that 
with  reference  to  my  own  action  in  the  Commit- 
tee on  Finance,  I  have  always  held  myself  ready 
to  produce  any  paper  upon  which  our  action 
was  predicated,  and  I  have  often  been  called  upon 
and  the  paper  was  forthcoming.  I  never  regarded 
it  as  anything  else  than  a  duty  on  my  part  to  pro- 
duce it,  and  1  never  regarded  it  as  anything  else 
than  a  desire  on  the  partof  the  Senatorcalling  for 
it  to  get  accurate  information,  more  than  1  ccaild 
convey  by  language,  and  certainly  very  proper  in 
itself.  That  is  the  view  in  which  I  have  looked 
at  it,  and  I  was  applying  the  same  rule  precisely 
to  the  case  under  consideration. 

The  question  about  this  matter  is  this:  how 
much  would  our  part  of  this  telegraph,  if  we  had 
it  built,  be  worth  to  us  unless  the  other  part  of 
itwashuilt?     Just  nothing  at  all.     Then  it  be- 
comes us  to  inquire  what  the  probabilities  are 
and  what  the  binding  obligations  are.     With  re- 
gard to  that,  I  have  frequently  found  a  benefit  in 
understanding  a  question  and  seeing  what  its  prob- 
abilities were,  in  looking  myself  at  the  papers  on 
which  action  was  proposed  to  be  predicated;  and 
therefore  in  this  case,  and  in  the  case  of  the  other 
telegraph  company,  1   deemed  it  not   improper 
to    comment   upon   the  fact   that   those    papers 
should  be  seen  by  Senators,  and    ought    to   be 
printed  for  the  use  of  the  Senate,  that  we  may  , 
examine  them  before  we  act  upon  a  question  so 
important  as  this  is.     I  did  not  impute  any  de-i 
sign  to  any  one;  far  from  it;  it  was  a  suggestion^ 
which  I  thought  an  important  and  a  material  one,! 
and  I  am  quite  sorry  that  the  honorable  Senator' 
from  Michigan  should  have  taken  it  in  any  de- 
gree amiss. 

I  did  not  intend  when  I  rose  to  say  anything 
on  the  main  question,  having  made  up  my  mind 
originally  how  I  should  vote  upon  it;  and  my 
conclusion  was  that  I  should  not  vote  for  the  bill 
so  long  as  it  CQHitained  an  appropriation  of  money 
to  the  amount  of  §50, 000a  year  for  ten  years,  aiid 
an  indefinite  amount  as  it  would  seem  afterwards. 
My  view  is  based  simply  on  this  reason:  it  is  an 
undertaking  that  can  wait;  it  is  not  material  to 
the  development  of  the  resources  of  this  country 
that  it  should  be  done  this  year  or  the  next;  it 
can  wait;  and  when  we  are  pressed  as  we  are  in 
every  direction  by  matters  which  relate  to  the  sal- 
vation of  the  country  itself,  and  as  Senators  know 
and  complain  pressed  in  every  direction  in  the 
strongest  manner  with  regard  to  money,  this  idea 
of  embarking  in  a  contract  which  is  of  no  partic- 
ular importance  this  year  any  more  than  next 
year,  which  no  public  exigency  now  calls  for  in 
any  way,  seems  to  me  to  be  unwise. 


) 


1864. 


THE  COJN^GliESSlONAL  GLOBE. 


'60 


JO 


Anotlier  thing, 
whatever 


I  have  seen  and  heard  no  tes- 
iii    relation    to    the    question 


timony 

whether  the  amount  of  money  proposed  to  be  up 
piopriated  is  necessary  in  order  to  insure  the  com 
pletion  ot'  the  vuork.  It  has  been  stated  here  on 
this  floor  that  this  line  u/ould  be  built  without 
the  appropriation  of  any  money  at  all;  tiiat  if  we 
give  the  assistance  which  is  required  by  the  bill 
of  a  vessel  and  certain  other  privileges  which  are 
asked  for,  and  about  wliich  perhaps  there  is  no 
/dispute,  that  would  be  all  that  would  be  required, 
because  tiio  work  was  of  such  a  character  that  it 
would  |-iay  for  itself,  and  was  in  the  hands  of  men 
■  that  wereabundantly able  to  undertake  it.  Itwas 
stated  by  a  Senator  on  the  floor  at  first  that  we 
shall  secure  to  the  amount  of  }jj50,00f)  the  service 
of  this  conipanyafter  the  teleg'ra|)h  is  built.  But 
it  seems  we  shall  be  no  betti.-r  off  in  consequence 
of  the  contract  than  before,  because  we  have  got 
to  pay  at  all  events  and  all  hazards  at  the  going 
rates,  whatever  thr  company  may  choose  to  call 
them,  for  every  communication  that  we  make 
abroad.  1  think  it  was  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Wisconsin  [Mr.  Doolittle]  who  said  tliat 
we  shall  have  their  services  to  the  amount  of 
$50,000  a  year  at  all  events,  and  that  is  all  wo 
shall  have  to  pay  for  ten  years.  The  Senator  did 
not  observe  that  by  the  bill  as  it  stands  we  have 
no  security  about  that.  We  have  got  to  pay  the 
$50,000  if  we  do  not  use  the  telegraph  to  the  ex- 
tent of  ^10,000  a  year  in  the  way  of  communica- 
tion. Gentlemen  said  it  was  not  asubsidy.  Dojes 
not  that  look  like  a  subsidy?  They  said  it  was 
not  a  bonus.  Does  it  not  look  like  a  bonus  ?  We 
must  pay  the  ^50,000  whether  we  use  the  line  to 
the  amount  of  fifty  dollars  or  not;  but  if  the  service 
they  do  amounts  to  a  dollar  over  the  f50,000  we 
must  pay  the  excess;  and  on  what  terms.'  On 
just  such  terms  as  the  company  itself,  perfectly 
independent,  chooses  to  establish.  It  will'have 
no  rival;  it  will  have  no  competing  line;  it  may 
chaig'e  one  dollar  or  one  hundred  dollars  for  every 
word  it  communicates.  All  the  power  we  have 
is  tlie  power  to  repeal  the  charter,  but  our  money 
will  be  paid  and  our  expenses  incurred. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  As  the  honorable  Senator 
has  referred  to  me,  he  will  allow  me  just  at  this 
point  to  say  a  word  in  relation  to  the  proviso  pro- 
viding for  certifying  the  excess  to  Congress  for 
payment.  My  attention  was  tiot  particularly 
culled  to  that  provision  in  the  bill  until  the  dis- 
cussion occurred  after  I  had  spoken,  and  in  rela- 
tion to  it  I  confess  there  was  some  ambiguity  in 
my  mind  as  to  what  it  meant.  My  own  o|iinion 
is  on  further  lookina:  at  the  proviso  that  the  in- 
tention of  the  committee  must  have  been  to  certify 
the  excess  ovei-  §100,000  to  Congress  for  pay- 
ment. The  effect,  1  think,  must  have  been  in- 
tended to  be  to  pay  them  $50,000  a  year,  provided 
the  Government  businciss  should  not  exceed 
$100,000;  but  if  it  should  exceed  |100,000  the 
excess  over  that  should  be  certified  for  payment. 
Mr.  FESSENDEN.  That  was  the  explanation 
which  was  at  firstgiven  to  me,  but  on  looking  at 
it  1  saw  that  it  did  not  meet  that,  and  that  is  the 
reason  of  the  inquiry  I  made  of  the  chairman,  and 
then  the  chairman  alters  it  and  puts  it  in  the  po- 
sition it  is  now,  striking  out  |100,000  and  insert- 
ing ^50,000.  We  are  to  pay  $50,000  a  year  for 
ten  years,  whether  we  have  little  service  ormuch, 
or  none  at  all,  and  if  we  exceed  the  §50,000  at  the 
rates  they  choose  to  establish,  all  they  have  to  do 
is  to  send  in  their  bill  and  it  is  to  be  certified  to 
Congress  for  payment,  which  means  that  Con- 
gress must  provide  for  payment. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  1  will  say  to  the  honora- 
ble Senator  that  in  relation  to'  the  charges  of  this 
company,  I  have  drawn  an  amendment  which  I 
intend  to  offer,  providing  that^the  amount  of 
charges  over  this  line  shall  not  exceed  the  ordi- 
nary, usual  rates  for  the  same  service  in  Europe 
and  ui  America.  I  think  it  is  well  enough  that 
there  should  be  a  limitation  on  that  subject. 

Mr.  COWAN.  1  should  like  to  say  one  word 
just  at  this  point.  How  are  the  public  to  compel 
this  company  after  it  is  chartered  to  exercise  its 
franchises  for  their  benefit?  There  are  no  rates 
fixed  in  the  bill.  If  1  go  to  the  company  to  have 
a  telegram  carried,  what  am  I  to  do  if  they  re- 
fuse? How  am  I  to  tender  them  the  amount  to 
which  they  are  entitled,  and  compel  tliem  to  carry 
the  message?  This  line  may  be  of  no  use  what- 
ever to  the  community  under  the  present  form  of 
the  bill. 


Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Mr.  Prenident 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  ask  the  Senator  from  Maine 
to  yield  to  allow  mo  to  iriove  for  an  executive  ses- 
sion. There  are  some  important  matters  that 
ought  to  be  acted  upon  in  executive  session  to- 
day. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     Very  well. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  The  business  of  yes- 
terday was  urged  in  the  Senate,  and  I  may  say 
forced  on  some  Senators.  I  trust  that  nov/  iliose 
Senators  who  believe  this  really  to  be  a  measure 
of  great  public  importance  will  not  leave  the  po- 
sition we  have  been  arguing  for  several  hours, 
when  the  measure  has.  been  resisted,  not  by  pub- 
lic consideraii'-ns,  but  by  technical  exceptions  for 
the  purpose  of  defeating  action  as  it  has  seemed 
to  me.  I  will  not  charge  that  as  having  been  the 
motive  of  any  Senator,  but  so  it  has  appeared  to 
me.  i  trust  we  may  have  a  vote  on  this  meas- 
ure. Either  let  it  l)e  a  thing  accomplished  or  let 
it  !)(■  defeated. 

Mr.  WILSON,  i  do  not  know  that  the  Sen- 
ator from  California  is  authorized  to  make  the 
statement  he  has  made.  There  have  been  several 
amendments  proposed  to  this  bill  which  have 
been  adopted.  I  understand  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  to  have  another  to  propose.  This  is 
a  very  important  bill  and  its  fViends  have  taken 
it  up  to-day  and  have  had  the  matter  considered. 
It  is  Saturday  afternoon,  nearly  half  past  four 
o'clock,  and  there  are  some  nominations  that 
ought  to  be  acted  upon  to-day,  and  there  is  one 
especially  that  a  request  was  made  a  day  or  two 
ago  that  we  should  get  through  this  week,  and  I 
supposed  we  shoulil  have  an  opportunity  to  do 
it.     That  is  the  re||^on  1  made  my  motion. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Will  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts withdraw  his  motion  to  enable  me  to 
make  a  motion  to  print  some  of  these  papers?  1 
find  among  the  papers  in  this  case  copies  of  the 
Russian  and  English  grants  to  this  telegraph 
company.  I  want  to  have  them  |)iinted,so  that 
when  We  come  together  on  Monday  we  may  see 
what  they  really  are. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  has  moved  an  executive  ses- 
sion. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  1  will  suggest  for  the 
information  of  Senatois  that,  as  we  have  been 
advised  that  this  is  a  vast  corporation  and  will 
make  infinite  profit,  an  amendment  be  made  that 
twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the  net  profits  of  the 
whole  enterprise  be  appropriated  specifically  to, 
first,  the  purchase  of  the  New  Jersey  railroads, 
and  after  that  I'or  the  extinguishment  of  the  fishing 
bounties  on  the  New  England  coast. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  withdraw  the  motion  I  made, 
simply  to  reply  in  a  word  to  the  Senator  from 
California. 

Thii  PRESIDKNT  pro  tempore.  The  motion  for 
an  executive  session  is  withdrawn. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  not  know  what  rightthe 
Senator  from  California  has  to  make  the  sugges- 
tions that  he'  has  made,  or  to  throw  out  the  in- 
sinuations he  has  thrown  out  here  to-day.  Cer- 
tainly, so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  have  proposed 
but  one  amendment  to  the  bill,  which  the  com- 
mittee accepted,  and  it  was  adopted  without  one 
word  of -opposition  from  any  quarter.  I  do  not 
know  why  a  fling  should  be  made  at  the  State  of 
Massachusetts  or  Maine. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  did  not  design  it  as  a 
fling  at  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  came  into  the  Senate  with 
the  expectation  of  voting  for  this  bill,  and  1  ex- 
pect to  do  It  yet;  but  there  have  been  things  brought 
up  on  this  bill  that  1  had  not  contemplated,  and  1 
want  an  opportunity  to  examine  it;  and  propo- 
sitions are  being  made  to  amend  it;  its  very  de- 
voted friends  tell  us  tliat  they  propose  amend- 
ments to  it.  Now,  sir,  there  are  some  mattersin 
executive  session  that  ought  to  be  acted  on. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  Senate  to  have  certain  papers  printed  that 
are  connected  witli  this  bill  in  order  to  enlighten 
our  understanding — the  concessions  or  grants 
made  by  the  Russian  and  British  Governments. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
hears  no  objection,  and  the  order  to  print  will  be 
made. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  renew  my  motion  for  an 
executive  session. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  move  that  the  Senate  adjourn. 

The  motion  to  adjourn  was  not  agreed  to. 


Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Then  I  hope  wc  shall 
not  go  into  executive  session,  but  will  try  and 
act,  upon  tliis  bill. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  There  are  papers  to  be 
printed. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  know  there  are;  but  I 
understand,  I  think,  the  motion  to  print  those 
papers.  For  myself,  I  have  no  special  interest 
in  this  bill;  I  was  inclined  to  look  favorably  upon 
something  of  the  kind.  I  have  notexamined  the 
bill  very  carefully 

Mr.  WILSON.  The  motion  for  an  executive 
session  is  pending. 

I  am  opposed  to  going 


The  motion  is  not  de- 


get  them  to  go 


Mr.  TRUMBULL. 
into  executive  session. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN. 
batable. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  is  debatable,  and  it  lias 
been  so  decided,  I  will  inform  the  Senator  from 
Maine;  and  as  a  reason  for  not  going  into  exe-r- 
utive  session,!  desire  to  state  that  I  think  it  would 
be  more  advisable  to  jrroceed  with  this  bill.  1 
think  it  would  be  more  advisable  to  do  ao  becaune 
of  the  character  of  the  opposition  which  has  been 
made  to  it,  and  especially  because  ofsomeof  the 
allusions  which  have  fallen  from  the  Senator  from 
Maine,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  when  it 
was  suggested  by  some  one  that  thia  bill  was  in 
the  power  of  Congress  and  might  be  repealed  at 
any  time,  he  replied  that  the  same  influences  couitl 
control  Congresaon  the  question  of  repeal  as  con- 
trolled it  here  now.  If  the  Senator  from  Maine 
meant  by  that  to  insinuate  that  improper  influ- 
ences were  controlling  members  of  the  Senate  in 
their  action  on  this  bill,  it  was  unparliamentary; 
it  was  out  of  order;  and  if  he  did  not  mean  that, 
I  do  not  know  what  he  did  mean;  and  I  would  say 
to  the  Senator  from  Maine  that  it  is  quite  as  prob- 
able that  improperinfluences  may  have  controlled 
those  opposing  the  bill  as  those  who  are  for  the 
bill;  quite  as  probable  that  they  may  have  been 
plied  by  rival  interests  as  those  favorable  to  the 
bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     What  rival  interest  is  there  f 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.      Lobbyists   about   here. 
electioneering  with  Senators  to 
against  this  bill. 

Mr.  GRI  MES.  What  rival  interest  is  there  to 
this  bill?    That  is  what  ]  want  to  know. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  choose  myself 
even  to  insinuate  that  Senators  are  governed  by 
improper  motives.  I  never  made  such  an  insin- 
uation against  any  Senator  in  my  life.  1  en- 
deavor to  address  myself  to  the  question  under 
consideration  if  1  see  anything  about  it;  I  never 
impute  improper  motives,  or  attempt  to  hunt  up 
motives  other  than  those  governing  tlie  public  con- 
duct of  men  for  theiractions.  I  never  make  those 
imputations;  1  do  not  impute  them  now;  and  I  am 
not  going  to  say  to  the  Senator  from  Iowa  that  I 
suppose  any  improper  motive  lias  been  brought 
to  bear  upon  any  Senator  to  oppose  this  bill,  but 
I  say  it  is  justas  reasonable  to  suppose  it  one  way 
as  the  other,  and  1  think  they  are  very  improper 
allusions  and  unparliamentary  allusions  upon 
either  side. 

The  object  of  this  bill  is  not  to  involve  the 
country  in  such  a  great  undertaking  as  to  alarm 
the  nation.  Possibly  it  had  best  not  be  passed 
at  all.  I  have  been  thinking  about  the  bill.  I 
have  been  favorably  inclined  toward  it,  because 
1  ihought  it  was  inaugurating  a  great  enterprise 
with  very  little  expense,  and  nothing  is  to  be 
paid  unless  it  is  a  success,  and  then  but  §50,000 
a  year  to  be  paid  on  a  contract  to  be  made  by  the 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  after  this 
work  is  completed.  It  is  said  there  are  no  lim- 
itations in  the  bill.  Perhaps  there  ought  to  be 
some  in  it.  The  Senator  from  Maine  is  very  astute, 
and  in  a  moment  he  could  have  proposed  limita- 
tions that  would  obviateany  defects  of  that  kind, 
if  any  are  necessary  besides  the  limitation  of  in- 
terest which  will  be  upon  the  company  of  course. 
They  will  want  to  do  business.  It  will  be  no 
object  for  any  set  of  men  to  construct  a  telegraph 
and  then  do  no  business  upon  it;  and  whatever 
price  they  charge  individuals  they  tire  to  charge 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  They 
would  have  to  charge,  I  presume,  reasonable 
prices  to  command  business;  but  if  it  is  neces- 
sary to  fix  the  rates,  that  is  another  considera- 
tion. It  is  perhaps  better  that  they  should  be 
fixed . 

1  deiaired  to  niaice  these  remarks  in  opposition 


3076 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


to  going  into  executive  session  and  upon  this  mo- 
tion, because  I  thought  it  would  be  better  in  good 
temper  ami  without  undertaking  to  impugn  tlie 
motives  of'brother  Senators  here,  or  insinuate  that 
any  imprcper  influences  are  at  work  with  any- 
body (tor  1  assume  that  (here  are  r)one  anywhere,) 
to  go  on  and  finisli  the  bill  and  vote  upon  it,  either 
reject  it  or  pass  it  as  may  be  thought  advisable. 
For  myself  I  prefer  to  see  it  passed,  but  I  should 
have  no  sort  of  feeling  if  the  Senate  reject  it. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  do  not  choose  to  take 
the  lecture  which  the  honorable  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois has  seen  fit  to  read  to  me,  without  a  word  of 
reply,  even  at  the  risk  of  being  considered  ill- 
natured;  and  the  reply  tiiat  I  shall  make  will  be 
purely  in  self-defense.  I  made  the  carelef3s  re- 
mark that  with  regard  to  the  remedy  afforded  by 
reserving  the  right  to  re'peal  tlie  bill,  it  was  no 
remedy  at  all,  and  everybody  Icnew  it  was  not, 
that  the  same  influence — t  cannot  repeat  the  exact 
language — which  would  pass  a  bill  that  was  im- 
proper would  prevent  its  being  repealed.  I  did 
not  mean  to  be  understood,  of  course,  as  imput- 
ing corruption  or  wrong  to  anybody;  but  any 
one  who  has  seen  the  course  upon  this  bill  to-day 
can  see  that  there  is  a  very  strong  feeling  about 
it.  I  do  not  impute  any  feeling  to  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Illinois,  because  all  of  us  who  know 
him  know  that  he  is  always  so  perfectly  calm 
and  self-possessed,  and  cares  so  little  even  forhis 
own  opinions,  and  is  always  so  ready  to  yield, 
that  anything  of  that  kind  would  not  apply  to 
liiiji  of  all  men  in  the  world. 

What  I  meant  is  very  simply  stated  We  all 
know  that  there  has  been  great  interest  about  this 
bill,  that  there  have  been  lobby  agents,  that  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  have  been  talked  to,  and  their 
aid  solicited,  and  their  feelings  have  become  in- 
terested to  some  degree,  and  their  opinions  have 
been  pretty  strongly  formed.  Can  that  be  de- 
nied.' I  have  seen  it  over  and  over  again  in  the 
Senate  in  different  quarters. 

Mr.  CONNESS  rose. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  No,  sir,  I  beg  not  to  be 
interrupted. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     A  very  queer  waV  to  beg. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     That  is  my  way. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     It  is  a  very  bad  way.     ■ 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.     That  is  a  matter  of  taste. 

Mr.  CONNESS.    Well,  sir,  it  is  bad  taste. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     Order! 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  At  any  rate,  I  do  not 
choose  to  be  interrupted  now.  I  have  seen  bills 
here  over  and  over  again  in  which  there  has  been 
a  very  considerable  feeling  exhibited  on  the  part 
of  the  Senate.  I  did  not  impute  corruption  or 
wrong  motives  to  anybody.  Look  at  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.  This  morning  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  told  the  Senate,  what 
we  knew  before,  that  there  were  very  important 
bills  in  relation  to  military  affairs  that  he  desired 
and  that  the  War  Department  v/ere  very  anxious 
should  be  disposed  of,  and  we  are  just  at  the  heel 
of  the  session;  and  yet  on  a  yea  and  nay  vote 
those  bills,  pressing  as  they  are,  were  laid  aside 
for  this  private  enterprise,  for  the  passage  of 
which  there  is  certainly  no  very  great  haste.  It 
exhibited  to  me  a  pretty  strong  feeling  on  the 
subject  and  a  pretty  strong  desire  to  put  it  through. 
But  in  the  remarlc  I  made  I  did  not  mean — and 
the  Senator  had  no  right  to  draw  that  conclusion — 
to  impute  improper  motives  to  anybody,  so  that 
ao  far  as  any  unparliamentary  language  or  im- 
proper insinuation  is  concerned,  it  comes  from 
him  and  not  from  me.  He  should  wait  until  I 
use  language  that  necessarily  conveys  an  impres- 
sion of  that  sort,  and  not  that  may  be  tortured 
into  it  by  one  who  is  disposed  to  make  a  speech 
about  it. 

That  is  all  I  have  to  say  on  that  particular  part 
of  ihe  subject,  but  one  word  more  to  my  friend 
from  Illinois.  He  feels  disposed,  and  he  exhibits 
it  on  u  great  many  occasions,  to  take  me  up  very 
sharply  if  I  by  accident  say  anything  thatallows 
him  to  do  it.  I  have  repeatedly  explained  and 
repeatedly  said  to  him  that  he  misunderstood  me; 
but  there!  is  hardly  an  occasion,  if  he  is  present 
in  the  Seimte,  when  I  drop  a  word  which  can  be 
misconstrued,  that  my  very  excellent  friend  from 
Illinois  does  not  exhibit  the  duterminatiori  to  put 
it  in  its  worst  attitude  before  the  SeViutc.  I  think 
he  is  unjust  to  me  in  that  particular,  and  I  have 
gone  as  far  in  my  explanations  to  iiim  both  in 
public  and  in  private  as  J  am  disposed  to  do;  but 


if  he  is  deterniined  to   press  a  quarrel  on  me,  he 
shall  have  it. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois presses  quarrels  upon  nobody,  and  never 
manifests  a  disposition  to  misconstrue  anybody. 
The  Senator  from  Illinois  protects  himself  in  his 
own  way  against  the  imputations  even  of  the 
Senator  from  Maine 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  The  Senator  from  Maine 
has  made  none. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Or  any  other  person  who 
thinks  it  in  his  line  of  duty  to  make  those  insinu- 
ations; and  the  threat  of  a  readiness  to  quarrel 
will  not  deter  me  at  any  time  from  maintaining 
what  I  believe  to  be  the  just  rights  of  a  member 
of  the  body  or  the  just  rights  of  the  body  itself. 
In  my  judgment,  remarks  impugning  the  mo- 
tives of  Senators  are  unparliamentary. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  Will  the  Senator  allow 
me  to  ask 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  When  I  am  through,  not 
till  then. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  want  to  ask  just  here 
what 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator 
from  Illinois  does  not  yield  the  floor. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Senator  will  keep 
his  seat  until  I  am  through,  and  then  he  may 
make  such  remarks  as  he  thinks  proper.  In  my 
judgment,  remarks  imputing  improper  motives 
to  members  of  the  body  are  unparliamentary.  I 
so  understand  the  parliamentary  law.  In  that  1 
may  be  in  error,  but  that  is  my  view.  I  am  not 
the  only  Senator  who  regarded  the  remarks  of  the 
, Senator  from  Maine  as  unparliamentary.  Sen- 
ators older  than  I  am  and  of  l^iger  service  spoke 
of  them  as  unparliamentary  at  the  time.  The  Sen- 
ator from  Maine  may  not  be  aware,  I  do  not  think 
he  is  aware,  of  tlie — manner — I  hardly  know  what 
expression  to  use — he  can  hardly  be  aware  of  the 
bitterness  that  seems  to  be  conveyed,  not  inten- 
tionally I  hope,  by  insinuations  of  this  kind.  I 
am  nolalone  in  the  Senate,  lam  not  alone  among 
the  members  of  this  body  who  think  there  is 
hardly  an  associate  of  the  Senator  from  Maine 
that  some  time  or  other  he  has  not  taken  occasion 
to  make  remarks  that  have  led  to 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  rise  to  a  question  of 
order. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL. 
I  am  through. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Sena- 
tor from  Wisconsin  rises  to  a  question  of  order. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  will  hear  the  question. 
My  |)oint  of  orderis  that 
executive  session  is  not 


I  will  yield  the  floor  when 


It  is  too  late  to  raise  that 
1 


Mr.  DOOLITTLE. 
the  motion    to   go   into 
debatable. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN. 
question. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.    The  question  is  made 
ask  for  a  decision  on  it. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  raise  the  question.  I 
think  the  motion  is  not  debatable,  to  this  extent, 
at  all  events. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  In  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Chair  a  motion  to  go  into  executive 
session  under  the  practice  is  debatable  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  but  the  Chair  will  take  occasion  to 
say  tliat  this  debate  has  been  entirely  out  of  order, 
and  beyond  the  proper  range  of  debate. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  move  that  the  Senate  ad- 
journ. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  hope  not.  The  Sen- 
ator from  Illinois  ought  not  to  be  cut  off  in  the 
middle  of  a  tirade  of  lecture  upon  me,  and  I  have 
no  chance  to  reply  to  it.     That  is  unjust. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  motion  to  adjourn  per- 
haps is  not  debatable,  but  1  will  say  .that  I  want 
to  cut  him  off;  I  want  to  stop  the  debate. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  It  is  very  unjust  to  me. 
He  is  charging  me  with  giving  offense  to  the  mem^ 
bers  of  the  Senate.  1  could  characterize  that  thing 
elsewhere,  perhaps,  in  language  that  I  could  not 
use  here. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  desire  to  take  an  appeal 
from  the  decision  of  the  Chair,  and  1  ask  that  the 
18tli  rule  of  the  Senate  be  road. 

The  Secretary  read,  as  follows: 

"  18.  On  a  iii.otioii  inadi;  ;ind  seconded  to  sliui  Uio  doors 
of  tile  r>Hn;Ue,  on  tlu;  discussion  of  any  business  vvliicli 
may,  in  tlie  opinion  of  a  member,  require  secrecy,  tlie  Pres- 
ident sliall  direct  tlie  gallery  to  be  cleared  ;,and  during  the 
discussion  of  sucU  motion  tlie  doors  shall  remain  shut." 

Mr.  HALE.     With  great  deference   to  my 


friend  from  Iowa,  that  rule  does  not  apply.  It 
has  no  reference  to  going  into  executive  session. 
I  ask  the  Senate  to  indulge  me  for  a  moment.  The 
question  now  before  the  Senate  I  believe  is  de- 
batable. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  appeal  is 
debatable. 

Mr.  FIENDRICKS.  I  thought  the  motion  was 
to  adjourn. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  question  is  on  the  appeal 
from  the  decision  of  the  Chair.  The  rule  to  v/hich 
the  Senator  from  Iowa  alludes  I  never  saw  acted 
under  but  once,  and  many  members  here  will 
recollectthe  time.  Once  Mr.  Mason,  of  Virginia, 
wanted  us  to  go  into  executive  session .  The  Sen- 
ate refused,  by  a  large  majority,  to  go  in.  He  in- 
sisted on  it;  he  said  it  was  in  his  power,  under  the 
rules  of  the  Senate,  to  compel  the  Senate  to  shut 
the  doors;  and  he  read  that  rule,  and  stated  that 
there  was  business  which  required  secrecy,  and 
thereupon,  wilhouta  vote  of  the  Senate,  the  Chair 
ordered  the  room  to  be  cleared.  The  rule  relates 
to  an  entirely  different  case.  If,  in  the  course  of 
legislation,  any  one  member  of  the  body  has  mat- 
ter to  lay  before  the  Senate  which  he  thinks 
should  be  debated  in  secret  session,  and  he  so 
states,  he  has  a  right  to  have  the  Senate  cleared, 
without  any  vote;  but  it  has  no  reference  to  an 
executive  session. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  differ  with  the  Senator  as 
to  the  plain  meaning  of  the  language.  What  is 
meant  by  an  executive  session?  I  suppose  that 
when  construed  it  means  that  the  doors  be  closed 
for  the  consideration  of  secret  business.  It  can 
have  no  other  meaning.  There  is  no  other  rule 
for  going  into  executive  session. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is,  "Sliall  the  decision. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Does  this  appeal  supersede 
my  motion  to  adjourn.' 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
did  not  understand  the  Senator  as  insisting  on  that 
motion. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have,  in  common  I  think 
with  nearly  all  the  members  of  the  Senate,  listened 
with  regret  to  the  difference  which,  perhaps  more 
from  accidental  circumstances  than  anything  else,  "^ 
has  arisen  between  the  Senator  from  Illinois  and  t; 
the  Senator  from  Maine.  It  has  been  my  good  i 
fortune  to  have  constant  association  with  the  Sen- ;? 
ator  from  Maine  and  to  listen  to  his  debates  on 
this  floor;  and  perhaps  to  have  still  more  associa- 
tion because  of  the  relation  in  which  I  stand  to 
him  as  a  member  of  the  committee  of  which  he  is 
chairman,  with  the  Senator  from  Illinois.  I  think 
perhaps  they  have  misunderstood  each  other.  If 
the  Senator  from  Illinois  supposes  that  it  is  the 
impression  of  the  Senate  that  the  Senator  from 
Maine  by  his  course  in  this  body  has  been  so 
particularly  unfortunate  as  to  have  placed  him- 
self in  an  offensive  attitude  to  the  members  of  the 
Senate,  1  am  sure  that  he  is  mistaken.  We  are 
all  of  us  more  or  less  at  times  under  the  control 
of  impulses,  and  we  have  all  of  us  at  times  uttered 
in  a  moment  of  excitement  what  we  afterwards 
upon  cooler  reflection  much  regret.  The  Senator 
from  Maine  will  pardon  me  for  saying,  as  I  say 
it  in  his  presence,  that  notwithstanding  there  may  ■ 
be  in  his  temperament  or  character  a  tendency  to  " 
those  impulses,  there  is  more  than  a  countervail- 
ing quality  which  he  everexhibits;  thatistosay, 
a  generous  nature  which  when  it  is,  as  it  almost 
'always  is,  manifested,  gives  to  him  as  a  member 
of  this  body  a  character  of  great  fairness  and  emi- 
nent ability.  If  he  ever  has  offended  any  mem- 
ber of  the  body,  or  wounded  his  sensibility,  it 
has  ever  been  from  a  sense  of  the  necessity  of 
vindicating  himself,  and  with  no  purpose  of  in- 
flicting a  wrong#  It  is,  Mr.  President,  a  part  of 
the  nature  of  an  elevated  man  that,  however  sen- 
sitive he  may  be  to  any  assault  direct  or  indirect 
upon  his  own  character,  the  moment  he  has  de- 
fended it  all  feeling  of  anger  terminates  and  he 
appears  in  the  character  which  Providence  has 
given  him.  In  the  instance  of  the  Senator  from 
Maine  he  has. reason  and  his  State  and  his  friends 
have  reason  to  be  gratified  with  and  proiul  of  the 
character  which  he  possesses  in  the  estimation  of 
the  Senate  and  of  the  country. 

I  make  the  same  observations  of  the  honorable 
chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee.  Mr.  Pres- 
ident, 1  have  lived  a  good  deal  longer  than  either 
of  these  two  Senators,  and  have  outlived  the  ex- 
citement to  which  I  was  subject  in  my  earlier 


1864. 


THE  OONG-KESSIOJS^AL  GLOBE. 


3077 


years,  and  up  perhaps  to  the  period  of  life  which 
they  have  respectively  attained.  But  it  is  due  to 
him  to  say  that,  although  1  think  he  has  occa- 
sionally ti-anscriulod  the  bounds  which  his  cooler 
judgment  would  liave  [ircscribed,  he  never  in  any 
instance  has  designedly  oifended  any  member  of 
this  body. 

Mr.  President,  I  move  that  tlie  Senate  adjourn. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  imjjore.  Will  th'e  Sen- 
ator allow  the  Chair,  before  putting  the  question 
on  the  motion  to  adjourn,  to  lay  before  the  Sen- 
ate some  bills  from  the  Flouse  of  Representatives.' 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Certainly. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  desire  to  withdraw  my  ap- 
peal from  the  decision  of  the  Chair. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  may  be 
withdrawn  if  tliei-e  be  no  objection.  Tlie  Chair 
hears  none. 

HOUSE  BILLS  REFERRED. 

The  following  bills  from  the  Flouse  of  Repre- 
sentatives were  severally  read  twice  by  their  titles, 
and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  District  of 
Columbia: 

A  bill  (No.  514)  to  amend  "An  act  to  extend 
the  charter  of  the  Alpxandria  and  Washington 
railroad, and  for  other  purposes,"  passed  March 
3, 1863;  and       ' 

A  bill  (No.  522)  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 
Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad  Company. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  Lloyd,  their  Chief  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  S|ieaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  had 
si'-ned  the  following  enrolled  bills  and  joint  reso- 
lution; which  thereupon  received  the  signature  of 
the  President  jrro  tempore: 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  179)  concerning  lands  in  the 
State  of  California; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  217)  to  confirm  certain  en- 
tries of  land  in  the  State  of  Missouri;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  59)  to  provide  for 
the  revision  of  the  laws  of  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia. 

PREVENTION  OF  SMUGGLING. 

The  message  further  announced  that  the  House 
of  Representatives  insisted  upon  its  amendment 
to  the  bill  of  the  Senate  (No.  266)  to  prevent 
smuggling,  and  for  other  purposes,  disagreed  to 
by  the  Senate,  asked  a  conference  on  the  disa- 
greeing votes  of  the  two  Houses,  and  had  ap- 
pointed Mr.  T.  D.  Eliot  of  Massachusetts,  Mr. 
William  HicuYof  California,  and  Mr.  N.  Perry 
of  New  .Jersey,  managers  at  tlie  same  on  its  part. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  tlie  amend- 
ments of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  bill 
(S.  No.  266)  to  prevent  sinugglitig,  and  for  other 
purposes,  disagreed  to  by  the  Senate  and  insisted 
on  liy  the  House;  and  it  was 

Resolved,  Tliat  the  Senate  insist  upon  its  disagreement 
to  tlie  amendment  of  t!ie  House  of  Representatives  to  tlie 
said  bill,  and  agree  to  the  conference  asked  hy  tlie  House 
on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  thereon. 

Ordered,  That  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  be 
nppciinted  by  the  President 317-0  tempore. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  appointed  Mr. 
Morrill,  Mr.  Ten  Eyck,  and  Mr.  Richardson. 

INDIAN  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

The  message  further  announced  that  the  Plouse 
of  Representatives  had  agreed  to  the  forty-third 
amendment  of  the  Senate  to  the  bill  of  the  House 
(No.  240)  making  appropriations  for  the  cur- 
rent and  contingent  expenses  of  the  Indian  de- 
partment, and  for  fulfilling  treaty  stipulations 
with  various  Indian  tribes,  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1865,  with  an  amendment,  in  which  it 
requested  the  concurence  of  the  Senate,  and  had 
agreed  to  all  the  other  amendments  of  the  Sen- 
ate to  the  said  bill. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
-  concur  m  the  amendment  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives to  the  forty-third  amendment  of  the 
Senate  to  the  Indian  appropriation  bill.  They 
have  made  a  merely  verbal  amendment,  to  strike 
out  the  word  "Cherokees"  in  one  line, and  insert 
the  words  "as  well  as  the  Cherokees"  in  the 
next  line,  virhich  does  not  in  any  way  alter  the 
sense. 

The  amendment  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  renew  the  motion  to  adjourn 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  should  like  to  have  the 
bill  under  consideration  made  the  special  order 


for  Tuesday  ut  half  past  twelve  o'clock.  ["No, 
no."] 

Mr.  BROWN.     I  object. 

The  motion  of  Mr.  Johnson  v/as  agreed  to; 
and  the  Senate  adjourned. 


liOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Saturday,  June  18,  1864. 
The  House  met  at  twelve  o'clock,  m.     Prayer 
by  tlie  Chaplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Channing. 

Mr.  MORRIS,  of  Ohio,  moved  that  tlie  read- 
ing of  the  Journal  be  dispensed  with. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

OVERLAND  MAIL  BIDS. 

The  SPEAKER  laid  before  the  House  a  com- 
munication from  the  Postmaster  General,  in  an- 
swer to  a  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  16ih  instant,  directing  information  to  be 
furnished  as  to  whatbids  were  made  for  carrying 
the  mail  on  the  overland  route  to  the  Pacific, 
whether  any  of  the  bidders  were  persons  con- 
nected v/itli  the  present  Overland  Mail  Company, 
&c.  Tlie  Postmaster  General  transmits  a  mem- 
orandum of  the  bids  received  for  the  entire  or 
through  route,  and  states  that  William  B.  Dins- 
more  is  the  only  bidder  officially  known  to  the 
Department  as  connected  with  the  present  Over- 
land Mail  Company. 

The  communication  was  laid  on  the  table,  and 
ordered  to  be  printed. 

MILITARY  ROAD  TO  LAKE  SUPERIOR. 

Mr.  McINDOE.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to 
have  taken  from  the  Speaker's  table  the  Senate 
amendment  to  House  bill  No.  247,  granting  lands 
to  the  State  of  Wisconsin  to  build  a  military  road 
to  Lake  Superior. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  amendment  was 
taken  up  for  action. 

Mr.  SLOAN.  1  move  that  the  amendment  of 
the  Senate  be  concurred  in.  It  was  reported  last 
evening. 

The  question  was  taken,  and  the  amendment 
was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  McINDOE  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  Senate  amendment  was  concurred 
in;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PREVENTION  OF  SMUGGLING. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  I  ask  to  have  taken  from  the 
Speaker's  table  Senate  bill  No.  266,  to  prevent 
smuggling,  and  forother  purposes. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  bill  was  taken  up 
for  action. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  I  move  that  the  House  insist  on 
its  amendments  to  the  bill,  and  ask  for  a  com- 
mittee of  conference. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MISCELLANEOUS  A  IMPROPRIATION  BILL. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  ask  leave  to  report  from 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  a  bill  making 
appropriations  for  certain  miscellaneous  expenses 
of  the  Governmontfor  the  year  ending 30th  June, 
1865,  and  for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  that  is 
not  a  general  appropriation  bill  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Mf;ans  has  no  right  to  report  it. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  These  items  have  been  re- 
ferred to  the  committee,  and  therefore  we  report 
this  bill;  but  it  is  not  a  general  appropriation  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  has  the  right  to  report  general  appro- 
priation !)ills  at  any  time;  but  to  report  any  other 
bill  it  must  ask  consent. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  is  what  I  am  doing 
now. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.     I  object. 

PRINTING  AGRICULTURAL  REPORTS. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  ask  consent  to  introduce 
a  resolution  directing  the  Committee  on  Printing 
to  inquire  into  the  propriety  of  printing  a  num- 
ber of  copies  of  the  agricultural  report  for  the 
purposes  therein  mentioned. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.     I  object. 

M  r.  DAWES.  Will  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania state  what  are  the  "  purposes  therein 
mentioned?" 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Michi- 
gan objects,  and  the  resolution  is  not  before  the 
House. 


POST  ROADS. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California,  called  for  the  regu- 
lar order  of  business. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  the  first  business  in 
order  to  be  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  532)  to  establiifh  certain  post  roads  reported 
yesterday,  and  withheld  so  as  to  have  one  or  two 
additional  routes  inserted. 

Mr.  ALLEY.  I  ask  leave  to  have  .some  routes 
added  in  New  York  and  Ohio. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  bill  was  amended  . 

The  bill  was  then  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and 
read  a  third  time;  and  beingengrossed,  it  was  ac- 
cordingly read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  ALLEY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay 
the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

REBELLION  LOSSES. 

The  SPEAKEPl  stated  that  the  next  business 
in  order  was  the  consideration  of  House  bill  No. 
533,  to  provide  for  ascertaining  and  adjusting 
claims  against  the  Government  for  injury  or  de- 
struction of  property  by  the  Army  of  the  United 
States  or  by  military  authority  during  the  present 
rebellion,  on  which  the  main  question  had  been 
ordered. 

Mr.  V\rASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Has  the 
amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
[Mr.  Boutwell]  been  agreed  to.' 

The  SPEAKER.     It  has  been. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  ask  for  the 
j'eas  and  nays  on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

CALL  OF  THE  HOUSE. 

Mr.  PIARDING.     I  move  acallof  the  Flouse. 

The  SPEAKER,.  That  motion  is  not  in  order 
unless  it  shall  be  found,  upon  actual  count,  that 
there  is  no  quorum  present. 

The  SPEAKER  having  counted  the  House, 
and  ascertained  that  there  were  only  eighty-seven 
members  present,  stated  that  the  motion  for  a  call 
of  the  Flouse  was  in  order. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  roll  was  then  called, and  the  following  mem- 
bers failed  to  answer  to  their  names: 

Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Allison,  Anderson,  Arnold, 
Ashley,  Baxter.  Beanian,  Freeman  Clarke,  (Jlay,  Cuft'roth, 
Cox,  ilenry  Winter  Davis.  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dinmelly, 
Driirgs,  Dumont,  Frank,  Garfield,  Grider,  Griniiell,  [);il|, 
Harrington, BcnjaminG.  Harris,  Hirrick.Holman,  Hulhiird, 
Ingersoll,  Jenckes,  Kalbfleisch,  King,  Littlejolui,  iMiillory, 
McAllister,  MeKinney,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Oaniil  AJorris, 
Morrison,  Nelson, Odell,  John  0'Nc;ill,Orlh,  Perliani,  Pomc- 
roy,  Pruyn,  Samuel  J.Randall,  William  H.  I'andall,  Puib- 
inson,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr, 
Stt'bbins,  William  G.  Steele,  Tracy,  Van  Valkcnburgh, 
Voorhees,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  Welister,  Whalcy,  Joseph 
W.  White,  Benjamin  VVood,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Yeaman. 

Mr.  STILES  moved  to  dispense  with  all  fur- 
ther proceedings  under  the  call. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  40, 
noes  41. 

So  the  motion  was  disagreed  to. 

The  list  of  absentees  was  called. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  There  are  one 
hundred  and  nineteen  members  present,  and  I 
move  that  all  further  proceedings  under  the  call 
be  dispensed  with. 

The  House  was  divided ;  and  there  were — ayes 
70,  noes  20. 

Mr.  HARDING  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH  demanded  tellers  on  the 
yeas  and   nays. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Harding 
and  A.  Myers  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes 
twenty-five,  more  than  one  fifth  of  those  present. 

So  the  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  token;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  99,  nays  19,  not  voting  64; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Alley,  Arnold,  Baily,  John  D.  Haldwin, 
Ba.\ter,  Beaman,  Blaine,  Bliss,  Blow,  Boutwell,  Boyd, 
Brandegee,  Brooks.  Broomall,  James  S.  Brown,  AVilliam 
G.  Brown,  Chanler,  Cobb,  Cole,  Cravens,  Dawes,  Dealing, 
Denison,  Dixon,  Driggs,Eekley,Edgerton,  Eldridge,  ElioT, 
English,  Farnsworth,  Fenton,  Frank,  Garfield,  Gooch, 
Grisvvold,  Hale,  Cliarles  M.  Harris,  Higby,  llotchkiss, 
Asahel  W.  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Ingersoll,  Philip 
Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Julian,  Kasson,  Francis  W. 
Kellogg,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Kernaii,  Knapp,  Knox,  Law,  Le 
Blond,  Loan,  Longyear,  Marvin,  McBride,  flleClurg,  Me- 
Indoe,SanHiel  F.  iVIiller,  Moorhead,  Slorrill,  .•\mos  Myers, 
Leonard  Myers,  Odell,  Charles  O'Neill,  Ortli,  Parierson, 
Perham.  Perry,  Pike,  I'riee,  Uad:ord.  Ali-xander  H.  Uiee, 
John  ii.  Rice,  Edward  H.  llollins,  Schenek,  Seofield, 
Shannon,  Sloaii,  Smithers,  John  B.  Steele,  Strouse,Tiiayer, 
Upt-en,  Van  Valkeuburgh,  Wadsworth,  Blilm  B.-  Wash- 


8078 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


burno,  William  15.  VVasliliuin,  Whiiley,  Wlieelpr,  Chilton 
A.  White,  Williams,  VVildi^r,  Wilson,  Windoni,  VVinfield, 
niid  Woodbridi,'!! — 99. 

NAVS — i\Ii;-5is.  James  C.  Allen  Ancona,  Augustus  C. 
Baldwin,  Blair,  CreiWi  II,  Dawson,  Eden,  Finck,  Ganson, 
IlardiMf,',  Hutfliins,  Long,  iSIeDovvcIl,  Jainiis  R.  Morris, 
Nohli'.  Koss,  Scdll,  Stiles,  and  Tlionias — 19. 

NOT  V(>Tr.\'G— M(-'.-;srs.  William  J.  Allen,  AULson, 
Anios.  Andcr.on,  Ashley,  Amiirose  VV.  Clark,  Freeman 
Clarke,  C:iay,  Cotrrotli,Cox,  llcnry  Winter  Davis.  Thomas 
T.  Davis,  Do'nindly,  Dnmoiit,  Grider,  Grinnell,  Hall,  [lar- 
rlnu'tori,  Benjainin  G.  Harris,  [Jerrick,  Hulman,  Hooper, 
Hnlbnrd,  Jenck'S,  Kalliflei-eli,  K''lley,  King,  Lazear, 
Littl'Jo'm,  iMallory,  iMarcy,  lAIeAllister,  McKinney,  Mid- 
dleton, William  H.  Miller,  Dajiiel  ftlorris,  Morrison,  Nelson, 
Norton,  John  O'iVeill,  Pendleton, Pomeroy,  Pruyn,  Samuel 
J.  Randall,  William  H.  Randall,  Robinson,  Rogers,  James 
S.  Rollins,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  William  G. 
Steele,  Stevens,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Tracy,  Voorhees,  Ward, 
Webster,  Joseph  W.  White,  Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando 
Wood,  and  Yeainan — 64. 

So  all  further  proceedings  under  the  call  were 
dispensed  with. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  SENATE. 

A  inessage  was  received  from  the  Senate,  by 
Mr.  Forney,  its  Seci-etary,  notifying  the  House 
that  that  l)ody  had  agreed  to  the  report  of  the 
committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  voles 
of  the  two  Bouses  on  the  bill  of  the  Senitte  (No. 
145)  to  equalize  tlie  pay  of  soldiers  in  the  United 
Sidtes  Army;  that  it  iiad  insisted  on  its  disagi-ee- 
ment  to  the  umertdment  of  the  House  to  the  bill 
of  tlie  Senate  (No.  55)  in  relation  to  the  circuit 
court  in  and  for  the  district  of  Wisconsin,  and 
for  other  purposes;  agreed  to  tlie  conference  asked 
by  the  House  on  the  disagi'oeing  votes  of  the  two 
Houses  thereon,  and  appointed  Messrs.  Trum- 
bull, CoLLAMER,  and  Powell  (he  conferees  on 
its  part;  that  it  had  insisted  on  its  amendments, 
disagreed  to  by  tlie  House,  to  bill  of  the  House 
JNo.  450,  to  provide  for  the  repairand  preservation 
of  certain  public  works  of  the  United  States; 
agreed  to  the  conference  asked  by  the  House  on  the 
disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  thereon,  and 
appointed  Messrs.  Chandler,  Morrill,  and 
Morgan  the  conferees  on  its  part;  that  it  had  fur- 
ther insisted  on  its  amendments,  disagreed  to  by 
the  House,  and  also  on  its  disagreement  to  the 
amendments  of  the  House  to  the  amendments  of 
the  Senate  to  the  bill  of  the  House  (No,  192)  inak- 
ing  appropriations  for  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the 
year  ending  30lh  June,  1865;  agreed  to  the  further 
conference  asked  by  the  House  on  the  disagreeing 
votes  of  the  two  Houses  ihereoii,  and  appointed 
Messrs.  Sherman,  Cowan,  and  Davis  the  con- 
fer(!cs  on  its  part;  and  that  it  had  insisted  on  its 
nmendments,  disagreed  to  by  the  House,  and  also 
disagreed  to  the  amendtnents  of  the  House  to  its 
amendments  to  the  bill  of  the  House  (No.  405)  to 
provide  internal  revenue  to  pay  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  for  other  purposes,  agreed  to  the 
conference  asked  by  the  House  on  the  disagreeing 
rotes  of  the  two  Houses  thereon,  and  appointed 
Messrs.  Fessenden,  Ho  WE,  and  Van  Winkle  tho 
jonferees  on  its  part. 

PAY  OP  SOLDIEaS. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  committee  of  con- 
ference on  the  disagreeing  voles  of  the  two  Houses 
on  the  bill  of  ihe  Senate  (No.  145)  to  equalize 
the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the  United  Slates  Army, 
submitted  the  following  report: 

The  committee  of  conference  on  the  part  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives  upon  the  disagreeing  voles 
of  thi!  two  Houses  on  the  niiiemlments  to  Senate  bill  iVo. 
145,  entitled  "An  act  to  equalize  the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the 
Army  of  the  United  Slates,  and  for  other  purposes,"  having 
met  and  had  a  full  and  free  conference  upon  the  proposed 
Senate  amendments  to  the  House  amendments  to  said  bill, 
report  as  follows : 

1.  In  the  fourth  and  fifili  lincsof  the  first  Senate  amend- 
ment, strike  out  the  words  '•  regular  Army  and  volunteer 
and  drafted  forces  In  the,"  and  insert  the  word  "military" 
In  lien  tliereof. 

2.  After  the  word  "  quartermasters,"  in  the  seventh  line 
of  said  amendment,  strike  out  all  down  to  anil  Including 
the  word  "  dollars,"  in  the  ninth  line  of  said  Senate  amen<l- 
nient,  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  and  commissary  ser- 
geants of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry,  twenty-two  dol- 
lars." 

3.  After  the  word  "  privates,"  in  the  fourteenth  line  of 
aaid  t^rst  Senate  amendment,  strike  out  all  down  to  and 
including  the  word  "corps"  in  tlie  si.vteenth  line  of  said 
amendment,  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof,  "of  engineers  and 
ordnance  of  the  first  class,  eighteen  dollars ;  and  of  the 
second  class." 

4.  After  the  word  "dollars"  in  the  twenty-second  line 
of  said  first  Senate  nmeiidment, strike  outail  of  said  amend- 
ment down  to  the  v/ord  "sixteen"  in  ilie  twenty  fourth 
line,  and  Insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  leaders  of  brigade  and 
regimental  bands,  weventy-live  dollars  ;  inuslciaiis."  And 
that  the  flousc  of  Reprjwenlatives  agree  to  th<=s!iirl  Senatf 
!im'  nrtmrnt  ivith  the  fnjJEc'^iiif,  fini--nfim:  nn. 


5.  That  the  Senate  recede  from  its  second  amendment> 
to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section  three. 

6.  That  Ihr  House  of  Representatives  agree  to  the  third 
amendment  of  the  Senate,  to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section 
four. 

7.  Tliat  the  Senate  recede  from  its  fourth  amendment, 
to  wit,  llie  insertion  of  section  five. 

S.  in  (he  second  line  of  tlie  si.xth  section  of  the  Senate 
amendment  strike  out  all  of  said  section  after  the  words 
'•  sergeant  major,"  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof,  "  v.'lio  shall 
be  paid  thirty-six  dollars  per  month  ;  andoiie  quartermaster 
sergeant,  who  shall  also  b«  commissary  sergeant,  who. -hall 
be  paid  twenty  two  doll.irs  per  month;"  and  tliat  the 
House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  said  amendmtnt  of 
tlie  Senate  ns  amt'iided. 

9.  Tliat  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  the 
sixth  Senate  anieiulmcnt,  to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section 
seven. 

10.  Strike  out  all  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  all  of  the  sixth 
line  down  to  the  word  "  and"  in  the  seventh  Senate  amend- 
ment, and  Insirttlie  following  in  lieu  thereof:  "  the  rank, 
pay,aiid  allowaiieeofa  brigadier  general;  and  an  Assistant 
Judge  Advocate  Gent-ral,  with  the  rank,  pay,  and  allow- 
ances of  a  colonel  ntcavalrv." 

11.  Alter  the  word  "  Advocate"!!!  the  seventh  line  of 
saidseveiitli  Senate  amendment  Insert  the  word  "General ;" 
and  that  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  said 
Senate  amendment  as  amended. 

12.  That  the  House  of  Representatives  agree  to  the 
eighth  Senate  amendment,  being  the  insertion  of  section 
nine. 

13.  That  the  House  of  Representatives  do  agree  to  the 
ninth  Senate  amendment,  to  wit,  the  insertion  of  section 
ten. 

14.  Tliatthe  House  of  Representatives  agree  to  tlie  tenth, 
eleventh,  and  twelfth  of  said  Senate  amendnients. 

HENRY  WILSON, 
J.  W.  NESMITH, 

Managers  on  I  lie  jinrt  of  Vic  Senate. 
ROIiERT  C.  SCHENCK, 
F.  W.  KELLOGG, 
JAMES  S.  ROLLINS, 

Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Before  calling  the  previous 
question  I  will  explain  the  character  of  this  re- 
port. The  House  will  recollect  that  this  bill  was 
called  "A  bill  to  equalize  the  pay  of  soldiers  of 
the  Army  of  the  United  States"  when  it  came 
to  us  first  from  the  Senate,  as  it  was  a  bill  to 
equalize  the  pay  of  colored  and  white  troops. 
The  Military  Committee  of  the  House  proposed 
as  an  addition  to  that  bill  an  amendment  to  in- 
crease the  pay  of  all  thesoldiersof  the  Army,  but 
the  original  portion  of  the  Senate  bill  having  been 
afterwaids  incorporated  by  the  House  into  a  gen- 
eral ajipropriation  bill,  which  passed  and  has  be- 
come a  law,  all  that  part  of  the  bill  fell  to  the 
ground ,  and  the  title  of  this  bill  has  been  changed 
to  "A  bill  increasing  the  pay  of  the  soldiers  of 
the  Ari^y  of  the  United  States." 

Being  a  bill  of  this  character,  the  Senate  pro- 
pose to  amend  the  first  section  of  it  as  it  was 
passed  by  the  House,  and  the  committee  of  con- 
ference has  agreed  to  that  new  section  added  by 
the  Senate  with  soin^'  slight  modifications. 

The  fiist  is  the  substitution  of  "  military  ser- 
vice" in  the  place  of  "  regular  Army  and  volun- 
teer and  drafted  forces  in  the  service."  The  effect 
of  the  amendment  of  the  Senate  would  be  not  to 
put  the  payment  of  the  militia  upon  the  same  foot- 
ing with  the  volunteer  and  drafted  men  or  soldiers 
of  the  regular  Army.  The  committee  of  confer- 
ence have  agreed  to  substitute  the  general  term 
"  military  service  of  the  United  States,"  so  that 
the  hundred  days'  men  and  all  others  called  into 
the  service  of  the  United  States  shall  receive  the 
same  pay.  To  this  I  apprehend  there  can  be  no 
objection. 

The  Senate  amendment  contained  the  following 
provision  in  reference  to  the  amount  of  pay  of  the 
oflicers  therein  mentioned: 

Sergeant  majors,  twenty-six  dollars  j  quartermasters' 
sergeants  of  cavalry  and  artillery,  twenty-three  dollars;  of 
infantry,  twenty  dollars. 

Tlie  Senate  made  the  pay  of  quartermasters' 
sergeants  of  cavalry  and  artillery  twenty-three 
dollars  a  month,  and  left  tlie  pay  of  quartermas- 
ters' sergeants  of  infantry  at  twenty  dollars.  The 
committee  have  agreed  to  place  these  officers  on 
the  same  footing,  and  make  the  pay  of  all  twenty- 
two  dollars  a  month.  If  the  recommendation  of 
the  committee  of  conference  is  adopted  the  clause 
I  have  referred  to  will  read  us  follows:, 

Sergeant  majors,  twenty  six  dollars ;  quartermasters'  and 
commissary  sergeants  of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry, 
twenty-two  dollars. 

Another  aimendment  to  that  section  is  made, 
simply  verbal  in  its  chai-acter.  It  provides  that 
privates  of  engineers  and  ordnance  of  the  first 
class  and  of  tiie  second  class  shall  receive  six- 
teen dollars  a  month. 

The  next  amendment  relates  to  the  pay  of 
leaders  of  brigade  and  regimental  bands.     As  the 


law  at  present  stands,  the  leader  of  a  regimental 
band  in  the  regular  Army  gets  |fl25  a  month, 
while  the  leader  of  a  brigade  band  in  the  volun- 
teer service  gets  only  forty-five  dollars  a  month. 
The  committee  of  conference  were  unable  to  un-" 
derstand  why  music  played  for  a  whole  brigade 
of  volunteers  ought  to  be  paid  for  at  a  less  rate 
than  music  for  a  single  regiment  in  the  regular 
Army;  they  have  therefore  put  them  both  at  a 
medium  sum,  seventy-five  dollars. 

There  was  also  a  difference  made  between  the 
musicians  in  the  artillery  and  infantry.  The  com- 
iniltee  have  put  all  the  musicians,  whether  artil- 
lery, infantry,  or  engineer,  on  the  saine  footing,  at 
^xleen  dollars  a  month,  the  same  as  privates. 
Those  are  the  only  changes  made  in  the  first  sec- 
tion. 

The  third  section  provides  for  a  system  for  the 
issuing  of  supplies  in  lieu  of  Army  rations  for 
soldiers  in  hospitals.  Both  the  Senate  and  the 
House  cominittee  were  disposed  at  first  to  con- 
cur ill  this  as  a  part  of  the  law,  but  upon  subse- 
quent inquiry  at  the  commissary  department  it 
was  ascertained  that  it  would  be  attended  with 
great  inconvenience  and  difpculty.  We  concluded, 
therefore,  to  leave  the  law  as  it  now  is,  asid  not 
to  interfere  with  it  for  the  present. 

Another  change  is  this:  the  Senate  conferees 
have  agreed  to  recede  from  their  fourth  amend- 
ment, section  five,  which  is  the  section  which 
provides  forex(i-a  compensation  to  those  soldiers 
who  are  detailed  as  clerks  here  in  Washington, 
and  at  the  headquarters  of  the  several  depart- 
ments and  military  divisions.  The  conferees  on 
the  part  of  the  House,  not  seeing  any  sufficient 
reason  for  giving  a  precedence  to  those  en>ploye3 
here  or  at  headquarters  over  other  soldiers  detailed 
for  clerk's  duly,  objected  to  that,  and  the  amend- 
ment was  receded  from  by  the  Senate. 

The  next  amendment  is  in  the  eighth  section. 
The  Senate  have  introduced  into  this  bill  a  bill 
which  has  passed  the  House  establishing  aBureau 
of  Military  Justice,  They  changed  the  bill,  how- 
ever, as  it  passed  the  House,  when  they  came  to 
attach  it  to  lliis  bill,  by  fixing  the  salary  of  the 
Judge  Advocate  at  $5,000,  antl  taking  away  from 
him  all  military  rank.  The  objeclion  to  that  is 
that  inasmuch  as  all  the  subordinate  judges  ad- 
vocate wlio  are  to  serve  under  him  have  by  law 
the  military  rank  of  majors,  he,  as  their  military 
head,  having  no  military  rank,  could  not  order  the 
arrest  of  any  officer,  or  do  any  other  military  act 
over  his  subordinates.  It  was  therefore  thought 
better  to  restore  the  bill  and  make  it  precisely  as 
it  passed  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  only  . 
difference  is  that  the  Senate  reduced  the  number 
of  assistants  from  two  to  one,  to  which  the  con- 
ferees of  the  House  agi'eed;  so  that  the  provision 
stands  as  it  passed  the  House,  except  that  there  is 
one  assistant  with  the  rank  of  colonel  instead  of 
two  assistants. 

The  other  amendments  are  merely  formal,  not 
touching  in  any  way  the  substance  of  the  bill. 
With  these  remarks,  unless  some  gentlemen  have 
any  inquiries  to  maice,  unless  I  have  not  made 
myself  clear  enough,  I  move  the  previous  ques- 
tion on  agreeing  to  the  report  of  the  comrniltee  of 
conference. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered;   and  under  the  operation 
thereof  the  report  of  the  committee  of  conference  j 
was  adopted. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  inoved  to  reconsider  the  votej 
by  which  the  report  of  the  committee  of  confer- 
ence was  adopted;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  mo- 
tion to  reconsider  upon  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ENROLLED  BILL  SIGNED. 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled] 
Bills,  reported  that  the  committee  had  examined  j 
and  found  truly  enrolled  an  act  (H.  R.  No.  179)1 
concerning  lands  in  the  State  of  California;  when! 
the  Speaker  signed  the  same. 

REBELLION  LOSSES. 

The  House  then  resuined,  as  the  unfinished^ 
business  of  yesterday,  bill  of  the  House  No. 
523,  to  provide  for  ascertaining  and  adjusting 
claims  against  the  Government  for  the  injury  or 
destruction  of  property  by  the  Army  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  or  by  military  authority  during  the 
present  rebellion,  the  pending  question  being  on 
the  passage  of  the  bill. 


1864. 


THE  COJN^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE 


3079 


The  question  was  taken;  nnd  it  was  dooidcfl  in 
the  affii-mative — yeas  70,  nays  54,  not  voting  58; 
as  follows: 

YRArS— Messrs.  Alley,  AndcrsDii,  Uaily,  Augustus  C. 
DiUdwin.  Rlair,  Boutwell,  Boy<l.  lirontrjall,  William  G. 
lirnvvn,  Cnffiotli,  Criivens,  Creswell,  Dawes,  OeiiisDii, 
lildiidKe.  Fiiiek,  Garison,  Garfield,  Grider,  Hale,  Harding, 
Cliarli's  M.  Harri.".  flolrnaii.  Hooper,  Helehkiss,  Hufcliiiis, 
Ki'lli'V,  Ivernan,  Knox,  Lazear,  Le  Blond,  r.oan,  J.ong, 
Marev,  iMiirviii,  McHride,]VIcChir2,  McDowell.  Middlclon, 
Sarnilidl''.  Miller.  William  H.  Miller,  Moorliead,. lames  It. 
Morris,  Amos  iMyers,  Leonard  Myers,  Nelson,  Nolile, 
Odell,  Charles  O'Neill,  Radlbrd,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Koss, 
Selienok,  Scott,  Smitliers,  John  13.  Steele,  Stevens,  Stroiise, 
Stuart,  Tlinmas,  Van  Valkcnbnrsli,  Wadswortli,  Ward, 
Whaley,  Wheeler,  Cliiiton  A.  Wlnte,  Williams,  Wilder, 
Windoni,  and  Wintield— 70. 

NAYS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.' Allen,  An- 
cona,  Arnold,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Bliss, 
Brandcgee,  Chaider,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Cole,  Dawson,  Di.\on,  Driggs,  Eekley,  Eden,  Eliot,  Farns- 
wortli,  Fenton,  Frank,  Goiicli,  Asaliel  W.  Iluldiard,  John 
II.  Unhhard,  Hulhurd,  Ingcrsoll,  William  Johnson,  Jn- 
lian,  Francis  W.  Kellogg.  Orlando  Kellogg,  Knapp,  Long- 
year,  Mcljidoe,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Norton,  Orth,  I'en- 
llleton,  I'erhani,  I'erry,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Price,  yVlexander 
H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Edward  l\.  Rollins,  Shannon, 
Stiles,  Thayer,  Upson,  Eliliu  B.  Wushburne,  William  B. 
Washburn,  anil  Wooilbridge — 34. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs".  Allison,  Ames,  Ashley,  Blaine, 
Blow,  Brooks,  James  S.  Brown,  Clay,  Cobb,  Cox,  Henry 
Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Demiiig,  Dimnelly, 
Dumont,  Edgerton,  English, Grinned,  Griswidd,  Hall,  Har- 
rington, Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hlgby,  Jenckes, 
Philip  Johnson,  Kalbfleiseli,  Kasson,  King,  Law,  Little- 
john,  Mallory,  .McAllister,  McKinney,  rt'lorrison,  John 
O'Neill,  Patterson,  Pruyn,  William  H.  Randall,  Robinson. 
Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Scofield,  Sloan,  Smith,  Spalding, 
Starr,  Stebbins,  William  G.  Steele,  Swnat,  Tracy,  Voor- 
liees,  Webster,  Joseph  W.  White,  Wilson,  Benjamin 
Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Ycamau — 58. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  DEM  ING  stated  that  he  was  paired  oft' on 
this  bill  with  Mr.  Harrington,  who  would  have 
voted  "  ay,"  while  he  [Mr.  Deming]  would  luive 
voted  "  no." 

Mr.  WILSON  stated  that  he  was  paii-ed  oft" 
on  this  bill  with  Mr.  Webster,  who  would  have 
voted  for  the  bill,  while  he  [Mr.  Wilson]  would 
have  voted  against  it. 

Mr.  WINDOM  stated  that  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Donnelly,  was  paired  off"  with  Mr.  Herrick. 

The  vote  was  announced  as  above  recorded. 

Mr.  HALE  moved  to  reconsider  the  vole  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay 
the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

METROPOLITAN  RAILROAD  COMPANY. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  that  the  next  business 
in  order  was  the  consideration  of  Senate  bill  No. 
54,  reported  back  last  evening  from  the  Commit- 
tee for  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  reference  to 
a  street  railroad  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the 
pending  question  being  to  amend  by  striking  out 
the  proviso  that  tliere  shall  be  no  regulation  ex- 
cluding any  person  from  any  car  on  account  of 
color. 

Mr.  .T.  C.  ALLEN  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  amendment. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  talcen;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  CO,  nays  76,  not  voting  46;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
cona,  Baily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blair,  Bliss,  Brooks, 
James  S.  Brown,  William  G.  Brown,  Chanler,  CoftVoth, 
Cravens,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Edgcrton,  Eldridge, 
Finck,  Ganson,  Grider,  Griswold,  Harding,  Charles  M. 
Harris,  Uolnian,  HiUcliins,  Philip  Johnson,  William  John- 
son, ICernaii,  Knapp.  Law,  Lazear,  Le  Blond,  Long, 
Marcy,  McDowell,  McKinney,  Middleton,  William  H. 
Miller,  James  R.  Morris,  Morrison,  Nelson,  Noble,  Pen- 
dleton, Purry,  Prnvn,  Radford,  Sammd  J.  J^andall.  Ross. 
Scott,  John  B.  Steele,  Sliles.  Smart,  Thomas,.  Wads- 
worth,  Ward,  Whaley,  Wheeler,  Joseph  W.  White,  and 
Wintield— 60. 

N.VYS— Messrs.  Alley,  Ames,  Anderson,  Arnold.  Ash- 
ley, John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beajnan,  Blaine,  Boiitwell, 
Royd,  Brandegce,  Broomall,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman 
Clarke,  (:;obb,,Cole,  Dawes,  Deining,  Dix(ni,  Driggs,  Eek- 
ley,  Eliot,  Farnsworth,  Femon,  Frank,  Garlield,  Gooch, 
Higby,  Hooper,  Hotchkiss,  Asahel  W.  Hubbanl,  John  H. 
Hnbbard,  Hulbin-d,  Ingersoll,  Julian,  Kelley,  Orlando  Kel- 
logg, Knox,  Loan,  Longyear,  Marvin,  MeClurg,  Melndoe, 
Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos 
Myers,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  Charles  O'Neill,  Orth, 
Patterson,  Perliam,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Price,  Alexander  H. 
Rire,  John  H.  Uiee,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  Schoiek,  Scofield, 
Shannon,  Sloan,  Sinithers,  Stevens,  Thayer,  Upson,  Elihu 
B.  Washhnrne,  William  B.  Washburn,  VVilliams,  Wilder, 
Wilsini,  VViiidcnn,  and  Wooilbridge — 70. 

NOT  VOTING- iMessrs.  Allison,  Blow,  Clay,  Cox, 
Creswell,  Hemy  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Don- 
iH'lly,  Dumont,  English,  Gritniell,  Hale,  Hall,  Harrington, 
Bimjaniin  G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Jenckes,  Kalbfleisch,  Kas- 
son, Francis  W.  Kellog!;,  King,  Littlcjohn,  Mallory,  Mc- 
Allister, McBride,  Odell,  John  O'Neill,  William  H.  Ran- 


dall, Robinson,  Rogers,  James  S.  Rollins,  Smith,  Spald- 
ing, Starr,  .Stidibins.  William  G.  Steele,  Strousi',  Svveal, 
Tracy,  Van  Valk(Mdnu-gh,  Voorhees,  Webster,  <>hill,on  A. 
White,  Benjainin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Yeaman 
—46. 

So  the  arnendmeni  was  rejected. 

Durinji;  the  call  of  the  roll, 

lVlr.PlllCEstat(^d  iliai  Mr.  Allison  h.\d  paired 
wiih  Mr.  Fer.vando  Wood. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN  moved  to  lay  the  bill  on 
the  table. 

The  motion  was  disagreed  to. 

The  bill,  as  amended,  was  ordered  to  a  third 
reading;  and  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  WHEELER.  I  move  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third 
reading.  1  do  it  for  the  purpose  of  correcting  an 
amendment  which  was  inserted  by  mistake.  I 
will  state  what  it  is:  anamendmctit  was  reported 
and  passed  which  required  the  company  to  pave 
the  street  for  six  feel  on  each  side  of  the  track  in 
addition  to  j)aving  and  keeping  in  repair  the  pave- 
ment between  the  tracks.  Tliat  atnendment  was 
not  agreed  to  by  the  committee,  and  it  was  in- 
serted by  mistake.  The  original  bill  required  the 
company  to  pave  two  feet  each  side  of  the  track. 

The  SPEAKER.  If  there  be  no  objection  the 
amendment  referred  to  by  the  gentleman  from 
Wisconsin  will  be  stricken  from  the  bill. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  think  six 
feet  on  each  side  of  the  track  is  not  too  niuch. 

Mr.  WHEELER.  I  was  not  directed  to  re- 
port the  amend menit. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Then  to  re- 
lieve the  difficulty  of  the  gentlemen  I  ask  him  to 
allow  me  to  submit  the  amendment. 

Mr.  WHEELER.  I  will  if  the  third  reading 
of  the  bill  IS  reconsidered. 

The  motion  to  reconsider  was  agreed  to. 

The  vote  adopting  the  amendment  referred  to 
was  then  by  unanimous  consent  reconsidered. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  now  sub- 
mit that  amendment  as  my  own. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to — ayes  fifty,  noes 
not  counted. 

The  bill  was  again  ordered  to  a  third  reading, 
and  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  I  move  to  lay  the  bill  on 
the  table. 

Mr.  BEAMAN.  Is  that  motion  in  order,  the 
same  motion  having  been  made  and  voted  down? 

The  S'PEAKER.  The  motion  is  in  order, 
action  having  been  had  upon  the  bill  since  the 
motioti  was  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois, 
[Mr.  J.  C.  Allen.] 

The  motion  was  disagreed  to. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  afPirmative — yeas  82,  nays  47,  not  voting  53; 
a;!  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Alley,  Ames,  Anderson,  Arnold,  Ash- 
ley, John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Blaine,  Blair, 
Blow,  Boulwell,  Boyd,  Brandegee,  Brocnnall,  William  G. 
Brown,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cole,  Dem- 
ing, Dixon,  Driggs,  Eekley,  Eliot,  English,  Farnsworth, 
Fenlon,  Frank,  Garfield,  Gooch,  Griswold,  Higby,  Hooper, 
Hotehkiss,  Asahel  \V.  Hubbard,  John  H.Hubbard,  Hul- 
Iiuril,  Ingersoll,  Philip  .lolmson,  Julian,  Kelley,  Orlando 
Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan,  Longye.ir,  iMarvin,  McBride,  Mc- 
Clurg,  Melndoe,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Morrill, 
Daniel  Alorris,  Amos  Mvers,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton, 
Odell,  Cliarles  O'Neill,  O'rth,  Patterson,  Perham,  Pike, 
P(mieroy,  Price,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Ed- 
ward H.  Rollins,  Scofield,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Smitliers,  Ste- 
vens,Thayer,  Upson,  Van  Valkciibnrgh,  William  B.VVash- 
burn,  Wheeler,  Williams,  Wilder,  VVilson,  Wiiidom,  and 
Woodbridge— 82. 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  <;.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
coniij  Baily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Bliss,  Brooks,  James 
•  S.  Brown,  Chanler,  Cott'roth,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eden, 
Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Finck,  Grider,  Harding,  Charles  M. 
Harris,  Hutcliiiis,  William  Johnson,  Knapp,  Le  Blond, 
Long,  Marcy,  McDowell,  McKinney,  Middleton,  Morrison, 
Nelson,  Noble,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Ran- 
dall, James  S.  Rollins,  Ross,  John  B.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strouse, 
Wadswortli,  Ward,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  Whaley,  Chil- 
ton A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  and  Winfield--37. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Allison,  Clay,  Cobb,  Cox,  Cra- 
vens, Creswell,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis, 
Dawes,  Donnelly,  Dumont,  Ganson,  Grinnell,  Hale,  Hall, 
Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Holmaii, 
Jenckes,  Kalbfleiseli,  Kasson,  Frimcis  W.  Kellogg,  Ker- 
nan.  King,  Law,  Lazear,  Littlcjohn,  MalhuT,  McA'llister, 
William  H.  Miller,  James  R.  Morris, .loliii  O'Neill,  Prnyii, 
William  H.  Randall,  Robinson,  Rogers,  Schenek,  Seoit, 
Smith,  Spalding,  Stan,  Stebbins,  VVillian.  G.  Steele,  Stuart, 
Sweat,  Thomas,  'I'ra'cy,  Voorhees,  Webster,  Benjainin 
'Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Yeainan — 53. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 


Mr.  PATTERSON  moved   to  reconsider  the 

vote    by   which    ihr    bill   wa.'!   passed;    and    also 
iTiovi;d  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 
The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

TARIFF  BILIi. 

A  message  was  received  from  the  Senati",  bj*  Mr. 
Forney,  iheirSecretary,  notifying  the  House  that 
the  Senate  have  passed  the  bill  of  the  House  (No. 
494)  to  increase  the  duties  on  imports,  and  for 
other  purposes,  with  amendments;  in  which  ho 
was  directed  to  ask  the  concurrence  of  the  House. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  move  that  the  bill  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  I 
sup|iose  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  have  it  printed. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  hope  we  shall  be  allowed  to 
have  these  amendments  in  print. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Very  well,  I  move,  then, 
that  the  amendments  be  printed. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

INDIAN  APPROPRIATION    BILL. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  dii-ecled  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  to  report  back  the 
amendments  of  the  Senate  to  the  Indian  appro- 
priation bill,  nnd  to  ask  that  they  may  now  be 
considered.  We  recommend  a  concurrence,  in 
one  case  with  a  slight  amendment. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  1  object  to  the  amend- 
ments being  considered  at  this  lime. 

Mr.  STEVENS  moved  that  they  be  referred 
to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of 
the  Union. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS  moved  that  the  rules  be  sus- 
pended, and  the  Flouse  resolve  itself  into  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Wlioleon  the  state  of  the  Union. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  House  accordingly  resolved  itself  into  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union, 
(Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  in  the  chair.) 

Mr.  STEVENS  moved  to  take  up  the  amend- 
ments of  the  Senate  to  House  bill  No.  240,  mak- 
ing appropriations  for  the  current  and  contingent 
expenses  of  the  Indian  department,  and  for  ful- 
filling treaty  stipulations  with  various  Indian 
tribes  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  BPv.OOKS.  VVhat  are  those  amendments? 
Do  they  provide  for  anything  extraordinary? 

Mr.  STEVENS.  They  are  all  founded  on  esti- 
mates from  the  Department,  and  some  are  to 
carry  out  treaties  made  and  ratified  since  the 
original  bill  was  passed. 

The  amendments  of  the  Senate  were  severally 
concurred  in  with  one  slight  amendment. 

Mr.  STEVENS  moved'that  the  committee  rise. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  House  accordingly  rose;  and  the  Speaker 
having  resumed  the  chair,  Mr.  Washburne,  of 
Illinois,  reported  that  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union  had, according  to  order, 
had  the  Union  generally  under  consideraiion,  and 
particularly  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  to  the 
Indian  appropriation  bill,  and  had  directed  him 
to  report  the  same  back  to  the  House,  wilh  the 
recommendation  that  they  be  concurred  in  with  an 
amendnient. 

The  action  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  STEVENS  moved  to  reconsider  the  vole 
just  taken;  and  also  moved  that  the  motion  to  re- 
consider be  laid  upon  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PACIFIC  RAILROAD   KILt. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  the  next  business  in 
order  to  be  the  consideration  of  the  Pacific  rail- 
road bill. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  This  day  has 
been  specially  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of 
reports  from  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 
Already  two  liourshave  been  taken  up  with  other 
matters,  and  I  ask  that  the  pending  bill  be  post- 
poned until  some  other  day  in  the  morning  hour. 
We  have  many  bills  to  present,  and  unless  we 
soon  begin  we  will  not  be  able  to  accomplish 
much  to-day. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Will  there  not  be  lime  enough 
after  ihe  morning  hour? 

Mr.  RICE,  of''Massachusetts.    There  will  not. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  hope  that  this  bill  will  not  be 
postponed.  It  has  already  been  postponed  from 
day  to  liav,  and  I  now  want  it  disposed  of. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.     I  move  ihal  it 


3080 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


be  postpcueci  until  the  morning  hour  of  Tuesday- 
next. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  cannot  agree  to  that,  and  I  hope 
that  the  motion  will  be  voit'(i  down. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Wlial  will  be  the  effect  of 
the  postponement? 

The  SPEAKER.  Tuesday  has  been  devoted 
to  the  business  of  llie  Committee  on  Military  Af- 
fairs, and  the  morning  hour  will  occur  in  the  even - 
ini^,  if  there  be  an  (;vening  session. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  that 
the  bill  will  be  postponed.  I  want  to  be  heard  on 
the  subject;  and  I  think  ihal  it  is  reasonable  we 
should  yield  to  the  business  of  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs,  as  this  day  was  specially  set  apart 
for  that  purpose.  I  will  say  to  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  lliat  that  committee  will  propose  several 
matters  of  great  interest  to  the  West. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  object  to  the  post- 
ponement. The  Naval  Committee  has  already 
had  the  attention  of  the  House,  and  this  is  the 
iirst  time  that  the  special  committee  has  had  a 
chance.  This  bill  can  be  disposed  of  in  a  short 
time.  Its  provisions  are  clear  and  plain.  1  pre- 
sume that  it  can  be  disposed  of  this  morning. 

Mr.  WASr-Ii-3URNE,  of  Illinois.    I  think  not. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  It  can  unless  there 
be  factious  opposition. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, of  Illinois.  I  shall  make 
no  factious  oppo.sition.  I  want  to  be  heard,  and 
ask  that  the  bill  shall  be  postponed  until  Monday 
or  Tuesday  next. 

Mr.  WiLSON.  The  same  motion  will  be 
made  next  Tuewdaj'  evening,  unless  in  the  mean 
time  the  tariff  bill  is  disposed  of.  It  will  take 
a  good  deal  of  iron  to  build  this  line,  and  1  ap- 
prehend that  this  motion  will  be  made  and  con- 
tinued until  the  iron  question  is  disposed  of  in 
some  way  or  other.  1  do  not  think  that  there 
will  be  any  antagonism.  The  original  charter 
provides  that  none  but  American  iron  shall  be 
used. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  want  to 
speak  on  the  Pacific  mi  I  road  bill, and  am  iiotnow 
prepared.      !  hope  tliat  it  will  lie  postponed. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  not  think  the  bill  will 
be  passed  durini;  this  morning  liour. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  gentle- 
men do  not  desire  to  |)ress  the  bill  to  avote  this 
morning,  I  Imve  not  so  much  objection  to  pro- 
ceeding with  it  now,  thougii  I  think  the  Commit- 
tee on  Naval  Affairs  ought  to  iiave  the  day  set 
apart  for  tiiem.  There  have  been  two  hours  of 
the  day  already  consumed  by  oiher  business. 

Mr.  McBR-IDE.  I  desire  to  say  that  we  have 
a  bill  of  the  SeiidtB  before  us  which  diff"ers  very 
materially  from  tlie  bill  of  the  House,  and  it  is 
important  tiiat  this  bill  should  be  acted  on  soon, 
because  there  is  evidently  a  disagreement  of  senti- 
ment between  tlie  two  Houses  which  must  be 
reconciled  if  we  expect  to  pass  this  bill  this  ses- 
sion. One  thing  is  certain,  this  disagreement 
must  be  reconciled  in  some  way,  and  the  action 
of  the  House  should  i)e  taken  at  an  early  day  in 
order  to  secure  some  amendments,  which  all  par- 
ties agree  ou^ht  to  be  made. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire  to 
inquire  if  we  are  to  liave  an  evening  session  to- 
day ? 

The  SPEAKER.  There  will  be,  this  evening 
and  every  otherevening  unless  otherwise  ordered ; 
but  a  motion  to  adjourn  would  adjourn  the  House 
over  until  Monday.  If  the  hour  of  four  and  a 
half  arrives  withoutany  such  motion  being  made, 
the  House  will  tiien  lake  a  recess  until  half  past 
seven  o'clock  this  evening. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  oflllinois.  I  trust  gen- 
tlemen will  withdraw  their  objection  and  let  this 
matter  go  over. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  withdraw  my 
motion. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  to 
postpone  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  until  next  Tues- 
day. 

Mr.  McBRIDE.  If  the  motion  to  postpone  is 
vo<ed  down,  will  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs 
be  entitled  to  have  this  evening  session  ? 

The  SPEAKER.  No  order  of  that  kind  has 
yet  been  made  by  the  House. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  would  inquire  what  will  be 
the  situation  of  this  bill  if  the  motion  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois  prevails.' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will  be  postponed  until 
the  lime  indicated — next  Tuesday  in  the  morn- 


ing hour,  which  will  occur  in  the  evening  if  there 
is  an  evening  session.  If  there  be  no  evening  ses- 
sion, tlu'ie  will  be  no  nnirning  hour,  as  the  whole 
day  is  set  apart  for  other  business. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  now  ask  (hat,  by  unani- 
mous consent,  there  be  an  evening  session  on 
Tuesday. 

Mr.  BROOKS."     Is  that  question  debatable.' 

The  SPEAKER.     U  is  n«it. 

Mr.  BPiOOKS.  1  am  sorry,  because  I  was  go- 
ing to  say,  if  it  was  in  order,  that  I  hope  we  shall 
have  no  more  evening  sessions.  We  have  too 
much  time  already,  and  I  du  not  think  there  will 
be  an  acre  of  the  public  lands  left  if  we  have 
many  evening;  sessions. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  evening  session  is  for 
the  consideraiion  of  this  particular  matter. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  question  is,  "Shall 
there  be  an  evening  session  on  Tuesday  for  the 
consideration  of  the  Pacific  railroad  bill  and  noth- 
ing else.'" 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  If  unanimous 
consent  should  be  given  now  for  an  evening  ses- 
sion on  Tuesday,  could  not  a  majority  adjourn 
over  on  Tuesday .' 

The  SPEAKER.  There  must  be  an  evening 
session  if  ordered  by  unanimous  const'nt.  If  a 
motion  to  adjourn  should  be  made  Tuesday  after- 
noon and  prevail,  the  I-Iou.'3e  would  adjourn  to 
Tuesday  night,  to  the  hour  which,  by  unanimous 
consent,  had  been  fixed  for  an  evening  session. 

No  objection  being  made,  it  was  ordered  that 
an  evening  session  should  be  held  on  Tuesday 
eveniiiij  next. 

Mr.  PPilCE.  Now  I  hope  the  motion  to  post- 
pone will  not  prevail. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  demand 
the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  was  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under 
the  operation  thereof  the  motion  to  postpone  was 
agreed  to. 

MESSAGli  laiOM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
their  Secretary,  informed  the  House  that  the 
Senate  have  agreed  to  the  bill  of  the  House  au- 
thorizing the  Postmaster  General  to  extend  the 
contract  for  the  overland  mail  route,  with  amend- 
ments; in  which  the  concurrence  of  the  House 
was  requested. 

EFFICIENCY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Mr.  RiCE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs,  reported  back  without 
amendment,  and  with  a  recommendation  that  it 
do  pass,  an  act  (S.  No.  253)  to  amend  the  act  of 
21st  December,  1861,  entitled  "An  act  further  to 
promote  the  efficiency  of  the  Navy." 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading;  and  it 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

NAVY-YARD  CLERKS. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs,  reported  back,  with  a 
recommendation  that  it  do  pass,  joint  resolution 
of  the  Senate  (No.  44)  for  the  relief  of  clerks  at  the 
Kittery  and  Philadelphia  navy-yards. 

The  resolution  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading; 
and  it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and 
passed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  joint  resolution  was 
passed ;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider upon  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

GRADE  OF  NATY  OFFICERS. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  same 
committee,  reported  back  bill  of  the  Senate  No. 
270,  to  amend  anactenfitled  "vVn  act  to  establish 
and  equalize  the  grade  of  line  officers  of  the  United 
States  Navy,"  approved  .July  16,  1862. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading;  and  it 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on 
the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

WARUANT  OFFICERS  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  same 
cornmitlecj  reported  back,  with  an  amendment  in 
the  nature  of  a  substitute,  House  bill  No.  470,  to 


authorize  assimilated  rank  to  be  given  to  tlie 
warrant  officers  of  the  United  States  Navy,  and 
for  other  purposes. 

The  substitute  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  as  amended  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  lime, 
and  passed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  PRIZE  CASES. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  same 
committee,  reported  back,  with  sundry  amend- 
ments, Ijill  of  the  House  No.  446,  to  regulate  prize 
proceedings  and  the  distribution  of  prize  money, 
and  f(n'  other  purposes. 

The  amendments  reported  by  the  Committee 
on  Naval  Affairs  were  agreed  to. 

Tlie  bill  was  then  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and 
read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was  ac- 
cordingly read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  the  pre- 
vious question  fni  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered;  and  under  the  operation 
thereof  the  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  upon 
the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

TOTES  RECORDED. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  ask  permission  of  the 
House  to  record  my  vote  in  two  cases  this  morn- 
ing. I  wish  to  record  my  vote  in  favor  of  the 
bill  providing  for  commissioners  to  take  proofs 
in  cases  of  claims  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  for  losses  occasioned  by  the  Gov- 
ernment,and  I  wish  also  to  record  my  vote  against 
the  bill  chartering  the  Metropolitan  Railroad  Com- 
pany. 

No  objection  was  made,  and  Mr.  Mallohy  re-   , 
corded  his  votes  as  above  indicated.       ' 

Mr.  ROLLINS,  of  Missouri.  I  ask  the  priv- 
ilege of  recording  my  vote  on  the  same  questions 
as  those  namrd  by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky, 
[Mr.  Mallory,]  and  in  the  same  way. 

No  ol)jeciion  was  made. 

Mr.  ROLLINS,  of  Missouri,  then  recorded  his 
vote  in  favor  of  the  rebellion  losses  bill,  and 
against  the  Metropolitan  railroad  bill. 

'Mr.  J.  W.  WHITE  asked  and  obtained  leave 
to  record  his  vote  in  the  affirmative  on  the  bill  in 
reference  to  rebellion  losses. 

Mr.  SLOAN  asked  and  obtained  leave  to  re- 
cord his  vote  in  the  negative  on  the  same  bill. 

THE  FORT  PILLOW  MASSACRE. 

Mr.  HOTCHKISS  asked  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  Flouse  to  offer  the  following  resolu- 
tion: 

liesolvcil,  Tliat  tlicre  be  printed  for  the  usp  of  the  mcm- 
l)ers  of  tlii.s  House,  ill  addition  to  the  copies  already  or- 
dered, Olio  liuudred  and  sixty  tliouisaiid  copies  of  the  report 
of  the  coiiniiittee  on  tlie  conductor  the  warrelative  to  the 
Foit  Pillow  massacre  and  the  cruelties  inflicted  upon  our 
soldiers  while  In  the  hands  of  the  enemy  as  prisoners  of 
war. 

Mr.   JOHNSON,  of  Pennsylvania,  objected. 
NAVAL  CONSTRUCTORS. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs,  reportedabill  to  author- 
ize the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  provide  tor  the 
education  of  naval  constructors  and  steam  en- 
gineers, and  for  other  purposes;  which  was  read 
a  first  and  second  time. 

The  bill  was  then  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and 
read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was 
accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  upon 
the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

VOTES  RECORDED. 

Mr.  DEMING  asked  and  obtained  unanimous 
consent  to  have  his  vote  recorded  on  the  passage 
of  the  bill  repealing  the  fugitive  slave  law.  He 
voted  "  ay." 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3081 


Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Pennsylvania,  asked  and 
obtained  a  like  privilege.     He  voted  "  no." 

Mr.  McBRIDE  asked  and  obtained  a  like  privi- 
lege.    He  voted  "ay." 

Mr.  ROLLINS,  of  New  Hampshire,  asked 
and  obtained  a  like  privilege.  He  voted  "ay." 
He  also  voted  "ay"  on  the  Senate  resolution  to 
amend  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  asked  and 
obtained  a  like  privilege.  He  voted  "  no." 
CONTRACT  FOB  IRON-CLADS. 
Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs,  reported  a  joint  resolu- 
tion authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to 
amend  the  contract  with  John  Ericsson  for  the 
construction  of  two  impregnable  jfioating  batteries, 
the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan. 

The  joint  resolution,  which  was  read  a  first  and 
second  time,  is  as  follows: 

Wlicrcas  the  Niivy  Department  on  ttie  28lh  day  of  July, 
1862,  oiitrrwd  iiiti)  contract  Willi  Captain  Jolni  BrlcssoM, 
oltlio  city  of  New  York,  for  tlie  con.struclion  of  two  im- 
pregnable floating  batteries,  tlie  Dictator  and  tlie  Puritan  ; 
and  wliercas  experience  witli  a  similar  class  of  vessels  in 
actual  conflict  and  during  a  varird  service  of  more  than 
two  yi'ars  has  deinonsiratcd  that  [nany  improvements  could 
lie  made  to  render  iheni  more  complete  and  efficient  as  ves- 
sels of  war ;  and  whereas  these  ijiiprovements  have  added 
largely  to  the  costof  constrnction  of  cacli  of  these  vessels, 
rendering  it  impossible  for  the  eontractorto  complete  tliem 
under  exi-ling  arrangements  ;  and  whereas  it  is  of  the  ut- 
most iuipnrtaiice  to  the  honor  and  interests  of  the  country 
lliat  Ihey  should  be  finished  and  ready  for  service  at  the 
earli(^st  moment :  Therefore, 

Resolved  hy  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  Slates  of  America,  That  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  be,  and  lie  is  liereby,  authorized  to  amend  tlie  ex- 
isting contract  for  tlie  construction  of  these  vessels  so  far 
'as  it  relates  to  the  Puritan,  and  to  appoint  a  competent 
board  to  ascertain  the  present  value,  as  far  as  completed, 
of  that  vessel,  and  of  the  material  on  hand  deemed  actually 
necessary  to  her  construction,  and  to  pay  to  Captain  John 
Ericsson,  tlie  contractor,  the  amount  of  valuation  so  as- 
certained, deducting  therefrom  any  sums  already  advanced 
toward  tlia  completion  of  said  vessel;  and  that  upon  said 
payment  b(;ing  made  by  tlie  Secretary  of  the  Navy  the 
rights  of  the  contractor  to  said  vessel  and  material  or  any 
portion  thereof  shall  cease  and  be  vested  wliolly  and  abso- 
lutely ill  the  United  States,  which  shall  thencefortli  pro- 
ceed to  complete  said  vessel  under  such  arrangements  as 
may  be  deemed  most  advantageous:  Provided,  however, 
That  nothing  herein  contained  shall  in  any  manner  affect 
the  contract  for  the  construction  of  the  Dictator,  which 
shall  be  completed  by  said  contractor  upon  the  same  terms 
and  conditions  as  if  this  resolution  had  not  been  passed  : 
^nd  jiroiidcd  further.  That  no  action  shall  be  had  under 
this  resolution  until  said  contractor  shall  liave  signified  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  writing  his  acceptance  of  its 
provisions,  and  his  willingness  to  superintend  to  completion 
the  cmislruetion  of  the  Puritan :  Provided  further.  That 
this  resolution  shall  not  take  effect  until  the  completion 
and  delivery  of  the  Dictator:  Proiided,  also.  That  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Nijvy,  in  carrying  this 
resolution  into  execution,  to  apportion  and  apply  to  the 
Dictator  a  payment  for  that  vessid  only  such  portion  oftlic 
gross  contract  price  of  ^-2,300,000  for  the  Dictatorand  Puri- 
tan, as  the  Dictator  would  justly  be  entitled  to,  if  both 
vessels  had  been  ennipleted  at  the  price  and  in  the  mode  of 
construction  specified  in  the  contract,  special  reference 
being  liad  to  the  ditTerence  in  cost  between  the  two  ves- 
sels arising  in  the  difference  of  their  construction  provided 
for  in  this  act. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  will  make  an  ex- 
planation of  this  act. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Speaker, 
the  joint  resolution,  as  the  House  will  see,  in- 
volves a  relief  for  Captain  John  Ericsson,  v/ho 
presents  a  memorial  for  relief  from  the  terms  of 
jiis  contract  for  building  the  iron-clad  monitors 
Dictator  and  Puritan.  The  reputation  of  Mr. 
Ericsson  as  a  scientific  engineer,  and  the  great 
benefit  that  he  has  conferred  on  the  country  in 
the  invention  of  an  entirely  new  class  of  naval 
vessels,  are  too  well  known  to  require  any  recital 
liere. 

The  House  is  perfectly  familiar  with  the  re- 
markable encounter  of  one  of  his  vessels,  the 
original  Monitor,  with  the  Merrimacai  Hampton 
Roads,  in  the  early  part  of  1862,  also  with  the 
recent  encounter  between  the  Weehav/ken,  an- 
other of  his  vessels,  and  the  Atlanta. 

At  a  sub.sequent  period,  after  the  experiments 
made  with  the  original  monitors,  it  became  evi- 
dent to  the  Navy  Department,  to  engineers,  and 
to  the  country,  that  it  was  expedient,  especially 
for  purposes  of  harbor  defense,  that  alargernum- 
ber  of  vessels  of  this  class  should  be  built.  Mr. 
Ericsson  entered  into  a  contract  with  the  Navy 
■  Departmentfor  the  construction  of  two  large-class 
monitors,  having  a  tonnage  of  about  three  thou- 
sand tons  each,  to  be  guarantied  a  speed  of  six- 
teen knot.s  an  hour,  and  to  be  in  all  respects  the 
most  formidable  vessels  of  the  class   up  to  this 


time  constructed.  Of  course  very  little  experience 
had  been  had  in  this  country  at  that  time  in  build- 
ing vessels  of  this  class.  There  were  very  few 
valuable  results  of  experience  to  be  derived  from 
other  countries.  The  contract  for  the  two  vessels 
was  common  to  both.  The  price  to  be  paid  for 
both  was  j^2, 300,000.  They  were  to  be  alike,  ex- 
cept that  the  Puritan  was  to  be  about  thirty  feet 
longer  than  the  Dictator,  and  was  to  have  two 
turrets,  while  the  Dictator  was  to  have  but  one. 
Excepting  in  these  particulars  the  ships  were  to 
be  exactly  alike. 

Mr.  Ericsson  entered  on  the  execution  6f  his 
contract.  Butfrom  time  to  time  various  impi-ove- 
ments  were  suggested,  either  through  the  invent- 
ive genius  of  the  country,  through  the  experience 
of  our  own  people  in  the  use  of  naval  vessels  of 
this  kind,  and  also  from  the  experience  of  France 
and  England,  which  countries  had  embarked 
somewhatextensively  in  the  building  of  monitors. 
It  was,  of  course,  desirable  that  vessels  involving 
sucn  great  expense,  and  on  which  such  great  in- 
terests depended,  should  embody  all  perfections 
and  improvements.  The  incorporation  of  such 
improvements  has  delayed  the  construction  of 
these  vessels.  In  the  mean  time  there  has  been, 
as  everybody  knows,  an  advance  in  the  cost  of 
labor  and  material,  which  has  increased  the  cost 
of  making  these  alterations. 

The  contract  does  not  call  for  the  appropriation 
of  a  specific  sum  of  money  for  the  relief  of  the 
contractors  for  the  building  of  these  vessels.  But 
the  proposition  involved  in  the  resolution,  as 
those  gentlemen  v/ho  have  given  attention  to  it 
will  perceive,  is  thatthe  Dictator,  which  is  nearly 
completed,  shall  be  immediately  completed  with- 
out any  dela}^,  and  vi^iihout  any  additional  cost 
tp  the  Government;  and  that  the  proportion  of 
the  |2,300,000  which  belongs  to  the  Dictator,  as 
the  smaller  of  the  two  vessels,  shall  be  paid  on 
her  completion.  It  then  provides  thatthe  Puritan 
shall  be  surveyed  under  the  direction  of  the  Navy 
Department,  shall  be  taken  into  account  and  a 
valuation  placed  upon  her  in  her  present  condi- 
tion, paid  for  at  that  valuation,  the  Government 
then  to  go  on  and  finish  the  vessel  itself,  on  its 
own  plan,  with  as  much  economy  as  possible. 
That,  I  believe,  is  a  fair  statement  of  the  ques- 
tions and  facts  involved  in  this  joint  resolution. 
Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  have  heard 
the  statement  of  my  friend,  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  in  regard  to  this 
joint  resolution  which  has  been  introduced  here 
this  morning,  I  believe,  for  the  first  time. 

He  has  paid  a  glowing,  and  I  have  no  doubt 
deserved  tribute  to  the  genius,  and  I  may  say  patri- 
otism of  Captain  Ericsson,  who  has  perhaps  con- 
ferred a  great  benefit  upon  the  country  by  his  in- 
vention, and  it  may  be  that  my  heart  might  pos- 
sibly soften  so  far  as  to  vote  him  something  if 
presented  in  a  separate  bill  for  that  purpose.  But 
I  have  not  been  able  to  see  the  propriety  of  mak- 
ing him  the  compensation  which  he  desires  pre- 
cisely in  this  way. 

This  proposition,  as  I  understand  it,  from  the 
reading  of  the  resolution  itself  as  well  as  from  the 
explanation  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts, the  chairiiian  of  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  "  simmers  down"  to  about  this:  Cap- 
tain Ericsson  made  a  contract  with  the  Govern- 
metit  voluntarily,  for  the  building  of  two  certain 
vessels,  wliich  have  been  named  the  Puritan  and 
Dictator  —  very  good  names,  particularly  the 
former,  as  I  came  from  that  sort  of  stock  myself; 
and  1  like  the  name  of  the  Dictator  also,  for  1 
trust  she  will  be  able  to  dictate  terms  to  the  rebels 
and  to  all  others  who  are  against  us. 

Well,  sir,  this  contract  having  been  made,  as 
it  appears,  for  the  construction  of  these  two  ves- 
sels, the  party  making  it  now  cornes  forward 
and  asks  that  the  terms  of  it  may  be  materially 
changed,  or,  in  fact,  I  may  say  that  the  whole 
contract  for  this  one  vessel  is  proposed  to  be  ab- 
rogated, which,  as  I  understand,  v/ill  enable  the 
contractor  to  build  the  other  without  loss.  It 
all,  as  it  seems  to  me,  amounts  to  just  this:  that 
this  man,  Captain  Ericsson,  says  he  has  made  a 
bad  bargain,  and  that  he  cannotcornply  v/ith  his 
contract  without  losing  money.  He  therefore 
asks  us  to  come  in  and  relieve  him  to  this  extent. 
Now,  I  beg  to  say  that  I  am  utterly  opposed  to 
this  manner  of  relieving  the  Government  contract- 
ors. There  have  been  a  great  many  contracts 
during  the  progress  of  this  war;  there  1ms  been  a 


greatdealof  money  made  by  contractors  out  of  the 
Government.  I  believe  I  remarked  this  morning 
to  a  gentleman  that  there  had  been  money  enough 
made  by  them  to  fill  this  Hall  v/ith  greenbacks. 
We  have  seen  the  effect  of  the  money  which 
has  been  made  by  these  contractors  in  too  many 
filaces — in  the  shoddy  operations  which  are  every- 
where visible;  but  in  all  the  vast  amount  of  money 
which  has  been  so  made  I  have  never  known  , 
any  contractor  offer  to  refund  any  money  to  the 
Government  in  consequence  of  a  good  contract. 
Whenever  any  one  of  them,  however,  alleges  that 
he  has  lost  money,  he  comes  in  here  and  asks  us  to 
make  up  to  him  the  amount  he  expected  to  realize 
from  the  contract. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Will  the  gentleman  allow 
me  to  ask  a  question,  for  I  desire  to  understand 
the  merits  of  this  bill.'  I  understand  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts  to  state  that  a  contract 
was  made  with  Captain  Ericsson  for  the  construc- 
tion of  both  of  these  vessels,  butCaptain  Ericsson 
found  it  impossible  to  comply  with  his  contract 
because  of  interference  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Now,  I  ask  whether  when  a  contract  with 
such  a  man  as  Ericsson  is  interfered  with  by 
the  Government  the  Government  is  not  bound  to 
make  his  losses  good  in  consequence  of  such  in- 
terference ? 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  As  I  under- 
stand, in  regard  to  that  matter,  the  Government, 
under  the. conditions  of  the  contract  which  it  made 
with  Captain  Ericsson,  had  the  right  to  make 
certain  changes,  that  the  Government  made  those 
changes,  and  granted  allowances  to  Captain  Er- 
icsson, which  were  deemed  proper.  These  I  un- 
derstand to  be  the  facts;  and  thatthe  Government 
has  faithfully  cari'ied  out  its  part  of  the  contract 
which  Captain  Ericsson  deliberately  entered  into. 
If  I  am  not  right  1  desire  the  gentleman  to  cor- 
rect me,  for  1  have  no  intention  to  do  Captain 
Ericsson  injustice. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  The  Govern- 
ment has  made  allowance  for  some  of  the  altera- 
tions which  have  been  made  by  Captain  Ericsson 
in  these  vessels.  My  friend  from  Illinois  will 
allow  me,  I  hope,  to  make  a  suggestion,  and  that 
is,  not  to  involve  this  resolution,  in  which  hon- 
orable parties  are  concerned,  in  any  connection 
with  contracts  of  a  disreinttable  character,  like 
those  to  wliich  he  has  alluded.  1  am  sure  he  does 
not  mean  to  apply  the  language  which  he  has  ut- 
tered to  the  particular  contract  now  under  con- 
sideration. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  was  merely 
illustrating  the  fact  that  when  these  contractors 
make  vast  sums  of  money  they  never  divide  with 
the  Government,  but  keep  every  dollar,  hovvever 
enormous  may  be  their  profits.  But  when  they 
lose,  be  it  ever  so  little,  they  ask  us  to  absolve 
them  and  to  make  their lossesgood.  Now,l  do 
not  forget  the  bill  that  went  through  last  Con- 
gress and  which  1  resisted,  but  in  vain.  It  was 
lor  the  relief  of  large  contractors,  who,  as  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  said,  had  made  a 
bad  bargain  with  the  Government — that  the  arti- 
cles which  they  had  contracted  to  furnish  had 
risen  in  prii;e  very  much,  and  that  they  could  not 
furnish  them  without  a  great  loss.  They  had 
made  a  contract  with  the  Government  and  1 
thought  they  ought  to  stand  by  it.  Bat  they  came 
and  asked  us  for  relief,  and,  I  am  sorry  to  say, 
they  obtained  it.  1  resisted  that  application  then 
upon  precisely  the  same  ground  that  I  now  resist 
this  one. 

But,  sir,  I  do  not  mean  to  go  into  any  lengthy 
argument  on  the  subject.  Mr.  Ericsson  made  a 
contract  with  the  Government,  fairly  and  satis- 
factorily, to  build  these  vessels  of  war.  The 
Government,  as  I  understand,  reserved  to  itself 
in  that  contract  the  right  to  make  alterations. 
It  has  made  those  alterations,  and  has  given  to 
Mr.  Ericsson  all  that  it  believed  he  is  entitled 
to.  But  Mr.  Ericsson  is  not  satisfied  with  that, 
and  comes  liere  and  asks  to  be  relieved  in  the 
manner  specified. 

Mr.  THAYER.  Does  the  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois suppose  that  the  Puritan  can  be  finished  in 
the  time  specified.'  \ 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  she  is 
not  finished  by  Captain  Ericsson,  tlien  let  the 
Government  come  upon  his  sureties  for  the  dam- 
age done  by  his  failure  to  fulfill  the  contract. 
He  has  given  surety,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
Guvenimunt  to  exact  sureties,  full  and  ample, 


/ 


3082 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


and  if  the  terms  of  the  contract  be  not  complied 
with  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  institute 
proceedings  ae;ai(ist  these  parties. 

Mr.  THAYER.  It  may  or  may  not  be  that 
the  United  States  may  be  successful  in  such  a  law- 
suit; but  the  point  I  wish  to  suggest  to  the  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois  is  whetherit  is  not  of  greater 
importance  that  the  Government  should  iiave  the 
euily  use  of  tliese  ships  than  to  enter  into  a  doubt- 
ful hxwsnit  witli  Captain  Ericsson. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Does  my 
friend  from  Pennsylvania  propose,  in  tliis  and 
all  other  like  cases,  to  allow  parties  who  make 
contracts  with  the  Government  go  scot-free  when 
they  say  that  tiiey  cannot  go  forward  with  their 
contracts,  and  pay  them  whatever  they  demand.' 
Are  these  men  to  come  here  after  failing  to  fulfill 
their  contracts,  and  to  declare  thjit  they  will  not 
fulfill  them,  and  that  unless  we  vote  them  an  ap- 
propriation we  cannot  have  these  vessels.'  Why, 
sir,  it  would  never  do  for  this  House  to  yield  to 
*      such  a  principle,  as  my  friend  suggests. 

Mr.  KELLEY.  Abstractly  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois  is  right,  that  the  principle  is  not  a 
good  one;  but  it  is  a  fact  that  something  must  be 
done,  or  the  Puritan  and  Dictator  will  remain 
unfinished.  Nothing,  sir,  that  has  come  before 
the  Naval  Committee  has  been  more  carefully 
scrutinized  than  this;  and  they  have  arrived  at 
the  judgment,  after  mature  deliberation,  that  the 
interests  of  the  country  require  something  to  be 
done. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Then,  ac- 
cording to  that,  the  Government  is  in  the  hands 
of  this  contractor. 

Mr.  KELLEY.  There  is  no  other  contractor 
building  such  vessels  as  these.  There  is  no  other 
man  in  the  country  who  will  undertake  to-day  to 
build  these  vessels  for  fifty  per  cent,  more  than 
Captain  Ericsson  will  get  under  this  contract. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  But  Mr. 
Ericsson  has  contracted  to  build  these  vessels, 
and  has  given  security  for  the  faithful  execution 
of  that  contract. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  understand, 
Mr.  Speaker,  that  Mr.  Ericsson  has  already  ex- 
hausted the  amount  appropriated  for  building 
these  vessels,  and  that  he  and  his  sureties  have 
expended  some  six  or  seven  hundred  thousand 
dollars  besides. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinojs.  That  is  their 
misfortune.  Those  wcrematters  which  they  were 
bound  to  take  into  consideration  when  they  made 
the  contract.  If  my  friend  from  Massachusetts 
should  make  a  contract  for  performing  a  certain 
thing  and  he  becomes  a  loser  thereby  he  does  not 
go  whining  around  to  be  relieved  from  the  eft'ect 
of  his  own  act;  but  he  comes  up  and  stands  to  his 
contract  like  a  man. 

Mr.  PIKE.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois  wants 
to  discuss  this  matter  fairly. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.     I  do. 
Mr.  PIKE.      I  wish  to  make  one  suggestion. 
The  Department  has  directed  some  alterations  to 
be  made  in  these  vessels. 

,     Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  understand 
that. 

Mr.  PIKE.  The  Government  has  paid  for 
those  alterations  at  their  cost. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  According  to 
the  contract  and  in  the  manner  stipulated  in  the 
contract. 

Mr.  PIKE.  But  in  making  them  a  large  de- 
lay was  occasioned  in  building  the  vessels,  so 
that  instead  of  costing  $2,300,000  according  to  the 
contract,  the  cost  has  been  very  largely  enhanced 
by  the  increased  price  of  labor  and  materials. 
This  delay  was  occasioned  in  a  great  degree  by 
the  alterations  made  in  the  vessels. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Was  not 
the  possible  delay  occasioned  by  alterations  per- 
fectly understood  by  the  parties.'  They  agreed 
that  alterations  might  be  made. 

Mr.  PIKE.  Tlie  gentleman  from  Illinois  does 
not  understand  the  contract  as  I  do. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     Does  not  the  Government 
.   always  reserve  the  right  to  direct  alterations,  by 
paying  the  cost.' 

Mr.  PIKE.  It  is  not  so,  so  far  as  I  have  ex- 
amined contracts.  I  think  it  is  not  so  in  this 
case.  (  will  state  the  contract  as  I  understand 
it,  and  the  proceedings  under  it. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Of  course 
the  committee  before  they  made  the  re|)ort  had 


the  contract  before  them.     That  becomes  a  ma- 
terial matter. 

Mr.  PIKE.  The  facts  are  these:  there  is  no 
provision  in  the  contract  for  alterations.  Mr. 
Ericsson  himself  was  desirous  of  producing  the 
most  perfect  thing  possible.  He  consequently 
assented  to  alterations  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing about  that  result.  Those  alterations,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  want  of  experience  in  building  iron- 
clads both  in  this  and  foreign  countries,  were  very 
extensive.  That  caused  great  delay,  and  although 
the  Government  may  have  paid  the  cost  of  a  spe- 
cific alteration,  still  the  delay  enhanced  the  cost 
so  much  that  Captain  Ericsson  is  a  very  large 
loser,  and  he  should  be  equitably  compensated  by 
the  Government. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  ask  my 
friend  if  the  Government  has  not  compensated 
him  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  contract. 
L  certainly  understood  that. 

Mr.  PIKE.     I  do  not  so  understand  it. 

Mr.  NELSON.  I  would  inquire  whether  we 
could  not  heal  up  the  injury  by  granting  to  these 
contractors  a  few  millions  of  public  land.' 

Mr.  PIKE.  1  am  not  in  the  land  business  and 
cannot  answer. 

Mr.  NELSON.  We  have  been  in  it  so  ex- 
tensively we  might  keep  it  up  a  little  while  longer. 
When  Ericsson  made  the  contract  he  undoubt- 
edly thought  he  should  make  money,  but,  as  he 
has  not  done  so,  perhaps  a  few  million  acres  of 
land,  and  a  few  bonds  thrown  in,  will  heal- the 
injury. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  was  try- 
ing to  get  some  information  in  regard  to  the  na- 
ture of  this  contract.  I  supposed  the  committee 
had  the  contract  Ericsson  made  with  the  Gov- 
ernment and  would  produce  it  to  the  House  be- 
fore they  would  ask  them  to  act  upon  this  sub- 
ject. I  desire  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs  to  state  what  the  contract  is. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  have  not  the 
contract  here. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  understood 
my  friend  from  Massachusetts  to  admit  that  the 
right  was  reserved  in  the  contract  to  make  these 
alterations,  upon  the  Government  paying  a  just 
compensation. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  Thatisnotthe 
question  he  put  to  me.  What  I  understood  hirn 
to  ask  me  was  whether  the  Government  had  made 
any  allowance  for  the  alterations,  and  I  answered 
that  they  had;  and  such  is  the  fact. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  the  Gov- 
ernment has  made  an  allowance  they  must  have 
made  it  under  the  contract.  They  could  not  have 
made  it  unless  there  was  a  contract  for  it.  These 
are  the  considerations  which  liave  induced  me  to 
question  very  much  the  propriety  of  passing  this 
bill. 

Mr.  MOORHEAD.  I  wish  to  ask  the  gentle- 
man from  Illinois  if,  since  the  time  this  contract 
was  made,  the  prices  of  material  and  the  rates  of 
labor  have  not  advanced  more  than  a  hundred  per 
cent. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  That  may 
be;  but  that  is  a  matter  which  a  party  who  bids 
for  contracts  is  bound  to  take  into  consideration. 
Suppose  materials  had  depreciated  a  hundred  per 
cent.,  would  Mr.  Ericsson  have  come  forward 
and  returned  anything  to  the  Government.' 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  understand  this  propo- 
sition is  to  allow  Mr.  Ericsson  something  on  ac- 
count of  the  increased  prices  of  materials. 

Mr.WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Yes;  thatis  it. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  Well,  sir,  if  we  allow  to 
him  we  ought  in  justice  to  make  the  same  allow- 
ance to  all  who  have  contracts  with  the  Govern- 
ment for  the  manufacture  of  engines  or  the  build- 
ing of  ships.  Others  are  justas  much  entitled  to 
it  as  Mr.  Ericsson. 

Mr.  PIKE.     I  send  to  the  Clerk's  desk  a  let- 
ter from   Mr.  Ericsson,  part  of  which    I  ask  to 
have  read.  It  is  dated  New  York,  June  12, 1864. 
The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

"Sir:  Tlie  honorable  Secrntary  of  the  Navy  in  liir;  reply 
to  your  coininuiiicatioi)  of  tlie  20tli  ot'IVIay,  requesting  the 
views  ut'the  Dcparunent  on  the  subject  of  my  petition  lor 
atlilitional  allowance  on  the  contract  for  constiuctiiig  the 
Diciator  and  Piuiian,  has  been  pleased  to  rccomninui 
my  caso  to  the  favorable  c(nisideratioii  of  Congress ;  hut 
the  hunoiahle  Secretary  in  his  zeal  to  cuitail  tin;  cxpcndi- 
tnre  of  the  Dcpartnieiit  lias  not  been  so  lilicral  in  paying  for 
e.ttia  Work  as  his  conirnuuicatioii  would  indicate,  for  not- 
withstanding the  positive  reconimendation  of  Admiral 
Gregory  to  pay  the  whole  amount  claimed,  and  notwith- 


standing the  award  in  my  favor  of  two  separate  boards  of 
naval  olhccrs  and  eiigini'crs,  niori!  than  one  third  of  the 
work  I'luimerated  in  my  supplemental  specification  for  ex- 
tra work  has  been  ruird  out  by  the  Depaitiiicnt  under  the 
assumption,  most  ernnieons  in  my  humble  0|)iiiioii,  tliiu  it 
formed  part  of  the  contract.  Nor  is  this  all,  fiu'  the  prices 
in  my  supplGmental  specification  wore  fixed  a  year  a;;o, 
since  which  an  increase  of  tliirty  per  cent,  on  labor  and 
materials  lias  taken  place.  Again,  the  payment  of  tliH  dil'- 
fcrciice  of  eight  ajid  one  third  per  cent,  ot'  the  reservation 
which  the  honorable  Secretary  promises  when  the  work  on 
the  Puritan  shall  have  advanced  as  far  as  the  Diciator, 
namely,  when  the  vessel  is  nearly  ready  for  trial,  will  conic, 
too  late.  But  the  frank  statement  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  '  that  the  memorialist  and  his  associates  or  sub-con- 
tractors are  liable  and  lil'.ely  to  sustain  a  loss  on  the  vast 
expenditures  that  have  been  made  under  the  oriL'iiial  con- 
tract is  not  questioned,'  together  with  his  forcible  remark 
that  'the  work  vvasiiovel,unanticipateddelays  intervened, 
great  changes  have  taken  place  in  our  monetary  concerii.s, 
affecting  prices  and  cv(^ry  business  interest.'  These  state- 
ments of  the  honorable  Secretary  vi'ould  appear  to  be  all- 
sufficient  to  entitle  me  to  favorable  consideration,  (/on- 
gress,  I  feel  confident,  will  not  refuse  to  grant  relief  in  view 
of  the  peculiar  merits  of  the  case  as  set  forth  by  the  chief 
of  the  Navy  Department." 

Mr.  PIKE.  These  alterations  were  made  by 
the  consent  of  Mr.  Ericsson,  and  many  of  them 
doubtless  at  his  own  suggestion.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  has  taken  the  ground  that  it  would 
be  improper  for  him  as  an  executive  ofiicer  to  do 
anything  more  than  simply  pay  the  cost  of  the 
alterations.  All  the  delay  that  has  been  occa- 
sioned to  the  contractors  and  the  consequent  ex- 
pense in  keeping  up  their  establishments,  and  the 
continually  increasing  price  of  labor  and  materi- 
als, have  not  been  compensated  for  by  the  Navy 
DefiartmerU.  I  believe  the  Department  concurs 
with  the  committee  in  the  belief  that  this  relief 
should  be  accorded  to  these  contractors.  Cer- 
tainly the  House  will  be  willing  to  deal  at  least 
equitably  with  Mr.  Ericsson,  who  has  conferred 
such  great  benefits  on  this  country.  They  will 
not  treat  him  in  a  niggardly  spirit  and  ruin  him 
irretrievably,  simply  because  he  has  introduced 
this  great  naval  improvement  from  which  we  have 
profited  so  immensely.  These  contracts  run  to 
such  great  amount — between  two  and  three  mil- 
lion dollars — that  get  off  the  best  way  he  can, 
Captain  Ericsson  will  suffer  a  large  loss.  The 
proposition  in  relation  to  the  Dictator  is  to  pay 
sinijily  the  contract  price  and  let  him  pocket  the 
loss.  The  proposition  in  relation  to  the  Puritan 
is  that  the  Government  shall  pay  only  what  she 
is  worth,  and  that  is  all  there  is  in  the  resolution. 
It  is  so  fair  and  equitable  that  the  House  cannot 
hesitate  to  adopt  it. 

Mr.  WADS  WORTH.  I  take  the  side  of  the 
Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  in  this  matter,  and, 
I  want  to  say  just  a  word  in  support  of  it.  In 
my  view  of  the  case  the  Government  is  much  to 
blame  for  the  increased  cost  of  the  vessels.  The 
alterations  proposed  by  the  Government  neces- 
sarily occasioned  considerable  delay,  and  during 
that  time  material  and  labor  rose  greatly  in  price. 
The  necessities  of  the  Government  required  heavy 
internal  taxation  and  increase  of  the  tariff,  and 
articles  thus  burdened  rose  in  price.  Thus  the 
expense  was  largely  increased  by  the  delay  ne- 
cessarily resulting  from  the  alterations  required 
by  the  Government  in  the  structure  of  the  ves- 
sels. Nor  must  we  forget  the  great  decline  since 
the  date  of  the  contract  in  the  paper  of  the  Gov- 
ernmentin  which  payment  is  to  be  made,  another 
serious  injury  to  Captain  Ericsson  resulting  from 
the  delay  caused  by  alterations.  I  think  the  cit- 
izen should  suffer  no  injury  from  the  action  of  the 
Government  without  appropriate  redress;  and  to 
be  consistent  I  must  vote  to  indemnify  this  party 
against  this  loss  for  which  the  Government  itself 
is  largely  responsible.  The  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois [Mr.  Washburne]  is  consistent  in  opposing 
this  bill,  for  he  uniformly  opposes  the  payment 
of  losses  to  the  citizen  when  the  Government  has 
directly  occasioned  them.  My  friend,  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  [Mr. 
Rice,]  is  not  quite  consistent  in  advocating  it  in 
view  of  some  other  recent  votes;  but  1  let  that 
pass. 

But,  sir,  I  base  my  advocacy  of  this  bill  upon 
another  ground.  I  do  not  care  whether  the 
Government  by  its  action  occasioned  the  loss  or 
whether  it  arises  from  too  low  a  bid  in  the  first 
instance.  A  great  Government  like  the  United 
States  ought  not  to  suffer  an  injury  to  fall  upon 
a  citizen  like  Captain  Ericsson  while  emjiloyed 
about  its  business.  If  Captain  Ericsson  was  led 
by  a  generous  enthusiasm  for  science  and  uncal- 
CHialin<;  devotion  to  the  cause  of  his  country  to 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


'^083 


o 


undertake  to  perfect  certain  works  of  naval  arch- 
itecture, new  and  difficult,  and  deemed  essential 
to  uphold  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  country 
upon  the  ocean,  and  in  accomplishing  them  has 
been  ruined,  the  Government  to  which  ho  has  de- 
voted liis genius,  labor,  and  means,  owes  it  to  it- 
self to  indenrjnify  him.  Sir,  this  is  not  to  be 
likened  to  the  case  of  an  ordinary  contract,  where 
fraud  and  cunning  have  secured  an  ample  mar- 
gin; there  is  no  shoddy  in  it;  it  is  the  case  of  a 
patriotic  and  devoted  man,  supposing  that  he 
could  accomplish  certain  results  by  a  certain  out- 
lay, and  in  that  being  grossly  mistaken  to  his 
ruin.  Zeal  for  the  public  service  and  pride  in  his 
noble  conceptions  have  made  him  careless  of  liis 
pecuniary  interest,  and  a  great  Government  ought 
to  be  incapable  of  taking  advantage  of  this  de- 
votion. The  Government  receives  the  avails  of 
his  labor,  the  works  of  his  genius,  and  sends 
them  against  the  foe.  In  a  critical  moment  of 
our  history  the  country  was  saved  by  the  genius 
of  this  man.  For  this  she  owes  him  a  debt  of 
gratitude  which  no  sum  of  money  can  ever  re- 
pay. When  our  fleets  and  the  capital  itself  were 
threatened  by  the  success  of  that  monster,  the 
Merrimac,  this  man's  genius,  like  a  divine  inspi- 
ration, steps  in  and  saves  us.  I  should  tremble 
for  the  result  if  the  Dictator  and  Puritan  went  into 
battle  with  tiieruin  of  Ericsson  engraved  on  their 
armor.  I  do  not  know  how  a  Government  like 
ours  could  consent  to  ruin  a  man  like  this  be- 
cause he  miscalculates  the  cost  of  great  works, 
whose  originality  and  novelty  might  easily  dis- 
appoint the  public  estimates  of  the  greediest  con- 
tra c  tor. 

If  I  understand  the  proposition  of  the  commit- 
tee, ilis  to  putone  vessel  on  the  hands  of  Ericsson 
an<l  his  sureties  at  whatever  loss  it  may  net.  In  the 
other  case  the  )iroposilion  simply  is  to  take  the 
vessel  at  what  it  has  cost  this  public-spirited  cit- 
izen. Sir,  I  could  go  further  than  that,  and  in- 
demnify him  as  to  both  vessels  against  any  loss. 
Captain  Ericsson  is  not  that  description  of  man 
who  is  likely  to  flourish  by  contracts.  He  does 
not  l)elong  to  that  venal  crop  of  plunderers  that 
have  made  a  merchandise  of  the  tears  and  blood 
of  a  nation,  and  now  bear  "  the  cost  of  princes 
on  unworthy  shoulders."  He  belongs  rather  to 
that  notable  and  noble  class  of  men  who  in  all 
ages  have  seen  great  nations  flourish  by  the  dis- 
coveries to  which  their  genius  gave  birth,  while 
themselves  linger  outa  life  of  poverty  and  neglect. 
I  hope  our  country  will  make  a  distinction  in  his 
case,  and  take  care  that  he  suffers  no  loss  what- 
ever through  his  devotion  to  the  public  service, 
but  rather  that  his  patriot  labors  do  not  go  unre- 
warded. He  has  a  claim  to  a  generous  recogni- 
tion of  his  services  at  the  hands  of  the  national 
Legislature,  and  I,  for  one,  am  prepared  to  give 
it  to  him. 

Mr.  LE  BLOND.  I  wish  to  ask  the  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky  if  there  is  any  controversy 
in  regard  to  Captain  Ericsson  having  sustained 
this  loss. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.  i  understand  from  the 
report  of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Afiairs  that  he  sustained  a  serious  loss  in  the  con- 
struction of  both  vessels;  that  he  and  his  sureties 
are  willing  to  shoulder  the  loss  on  the  Dictator, 
and  only  ask  to  be  indemnified  by  the  Government 
as  to  the  Puritan. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Speaker,  I 
believe  there  is  no  controversy  or  misunderstand- 
ing between  the  contractor  for  these  vessels  and  the 
Navy  Department.  But  the  amount  involved  is 
so  large  that  the  Department  itself  did  not  feel  au- 
thorized to  assume  it,  and  therefore  referred  the 
consideration  and  decision  of  the  subject  to  Con- 
gress which  controls  the  making  of  contracts  as 
well  as  the  Department  itself.  The  facts  are  sim- 
ply that  Captain  Ericsson  has  given  the  country 
t^e  benefit  of  his  genius  and  years  of  his  labor  and 
industry,  and  the  results  of  his  skill  are  incorpo- 
rated in  these  vessels,  and  have  become  a  partand 
parcel  of  what  the  Government  will  obtain  under 
this  contract. 

I  desire  also  to  remind  the  House  that  no  ap- 
propriation of  money  is  asked  for  here,  but  sim- 
ply a  modification  of  the  terms  of  his  contract, 
so  fur  as  that  the  Dictator,  which  is  nearly  com- 
pleted, shall  be  finished  and  delivered  in  accord- 
ance with  the  terms  of  the  contract;  and  tliat 
the  Puritan  shall  be  taken  by  the  Government  at 
a  valuation  to  be  made  by  a  conimiasion  to  be 


appointed  by  the  Navy  Department  itself,  and 
shall  be  finished  under  its  direction  by  Captain 
Ericsson.  I  believe  the  matter  is  sufficiently  un- 
derstood by  the  House,  and  now  1  move  the 
previous  c|uestion. 

Mr.  ENGLISH.  I  simply  desire  to  know  if 
there  is  any  difference  of  opinion  in  the  Naval 
Committee  in  reference  to  this  question. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  think  there 
is  no  difference  of  opinion  upon  it  in  the  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  ask  the 
gentleman  if  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  has 
had  any  testimony  in  regard  to  the  facts  stated, 
and  whether  such  testimony  has  been  embodied 
in  any  report  that  will  be  printed  and  submitted 
to  the  House.  The  joint  resolution  has  not  been 
printed;  and  yet  we  are  asked  to  pass  it,  without 
either  the  report  or  the  bill  being  printed,  and 
with  nothing  but  the  statement  of  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  will  say  to 
the  gentleman  that  the  Committee  on  Naval  Af- 
fairs had  no  witnesses  before  them,  but  they  had 
documentary  evidence  before  them  which  they 
considered  carefully  and  directed  the  report  to  be 
made  without  a  dissenting  voice.  I  insist  upon 
my  demand  for  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  demanded  the 
previous  question  on  the  passage  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

Mr.  VVASHBURNE.of  Illinois,  demanded  the 
yeas  and  nays  on  the  passage  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  85,  nays  36,  not  voting  61; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Mest^rs.  VVilli;uii  J.  Allen,  Daily,  Jolin  L).  Bald- 
win, Uaxter,  Blaine,  Blair,  Blow,  Boiitwcll,  Boyd,  Braii- 
degee,  Uiooks,  Biooniall,  Jainos  .■5.  Urnwn,  Clianler,  Cra- 
vens, Dawes,  Dixon,  Driggs,  Edgerton,  Eliot,  English,  Gan- 
60n,  Goocli,  Grisvvold,  Halo,  Higby,  Doopor,  Asalicl  W. 
Hubbard,  John  II.  Hubbard,  Ingi;r»oli,  Philip  Jotiiison,  Kel- 
loy,  Orlando  Ki^llogg,  Kernan,  Knox,  Law,  Le  Blond,  Loan, 
Longycar,  Marcy, Marvin,  McBride,  McClnrg,  Samuel  E. 
Miller,  Moorhea'd,  Morrill,  Daniel  Morris,  James  K.  Mor- 
ris, Amos  Myers,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  Odoll,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Patterson,  Perry,  Piite,  Pomeroy,  Priee,  Pruyn, 
Kadlbrd,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  Edward  U.  llollins,  James  .S. 
Rollins,  Ross,  Scolicld,  Scott,  Shannon,  Sinithers,  John  B. 
Steele,  Strouse,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Thayer,  Tracy,  Upson,  Van 
Valkenburgh,  VVadsworth,  Ward,  William  15.  Washburn, 
Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  Wliite,  Williams,  Wilder,  Winfield. 
and  Woodbridge — 85. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Ancona,  Beaman,  Ambrose  W.  Clark, 
Cobb,  Coffiotli,  Cole,  Dawson,  Deming,  Dcnison,  Eden, 
Eldridge,  Finck,  Frank,  Harding,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Hol- 
man,  Hulburd,  Knapp,  Long,  Mallory,  McDowell,  Middle- 
ton,  Morrison,  Nelson,  Noble,  Orth,  Perliani,  Samuel  J. 
Randall,  John  H.  Rice,  Robinson,  Sloan,  Stiles,  Thomas, 
Elihu  B.  Waslihurne,  Joseph  W.  White,  and  Wilson — 35. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Alley,  Allison, 
Ames,  Anderson,  Arnold,  Ashley,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin, 
Bliss,  William  G.  Brown,  Freeman  Clarke,  Clay, Cox,  Cres- 
well,  HenryWinter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Donnelly,  Du- 
niont,  Eckley,  I'^anisworth,  Fenton,  Gartield,  Grider,  Grin- 
iiell.  Hall,  Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hotch- 
kiss,  Hutchins,  Jenckes,  William  Johnson,  Julian,  Kalb- 
fleisch.Kasson,  Francis  W.Kellogs,  King,  Lazear,  Litlle- 
john,  McAllister,  McLidoe,  McKinney,  William  H.  Miller, 
John  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  William  H.  Randall,  Rogers, 
Sehenck,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Williaiu  G. 
Steele,  Stevens,  Voorhees,  Webster,  VVhaley,  Windoni, 
Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  and  Yeaman — 6L 

So  the  joint  resolution  was  passed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vole  by  which  the  joint  resolution  was 
passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  re- 
consider on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to 

ENROLLED  RESOLUTION. 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  that  the  committee  had  examined 
and  found  truly  enrolled  a  joint  resolution  to  pro- 
vide for  the  revision  of  the  laws  of  the  District  of 
Columbia;  when  the  Speaker  signed  the  same. 

APPOINTMENT  OF  ADMIRALS,  ETC. 
Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Nttval  Affairs,  reported  a  bill  to  further 
regulate  the  appointment  of  admii'als,  to  increase 
the  number  of  line  officers  in  the  Navy,  and  for 
the  appointment  of  certain  volunteer  oflicers  to 


the  regular  Navy;  which  was  read  a  first  and  sec- 
ond time,  recommitted  to  tlie  Committee  on  Na- 
val Affairs,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

G.  m'kAY  AND  J.  B.  GROW. 
Mr.  BRANDEGEE,  from  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs,  re[iorted  back  the  petition  of 
George  McKay,  J.  B.  Grow,  and  others;  which 
was  laid  on  the  table,  and  the  commitice  dis- 
charged from  the   further   consideration    thereof. 

PAY  OP  NAVAL  CONSTRUCTORS. 
Mr.  BRANDEGEE,  from  the  same  commit- 
tee, reported  back  petition  in  favor  of  an  increase 
of  salaries  of  naval  constructors;  which  was  laid 
on  the  table,  and  the  committee  discharged  from 
the  further  consideration  thereof. 

GARRETT  R.  BARRY. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  I  am  instructed  by  the 
Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  to  whom  was  re- 
ferred the  petition  of  Garrett  R.  Barry,  to  report 
Senate  joint  resolution  No.  41,  for  the  relief  of  Gar- 
rett B.  Barry,  a  paymaster  in  the  United  States 
Navy,  and  ask  that  it  may  be  put  on  its  passage. 

The  joint  resolution  was  read .  It  provides  for 
the  release  of  Paymaster  Garrett  R.  Barry,  Uni- 
ted States  Navy,  from  his  liability  as  surety  of 
John  Debree,  formerly  paymaster  in  the  Navy 
of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  hope  that 
will  pass  unanimously.  We  have  relieved  Erics- 
son from  a  bad  contract  with  the  Government, 
and  I  hope  this  will  pass  unanimously. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  if  there  is  a  report  in 
the  case. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  We  adopt  the  report  of 
the  Senate  committee. 

Mr.  WILSON.  That  resolution  came  here 
from  the  Senate  some  time  ago,  in  the  precise 
language  in  which  it  has  been  read,  was  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  and  is  now  in 
the  possession  of  the  member  from  Vermont,  [Mr. 
Woodbridge,]  as  a  member  of  that  cominittee, 
for  investigation.  I  cannot  understand  how  the 
same  resolution  can  come  from  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  WOODBRIDGE.  I  have  here  in  my  desk 
the  original  Senate  engrossed  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  Then  the  Chair  presumes 
the  gentleman  from  Connecticut  reports  this  as  an 
original  House  resolution. 

EVENING  SESSION  DISPENSED  "WITH. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  that 
the  order  in  reference  to  evening  sessions  be  dis- 
pensed v/ith,  so  far  as  tliis  evening  is  concerned. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were  —  ayes 
eighty-two,  noes  not  counted. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

NAVY-YARD  FOR  IRON-CLADS. 

Mr.  O'NEILL, ofPennsylvania.  Mr. Speaker, 
it  is  growing  late  in  the  day,  and  I  suggest  that 
the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  put  aside  for  the 
present  the  reports  upon  private  cases,  which  have 
been  under  consideration,  and  bring  forward  at 
once  the  proposition  in  reference  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  naval  station  for  building  and  repairing 
iron-clad  vessels,  and  for  preparing  iron  armature 
So  earnestly  and  frequently  has  tiiis  subject  been 
urged  upon  Congress  for  its  action  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  as  indispensable  for  propet 
and  efficient  naval  purposes,  and  so  anxiously  are 
the  people  of  all  parts  of  the  country  looking  to  us 
for  prompt  efforts  to  place  upon  a  footing,  unex- 
celled by  other  countries,  our  naval  power,  by 
building  iron-clad  vessels  and  powerfularmature, 
that  I  cannot  but  earnestly  appeal  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs,  and  to  the  members  of 
this  House,  to  second  this  suggestion  for  imme- 
diate action. 

Mr.  Speaker,  we,  who  believe  with  the  Navy 
Department,  and  with  those  who  have  examined 
the  subject  without  prejudice,  that  League  island, 
in  the  river  Delaware,  is  of  all  places  proposed 
the  best  suited  for  constructing  our  iron-clad  navy, 
by  reason  of  its  still  and  fresh  water,  its  close 
proximity  to  the  inexhaustible  coal  and  iron  re- 
gions of  Pennsylvania,  its  nearn'  ss  to  a  popula- 
tion incoiYiparable  for  skill  in  labor,  science,  and 
the  niechanical  arts,  and  its  entire  defensibility 
from  attack,  beg  of  you  to  pass  by  all  minor  mat- 
ters and  now  to  accept  this  noble  gift  of  the  city  of 
Philadelphia  offered  to  the  country,  only  for  its 
fitness  for  the  purpose  proposed. 


3084 


THE  COA^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  18, 


Mr.  Speaker,  I  urge  upon  the  gentleman  from 
Connecticut  to  bring  this  matter  at  once  before 
the  House.  If  he  is  anxious  to  present  New 
London  as  iiis  choice,  let  those  who  are  ready  to 
advocate  League  iskmd  have  the  opportunity  of 
showing  its  merits.  This  House  has  been  in  pos- 
session of  facts,  tlirough  the  reports  made  from 
the  Naval  Committee,  and  should  not  hesitate 
now  to  act,  or  should  not  delay  action.  My  col- 
leagues and  I  want  the  question  fairly  before  us, 
and  while  we  from  Philadelphia  may  have  a  lo- 
cal pride  in  advocating  League  island,  and  the 
members  from  Pennsylvania  would  feel  that  our 
glorious  old  Commonwealth  would  be  honored 
by  locating  this  great  iron  naval  station  within 
her  borders,  yet,  Mr.  Speaker,  there  is  not  one 
member  of  the  delegation  who  would  presume  to 
press  upon  Congress  the  acceptance  of  this  gen- 
erous and  patriotic  offer,  were  it  not  the  only  lo- 
cation suitable  in  every  respect  for  the  objectpro- 
posed  and  having  advantages  such  as  do  not  ex- 
ist anywhere  upon  or  near  the  Atlantic  seaboard. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  again  most  respectfully  ask  that 
the  reports  of  the  committee  on  iron  naval  sta- 
tions be  at  once  considered. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  I  do  not  yield  the  floor 
to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania.  If  he  had 
waited  he  would  have  found  that  we  would  arrive 
at  the  subject  to  which  he  has  referred  soon 
enough.  1  have  a  few  bills  of  a  private  nature 
which  I  am  instructed  to  report  by  the  Commit- 
tee on  Naval  Affairs,  ajid  as  they  will  consume 
but  little  time,  I  propose  that  they  sliall  be  first 
disposed  of. 

NAVAL  PAYMASTER  BARRY AGAIN. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 
The  gentleman  from  Connecticut  reports  back 
this  Senate  bill  from  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  when  that  bill  has  been  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  and  is  siill  in  that 
committee.  I  insist  that  the  bill  has  not  been  in 
possession  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs, 
and  tiiat  the  gentleman  has  no  right  to  report  it. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  I  think  I  can  make  a 
suggestion  which  will  obviate  the  gentleman's 
objection.  This  subject  was  referred  to  the  Na- 
val Committee,  and  they  have  instructed  me  to 
make  the  pending  report. 

The  SPEAKER.  As  soon  as  attention  was 
called  to  the  fact,  the  gentleman  from  Coimecticul 
had  the  title  of  the  bill  changed, and  it  is  now  be- 
fore the  House  as  a  Flouse  bill. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  make  the  point  of  order  that 
this  subject  has  never  been  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs,  and  that  they  had,  there- 
fore, no  riffht  to  make  any  report  on  it. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  It  was  referred  by  peti- 
tion to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 

The  SPEAKER.  Then  the  Chair  overrules 
the  point  of  order,  and  decides  the  committee  has 
jui'isdiction  of  the  subject. 

Mr.  FIOLMAN.  l  ask  that  the  report  of  the 
Sen;Ue  committee  be  read. 

The  Clerk  read  the  report. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  Mr.  Speaker,  if  any- 
thing could  be  under.sioodfroni  the  reading  of  the 
report  at  the  Clerk's  desk — and  from  the  confu- 
sion which  has  prevailed  I  am  of  the  opinion  that 
it  was  not  understood  very  generally — then  these 
facts  would  have  become  apparent  to  the  House. 
In  the  year  1857,  the  applicant  for  relief.  Pay- 
master Barry,  became  surety  with  G.  W.  Cow- 
dery,  of  Norfolk,  for  the  faithful  performance  of 
the  duties  of  paymaster  by  John  Debree. 

Mr.  Debree  faithfully  performed. the  duties  of 
paymaster  up  to  the  year  1861.  In  the  early  part 
of  that  year  he  was  paymaster  on  board  the  frig- 
ate Cumberland  when  she  arrived  at  Norfolk. 
Soon  after  he  was  induced  to  resign,  but  up  to 
the  last  moment  of  his  coiniection  with  the  Gov- 
ernment honestly  cared  for  its  interests,  leaving 
in  the  public  chest,  on  board  the  frigate,  very 
nearly  twenty  thousand  dollars  in  gold  and  silver, 
and  a  large  quantity  of  clothing  and  small  stores, 
together  with  the  usual  transfer  rolls  of  the  offi- 
cers and  crew,  containing  evidence  of  very  large 
advaiiC(!S  made  by  him  during  the  cruise,  all  of 
which  were  duly  received  by  iiis  successor,  Pay- 
master Cramer  Burt,  of  the  United  States  Navy. 

Mr.  Debree  was  paynuuster  on  board  ilie  (Jum- 
berlund  iVom  October'lT,  ISGO,  to  June  11,  1861, 
u  period  of  eight  months  and  twenty-four  days. 

Puymuster  Burl,  in  his  sworn  siatcmcnt,  says 


that  he  "  cannot  recollect  the  amounts  in  money, 
clothing,  and  small  stores  which  appeared  upon 
the  roll  as  having  been  issued  to  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  Cumberland,"  but  he  "  knows  that 
they  were  very  large,  the  officers  in  almost  every 
case  being  paid  in  full  up  to  the  day  Mr.  Debree 
left;"  and  the  Fourth  Auditor  of  the  Treasury, 
in  a  communication  to  the  committee,  says: 

"From  tlie  conipleiiieiit  of  tliat  vessel,  in  officers  and 
men,  Mr.  Debree's  payments  and  issues  to  tlieiii,  for  tliat 
time,  in  money,  cloiliinj;,  and  small  stores,  must  have  been 
certainly  equal  if  not  in  excess  of  the  above  stated  balance 
ajainst  him  of  ,'545,914  ] 'J."  *  *  *  *  "I 
therefore  have  not  the  sliiihtcwt  doubt  that  had  his  accounts 
and  vouchers  for  these  payments  and  issues  for  that  time 
been  received  at  this  ofliec  lie  would  not,  on  settlement, 
have  been  indebted  to  the  Government  a  single  cent." 

Soon  afterMr.  Debree  left  the  Cumberland  ,  the 
naval  engagement  in  Hampton  Roads  took  place, 
and  all  the  money  and  vouchers  transferred  by 
Paymaster  Debree  to  Paymaster  Burt,  together 
with  Mr.  Burt's  own  vouchers  and  accounts,  went 
down  in  the  Cumberland,  which  was  sunk  by  the 
Merrimac  oh  that  occasion.  Paymaster  Burt 
was  subsequently  relieved  from  the  consequences 
of  disaster,  and  his  accounts  settled  by  act  of  Con- 
gress. Paymaster  Barry,  the  surety  for  Debree, 
now  applies  for  the  same  relief,  and  the  account- 
ing officers  of  the  Treasury  say  "  both  Mr.  Barry 
and  Mr.  Debree  are  well  known  to  the  account- 
ing officers  of  the  Government  for  uniform  punc- 
tuality, intelligence,  and  integrity,  as  disbursing 
officers  of  the  Navy,  during  a  long  series  of  years;" 
and  it  is  therefore  "  believed  that  had  not  the  ac- 
counts, rolls,  and  papers  of  the  Cumberland  been 
destroyed,  as  stated  in  the  memorial,  Mr.  Debree's 
account  with  that  vessel  would  have  been  (as  all 
iiis  former  accoudts  v/ere)  satisfactorily  settled." 

On  this  state  of  facts  the  Committee  on  Naval 
AtTairs  instructed  me  to  report  this  bill.  It  is  an 
act  of  simplejustice  that  Paymaster  Barry  should 
be  relieved  from  the  consequences  of  the  disaster 
to  the  Cumberland.  I  move,  therefore,  that  the 
bill  be  y)ut  on  its  passage. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  think  it  would  be  better  to 
have  a  little  more  time  to  look  into  this  matter, 
and  I  therefore  move  that  the  bill  be  referred  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  Private 
Calendar. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE."  I  have  no  objection  to 
that. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

TREATY  OF  1817. 

Mr.  GRISWOLD,  from  the  Committee  on  Na- 
val Affairs,  reported  back  House  joint  resolution 
No.  91,  in  relation  to  the  treaty  of  1817,  with  the 
recommendation  that  it  do  pass. 

The  joint  resolution  was  read. 

Mr.'WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  to  in- 
sert the  words  "  authorized  and  directed." 

The  amendment  was-^g^eed  to. 

The  joint  resolution  as  amended  was  ordered 
to  be  engrossed  and  read  a  third  time;  and  being 
engrossed,  it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  would  inquire  if  this  is  a  Sen- 
ate bill,  or  whether  it  originated  here. 

The  SPEAKER.     It  is  a  House  resolution. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  Has  it  been  considered  by  a 
committee  ? 

The  SPEAKER.  It  has  been  considered  by 
the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  and  by  them  re- 
ported to  the  House. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  1  would  like  to  hear  some  ex- 
planation of  the  necessity  for  this  resolution. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  The  necessity 
for  it  grows  out  of  the  objections  which  have  been 
raised  to  the  establishment  of  a  naval  depot  upon 
the  lakes.  There  was  some  doubt  in  the  minds  of 
the  Naval  Committee,  and  it  seems  there  was 
some  doubt  in  the  mind  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  as  to  the  application  of  that  treaty  to  Lake 
Michigan.  There  was  no  question,  so  far  as  I 
could  learn,  in  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the 
Naval  Committee  as  to  the  necessity  of  some  prep- 
aration for  lake  defenses,  and  upon  consultation 
it  was  deemed  much  better  to  give  tliis  notice 
which  would  free  us  from  all  question  of  an  in- 
fraction of  that  treaty  than  to  establish  a  depot  in 
violation  of  what  some  might  term  the  conditions 
of  that  treaty. 

1  took  occasion  before  this  resolution  was  in- 
troduced to  have  some  convej'sation  with  the  Sec- 
retary of  Stale  upon  the  subject,  and  I  believe 
there  was  no  idea  that  any  difficulty  would  arise 
out  of  the  action  of  the  House  in  this  matter. 


Mr.  GRISWOLD.  I  understand  that  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  has  no  objection  to  this  course. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  The  object  I  had  in  view  is 
gained,  and  with  this  explanation  accompanying 
it  I  think  such  a  resolution  should  pass.  1  thought 
it  should  not  go  out  to  the  world  without  expla- 
nation, and  as  indicating  a  desire  for  a  rupture 
with  Great  Britain. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GRISWOLD  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  resolution  was  passed;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  teconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

NAVY-YARD  AT  NEW  LONDON,  CONNECTICUT. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE,  from  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs,  reported  back  a  bill  authorizing 
a  survey  at  New  London,  Connecticut,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  navy-yard  for  iron-clad  ves- 
sels thereat;  which  was  read  a  first  and  second 
time  by  its  title. 

The  bill  authorizes  and  directs  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  competent  engineer  to 
designate  and  survey  the  necessary  amount  of 
land  on  the  river  Thames,  at  and  above  Win- 
throp,  near  New  London,  Connecticut,  for  the 
establishment  of  a  navy-yard  and  naval-depot  for 
the  construction,  docking,  and  repair  of  iron,  iron- 
clad, and  other  naval  vessels. 

The  bill  further  provides  that  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  as  soon  as  the 
report  of  said  engineer  shall  have  been  made  to 
him,  and  a  good  title  to  the  land  therein  desig- 
nated have  been  tendered  by  the  city  of  New  Lon- 
don to  the  United  States,  to  accept  of  the  same 
for  naval  purposes  for  and  on  behalf  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  to  establish  thereat  a  navy-yard  and 
depot  for  the  construction,  docking,  and  repair  of 
iron,  iron-clad,  and  other  vessels. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  Thecommitteeinstructed 
me  to  report  that  bill,  and  ask  to  have  it  put  upon 
its  passage.  Bui  1  understand  that  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Kellet,]  ou  behalf  of  a 
minority  of  the  committee,  has  prepared  a  minor- 
ity report,  and  desires  to  submit  a  bill,  in  the  na- 
ture of  a  substitute,  recommended  by  the  minor- 
ity.    I  yield  the  floor  to  him  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  KELLEY.  In  accordance  with  the  in- 
structions of  a  minority  of  the  committee,  I  send 
to  the  Clerk's  desk  a  substitute  for  the  bill  just 
reported  by  the  gentleman  from  Connecticut.  ■ 

The  substitute,  which'was  read,  provides  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  be  authorized  and  directed 
to  accept  from  the  city  of  Philadelphia  the  title  to 
League  island  on  behalf  of  the  Government,  and 
to  establish  thereat  a  navy-yard  and  depot  for  the 
construction,'  docking,  and  repair  of  iron,  iron- 
clad, and  other  vessels. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  I  rise  to  a  privileged  question. 
I  move  that  the  House  adjoia-n. 

Mr.  KELLEY.  I  believe  1  hold  the  floor  with 
the  consent  of  the  gentleman  from  Connecticut. 
What  would  be  the  condition  of  this  bill  if  a  mo- 
tion to  adjourn  prevail.'' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will  come  up  as  unfinished 
business  whenever  that  class  of  business  is 
reached. 

Mr.  KELLEY.  I  do  not  yield  to  such  a  mo- 
tion. 

Mr.  PIKE.  I  propose  to  move  that  this  mat- 
ter be  postponed  until  the  second  Monday  in 
December  next. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  I  must  decline  to  yield 
for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  PIKE.  Well,  at  some  stage  in  this  dis- 
cussion when  I  can  obtain  the  floor  I  [u-opose  to 
make  that  motion,  as  it  is  now  so  late  in  the  ses- 
sion that  even  if  the  House  should  act  upon  the 
subject  its  action  could  not  be  considered  and 
concurred  in  by  the  Senate.  1  suggest  to  the 
gentleman  from  Connecticut  that  he  may  as  well 
lest  the  sense  of  the  House  now  as  after  the  mat- 
ter shall  have  been  partially  discussed. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  I  am  not  authorized  by 
the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  whose  organ  I 
am  so  far  as  this  bill  is  concerned,  to  agree  to 
any  such  motion  as  the  one  indicated  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Maine.  However,  I  am  not  dis- 
posed to  press  a  bill  of  this  magnitude,  relating, 
as  I  think,  to  the  efliciency  of  the  Navy,  against 
an  unwilling  Blouse,  especially  at  this  late  hour 
of  the  day  and  this  late  day  of  the  week.  K  the 
House  is  of  opinion  that  this  measure  ought  to  be 


1864. 


THE  CONGllESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3085 


postponed  ton  dny  designated  next  session,  I  shall 
not  be  found  foixing  myself  iigaiiist  a  reluctant 
House.  I  will  therefore  yield  the  floor  in  order 
that  the  sense  of  the  House  may  be  taken  on  the 
motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Mains. 

Mr.  PIKE.  Without  making  any  observations 
on  this  matter,  as  the  House  understands  the  po- 
.  sition  of  it  very  fully,  I  move  that  the  further 
consideration  of  this  subject  be  postponed  until 
the  second  Monday  in  December  next;  and  on 
that  motion  I  d^emand  ttie  [irevious  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  ofPennsylvania,  demanded  the 
yens  and  nays  on  the  motion  to  postpone. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

7'he  motion  to  postpone  was  agreed  to — ayes 
70,  noes  36. 

Mr.  BRANDEGEE  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

Mr.  L.  MYERS.  The  gentleman  from  Con- 
necticut [Mr.  BrandegSe]  has  no  faith  in  his 
bantling,  or  he  would  not  have  assented  to  the  post- 
ponement of  a  subject  so  important  to  the  interests 
of  the  country.  I  now  demand  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  motion  to  reconsider  and  lay  on  the  table. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

PAY  OF  PAGES. 

Mr.  DAWSON,  by  unanimous  consent,  sub- 
mitted the  following  resolution: 

Resolved,  That  boys  wlio  liave  served  on  this  floor  as 
pages  during  the  present  session  or  any  part  of  it,  and  who 
liave  received  $1  50  per  day,  shall  be  allowed  and  paid  fifty 
cents  per  day  additional  for  the  time  so  employed. 

Mr.  JOHNSON,  ofPennsylvania.  I  suggest 
to  my  colleague  that  he  amend  his  resolution  so 
as  to  include  the  messengers  employed  about  this 
House.  There  are  men  here  who  receive  only 
the  old  pay  of  $1  50  a  day,  and  they  cannot  live 
in  Washington  city  upon  that. 

Mr.  DAWSON.     The  objectof  my  resolution 
is  only  to  equalize  the  pay  of  these  boys. 
.  The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  DAWSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  resolution  was  adopted;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN  moved  that  the  House  do  now 
adjourn. 

NAVAL  STATION  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  1  ask  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  to  yield  to  me  that  I  may 
offer  a  resolution. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  yield  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts, asked  unanimous 
consent  to  report  from  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  a  resolution  authorizingand  empowering 
tlie  Seci-etai-y  of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  commis- 
sion consisting  of  one  naval  officer, one  officer  of 
the  engineer  corps,  and  one  civilian  to  select  the 
most  approved  sin;  for  a  navy-yard  or  naval  sta- 
tion on  the  Alississippi  river  or  one  of  its  tribu- 
taries; and  niso  empowering  him,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  President,  to  accept  or  purchase  the 
site  so  selected  on  such  terms  as  he  shall  deem  most 
conducive  to  the  public  interest. 

Mr,  THAYER  objected  to -the  introduction  of 
the  resolution. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  The  resolution 
is  a  report  from  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs, 
and  the  best  interests  of  the  country  demand  its 
adoption. 

Mr.  L.  MYERS.  With  the  permission  of  my 
friend  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Rice]  Idcsire  to 
know  whether  a  navy  yard  for  iron-clads — which 
1  hope  may  be  located  at  League  island— is  not 
of  far  greater  consequence  than  the  one  he  now 
presses  so  warmly,  it  is  very  strange  that  time 
can  be  found  to  act  on  the  one  bill,  and  the  urgent 
demands  of  the  service  as  expressed  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  and  known  to  the  whole 
country  be  neglected. 

The  objection  was  not  withdrawn. 

The    question    was    taken    on    the 
adjourn;  and  it  was  not  agreed  to. 

NAVY-YARD    FOll  ir.ON-CLADS. 
The  question  recurred  on  the  motion  to  lay  on 
the  table  the  motion   to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  in  regard  to  a,  navy-yard  for  iron- 


motion   to 


cladswas  postponed;  on  which  the  yeas  and  nays 
had  been  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  70,  nays  44,  not  voting  G8; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen.  Ames, 
Ashley,  Aiignsuis  (J.  Baldwin,  John  D.  iialdvvin.  Baxter, 
Bliss,  Bontvvell,  Boyd,  Hrandegeo,  Ambrose  W.  Clark, 
Dawes,  Deniing,  Dixon,  Eckley,  Eden,l^ili,'ertoM,  Eldririge, 
F.liot,  FinclCjGanson,  Gooeh,  Hardin;;,  Charles  iM.  Harris, 
Hnlnian,  Ilnnpcr,  Jolin  II.  Hnbbarii,  Hnlbnrd.  Ingersoll, 
Orlando  Kellog;;,  Kcrnan,  Knapp,  Iviiox,  Navv,  Le  liloml. 
Long.  Longyear,  Mallory,  P.IcDovvell,  lAli'Kinney,  Samuel, 

F.  Miller,  ftiorrill,  Daniel  iMorris,  James  K.  Morris,  Nelson, 
Noble,  Odell,  Orth,  Patterson,  Perham,  Pike,  Poineroy, 
Price,  Pruyn,  Alexander  H.  Uice,  John  H.  Kice,  Robinson, 
Edward  H.  Rollins,  Ross,  Scott,  John  B.  Steele,  Upson, 
Elihu  B. Washbnrne, William  E.VVashbnrn,Whaley,Wliee- 
ler.  Joseph  \V.  White,  Wilde.r,  and  Wilson — 70. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Ani'ona,  Baily,  Cobb,  Coffrotli,  Cole, 
Cravens,  Creswell,  Dawson.  Driggs,  Frank,  Hale,  Hi'jby, 
llntebkiss,  Asaliel  W.  Hubbard.  I'liilip  Johnson,  Jnlian, 
Ki'llr'V,  Loan,  Marcy,  McBride,  McClnrg,  Middleton,  Wil- 
liam H.  Miller,  iMoorliead,  Morrison,  Amos  Myi-rs,  Leonard 
Myers.  Charles  (JTJeill.  Pern',  Sanniel  J.  Randall,  James 
S.  Itollins,  Seofield,  Shannon,  Smithers,  Stevens,  Stiles, 
Strouse,  Stuart,  'I'hayer,  Tiiomus,  Tracy,  Williams,  VVin- 
dom,  and  Winlicld — 44. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Anderson,  Ar- 
nold, Beaman,  Blaine, Blair,  Blow,  Brooks,  BroonialKJames 
S.  Brown,  William  G.  Brown,  (^hauler,  Freeman  Clarke, 
Clay,  Cox,  Htniry  Winter  Davis,  Tliomas  '1'.  Davis,  Deni- 
soiL,  Donnelly,  Dumont,  English,  Farnsvvorth,  Fenton,  Gar- 
field, Grider,  Grinned,  Griswold,  Ha!!,  Harrington,  Benja- 
min G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Hutchins,  Jenekcs,  William  John- 
son, Kalbdeiscb,  Kasson,FrancisW.  Kellogg,  King,  Lazear, 
Littlejohn,  Marvin,  McAllister,  ftlclndoc,  Norton.  John 
O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Radibrd,  Wdliani  II.  Randall,  Rr)gers, 
Sclienck,  Sloan,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  William 

G.  Steele,  Sweat,  Van  Valkenburgh,Voorliecs,Wadsworth, 
Ward,  Webster, Chilton  A.  White,  Benjamin  Wood,  Fer- 
nando Wood,  VVoodbridge,  and  Yeamau — 68. 

So  the  motion  to  reconsider  was  laid  on  the  table. 

During  the  call  of  the  roll, 

Mr.  WASHBURN E,  of  Illinois,  stated  that 
his  colleague,  Mr.  Norton,  was  obliged  to  leave 
the  House  through  indisposition. 

Mr.  BOYD  stated  that  Mr.  Anderson  was  ab- 
sent on  account  of  sickness. 

NAVAL  STATION  ON  WESTERN  WATERS. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  Corn- 
mittee  on  Naval  Affairs,  reported  a  joint- resolu- 
tion authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to 
appoint  a  commission  to  select  a  site  for  a  navy- 
yard  or  naval  station  on  the  western  v/aters; 
which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  the  pre- 
vious question  on  its  engrossment  and  third  read- 
ing. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  move 
to  postpone  that  joint  resolution  till  the  second 
Tuesday  in  Decemi):'i-. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  motion  is  not  in  order 
pending  the  drnnand  for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  ask  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  to  yield  for  an 
amendment  in  the  nature  of  a  substitute. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  yield  forthat 
purpose. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  offered  a  sub- 
stitute authorizing  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  accept  from  the  corporate  authorities  of 
the  city  of  Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois, or  from 
any  other  person  or  corporation  a  site  for  a  navy- 
yard  or  depot  at  or  near  the  city  of  Cairo,  if  in 
his  opinion  the  good  of  the  public  service  requires 
it,  and  to  erect  such  buildings  and  imake  such  im- 
provements thereon  as  may  be  necessary  for  the 
construction,  repair,  accommodation,  and  sup- 
plies of  vessels-ol-war  of  the  United  States;  also 
authorizing  the  President  to  purchase  any  water 
rights  fhat  may  be  I'equired  to  propel  the  machin- 
ery and  to  construct  the  dockage  for  such  navy- 
yard, and  to  receive  any  donation  of  lands,  water 
rights,  or  rights  of  way  which  the  autiiorities  of 
the  city  of  Cairo,  or  any  other  body-politic,  or 
any  person  or  persons  may  think  proper  to  grant 
to  the  United  States  for  such  purposes. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Wliat  will  be  the  effect  of 
an  adjournment  upon  this  proposition? 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will  go  over  as  unfinished 
business,  to  come  up  wb.enever  business  of  that 
class  is  in  order;  when  that  will  be  the  Chair  can- 
not  say. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Then  I  move  that  the  House 
adjourn. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  hope  the  gen- 
tleman will  withdraw  that  resolution  tociuible  me 
to  report  a  resolution  to  which  there  will  be  no 
objection. 


The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  state  that  if 
the  motion  to  adjourn  is  withdrawn  the  business 
before  the  House  will  be  resumed. 

Mr.  THAYER.  I  understood  the  Chair  to  de- 
cide that  the  vote  of  the  House  dispensing  with 
the  order  for  a  recess  would  adjourn  the  House 
at  half  past  foui'. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  order  of  the  House 
only  dispensed  with  the  recess  for  this  evening, 
leaving  it  to  the  House  to  say  when  it  shall  ad- 
journ. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  ask  the 
Chair  to  state  more  distinctly  what  will  be  the 
condition  of  this  business  if  the  House  now  ad- 
journ. Do  1  understand  that  it  will  come  up 
as  unfinished  business  on  Monday? 

The  SPEAKER,  Itwill  not.  Mondayisas- 
signed  for  the  consideration  pf  the  miscellaneous 
a!iprof)riation  bills  as  a  special  order.  The  whole 
of  tlie  morning  session  on  Tuesday  isassiijned  to 
the  business  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
and  the  whole  of  the  evening  session  to  the  Pa- 
cific railroad.  Itmaycome  up  on  Wednesday, 
unless  some  report  of  a  committee  of  conference 
or  some  other  question  of  higher  privilege  should 
arise. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  But  unless 
some  question  of  that  sort  should  arise  it  will 
come  up  naturally  as  the  first  business  in  order 
on  Wedtiesdav  morning? 

The  SPEAKER.     It  will. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Then  I  sup- 
pose the  House  may  as  well  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  thereupon  (at 
four  o'clock 'and  thirty  minutes)  the  House  ad- 
journed till  Monday  next  at  twelve  o'clock,  m. 


IN  SENATE. 
Monday,  June  20,  1864. 
Prayer  by  Rev.  B.  H.  Nadal,  of  Washington, 
District  of  Columbia. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIMES,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent,  the  reading  of  the  Journal  of  Sat- 
urday last  was  dispensed  with. 

DISTRICT  BUSINESS. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  move  that  to-morrow  at  half 
past  four  o'clock  the  Senate  take  a  recess  till 
seven  o'clock,  and  meet  again  at  that  houi-  in  or- 
tler  to  transact  business  relating  to  the  District 
of  Columbia. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMUNICATIONS. 

The  PRESIDEJilT  pro  tempore  laid  before  the 
Senate  a  message  from  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  transmitting  a  further  report  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  in  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the 
Senate  of  May  25  relative  to  Mexican  affairs; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations. 

He  also  laid  before  the  Senate  a  message  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  transmitting  a 
dispatch  of  June  10  to  the  Secretary  of  State  from 
the  acting  consul  of  the  United  States  at  Havana, 
in  further  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the  Senate 
of  May  28  relative  to  the  delivery  to  the  Spanish 
Government  of  a  person  charged  with  a  crime 
against  that  Government;  which  was  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and  ordered 
to  be  printed. 

He  also  laid  before  the  Senate  a  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  War, communicating,  in  compliance 
with  a  resolution  of  the  10th  of  March,  informa- 
tion in  relation  to  the  officers  of  the  fourth  and 
fifth  Indian  regiments;  which  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  and  the  Militia. 
GEORGE  F.  NESBITT. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  should  like  to  get  a  little 
order  to  attend  to  some  business  of  the  PostOffice 
Committee.  1  believe  the  District  Committee  have 
had  two  dilferent  days  for  their  business.  It  is 
said  "every  dog  should  have  liis  day,"  and  so 
there  will  be  a  good  many  dog  days.  [Laugh- 
ter.] I  should  like  this  morning  to  have  attention 
to  a  couple  of  private  bills  from  the  Post  Office 
Committee,  which  have  been  lying  here  for  some 
time.  I  think  they  will  not  take  long.  I  move 
first  to  postpone  all  the  prior  orders  and  take  up 
the  bill  (S.  No.  305)  for  the  relief  of  George  F. 
Ncsbitt. 

The  motion-was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  was 
read  the  second  time,  and  considered  as  in  Com- 


3086 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


mittee  of  llie  Whole.  It  proposes  to  empower 
George  F.  Nesbitt  to  put  an  end  to  his  contract 
with  the  United  States,  entered  into  with  tlie  Post- 
master General  on  the  27th  of  iVIarch,  1862, forfur- 
nishing  the  Post  Office  Department  with  stamped 
envelopes  and  newspaper  wrappers,  on  giving  to 
the  Postmaster  General  sixty  days'  notice  in 
writing. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  ordci-ed  to 
be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading,  read  the  third 
time,  and  passed.     • 

CARMACK  AND  RAMSEY. 

Mr.  COLLA.MER.  I  move  now  to  take  up  the 
joint  resolution  (rl.  R.  JNo.  11)  in  relation  to  the 
claim  of  Ciirmacic  &  ilamsey. 

The  molion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate,  us 
in  Committee  of  the_Wiiole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  joint  resolution;  the  question  being  on  the 
amendment  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Post 
Offices  and  Post  Roads,  which  was  to  strike  out 
all  after  the  enacting  clause  and  insert  the  follow- 
ing: 

Tliat  tlie  First  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  in  auditing 
and  adjusting  the  cl:iim  ofCarniack  &  Ramsey,  submit- 
ted to  liini  liy  and  under  the  sixth  section  of  the  act  of  Con- 
gress, approved  August  18,  1856.  entitled  "Au  act  making 
appropriations  for  the  service  of  the  Post  Office  Department 
during  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30tli  of  Jujie,  1857,"  shall 
allow  only  for  the  expenditures  actually  made  and  iiicnired 
))y  said  Carniaek  &  Rninsey  after  the  making  of  their  con- 
tract with  the  I'Oitma^ter  General,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
executing  the  same,  ami  befoi'(;  the  close  of  the  next  ses- 
sion of  Congress  after  the  making  sSid  contract,  and  to  tlie 
actual  loss  to  said  Carmaek  &  Ramsey  on  said  expenditures. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  As  this  is  a  very  large 
claim,  a  very  important  one,  and  a  vf  ry  old  one, 
that  I  examined  some  time  ago  as  a  member  of 
Congress,  T  sliould  like  to  understand  exactly 
what  is  proposed  here. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  The  amendment  is  merely 
to  enable  a  settlement  to  be  made.    , 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  joint  resolution,  as  I 
tinderstand  it,  does  not  simply  authorize  the  Comp- 
troller to  examine  and  adjust  the  claiiTi  according 
to  the  principles  of  equity,  but  it  directs  him  to 
allow  the  amount  that  was  expended  by  Carmaek 
&  Ramsey,  and  assumes  the  legality  and  validity 
of  the  contract  which  was  disputed  by  officers  of 
the  Government. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  The  act  of  1856,  by  which 
this  claim  was  referred  to  the  First  Comptroller, 
is  not  repealed.  He  isgoingon  under  it,  and  the 
otily  effect  of  this  amendmtmt  is  to  limit  him.  We 
do  not  direct  him  anything  about  it;  we  only  say 
that  he  shall  not  allow  anything  except  as  we 
prescribe. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Let  it  be  read  again,  that  I 
may  see  whether  I  got  the  words  correctly.  It 
seems  to  me  that  it  assumes  the  legality  of  the 
contract. 

The  Secretary  read  the  joint  resolution  as 
amended. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  It  is  very  clear,  I  think, 
that  the  criticism  which  I  took  is  just:  the  words 
distinctly  are  that  the  Comptroller  shall  allow  the 
amount  paid  on  the  contract.  That  assumes 
that  the  contract  was  legal,  that  the  Postmaster 
General  had  a  right  to  make  it,  that  Carmaek  & 
Ramsey  expended  money  under  it,  and  it  directs 
that  tiiat  money  shall  be  allowed.  It  seems  to  me 
it  covers  the  whole  ground. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  That  was  all  in  the  act  of 
1856  submitted  to  the  First  Comptroller  of  the 
Treasury,  and  this  provision  is  that  the  Comp- 
troller in  adjusting  the  claim  submitted  to  him  by 
that  act  "  shall  allow  only  for  the  expenditures 
actually  made  and  incurred  by  said  Carmaek  & 
Ramsey  after  the  making  of  their  contract  with 
the  Postmaster  General."  It  does  not  direct  him 
to  allow  it,  but  says  he  shall  be  confined  to  that 
anyway.  It  is  to  liinit  him  so  that  there  shall 
be  no  extravagant  allowance. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  prefer  that  the  resolution 
should  lie  over  that  I  may  look  into  it,  because 
the  claim  is  a  very  largo  one,  and  I  had  occasion 
when  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  examine  it.  1  have  no  objection  to  having  the 
report  of  the  Comptroller  stating  the  accountpre- 
cisely  as  Mr.  Whittlesey  would  havestated  itun- 
derthe  old  law;  and  1  think  that  the  action  of  the 
Postmaster  General  or  whoever  caused  the  sus- 
pension of  that  account  was  probably  without 
cause.  1  think  tlie  Comptroller  ought  to  proceed 
under  the  existing  law  to  state  the  account  subject 


to  the  action  of  Congress.  But  it  does  seem  to 
me  that  this  resolution  assumes  all  the  disputed 
propositions  and  directs  the  Comptroller  to  al- 
low so  and  so.  It  leaves  no  discretion  to  the 
Comptroller.  The  question  as  to  the  validity  of 
this  contract  will  not  be  open  lo  him,  but  he  will 
be  required  to  go  on  and  assume  the  contract  to  be 
valid  and  then  simply  to  assess  the  amount  paid 
by  Carmaek  &  Ramsey.  I  should  like  to  have 
it  lie  over  until  to-morrow. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  think  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  Ohio  is  about  to  defeat  his  very  object. 
I  do  not  mean  to  vote  on  this  question,  having 
been  professionally  concerned  as  counsel  for  these 
parties  some  years  ago.  The  amount  of  the  claim, 
however,  is  very  much  exaggerated.  It  was  sup- 
po.sed  at  one  time  to  be  a  million  and  a  half  or 
two  million  dollars,  and  perhaps  the  agent  who 
was  conducting  it  on  the  part  of  the  claimants 
at  that  time  satisfied  his  own  mind  that  it  would 
properly  amount  to  something  like  that  sum;  but 
the  resolution  upon  the  table  litnits  whatever  the 
individuals  may  be  found  entitled  to  to  expenses 
actually  incurred;  it  gives  them  noclaim  fordam- 
ages,  and  the  only  question  is  whether  what  they 
actually  expended  in  attempting  to  carry  out  a  con- 
tract which  is  admitted  to  have  been  made  ought 
not,  under  the  circumstances,  to  be  refunded.  If 
the  honorable  member  proposes  to  leave  it  to  the 
Comptroller,  under  the  original  law,  he  may  have 
some  eighty  or  ninety  thousand  dollars  to  pay 
instead  of  some  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  dollars. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio  to 
postpone  the  joint  resolution  until  to-morrow. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PETITIONS  AND  MEMORIALS. 

Mr.  MORGAN  presented  a  petition  of  citizens 
rif  New  York,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mili- 
tary or  naval  service  of  tlie  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

He  also  presented  a  memorial  of  Eliot  C.  Cow- 
den  and  other  merchants  of  New  York,  praying 
for  an  increase  of  the  salaries  of  the  deputy  coir 
lectors  of  customs  at  the  port  of  New  York; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  ten  petitions  of  citizens 
of  Vermtmt,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mili- 
tary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  SUMNER  presented  fourteen  petitions  of 
men  and  women  of  the  United  States,  praying 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  such  an  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit 
its  existence  in  any  portion  of  the  Union;  which 
were  referred  to  the  select  committee  on  slavery 
and  freedmen. 

He  also  presented  a  petition  of  citizens  of  West 
Newbury,  Massachusetts,  praying  for  the  repeal 
of  all  laws  exempting  United  States  stocks  from 
taxation;  which  was  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Finance.  ^ 

REPORTS  FROM  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (S.  No. 
308)  repealing  so  much  of  an  act  to  supply  de- 
ficiencies in  the  appropriations  for  the  service  of 
the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1864,  and 
for  other  purposes,  approved  March  14,  1864, 
as  appropriates  $25,000  for  erecting  a  naval  hos- 
pitalatKiltery,  Maine,  reported  it  withoutamend- 
ment. 

Mr.  FOSTER,  from  the  Committee  on  Pen- 
sions, to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
465)  for  the  relief  of  Deborah  Jones,  reported  it 
without  amendment,  and  submitted  a  report, 
which  was  ordered  to  be  printed. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  380)  for  the  re- 
lief of  George  W.  Murray,  reported  it  without 
amendment,  and  submitted  a  report,  which  was 
ordered  to  be  printed. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom  was 
referred  the  petition  of  Mary  C.  Hamilton,  widow 
of  Captain  Fowler  Hamilton,  submitted  an  ad- 
verse report  thereon,  which  was  ordered  to  be 
printed. 


He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom  was 
referred  the  petition  of  Reuben  Clough,  praying 
to  be  allowed  arrears  of  pension,  submitted  a  re- 
port accompanied  by  a  bill  (S.  No.  316)  for  the 
relief  of  Reuben  Clough.  The  bill  was  read  and 
passed  to  a  second  reading,  and  the  report  was 
ordered  to  be  printed. 

Mr.  POMEROY,  from  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  to  whom  was  referred  the  memorial  of 
J.  W.  Barnaclo,  praying  compensation  forswear- 
ing in  volunteers,  reported  adversely  thereon. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom  was 
referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  431)  for  the  relief  of 
Solomon  Wadsworth,  reported  it  without  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE,  from  the  Committee  on  In- 
dian Affairs,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H. 
R.  No.  442)  to  authorize  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  to  negotiate  with  certain  Indians  of 
Middle  Oregon  lor  a  relinquishment  of  certain 
rights  secured  to  them  by  treaty,  reported  it  wiiii 
an  amendment;  and  he  presented  a  letter  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  addressed  to  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs,  relative 
to  a  proposed  treaty  with  certain  Indians  of  Mid- 
dle Oregon;  which  was  ordered  to  be  printed. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPherson,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  House  of  Representatives  had  passed  tlie  bill 
of  the  Senate  (No.  54)  to  incorporate  the  Metro- 
politan Railroad  Coi,npany  in  tlie  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, v>/ith  amendments;  in  which  it  requested 
the  concurrence  of  the  Senate. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
had  passed  the  following  bills  and  joint  resolu- 
tions; in  which  it  requested  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  470)  to  authorize  assimilated  rnnk 
to  be  given  to  tiie  warrant  officers  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  and  for  other  purposes; 

A  bill  (No.  533)  to  provide  fbrascertaiiiing  and 
adjusting  claims  against  the  Government  for  ii>- 
jury  or  destruction  of  property  by  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  or  by  military  autiiority  dur- 
ing the  present  rebellion; 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  91)  in  relation  lo  the 
treaty  of  1817;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  95)  authorizing  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  to  amend  the  contract  with 
John  Ericsson  for  the  construction  of  two  im- 
pregnable floating  batteries,  the  Dictator  and  the 
Puritan. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  had  signed  iho 
following  enrolled  bills;  and  they  were  thereupon 
signed  by  the  President  pro  tempore: 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  247)  granting  lands  to  the 
State  of  Wisconsin  to  build  a  military  road  to 
Lake  Superior;  and 

A  bill  (S.  No.  145)  to  increase  the  pay  ofsol- 
diers  in  the  United  States  Army,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

DICTIONARY  OK  CONGRESS. 

Mr.  POWELL,  from  the  Committee  on  Print- 
ing, to  whom  was  referred  the  resolution,  sub- 
mitted on  the  15th  of  March,  to  print  the  Diction- 
ary of  the  United  States  Congress,  prepared  by 
the  late  Librarian  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, reported  it  without  arnendmeiit. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  resolu- 
tion by  unanimous  consent,  and  it  was  agreed  to 
as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  there  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Sen- 
ate fifteen  liundrcd  and  lifty  copies  of  tlie  Dictionary  of 
the  United  States  Congress  prepared  by  the  late  Librarian 
of  the  House  and  already  ordered  by  that  body;  and  the 
Secretary  Is  lioreby  directed  to  pay  to  the  coinpfler  the 
same  copyright  allowed  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

BILLS  INTRODUCED. 

Mr.  MORRILL  asked,  and  by  unanimous  con- 
sent obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No .  317) 
providing  for  bail  in  certain  cases  of  military 
arrests;  which  was  read  twice  by  its  title,  and 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

He  also  asked,  and  by  uimnimoua  consent  ob- 
tained, leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  318)  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  sell 
certain  property  of  the  United  States  when  no 
longer  required  for  the  public  service;  which  was 
read  twice  by  its  title,  and  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Commerce. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8087 


BILLS  BECOME  LAWS. 

A  messagR  fVoni  the  Pref:idetit  of  the  United 
StateSjby  Mr.  Hay,  hi«Secretary,!iiinoniicetl  that 
on  the  IHlli  instant  ho  had  npprovccl  the  follow- 
ing act  and  joint  ri'.sohuions: 

An  act  (S.  No.  291)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"Anact  to  enable  the  people  of  Colorado  to  fornti  a 
constitution  and  State  government,  and  for  the  ad- 
mission of  such  State  into  the  Union  on  an  equal 
footing  with  tl)e  original  States;" 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  59)  to  provide  for  the 
revisionof  the  laws  of  I  he  District  of  Columbia;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  6'4)  explanatory  of 
nn  act  entitled  "An  act  extending  the  tirne  for  the 
completion  of  the  Marquette  and  Ontonagon  rail- 
road of  the  State  of  Mie.higan." 

JUAN  MIRANDA. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  I  ask  the  indulgence  of  the 
Senate  to  take  up  the  triotion  submitted  by  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Vermont  [Mr.  Foot]  for  a 
reconsideration  of  the  vote  by  which  the  bill  (S. 
No.  238)  to  settle  certain  private  land  claiins  in  the 
State  of  California  was  indefinitely  postponed. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  The  only  question  I  think  is 
wpon  a  notice  given  of  a  motion  to  reconsider.  I 
do  not  understand  the  Senator  as  wishing  to  take 
up  the  bill,  but  to  have  the  Senate  vote  whether 
or  not  tliey  will  reconsider  the  vote  by  which  the 
bill  was  indefinitely  postponed. 

Mr.  CARLILE.     I  understand  that  a  motion 
was  made  by  the  Senator  from  Vermont  to  recon- 
sider that  vote.     If  am  in  error  he  will  correct  me. 
Mr.  FOOT.     The  motion  was  made. 
The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     The  motion 
is  recorded  as  having  been  made. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  I  learn  that  by  the  rules  of 
the  Senate,  unless  the  vote  indefinitely  postponing 
the  bill  be  reconsidered  at  this  session,  the  bill 
will  fall  at  the  end  of  the  session.  Now,  it  is  not 
my  purpose,  if  it  is  not  desired  by  the  Senator 
from  California,  to  enter  into  any  argument  on 
the  merits  of  the  bill  this  morning.  I  merely  wish 
to  put  it  where  it  was  before  the  question  was 
taken  on  the  indefinite  postponement;  and  then, 
v.'heri  it  is  convenient,  at  this  session,  or,  if  that 
does  not  suit  the  pleasure  of  the  Senate,  at  the 
next  session,  I  will  bring  it  up  and  explain  it.  I 
will  consult  the  convenience  of  the  Senator  from 
California  and  of  the  Senate  on  that  point.  All 
I  want  is  to  have  the  benefit  of  this  motion  to  re- 
consider, which  will  fall,  as  I  understand,  with 
the  adjournment  of  this  session  of  Congress  if  it 
be  not  aijreed  to. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Tlie  motive  that  I  had  in 
making  the  motion  for  the  indefinite  postpone- 
ment of  the  bill  1  stated  to  the  Senate  at  the  time. 
To  us  it  is  a  very  important  questioti.  The  very 
pendency  of  a  bill  of  this  kind  here  throws  a  cloud 
over  the  title  to  some  very  valuable  property  in 
which  a  great  many  citizens  of  my  State  are  in- 
terested. My  objectin  making  the  motion  to  in- 
definitely postpone  the  bill  was  to  throw  off  that 
cloud,  to  defeat  the  bill  in  that  way  that  we  might 
have  an  end  of  it.  I  was  not  satisfied  to  have  the 
vote  taken  on  the  passage  of  such  a  bill  until  the 
facts  and  circumstances  connected  with  the  case 
were  more  fully  presented  than  they  have  been 
by  myself  to  the  Senate,  but  I  have  no  desire  to 
trespass  on  the  attention  of  the  Senate  at  this  time 
nor  again  during  the  session  upon  this  subject.  I 
hope  the  motion  to  reconsider  the  indefinite  post- 
ponement will  not  be  carried,  and  I  wish  the  de- 
liberate vote  of  the  Senate  to  remain  so  that  the 
matter  may  be  considered  as  finally  disposed  of. 
I  need  not  add  that  the  State  which  I  in  part  rep- 
resent here  has  instructed  its  Senators  and  Rep- 
resentatives how  to  act  on  this  measure.  Those 
solemn  resolutions  of  the  sovereign  State  have 
been  read  from  the  Senate  desk.  1  ask  Senators 
Jiotto  reconsider  their  vote  and  put  this  question 
upon  us  again. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  I  do  not  wish  to  take  up  the 
time  of  the  Senate,  ifl  can  have  this  vote  recon- 
sidered, by  a  discussion  of  the  bill  upon  its  merits, 
and  I  therefore  made  the  proposition  to  the  Sen- 
ator from-California  to  allow  the  vote  to  be  re- 
considered and  I  would  consult  his  convenience 
as  to  the  time  when  the  bill  should  be  taken  up 
again;  but  if  this  is  to  be  made  a  test  vote,  I  shall 
feel  it  my  duty  to  present  to  the  Senate  the  merits 
of  the  proposition,  as  1  understand  them. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  hope  the  Senator  will  do  it 
now  so  that  wcinay  dispose  of  the  question. 


Mr.  CARLILE.  1  trust  the  Senate  will  take 
the  matter  up. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  that  motion. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Virginia  to 
take  up  for  consideration  the  motion  to  reconsider 
the  vote  on  the  bill  referred  to  by  him. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  should  like  to  have  this 
measure  reconsidered,  not  for  present  considera- 
tion, but  for  full  cons)ideration  at  a  convenient 
time.  I  did  not  to  any  considerable  extent  par- 
ticipate in  the  debate  on  this  bill;  1  did  notthink 
it  necessary  for  the  advice  of  the  Senate;  but  be- 
fore this  matter  is  finally  disposed  of,  1  desire  as 
in  part  representing  California  and  as  entirely 
differing  from  my  colleague,  to  discuss  this  mat- 
ter with  all  the  understanding  I  have  on  the  sub- 
ject. I  think  my  acquaintance  with  the  subject 
is  more  intimate  than  that  of  my  colleague.  I 
only  wish  the  discussion  to  be  full  and  complete 
on  the  merits  of  the  bill.  Whatever  then  may 
be  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  1  of  course  shall 
submit  to.  I  trust  the  vote  will  be  reconsidered, 
so  that  the  bill  may  at  some  proper  and  conven- 
ient lime  be  fully  canvassed. 

The  PRESIDENT  jjro£ei)i/)07-e.  Thequestion 
is  on  the  motion  to  take  up  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  26,  nays  13;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Ciirlile,  Cdllanier,  Covvrui.  Davis,  Fes- 
semleii,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris.  Hen- 
dricks, Joluisoii,  Lane  of  Indiana,  iMcDou^'all,  Moiyan, 
Nesmitli,Pi)well,Riclianlson,  Riddle,  Sanlshnry,. Sherman, 
Ten  Eyck,  'I'rumbiiil,  Van  Wiidde,  and  VVilley— 26. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Ulark,  Ciinness,  Dix- 
on. Doolittle,  Hovvan],  Howe,  Ponieroy,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
Wade,  and  Wil-son— 13. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Bnekalew,  Chandler,  Hardins,  Hen- 
derson, Hicks,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morrill,  Ramsey,  Wilkin- 
son, and  Wright — 10. 

The  PRESIDENTpro  tempore.  The  bill  is  be- 
fore the  Senate,  and  the  question  is  on  the  motion 
to  reconsider  the  vote  by  wliicli  it  was  indefinitely 
postponed. 

The  motion  to  reconsider  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
now  recurs  on  the  motion  to  postpone  the  bill  in- 
definitely. 

Mr.  CAPv-LILE.  I  now  move,  if  I  have  the 
right  to  do  so,  tliat  the  further  consideration  of 
the  subject  be  postponed  until  the  second  Tuesday 
in  December  next. 

The  PRESIDENT ;)ro  tempore.  The  Chair  will 
suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Virginia  that  a  mo- 
tion to  postpone  indefinitely  takes  precedence  of  a 
motion  to  postpone  to  a  day  certain,  so  that  the 
motion  to  postpone  indefinitely  must  first  be  put. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  Then  I  trust  the  Senate  will 
give  me  an  opportunity  to  make  the  motion  I  have 
indicated,  by  voting  down  the  motion  to  postpone 
indefinitely. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  would  make  any  concession 
personally  to  the  honorable  Senator  from  Vir- 
ginia, but  he  will  excuse  me  upon  this  question, 
which  I  regard  as  of  so  much  consequence.  I  hope 
that  the  Senate  will  determine  the  matter  now  by 
a  vote,  so  that  we  shall  not  have  the  question  kept 
open,  to  the  detriment  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
people  of  California.  If  the  Senator  desires  to 
make  the  bill  the  special  order  for  any  day  before 
the  end  of  this  session,  I  have  no  objection;  but 
I  do  not  wish  to  have  it  postponed  until  the  next 
session,  with  all  its  annoyances,  and  with  its  in- 
jury to  the  people  of  my  State. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  voted  the  other  day  for 
the  indefinite  postponement  of  this  bill,  and  after 
tlie  vote  was  given,  in  conversation  with  some 
gentlemen  who  had  looked  into  the  question,  I 
thought  perhaps  I  had  made  a  mistake.  My  at- 
tention was  called  to  it,  and  I  began  to  look  into 
the  case.  In  fact  a  party  who'is  interested,  who 
claims  title  under  Miranda,  called  upon  me  and 
stated  orally  the  ground  on  which  he  stood.  On 
looking  at  the  papers  and  from  his  statement  I 
found  ihefacts  to  be  substantially  these:  this  man 
who  claims  under  Miranda  made  a  mistake  him- 
self; that  is  to  say  he  mistook  his  own  rights;  the 
Ortega  papers  were  brought  out  and  exhibited  in 
such  form  that  he  was  led  to  believe  that  Ortega 
held  the  title  and  that  his  own  title  was  good  for 
nothing.  At  all  events  he  abandoned  his  own 
title  by  reason  of  the  mistake  which  he  made 
himself.    Then  he  claims  that  there  was  a  mis- 


take made  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  in  consequence  of  which  he  suffered  the 
time  to  expire  within  which  he  could  get  tlie 
benefit  of  the  law  so  as  to  prove  up  his  title.  If 
it  was  simply  a  question  between  us  and  a  man 
claiming  so  much  of  the  unoccupied  jiublic  do- 
main, 1  could  listen  to  this  filea  and  to  the  force 
of  it;  but  I  untlerstand  that  on  this  very  grant 
there  has  now  gi-own  up  a  town  of  three  thousand 
or  four  thousand  inhabitants, persons  who. settled 
on  this  very  land.  To  my  mind  when  a  man  h^as, 
whether  through  his  own  mistake  or  through  a 
mistake  of  the  Supreme  Court,  or  theact  of  God, 
or  in  any  other  way  technically  lost  his  right  tf) 
dispossess  three  or  four  thousand  people  from  the 
public  domain,  1  am  not  willing  to  give  him  a 
right  to  come  in  and  show  a  perfect  title  which  is 
to  eject  the  population  of  a  whole  city  from  the 
land  on  which  they  live,  without  at  least  impos- 
ing terms  upon  him.  On  the  whole  I  shall  vote 
with  the  Senator  from  Virginia,  to  postpone  this 
matter  until  the  next  session,  for  we  cannot  at  this 
session  go  into  a  discussion  of  it  and  ascertain 
wh«t  are  the  real  rights  of  the  case.  If  I  could  be 
prevailed  upon  to  allow  this  man  to  intervene,  I 
should  impose  in  the  law  itself  such  terms  as 
would  secure  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  wish  for  the  satisfaction 
of  the  Senator  to  call  his  attention  at  this  point 
of  time  to  a  fact  left  out  in  the  oral  statement  made 
to  him.  The  withdrawal  of  this  case  from  the 
land  board  by  this  party  was  not  made  on  the 
exhibition  of  what  appeared  to  be  a  superior  title 
in  the  Ortega  claimants,  but  it  was  made  on  a 
written  compact,  a  copy  of  which  I  have  here 
verified,  between  tlie  Ortega  men  and  the  Miranda 
men.  This  party's  name  is  signed  to  the  docu- 
ment, in  which  he  agreed  that  he  would  withdraw 
his  papers  and  use  his  best  endeavors  to  confirm 
the  Ortega  claim,  and  then  divide  the  proceeds 
between  them  upon  terms  arranged  and  under- 
stood; and  he  did  not  withdraw  it  innocently;  he 
is  not  out  of  court  by  anything  but  his  own  act 
in  agreeing  to  confirm  a  title  which  has  since  been 
rejected,  and  therefore  I  say  he  has  neither  law 
nor  equity.  Still,  if  it  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Sen- 
ate, (tor  I  do  not  desire  to  impose  on  the  Senate,) 
I  will  withdraw  the  motion  to  postpone  indefinite- 
ly, as  requested  by  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Virginia,  although  1  cannot  withdraw  it  without 
believing  that  it  is  an  injury  to  the  people  of  my 
State.  1  withdraw  my  motion  so  that  the  Sena- 
tor from  Virginia  may  present  his. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  motion 
to  postpone  indefinitely  can  only  be  withdrawn 
by  unanimous  consent.  The  Chair  hears  no  ob- 
jection; the  motion  is  withdrawn, 

Mr.  CARLILE.  Now  I  feel  bound  in  good 
faith  to  the  Senate  to  make  the  motion  which  I 
suggested  a  short  time  ago,  to  postpone  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  this  bill  until  the  second 
Tuesday  in  December  next. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  was  received  from  the  House  of 
Representatives,  by  Mr.  McPherson,  its  Clerk, 
announcing  that  the  House  had  passed  the  fol- 
lowing bills  and  joint  resolution;  in  which  it  re- 
quested the  concurrence  of  the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  446)  to  regulate  prize  proceedings 
and  the  distribution  of  prize  money,  and  for  other 
purposes; 

A  bill  (No.  532)  to  establish  certain  post  roads; 

A  bill  (No.  534)  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  provide  for  the  education  of  naval 
constructors  and  steam  engineers,  and  for  other 
purposes;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  99)  reserving  mineral 
lands  from  the  operation  of  all  acts  passed  at  the 
present  session  granting  lands  or  extending  the 
time  of  former  grants. 

HOUSE  BILLS  REFERRED. 

The  following  bills  and  joint  resolutions  from 
the  House  of  Representatives  were  severally  read 
twice  by  their  titles,  and  referred  as  indicated  be- 
low: 

A  bill  (No.  533)  to  provide  for  ascertaining  and 
adjusting  claims  against  the  Government  for  in- 
jury or  destruction  of  property  by  the  Army  of 
the  United  States,  or  by  military  authority,  (lur- 
ing the  present  rebellion — to  the  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary. 


3088 


THE  CONGRESSIOjSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  20. 


A  ioint  resolution  (No.  91)  in  relation  to  the 
Heaty  of  1817 — t,u  ihc  Committee  on  Foreign  Re- 
latiociR. 

A  bill  to  autliorizG  assimilated  rank  to  be  given 
to  the  warrr.iit  officers  Of  the  United  States  Navy, 
and  for  other  jnirposes — to  the  Committee  on 
Noval  Affairs. 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  95)  authorizing  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  to  amend  the  contract  with 
John  Ericsson  for  the  construction  of  two  impreg- 
nable floating  batteries,  the  Dictator  and  the  Pu- 
ritan— to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  desire  to  say  in  connection  with 
the  bills  just  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  that  by  a  vote  of  that  committee  1  am  in- 
structed to  ask  the  Senate  to  devote  a  day  this 
v/eek  to  the  consideration  of  naval  matters;  and  1 
give  notice  now  that  if  nothing  else  interferes  I 
shall  move  on  Wedrjesday  at  one  o'clock  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  consideration  of  bills  relating  to  the 
Navy. 

PERFORMANCE  OF  MILITARY  DUTY. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  take  up  Senate  bill 
No.  286,  to  prohibit  the  discharge  of  persons  from 
liability  to  military  duty  by  reason  of  the  pay- 
ment of  money,  and  for  other  purposes. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate  re- 
sumed consideration  of  the  bill  as  in  Committee 
of  the  VVliole. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  pending 
question  is'on  an  amendment  offered  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  withdraw  that  amendment. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  wish  to  offer  an  amendment 
as  a  new  section: 

Andbe  it  further  enacted.  That  in  any  draft  which  may 
hPieafier  talce  place,  all  tndian  tribes  with  whom  treaties 
Iiave  l)eoii  made  hy  the  United  States  and  who  are  receiv- 
ing aiiniiities  IVnm  llie  Government  sliall  be  required  to 
furnish  their  respective  quota  of  men  ;  and  tivat  the  duties 
of  enrollment,  or  ascertaining  the appro.ximate  numbers  of 
said  tribes,  shall,  whenever  tlie  same  is  necessary,  be  per- 
I'ormed  by  the  Indian  agents  as  part  of  their  appropriate 
duty,  without  further  compensation,  under  instructions 
fioni  the  I'nivost  Marshal  General.  And  in  the  event  tliat 
any  tribe  recciviii;;  annuities  as  aforesaid  shall  refuse  or 
fail  to  furnish  its  required  quota,  then  and  in  that  event 
the  wl)ole  or  such  part  of  tlieir  said  annuities  as  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Interior  shall  deem  adequate  to  provide  sub- 
stitutes sliall  be  withheld  from  the  annual  payment  and 
shall  be  placed  in  the  Treasury  alonj;  with  the  connnula- 
tion  funil  heretofore  ptiid  for  a  like  purpose;  Jind  'procided 
further.  That  the  force  thus  raised  nnry  be  employed  by 
the  Government  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  peace  ancl 
protecting  from  hostile  incursion  the  Indian  and  otherTer- 
rilories,  and  of  relieving  such  troops  as  are  now  engaged 
in  that  duty. 

1  do  not  think  the  amendment  I  have  offered 
needs  any  very  special  comment.  It  is  known  to 
tiie  Senate  that  we  arc  now  paying  out  large  an- 
nuities to  many  of  the  Indian  tribes  that  are  lo- 
cated on  our  border,  and  that  they  are  just  as 
capable  of  furnishing  efficient  soldiers  as  any  of 
the  counties  of  any  of  the  States  of  the  Union.  I 
go  further  and  say  that  for  the  purpose  of  the  ser- 
vice in  which  it  is  designed  to  employ  them,  that 
is  the  special  service  in  the  Indian  Territory  and 
the  mountain  regions,  a  more  efficient  corps  can 
be  made  from  that  class  of  persons  than  from  any 
other  in  the  country.  We  have  now  several  thou- 
sand soldiers  employed  in  these  Territories;  I  be- 
lieve 1  should  not  be  ovei-stating  it  if  I  were  to 
say  ten  thousand.  Tliese  can  to  a  great  extent 
be  supplanted  by  the  force  which  it  is  here  pro- 
posed to  raise;  and  from  an  acquaintance  with  the 
habits  of  many  of  these  Indian  tribes,  from  a 
knowledge  which  is  acquired  on  the  plains  and  in 
the  Territories,  I  feel  warranted  in  saying  that 
they  will  make  amore  economical,  a  more  efficient, 
and  a  more  disposable  force  than  any  which  we 
now  have  employed  in  these  Territories.  That 
will  give  us  a  substantial  increase  to  our  military 
force,  and  I  think  it  will  do  another  thing  which 
is  very  important:  it  will  lay  the  basis  in  our  In- 
dian system  of  disposing  of  the  animosities  of 
tliese  tribes,  so  to  speak,  in  a  manner  beneficial 
to  the  country.  They  now  employ  themselves, 
employ  all  their  manhood  in  hostilities  with  each 
other.  There  seems  to  be  some  excitementof  the 
sort  necessary  to  them;  but  by  diverting  it  in  a 
proper  channel,  by  maintaining  an  efficient  sol- 
diery among  them,  by  elevating  and  educating 
tiiem  militarily,  it  will  lay  the  basis  of  a  further 
education  which  v/ill  extend  throughout  the  tribes. 
I  do  not  think  that  any  reasonable  objection  can 
be  made  to  the  amendment.  It  does  not  propose 
to  increase  the  expenditures  of  the  Government, 
for  it  devolves  this  duty  of  enumeration  on  the 


agents  who  are  perfectly  able  and  competent^to 
do  it.  It  v/ill  give  us  that  additional  force  with- 
out any  additional  expense;  and  that  we  have  a 
right  to  make  the  demand  I  do  not  think  can  be 
questioned. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Mr.  President,  however  ad- 
visable it  might  be  to  adopt  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  the  honorable  member  from  Missouri, 
if  we  had  the  power,  or  if  it  consisted  at  all  with 
what  has  been  the  uniform  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment, I  shall  be  obliged  to  vote  against  it  upon 
both  of  those  grounds.  The  Indian  nations  as 
we  found  them  when  the  country  was  colonized, 
were  independent  of  the  rest  of  the  world  and 
each  independent  of  all  the  others.  That  indi- 
vidual independence  has  never  been  denied  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  except  so  far  as  to  pro- 
hibit tlieir  disposing  of  their  lands  where  they  are 
situated  within  the  territorial  boundaries  of  the 
United  States  to  anybody  else  but  the  United 
States.  We  consider  them  with  that  exception 
as  independent  nations.  We  deal  with  them  as 
such  by  making  treaties  with  them.  We  have 
never  attempted  to  take  their  lands  in  any  other 
way  than  by  negotiation  consummated  by  treaty. 
By  the  Constitution  they  are  excepted  from  the 
taxing  power.  Now  the  honorable  member  pro- 
poses that  we  shall  by  our  laws  provide  that  they 
shall  be  compelled  to  render  military  service  to 
the  United  Stales.  Even  conceding  for  argu- 
ment's sake  that  strictly  speaking  such  power 
might  be  found  to  exist,  which  I  do  not  think, 
yet,  as  it  is  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  whole 
practice  and  policy  of  the  Government,  I  submit 
to  the  honorable  memberand  to  the  Senate  whether 
it  is  proper  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to 
abandon  that  practice  altogether,  as  would  be  done 
by  adopting  the  amendment  suggested  by  the 
honorable  member  from  Missouri. 

We  have  dealt  harshly  enough,  perhaps,  with 
these  remnants  of  former  great  nations,  and  per- 
haps it  has  been  owing  to  that  very  harshness 
that  they  consist  now  of  butremnants.  But  while 
they  are  with  us  our  duty,  itseems  to  me,  is  rather 
to  come  to  their  aid  than  to  force  them  by  com- 
pulsory legislation  to  come  to  our  aid  in  a  mo- 
ment when  we  ourselves  and  our  institutions  are 
in  danger. 

Mr.  HALE.  There  is  another  objection  to 
this  amendment  that  strikes  me  as  a  very  fatal 
one;  and  that  is  that  it  is  an  attempt  by  an  act  of 
legislation  to  amend  the  treaties  we  have  with 
these  tribes.  We  are  bound  by  treaty  to  pay 
them  certain  annuities;  it  is  proposed  by  this  act 
of  legislation  to  impose  additional  duties  on  them, 
and  in  default  of  their  perform'ing  the  duties  which 
you  impose  upon  them  by  this  act  of  legislation 
to  nullify  their  treaties.  In  other  words,  you 
break  faith  with  them,  and  you  take  the  annuity 
which  you  are  bound  by  treaty  to  pay  them,  and 
indemnify  yourselves  by  putting  into  the  Treas- 
ury that  which  we  are  bound  by  treaty  to  pay 
them.  It  seems  to  me  that  of  itself  is  a  sufficient 
answer  to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Mr.  President,  notwith- 
standing I  have  learned  somewhat  in  history  of 
the  cruelties  jiracticed  in  civil  war,  it  never  oc- 
curred to  my  imagination  that  a  proposition  could 
be  gravely  made  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
to  enroll  the  savages  who  roam  the  forests  in  the 
military  service  of  the  country  to  take  part  in 
this  present  conflict.  There  is  not  a  Senator  on 
this  floor  v/hose  just  indignation  even  in  child- 
hood was  not  aroused  when  he  read  of  the  action 
of  the  British  Government  in  the  days  of  our 
Revolution  in  bringing  savages  to  fight  against 
the  colonists,  and  no  one  who  has  ever  read  them 
can  forget  the  burning  words  of  indignation  which 
fell  from  the  lips  of  Chatham  against  the  em- 
ployment of  such  soldiers  against  civilized  men. 
But,  sir,  the  proposition  now  is  gravely  submit- 
ted in  tlie  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  call  into 
this  war  the  savage  tribes,  to  let  them  loose  upon 
the  people  of  the  South.  Sir,  if  those  people 
had  never  been  united  to  us;  if  we  had  never 
lived  in  political  communion  with  them;  if  they 
were  in  the  scale  of  civilization  and  refinement  an 
inferior  race,  this  proposition  would  be  abhorrent 
and  ought  to  meet  with  the  just  condemnation  of 
not  only  every  humane  but  of  every  just  man. 
Sir,  I  cannot  allow  myself  to  speak  in  language 
suitable  to  express  my  thoughts  in  reference  to 
this  proposition;  therefore  I  forbear  further  from 
characterizing  it. 


But,  sir,  what  need  have  you  of  the  Indians  to 
fight  these  battles  }  Look  at  the  men  whom  you 
have  called  into  the  field  since  the  commencement 
of  this  war,  and  tell  me  now,  sir,  whether  you 
have  not  had  more  men  in  the  field  since  the  com- 
mencement of  this  war  than  you  can  possil^ly, 
under  any  circumstances,  continue  in  the  field. 
You  have  men  now  in  all  the  adhering  States  that 
are  walking  up  and  down  the  public  roads  and  in 
every  little  country  village,  at  every  cross-roads, 
with  the  American  uniform  on,  not  employed  in 
active  service  of  the  country;  you  have  men  scat- 
tered throughout  the  country  who  attend  to  the 
business  of  managing  elections,  and  act  as  spies 
and  informers  against  their  neighbors,  who  drag 
off  peaceable  and  quiet  citizens  from  their  homes. 
I  cannot  ride  three  miles  from  the  country  village 
in  which  I  live  that  1  do  notfind  them  walking  up 
and  down  the  highways  with  the  United  States 
unifo.rm  on;  and  this  day,  if  you  will  call  tlio.se 
men  who  have  your  uniform  on  and  put  them  in 
the  field,  bend  your  energies  against  the  foe  in 
battle  instead  of  attending  to  peaceable,  quiet  cit- 
izens at  home  in  States  that  never  i-aised  the 
standard  of  revolt,  you  will  find  no  necessity  for 
the  additional  calls  which  this  bill  contemplates. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
must  interrupt  the  Senator  to  call  up  the  special 
order,  the  hour  having  arrived  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  suppose  the  special  or- 
der is  the  unfinished  business  of  Saturday. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-ofempore.     Yes,  sir. 

INTBR-CONTINENTAL  TELEGRAPH. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  do  not  wish  to  antag- 
onize that  bill  with  this,  and  I  move  that  it  be 
postponed  until  to-morrow  at  one  o'clock,  and 
that  it  be  made  the  special  order  for  that  hour. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  hope  there  will  be  no  special 
orders  made  at  this  time  of  the  session;  you  can 
take  it  up  justas  well  without  making  it  a  special 
order. 

Mr.  WADE.  A  majority  can  take  it  up  at  any 
time. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Very  well,  I  will  simply 
move  that  the  further  consideration  of  Senate  bill 
No.  302  be  postponed  until  to-morrow. 

The  motion  to  postpone  was  agreed  to.  ' 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  wish  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment to  the  telegraph  bill  for  the  purpose  of  hav- 
ing it  printed.     It  is  to  come  in  as  a  new  section: 

Jlnd  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  rate  of  charges  for 
public  or  private  messages  shall  not  exceed  on  said  line  the 
average  usual  rates  in^Europe  and  America  "for  the  same 
service,  or  such  rates  as  shall  be  ascertained  and  fi.xed  by 
a  convention  between  the  United  States,  Russia,  and  Great 
Britain. 

The  amendment  was  received,  and  ordered  to  be 
printed. 

LEGISLATIVE,  ETC.,  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

Mr.   SHERMAN.     Before  the  Senator  from 
Delaware  proceeds,  I  ask  him    to  allow  me  to 
make  a  report  from  a  committee  of  conference. 
Mr.  SAULSBURY.     Certainly. 
Mr.  SHERMAN  submitted  the  following  i-e- 
port: 

The  committee  of  conference  on  the  dis.agreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments  to  the  bill  (H.  il.  No. 
192)  making  appropriations  for  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes,  having  met,  after 
full  and  free  conference  have  agreeif  to  recommend  and  do 
recommend  to  their  respective  Houses  as  follows : 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  ninth  and  ninety- 
fourth  amendment. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  twenty-fifth  amendment 
of  the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  thirty-fourth  amendment 
of  the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  Senate  recede  liom  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  ninetieth  amendment  of  the 
Senate,  and  agree  to  tlie  same. 

Tliat  the  Senate  agree  to  the  amendments  recommended 
by  the  report  of  the  previous  conference  committee  to  the 
ninety-filth  amendment  of  the  Senate,  agreed  to  by  the 
House. 

That  the  Senate  agree  to  the  amendments  of  the  House 
to  the  ninety-sixth  amendment  of  the  Senate  as  modified 
by  the  recommendation  of  the  previous  committee  of  con- 
ference, and  agreed  to  by  the  House. 

JOHN  SHERMAN; 
GARRETT  DAVIS, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 
GEORGE  H.  PENDLETON, 
WILLIAM  WIN  DOM, 
ORLANDO  KELLOGG, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Hoiite. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  do  not  know  that  any 
explanation  is  necessary,  as  the  most  of  the  con- 


THE  OEFIGIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONailESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  HIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  CoNGiiEas,  1st  Session. 

ti-ovei-ted  amendments  were  dispost-d  of  by  tlie 
firsi.  report  of  the  committee  of  conference;  but 
I  will  state  the  result  of  the  second  report,  which 
will  close  the  diflTercnce  between  the  two  Houses. 
The  Senate  recede  from  theamendmcnt  providing; 
for  nil  acldifional  publication  in  newspapers  in  llie 
border  Slates  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 
The  Senate  also  recede  from  the  amendment  in- 
creasing the  salary  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  The  Senate  agree  to  the  increase  of 
temporary  clerks  in  the  Treasury  Department, 
and  also  to  a  slight  increase  of  the  contingent  ex- 
penses of  the  Fifth  Auditor'soffice.  The  Senate 
also  agree  to  the  increase  of  twenty  per  cent,  in  the 
compensation  of  the  smaller  grades  of  employes 
in  the  Departments,  and  the  increase  of  the  pay 
of  watchmen  and  messengers.  The  Senate  also 
agree  to  certain  amendments  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  providing  for  additional  clerics  in 
various  Defuirtments  of  tlie  Government.  The 
House  of  Representatives  have  receded  from 
nearly  all  their  disagreements  to  our  other  amend- 
ments. 

The  report  was  concurred  in. 

PKRFOKM.\NCE   OF    MILITARY  DUTY. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
resumed  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (S.  No.  28C) 
to  prohibit  the  discharge  of  persons  from  liability 
to  military  duty  by  reason  of  the  payment  of 
money  and  for  other  purposes,  the  pending  ques- 
tion being  on  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Brown. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.     1  did  not  know  that  this 
suiiject  was  coming  up  for  consideration  to-day. 
When  I  was  interrupted  1  was  remarking  that  if 
those  ititrusted  with  the  management  of  our  mil- 
itary affairs  would  oidy  call  the  men  frotn  places 
where  the  soldiers   they  already    have   are  of  no 
earthly  use,  and  put  them  in  the  field  against  the 
foe,  there  certainly  could  be  no  necessity  what- 
ever for  calling  tor  more  men,  and  least  of  all 
would  there  be  any  necessity  for  calling  upon  the 
savage  tribes  to  take  part  in  this  contest.     But, 
sir,  the  statement  may  perhaps  be  questioned  that 
there  are  a  great  many  soldiers  thus  unemplayed. 
Why,  sir,  on  my  way  to  this  cily  on    the  same 
train. of  cars,  in    my  own  State,  there  were  four 
hundred  soldiers  in  the  uniform  of  the   United 
States,  who  had  been  down  in  the  lower  part  of 
Delaware  and  in   the  lower  counties  of  the  East- 
ern Shore  of  Maryland  on  a  great  military  raid — 
attending  to  the  elections  there  !     There  was  a  foe 
in  the  field   down  South   who  had   arms  in  their 
hands,  where  they  could   have  been  legitimately 
and   properly  employed.     There  were   peaceful, 
quiet  citizens  in  tlie  State  of  Delaware  and  on  the 
Eastern   Shore  of   Maryland,  with   no  arms  in 
their  hands,  presuming  to  approach  the  polls  to 
cast  their  votes  for  those  who  were  to  make  tiie 
laws  of  their  States  under  which  they  were  to  live, 
and  these  soldiers,  under   the   direction   of  their 
superior  officers,  instead  of  being  sent  to  the  front 
to  meet  armed  foes,  were  sent  to  the  elections  to 
keep  peaceable  citizens  from  voting.     Now,  sir, 
before  any  white   men  even  are   called   into  the 
field  more  than  those  v/e  have,  much  more  before 
the  aid  of  savage  tribes  is   to  be  invoked,  1  call 
upon  this  Administration  to  bring  to  the  seat  of 
war  the  men  whom  they  send  into  peaceful,  quiet 
States  to  molest  peaceful,  quiet  citizens,  and   to 
put  them  in  the  fields  of  battle, and  see  when  they 
get  them  there  whether  they  will  not  liave  enough 
men  to  meet  General  Lee  and  General  Johnston. 
Sir,  had  this  Administration  placed  in  the  field  the 
men  whom  they  keep  in  the  adhering  States  for 
the  purpose  of  influencing  elections  and  harass- 
ing quiet,  peaceable  citizens  simply  because  they 
differ  from  tfiis  Administration  in  party  associa- 
tion, and  had  it  united  these  men  with  those  al- 
ready in   the  field,  do   you  believe,  sir,  does  the 
country  believe,  does  any  sane  man  in  the  coun- 
try believe,  that  there  would  have  been  any  ne- 
cessity for  calling  for   another   man?     No,  sir, 
there  is  no  necessity  for  this  double  war  upon  an 
armed  foe  in  the  field  and   upon  peaceful  citizens 
at  home. 

But,  sir,  there  is  no  earthly  use  for  these  sav- 

194 


TUESDAY,  JUNE  21,  1864. 

age  tribes  in  anotiier  aspect  of  the   case.     How 
many  men  do  you  suppose  you  have  called  into 
the  field,  and    hovv   many  men   have   worn   your 
uniform  since  the  commencement  of  this  unfor- 
tunate war.?    At  least  two  million  five   hundred 
thousand;  at  least  one  in  ten  of  your  entire  popu- 
lation; and  yet  you  are  not  only  calling  for  more 
men,  citizens,  but  you  are  calling  upon  the  sav- 
age tribes.     Am  I  mistaken,  sir,  in  tins  estimate  .' 
My  attention  this  morning  was  called  to  n  well- 
digestetl  and  most  admirably  written  editorial  in 
the  National  Intelligencer  where  this  subject  is 
treated  of;  an<l    I  will  here  take  occasion  to  say 
that  it  is  refreshing  in  these  times  to  sec  one  pub- 
lic journal  at  least  maintaining  the  character  and 
dignity  which   becomes  a  public  journal,  not  to 
reflect  upon  other  journals,  however.     I  am    in- 
debted to  some  extent  to  that  paper  for  the  figures 
which  1  now  present  to  the  Senate.     According 
to  the  report  of  Mr.  Cameron   under  the  call  for 
75,000  men  first  made,  there  were  77,875  received. 
In  July,  1861,  at  the  extra  session,  500,000  volun- 
teers were  called  for.     On  the  1st  of  July,  1862, 
300,000  volunteers  were  called  out.     In  August, 
1862,  of  nine  moiitiis'  militia  there  were  300,000 
men  called  for.     On  the  15th  of  June,  1863,  the 
time  when  Lee  was  about  invading  Pennsylva- 
nia, 100,000  militia  were  called  out  and  the  num- 
ber  was   afterwards    increased    to    120,000.     In 
July,  J863,  there  was   a  draft  for  300,000  men. 
Since  October  17,  1863,  according  to  the  speech 
of  the  honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  700,000  men  have  been  received. 
I  have  been  informed  that  there  are  some  200,000 
hundred  days'  men  in  addition  to  all  these,  and  I 
have    seen    in    the    papers  that  there  are  about 
150,000   negroes,     in   the   whole,  not  including 
your  fiome  guards  which  were  called  out  in  sev- 
eral  States,  you  have  a   total  of  2,647,875  men. 
Now,  sir,  throw  away,  if  you  please,  300,000  of 
these,  because  I  understand  that  one  or  two   of 
these  drafts  were  not  completed,  but  I   presume 
the  deficiency  would   not  be  more  than  300,000, 
and    you   would  have   over  2,300,000  men  who 
have  been  called  into  the  service  since  the  com- 
mencement of  this  war.     The  highest  estimate  of 
your  population  in  the  adhering  States  would  be 
not  more  than  23,000,000;  and    thus  you  would 
have  one  in  every  ton  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
adhering  States  who   Jiave  been    called   into   the 
public  service  eitherfor  a  longer  or  shorter  period 
during  this  war.     I  do  not  pretend  to  say  that  all 
these  men  are  now  in  the  public  service,  because 
tlie  time  of  many  of  them  has  expired,  the  nine 
months'  men,  the  militia  which  were  called  out 
for  temporary  emergencies;  and   I  presume,  al- 
though 1   am  not  familiar  with   the   fact — this  is 
simply  assumption  from  the  figuresalready  stated 
— that  we  must  have  some   1,200,000  men  now 
with  the  uniform  of  the  United  States  on  subject 
to  military  duty.     If  that  be  so,  or  even  if  we 
only  have  a  million,  is  that  not  sufficient  to  put 
down  any  rebellion  in  this  country  which  can  be 
put  down  .'     If  a  million    of  armed   men  cannot 
suppress   the  existing   revolt,   then,  sir,  in,  my 
judgment,  it  is  of  such  gigantic  proportions  and 
presents  such  a  power  of  resistance  that  you  can- 
not  put  it  down  at  all.     In  Alison's  History  of 
Modern   Europe,   speaking  of   the  French  con- 
scription, the  following  passage  occurs: 

"  With  respect  to  f lie  military  and  naval  resources  oniie 
empire,  tlie  report  coiitaiac'd  inrnnimtioii  tliat  could  more 
implicitly  be  relied  on.  The  population  ol'  Uie  FrcEieli  em- 
pire, au!;mentcd  as  it  now  was  by  Belgium,  Holland,  llie 
Hanse  Towns,  and  Roman  States,  anionnted  to  (brty-two 
million,  of  wliicli  twenty-eight  million  seven  liundred 
thousand  belonged  to  Old  France.  Nor  weio  the  military 
and  naval  resources  of  the  empire  on  a  scale  inferior  to  the 
numerical  amount  of  its  inhabitants;  on  tlie  contrary,  they 
greatly  exceeded  them.  Tiie  horses  it  coiilained  were  three 
million  and  a  lialf,  and  consumed  as  much  food  as  thirty 
million  people.  The  army  numbered,  in  all,  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  infantry,  a  hundred  tliousand  cavalry,  and  a 
hundred  thousand  artillerymen  and  engineers;  inall,amll- 
lion  men  in  arms;  a  force,  if  tlie  quality  as  well  as  number 
of  the  combatants,  and  their  admirable  state  of  equipment, 
are  taken  into  consideration,  unparalleled  in  any  tornierage 
or  country  of  the  world.  But  it  was  altogether  dispropor- 
tioiied  to  the,  resources,  vast  as  they  were,  of  the  State." 

And  here,  sir,  we  may  gaia  a  very  profitable 


New  Si'.ries No.  194. 

lesson.  It  certainly  is  not  wise,  as  all  history 
proves,  for  any  Government  to  keep  an  army  in 
the  field  disproportioned  to  the  resources  of  the 
State,  because  when  the  resources  of  the  State  fail 
the  .support  of  the  army  fails. 

"  But  it  was  altogether  disproportioned  to  the  refionrces, 
vast  as  they  were,  of  the  States;  it  was  more  than  double 
of  that  which  Itonie,  at  its  highest  point  of  elevation, 
maintained  out  of  three  times  the  number  of  inhabit- 
ants; and  larger  than  China  supports  out  of  a  territory  ten 
times,  and  a  iiopniation,  according  to  the  lowest  estimate, 
four  limes  as"  large  as  tliose  of  the  Frencli  empire.  In  a 
word,  it  implied  the  permanent  absorption  of  one  in  forty 
of  the  whole  population  in  the  profession  of  arms  ;  wliereaa 
it  has  never  been  found,  by  experience,  that  an  empire, 
how  powerful  soever,  can  for  any  length  of  lime  flourisli 
witli  more  than  one  in  a  liundred  engaged  in  siioii  pursuits." 

Sir,  ifsucii  be  the  lesson  of  history ,  and  if  it  be 
true,  as  this  learned  historian  suggests,  that  the 
calling  of  one  in  forty  of  the  population  of  France 
into  the  field  under  Napoleon  was  such  a  strain 
upon  the  resources  of  his  Government  as  finally 
led  to  disaster  and  defeat,  it  is  lime  for  those  who 
have  the  management  of  military  affair.T  in  this 
country,  certainly  time  for  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  to  'enrii  the  lesson  which  it  teaches, 
and  see  whether  ihey  can  call  into  the  field  one 
tenth  of  the  inhabitants.  I  am  not  saying  they 
have  one  tenth  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  field  now; 
but  I  presume  they  have  at  least  one  twentieth, 
which  is  twice  as  many  in  proportion  a.^  Napo- 
leon had  during  liis  campaigns.  Tiierc  is  a  very 
instructive  note  appended  to  the  extract  which  I 
have  quoted: 

"Rome,  in  the  lime  of  Augustus,  witii  a  population  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  million,  had  an  army  of  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand;  Russia  at  present,  with  sixiy  mil- 
lion, has  seven  hundred  and  ten  tliousand  inarms;  China, 
with  one  hundred  and  severity  million,  lias  a  nominal  force 
of  nine  luiniired  and  fourteen  thousand  ;  but  more  than 
half  of  tills  immense  body  are  mere  militia  like  the  I'rus- 
sian  landwehr,  who  are  only  occasionally  embodied,  and 
are  not  permanently  withdrawn  from  the  labors  of  agricul- 
ture." 

It  was  not  my  intention,  however,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, when  I  rose,  to   be  led  into  this  statistical 
statement,  as  I  intended  when  the  bill  should  be' 
on   its   final   passage    to   submit  some   remarks. 
My   object   in   rising  was  to  protest  against  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  honorable  Senator  from 
iVlissouri  to  call  the   Indians  into  the  public  ser- 
vice.    Sir,  we  should  not  let  our  passions  over- 
come our  judgment;  we  should  not  forget,  if  we 
are  engaged    in  war,  and  in  a  civil   war,  that  we 
are   bound   by  the   great  laws  of  humanity  and 
civilization.    We  should  not  forget,  however  just 
our  indignation,  however  excited  our  feelings  at 
the  attempt  to  dissolve  tlie  Federal  Union,  that 
we  cannot  transgress  the  great  laws  of  morality 
and  the  great  principles  of  humanity  with  impu- 
nity.    Call  into  the  field  these  savage  tribes,  and 
what    would    bo  the  judgment   of   the    civilized 
world.'    That  wc  who  boast  of  oursuperior  civil- 
ization,and  rejoice  that  we  were  notonly  among 
the  first,  but  [lerhaps  in  our  vanity  that  we  wero 
the  very  first  among  the   nations  of  the  eauh  in 
the  scale  of  cizilized   and  Christian  refinement — 
that  we  have  fallen  from  our  boasted  high  estate, 
and  have  placed  ourselves  upon  a   footing  with 
the  English   nation  in  the  last  century  who  at- 
temjited  to  set  loose  upon  our  fathers  the  savages 
of  the   West.     Sir,  I    protest  for   one   against  a 
policy  which  must  bring  down  upon  us  the  indig- 
nant judgment  of  the    whole  civilized  world.     I 
know,  sir, and  you  know  the  burning  indignation 
which  fired  our  breasts  in   childhood    when   wo 
read  that  such  a   thing  was  not  only  attempted 
but  executed  against  our  fathers.     Sir,  the  feel- 
ings   of  childhood    were  lioncst;  the  feelings  of 
cliildhood    were  sincere.     Let  us  cling  to  their 
purity,  not  corrupt  them  by  the  barbarism  which 
would  promptthe  invitation  of  savages  to  the  field. 
Mr.  BROWN.     Mr.  President,  I  do  not  pro- 
pose to  follow  the  Senator  from  Delaware  in  the 
line  of  remark  which  he  has  seen  fit  to  indulge, 
for  my  object  to-day  ta  solely  to  expedite  busi- 
ness, to  carry  forward    and  perfect,  if  possible, 
the  bill  under  consideration,  and  not  to  indulge  in 
general  debate.     Let  me  say,  however,  that  I  was 
not  prepared  to  see  the  amendment  which  1  have 
offered  totally  misrepresented  in  its  language,  ita 


3090 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


cliaracter,  and  its  intent.  I  had  supposed  that 
tlui  kiiowi)  charity  and  courtesy  of  tiiai  Senator 
w<Hikl  have  precludeii  him  from  such  a  style  of 
del.iaie.  However,  sir,  he  has  seen  proper  to  show 
his  sympatiiies  as  exclusively  excited  In  behalf 
of  our  public  enemies,  and  it  is  in  their  behalf  that 
he  protests  against  this  use  of  an  arm  that  may 
be  rendered  an  efficient  one  for  military  purposes. 
There  is  perhaps  no  reason  for  a.ny  surprise  in 
the  premises,  i  have  never  hi_-ard  anything  fall 
from  the  honorable  Senator  denouiicing  the  atro- 
cities that  have  been  perpetiated  against  us  by 
those  wh.o  arc  now  waging  v/ar;  1  have  never 
heard  the  first  syllabic  fall  from  him  on  that  sub- 
ject; and  yet  when  he  puts  a  hypothetical  case 
where  our  enemies  are  to  suffer  what  he  denom- 
inates a  savage  tribe  may  be  employed  to  do,  he 
gushes  forth  into  sympathy  that  is  beyond  com- 
pare. 

1  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  Senators  to  the 
fact  that  we  have  already  had  an  exhibition  of 
the  use  of  Indian  troops  in  this  war  on  both  sides. 
There  are  now  employed  on  the  side  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  Jndian  trootis,and  there  are  employed 
on  the  side  of  the  confederate  States  Indian  troops; 
and  if  it  v/ere  necessary  to  carry  this  war  into  the 
savagery  that  the  gentleman  speaks  of  it  cer- 
tainly might  be  justified  by  the  atrocities  which 
have  been  perpetrated  against  us.  Let  me  call 
the  attention  of  the  Senator  to  the  latest  instance 
of  those  in  whose  behalf  his  sympathy  is  ex- 
pended; it  is  an  extract  taken  from  a  paper  pub- 
iished  in  my  own  State,  which  1  have  this  morn- 
ing received,  and  which  bears  directly  on  the 
point  suggested : 

"The  Ibllowiiiq  particiilurs  of  tlie  butchery  of  thirteen 
soldieis  of  the  first  ftlissouri  St:Ufi  iiiililia  has  been  lur- 
iiislicd  us  l)y  a  GdVcruEiieut  euiploye,  vvlio  aniveil  from 
JdliMsoii  rouiLty  on  Tiii's(hiy  nifrl't. 

'•Oil  Suiul.iy,  June  lii,  Iburteeii  inenof  company  M,  first 
IMh;<ouri  Slati'  militia.  Irft  VVarreiiPhurg  on  a  scouting  ox- 
pi'diiion  to  riolilen.  VVIien  near  tlie  hiuer  place  thr'y  were 
met  liy  three  of  GuantiHl's  men,  dressed  in  Federal  uniform 
and  wearing  white  rilihojis  in  tiieir  hats  in  imitation  of  the 
militia,  'i'hey  ordered  our  men  to  advance,  and  in  doing  so 
tin'  party  was  surrounded  hy  eighty  men  and  murdered  in 
the  nn)st  ciurl  uianm.'r.  only  one  of  them  escaping.  'J'he 
eyes  of  our  men  were  torn  from  their  socki-ls  and  tlnnr 
throats  cut  from  ear  to  uar.  Quantri'l's  li<!a<lquarti'rs  are 
On  the  Sni  rivrr,  not  far  from  the  Missouri.  Our  inform- 
ant says  that  in  Jolinson,  Laliiyette,  Clay,  Jackson,  and 
Platte  counties  it  is  dangerous  for  a  Union  man  to  travel 
without  a  strong  escort." 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  ask  the  Senator  who 
committed  these  atrocities;  what  class  of  men.' 

Mr.  BlvOVVN.  Confederate  troops;  the  pub- 
lic enemy  whom  some  are  so  fearful  Indian  troops 
may  be  employed  against  and  may  commit  sorne 
atiocity.  1  v;ill  leave  that  extract  to  answer  all 
the  Snoator  has  said  on  the  subject  of  the  savagery 
that  it  is  proposed  to  introduce  into  this  war.  It 
is  perhaps  needless  to  add  that  I  do  not  approve  of 
any  savagery  or  contemplate  that  any  such  will 
result  from  the  amendment  offered. 

But  to  come  directly  to  the  point,  I  said  that 
the  Senator  has  misrepresented  the  character  of 
the  amendment  which  has  been  proposed.  As  it 
stands  it  is  a  proposition  to  organize  in  the  Indian 
Territory  an  Indian  force  for  service  there  to  inain- 
tain  the  peace  and  order  of  that  Territory.  Is 
it  assumed  that  wc  shall  not  be  permitted  to  or- 
ganize an  Indian  force  to  repel  atrocities  like  those, 
of  the  Sioux  Indians  that  desolated  our  whole 
frontier,  and  that  we  shall  be  accused  of  being  a 
savage  nation  ifweempltiy  Indians  to  repel  hos- 
tilities of  that  kind,  and  to  maintain  order  along 
our  settled  frontiers  as  against  depredations  of  that 
kind  i"  Will  theSenator  insist  that  instead  of  avail- 
ing ourselves  of  that  which  is  the  most  effective 
nrm  of  military  service  in  the.Indian  country,  or- 
ganized Indian  troops,  we  shall  draft  citizens  from 
Delaware  and  other  States  and  carry  them  there 
for  that  purpose,  where  they  cannotcompete  with 
the  troops  proposed,  and  where  regular  forces 
have  never  beei)  able  to  suppress  these  kinds  of 
hostilities.?  That  is  the  attitude  in  which  the  ques- 
ti(m  presents  itself,  and  tiial  is  the  attitude  in  which 
the  Senator  would  have  discussed  it  if  he  had  ad- 
dressed his  argument  to  the  proposition  which  is 
presented  and  not  carried  himself  off  into  a  tirade 
against  iiriaginary  barbarities  against  rebels  in 
arms. 

Now,  I  desire  to  say  that  so  far  as  my  own 
experience  goes  the  employment  of  Indians  for 
service  on  the  frontiers  and  in  the  Territories  is 
far  more  efficacious  than  any  other  class  of  troops 
that  can   be  found.     Among  the  tribes  that  are 


drawing  annuities  from  us,  the  Delawares,  the 
Shawiiees,  the  Pottawatomies,  all  the  tribes  that 
are  located  in  Kansas  and  Nebraska  and  along 
the  Missouri  river,  furnish  the  best  hunters,  fur- 
nish the  best  woodsmen,  furnish  the  beat  riders 
and  scouts  on  the  continent,  and  they  can  be  made 
certainly  efficacious  for  the  purposes  of  keeping 
the  peace  in  their  own  atid  adjacent  countries. 
It  was  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  such  a  force 
to  be  employed  in  such  quarters  that  the  amend- 
ment has  been  offered,  and  not  for  the  purpose  of 
an  indiscriminate  employment  in  other  fields  of 
service. 

I  am  prepared,  Mr.  President,  for  my  own  part 
to  take  all  the  odiurn  that  may  be  visited  upon  me 
for  the  employment  of  such  troops  anywhere,  at 
any  time,  for  1  believe  that,  so  far  from  being 
what  the  Senator  has  represented,  they  will  make 
as  good  troops  as  any  in  the  service.  They  may 
not  endure  the  hardships  that  some  others  endure, 
they  may  not  liave  the  kind  of  courage  that  some 
others  possess,  but  for  certain  purposes  of  war- 
fare, and  that  the  kind  especially  demanded  in 
the  western  Territories,  they  will  make  better 
troops  than  any  other  that  I  have  ever  seen  in 
the  service  of  tlie  United  Stales. 

I  differ,  Mr.  President,  from  the  view  which 
has  been  presented  by  the  Senator  from  Mary- 
land in  regard  to  the  right  of  the  Government  to 
call  upon  these  persons,  who  are  drawing  sub- 
sidies from  us,  for  military  service.  1  believe  that 
it  is  in  the  power  and  that  it  is  the  right  of  this 
Government  to  call  upon  every  man  within  its 
borders,  unless  perhaps  it  be  subjects  of  foreign 
Governments,  to  come  forward  and  give  military 
support  to  the  nation  in  the  hour  of  its  peril.  1 
do  not  believe  that  the  recognition  of  the  Indian 
right  to  the  soil,  and  tlie  payment  of  treaty  stip- 
ulations to  support  them  in  idleness,  necessarily 
involve  a  relinquishment  of  that  right  to  personal 
service  from  them  in  time  of  war;  nor  do  I  rec- 
ognize as  correct  that  position  which  the  Senator 
gives  to  them  of  independent  tribes  with  whom 
we  con  only  deal  by  treaty,  and  to  whom  we 
are  bound  as  we  would  be  to  a  foreign  nation.  I 
have  never  recognized  that  as  the  atttiude  of  the 
Indian  tribes,  and  I  do  not  believe  the  Govern- 
ment has  ever  recognized  it.  As  to  the  right  of 
the  Government  to  enforce  this  personal  service 
I  assume  that  if  it  be  that  the  Government  can 
enforce  personal  service  as  against  a  citizen  of 
Maryland,  and  require  him  in  default  of  per- 
sonal service  to  pay  so  much  as  a  commutation, 
then  the  same  rule  will  apply  to  the  Indian  in 
Kansas,  and  the  Government  is  justified  in  rais- 
ing that  commutation  and  procuring  it  from  the 
only  source  from  which  it  is  possible  to  procure 
it,  their  annuities,  it  becomes  in  so  far  the  right 
and  the  title  of  the  Government  to  exact  it,  and 
the)^can  do  so  by  the  mode  best  known  to  them, 
which  is  the  one  pointed  out  in  the  amendment. 

I  do  not  desire  to  press  this  question  upon  the 
Senate;  I  have  simply  moved  the  amendment, 
because  I  am  solicitous  that  we  shall  have  all  the 
assistance  that  we  can  and  render  disposable  all 
the  troops  within  reach.  I  am  anxious  that  the 
western  country  shall  be  protected  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  the  incursions  of  hostile  Indian  bands, 
the  wild  tribes  of  the  plains  with  whom  we  have 
no  treaty  stipulations,  to  whom  we  give  no  an- 
nuities or  anything  of  the  kind,  and  who  make 
war  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  us  to  give  them 
annuities;  and  if  1  can  contribute  in  this  manner 
to  strengthen  the  arm  of  the  Government  to  relieve 
a  large  number  of  troops  who  are  now  there,  and 
who  may  be  needed  and  better  employed  else- 
where, and  inaugurate  a  better  method  of  disci- 
pline in  our  Indian  service,  I  shall  have  done  what 
was  desired  in  the  premises. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  was  not  aware,  when 
I  submitted  the  few  remarks  1  did,  that  1  had  said 
anything  discourteous  to  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Missouri;  that  1  had  said  anything  to  which 
he  could  take  any  personal  exception.  It  is  not 
my  habit.  When  I  wish  to  do  that  I  know  a 
way  to  do  it,  not  by  indirection  but  directly;  and 
I  shall  never  avail  myself  of  the  privileges  of  the 
Senate  Chamber  to  indulge  in  discourtesy  to  any 
member  of  the  body.  There  is  nothing  more  dis- 
tasteful to  me  than  a  course  of  that  character;  but 
some  kind  friend  has  blessed  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator with  a  great  deal  of  light.  He  must  have 
"optics  sharp,  I  ween."  He  not  only  can  see 
what  is  transpiring  around,  but  he  can  judge  of 


sympathies;  and  he  talks  about  my  speaking  in 
behalf  of  those  for  whom  I  have  sympaib,}?.  Sir, 
I  spoke  in  behalf  of  humanity,  and  in  t!-,e  cause 
of  civilization,  and  I  have  sympathy  with  their 
progress.  1  will  take  this  occasion,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, once  forall,  tosay  that  thiscommon  mode  of 
meeting  an  argument  by  an  imputation  is  a  thing 
wliich,  in  my  estitnation,  is  too  little  for  me  to 
lake  any  notice  of.  it  is  a  kind  of  debate  in 
which  1  have  never  engaged  in  all  my  life,  and 
which  I  never  expect  to  engage  in  so  long  as  I 
have  thi;  pros!im(Uion  to  think  that  1  can  meet 
ai'gument  with  argument,  and  reasoning  with 
reasoning;  and  never,  sir,  until  I  shall  have  so 
far  lost  my  ov.'n  self-respect  as  to  be  unwortliy 
of  joining  in  fair  debate.  Now,  Mr.  President, 
I  say  no  more  on  that  subject. 

Tlie  honorable  Senator  says  that  I  did  not  state 
correctly,  or,  to  use  his  own  courteous  expres- 
sion, that  1  misrepresented  his  amendment.  I 
gathered  my  impression  from  the  amendment  as_ 
I  heard  it  read  from  the  desk.  Tiie  honorable 
Senator  says  now  that  it  was  intended  to  be  con- 
fined exclusively  to  operations  in  the  Indian  coun- 
try. 1  do  not  know  whether  he  meant  to  say 
exclusively  against  the  Indians  or  not.  Mr.  Pres- 
ident, get  these  Indians  into  the  regular  organized 
service  of  the  United  States,  and  do  you  suppose 
they  will  be  confined  exclusively  to  the  Indian 
Territory?  I  understand  that  the  one  hundred 
days'  men  were  called  out  under  the  impression 
that  they  were  to. serve  to  defend  the  frontiers  of 
their  own  States  from  invasion,  and  yet  we  see 
them  marching  to  the  front.  I  do  not  complain 
of  this.  It  is  none  of  my  business.  The  coun- 
try needs  them,  and  if  they  are  liable  to  go  as 
soldiers  they  should  go,  and  as  good  soldiers 
they  ought  logo.  Once  have  these  Indians  sworn 
into  the  regular  service,  and  what  power  is  there 
to  restrain  the  Commander-in-Chief  from  trans- 
ferring them  from  the  Indian  country  to  any  point 
where  in  his  judgment  their  services  may  be 
needed.' 

But,  sir,  it  is  said,  and  I  have  heard  it  frequently 
before,  that  there  are  great  atrocities  committed 
on  the  part  of  those  in  revolt.  I  have  no  doubt 
of  it.  No  man  condemns  them  more  than  I  do. 
1  have  no  doubt  there  are  great  atrocities  com- 
mitted also  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  soldiery.  I 
approve  of  one  just  its  much  as  I  do  of  the  other. 
I  approve  of  neither.  But  wherever  either  side 
violates  those  great  and  high  principles  of  hon- 
orable warfare  which  should  characterize  civilized 
men,  they  meet  with  my  just  disapprobation.  It 
is  no  answer  to  an  argument  against  the  perpe- 
tration of  atrocity  to  say  that  atrocities  are  com- 
mitted on  the  other  side.  Do  right;  conduct  your 
war,  if  you  must  conduct  it,  upon  those  high  and 
elevated  principles  which,  govern  modern  warfare 
and  wliich  are  recognized  in  the  laws  of  modern 
warfare  by  all  civilized  and  Christian  nations.  If 
you  do  that  you  will  maintain  your  own  self- 
respect;  and  let  me  tell  you  if  there  is  a  just  God 
in  heaven  whose  laws  are  immutable,  the  trans- 
gression of  whose  laws  cannot  take  place  with 
impunity,  you  will  be  more  successful  than  you 
will  by  an  attempt  to  achieve  your  object  by  the 
violation  of  those  laws. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  The  Senator  from  Dela- 
ware, it  seems  to  me,  could  not  have  listened  to 
the  language  of  this  amendment  proposed  by  the 
Senater  from  Missouri,  for  the  provision  is  that 
the  Indian  force  thus  raised  "may  be  employed 
by  the  Government  for  the  purjiose  of  maintain- 
ing peace  and  protecting  from  hostile  incursions 
the  Indian  and  other  Territories,  and  of  relieving 
such  troops  as  are  now  engaged  in  that  duty." 
ifany  ambiguity  may  grow  out  of  the  employment 
of  the  word  "  may,"  it  may  easily  be  amended 
and  the  word  "shall"  substituted,  although  I 
understand  the  whole  force  of  the  section  to  be 
precisely  the  same  on  the  War  Department  in  lirn- 
iting  its  power  in  the  employment  of  this  force 
whether  the  word  "  may"  or  "  shall"  is  used,  be- 
cause it  authorizes  the  raising  of  the  troops  on 
condition;  and  what  is  that  condition  .'  Tliatljiey 
may  be  employed  to  keep  the. peace  and  prevent 
incursions  m  the  Indian  Territory  or  the  other 
Territories. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  wli."t  arc  the  facts.'  In 
the  Indian  Territory,  before  this  war  began,  the 
Indian  tribes  were  at  peace.  The  rebels,  through 
the  instrumentality  of  their  troops  and  their  em- 
issaries, prevailed  on  the  Choctaws,  some  of  the 


1864. 


THE  COJSTG-RESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3091 


Cliickiisaws,  the  Seminoles,  llio  Washatav^s,  nnd 
■ilie  affiliated  bands,  to  enter  into  tiie  rebel  ser- 
vicf!  and  join  the  coiifspiracy.  Witii  the  aid  of 
some  wliite  troops  advancing  with  these  Indians 
as  their  allies  into  the  Indian  Territory,  they  car- 
ried five  and  devastation  through  that  Territory, 
and  drove  out  from  it  the  Creeks  and  the  Ciicro- 
Jcecs  to  the  amount  of  more  than  twenty  tliousand, 
fleeing,  suffering,  in  the  midst  of  winter,  under 
circumstances  of  suffering  compared  with  vvliich 
there  has  nothing  been  like  it  in  this  war.  In 
substance  this  is  but  a  proposition  to  authorize 
the  Government  to  employ  Indian  forces  to  keep 
the  peace  in  the  Indian  Territory  and  the  other 
Territories  where  they  arc  liable  to  just  sucli  in- 
cursions as  these  by  Indian  tribes  joined  with 
rebels.  With  such  language  as  will  guard  it  as 
to  the  employment  of  the  force  in  this  way,  there 
can  be  no  objection  to  the  object,  which  is  to  enroll 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States  as  our  allies 
against  the  Indian  forces  that  are  employed  by 
tiie  rebels,  Indian  forces.  Certainly  there  is  noth- 
ing vv-rong  in  that.  The  Senator  from  Delaware 
has  spent  his  sympathies  in  vain,  it  seems  to  mo; 
when  he  appeals  to  th.e  recollections  of  our  child- 
hood when  we  read  the  story  of  the  Revolution 
and  the  employment  of  Indian  savages  by  Great 
Britain  in  the  war  for  our  independence  ai^ainst 
us.  Sir,  there  is  nothing  like  it  proposed  in  this 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Aiissouri. 

But  there  is  force  in  an  objection  which  was 
raised  by  the  Senator  from  Maryland,  I  think; 
and  that  is  to  say  that  from  our  relations  to  the 
Indian  tribes,  treating  them  as  we  do  as  independ- 
ent tribes  and  nations,  and  our  relations  being 
with  those  tribes  by  virtue  of  treaty  siipulations, 
and  there  being  nothing  contained  in  those  treaty 
stipulations  by  which  we  are  authorized  to  draft 
them  in  case  of  war,  that  part  of  the  amendment 
of  the  Senator  from  Missouri  which  proposes  to 
forcibly  bring  them  into  the  service  cannot  stand 
iiivestigaiion.  1  suggest  to  the  Senator,  therefore, 
if  lie  will  allow  me,  to  amend  his  proposition  so 
that  the  effect  of  it  will  be  substantially  that  the 
Indians,  members  of  tribes  receiving  annuities 
fiom  us  and  living  in  any  State,  may  be  author- 
ized to  be  received  into  the  forces  of  the  State 
as  a  partof  the  quota  of  the  State,  and  that  within 
the  Indian  Ten'itory  the  Secretary  of  War  shall 
bi;  atithorized  to  use  as  a  part  of  the  force  of  the 
United  States,  such  Indians  as  may  be  employed 
for  that  purpose  to  keep  tiie  peace  in  the  Indian 
Territory  and  to  carry  out  the  purpose  men- 
tioned in  the  proviso  to  this  amendment.  This 
would  avoid  all  objection  to  grow  out  of  what 
may  be  termed  a  variation  of  our  treaty  stipula- 
tions with  these  Indian  tribes,  a  violation  of  our 
recogniiion  of  ihcm  as  independent  tribes. 

iVir.  HENDRICKS.  1  desire  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator from  V7iscoiisin  whether  tlie  Indians  are 
enrolled  under  ihe  conscription  law. 
Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  They  are  not. 
Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Then  I  ask  theSenator, 
■would  not  his  proposition  be  this:  that  persons 
not  subject  to  tlie  conscription  law  shall  be  re- 
ceived in  sorne  States  against  the  citizens  of  the 
States  ill  other  States? 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Perhaps  whether  they 
should  be  credited  to  the  State  or  not  is  another 
question,  i  can  see  the  force  of  the  objection 
made  by  the  Senator;  but  the  main  pur[)oseisto 
autliorize  the  Secretary  of  V/ar  to  receive  and 
employ  them  in  this  service.  That  is  the  pur- 
pose of  the  Senator  from  Missouri.  According 
to  my  proposition  it  would  be  as  volunteers  and 
not  as  conscripts  or  drafted  men. 
Mr.  .TOHNSON.  Can  he  not  do  that  now  > 
Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  am  not  aware  that  any 
lav/  has  been  passed  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  employ  Indians  as  volunteers.  1  v/ill  ap- 
peal to  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  are  some  in  the  ser- 
vice. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  understand  that  in  point 
of  fact  Indians  from  some  of  the  States  have  been 
enlisted  as  volunteers,  and  have  been  accepted  as 
volunteers  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
'J'he  Senator  from  New  York  so  informs  me  in 
regard  to  his  State. 

-  Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  will  ask  the  Senator  if 
that  is  not  confined  to  that  class  of  Indians  who, 
1,1  nder  treaty  oi' law,  are  made  citizens  of  the  States.? 
By  the  constitutions  of  some  of  the  northwestern 
States,  and  perhaps  the  constitution  of  Wiscon- 


sin, Indians  are  allowed  to  he  citizens  of  the  State, 
and  we  have  some  treaties  allowing  them  to  be. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  It  is  so  with  the  Brother- 
ton  Indians. 

Mr.  FIENDRICKS.  Perhaps  that  is  tlie  tribe. 
I  ask  whether  any  other  classes  of  Indians  have 
been  allowed  to  volunteer. 

Mr.  HARRIS.  The  Cattaraugus  Indians  have 
been  received  as  volunteers. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  It  would  seem  that  in  New 
York  some  of  the  Cattaraugus  Indians  liave  been 
accepted  as  volunteers  in  the  service  of  the  United 
Slates;  atid  in  Kansas,  as  1  am  informed,  some 
Indians  have  been  accepted  in  some  of  the  regi- 
ments, and  some  in  Michigan.  But  the  question 
which  1  was  considering  v/as  whether  there  has 
been  any  legislation  on  the  subject;  and  1  appeal 
to  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  to  state.  As 
vjo  have  legislated  so  much  on  this  military  ques- 
tion, I  am  not  sure  that  we  have  not  jjassed  a  law 
authorizing  the  acceptance  of  Indians  as  volun- 
teers in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  WILSON.     There  has  been  no  such  law. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas,  i'can  state  the  liis- 
tory  of  the  aceepiance  of  Indian  troops.  A  year 
before  we  accepted  the  services  of  either  Indians 
or  negroes,  the  rebels  had  three  regiments  of  In- 
dians lighting  our  loyal  people  in  the  IndianTer- 
ritory.  The  Secretary  of  War  accepted  three 
regiments  of  Indian  volunteers  in  the  IndianTer- 
ritory,  officering  them  with  white  men.  They  are 
now.  in  the  service,  and  have  done  good  service, 
valuable  service  in  the  field. 

Now,  that  the  chairman  of  the  Indian  Commit- 
tee may  understand  exactly  the  position  of  this 
question,  I  desire  to  suggest  that  you  cannot  with- 
out a  law  providing  for  enrollment  and  for  draft- 
ing get  this  particular  class  of  troops  into  the  field. 
The  Secretary  of  War  has  been  willing  to  accept 
them  for  two  years,  has  been  trying  to  get  them 
into  the  service.  I'iie  Indian  reserves,  so  far  as 
the  State  I  in  part  represent  is  concerned,  are  not 
within  the  boundaries  of  our  State.  They  are 
excluded  by  express  legislation  in  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  And  it  is  so  in  all  the 
other  territorial  acts.  They  are  not  citizens,  but 
excluded  by  the  action  of  Congress.- 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  By  the  amendment 
proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Missouri  we  can 
obtain  a  very  large  force  of  useful  troops  for  the 
v/esterii  country,  and  we  can  release,  instead  of 
ten  thousand,  as  put  by  the  Senator  from  Mis- 
souri, not  less  than  twenty  thousand  white  troops 
by  adopting  such  a  line  of  policy.  We  have  now 
in  Kansas,  and  in  the  Territories,  includingNew 
Mexico,  not  less  than  twenty  thousand  white 
troops  engaged  in  protecting  t!ie  Indian  country. 
I  feel  that  by  the  passage  of  this  amendment  we 
can  release  all  but  a  very  small  portion  of  that 
force  from  that  service  and  use  them  elsewhere 
ill  tlie  military  service  of  the  United  States. 

I  desire  now  to  say  a  word  in  respect  to  the 
position  taken  by  the  Senator  from  Maryland. 
Here  is  a  people  whom  this  country  is  feeding  day 
by  day,  men,  women,  and  children  ;  many  of  them 
shiftless,  fit  for  nothing  under  God's  heaven  but 
to  fight.  Situated  thus  with  them,  we  should  not, 
in  a  case  of  this  kind,  acton  a  theory  which  every 
man  of  sense  in  this  Senate  believes  to  be  a  folly, 
the  theory  of  treating  those  Indian  tribes  as  in- 
dependent nations.  A  treaty  is  but  a  burlesque; 
it  is  a  humbug;  and  every  man  knows  it  who  has 
had  anything  to  do  with  them.  We  make  the 
treaties  here  in  the  Indian  department  to  suit  the 
wisiies  of  the  Government.  They  are  sent  out 
to  the  Indian  tribes;  inducements  are  offered;  our 
Great  Father  wants  the  treaty;  a  bullock  or  two 
is  killed,  and  the  treaty  is  adopted.  When  it 
comes  to  the  Senate,  if  we  find  it  does  not  suit  us 
exactly  we  change  it.  The  amendments  are  aent 
back,  and  the  same  kind  of  appliances  are  used, 
including  the  whisky,  and  our  amendments  are 
ratified. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Not  the  same  whisky. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Tiiesamesortof ap- 
pliances are  used  and  our  amendments  are  adopt- 
ed. Tliey  are  a  weak,  feeble,  shiftless  peo[)le, 
the  greater  portion  of  them,  yet  they  will  make 
good  soldiers  if  we  exercise  the  force  that  we  pos- 
sess in  doing  with  them  as  we  do  with  our  own 
children,  conscripting  them  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States.     I  think,  Mr.  President,  thfvC 


if  the  Senator  from  Delaware  had  been  at  Law- 
rence on  the  2lKt  day  of  August  last,  he  would 
not  be  condemning  our  Government  for  propos- 
ing to  muster  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  Indians.  Several  of  those  men  v/ho  com- 
mitted that  raid  and  that  murder  and  those  ter- 
rific outrages  were  rebel  Indians  who  have  been 
in  the  service  from  the  moment  this  rebidlion  com- 
menced. Very  soon  after  this  Administratiim 
came  into  pov/er,  the  President  a|j|iointed  a  com- 
missioner and  Indian  agents,  and  sent  them  out 
to  the  Indian  Territory,  tmd  they  were  the  first 
to  turn  against  the  Government,  and  fiersuade 
the  Indians  that  the  Government  was  lost,  and 
induce  them  to  go  into  the  rebel  ranks  among  ihe 
first  that  were  in  the  -service  in  this  war.  Me 
appointed  what  he  supposed  to  be  loyal  men. 
They  went  out  there  and  turned  against  the  Gov- 
ernment and  carried  off  these  Indians,  and  1  re- 
peat, that  a  year  before  we  called  an  Indian  or  a 
black  man  into  the  service,  the  rebels  had  three 
regiments  burning  and  destroying  the  property 
of  our  people. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  said  the  other  day,  when 
the  condition  of  the  Indians  that  are  now  left  was 
brought  before  the  Senate,  that  the  conduct  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  lov/ard  them  perhaps 
could  not  be  justified  on  moral  grounds.  I  under- 
stand the  Senator  from  Kansas  nov/  to  say  that 
there  is  not  a  sane  member  of  the  Senate,  ac- 
quaifited  with  the  facts,  who  would  not  pronounce 
all  these  treaties  as  the  merest  folly  in  the  world. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  The  theory  of  treat- 
ing v^ith  them. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  is  no  folly  in  the  trea- 
ties so  that  we  get  the  land.  What  he  meant  to 
say  was  that  the  theory  of  treating  with  them, 
considering  the  manner  in  which  we  get  their  land 
by  treaty,  was  a  folly;  but  it  is  worse  than  a  folly 
if  he  states  the  facts  accurately.  If  we  delude  these 
poor  Indians,  if  we  seduce  them  by  a[)plying  to 
tlieir  weaknesses  or  their  vices,  and  in  that  way  we. 
become  rich  and  they  become  vagabonds,  the  case 
is  rather  v/orse  than  I  thought  it  was.  But  we 
have  thought  proper  to  do  it,  if  we  have  done  if 
at  all,  at  any  rate  in  the  form  of  constitutional 
measures.  We  have  made  treaties  ostensibly. 
The  papers,  the  conveyances  by  v/hich  v;e  got  the 
lands,  upon  their  face  p'rofess  to  be.  treaties.  They 
are  signed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
under  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  as  the 
representative  of  tlie  United  States,  and  they  are 
signed  by  those  who  profess  to  represent,  and  v/ho 
do  represent,  these  several  tribes.  And  in  that 
way  we  are  now,  as  far  as  such  treaties  have  been 
made,  the  owners  of  those  lands. 

Now,  the  Senator  from  Kansas  states — he  may 
be  right;  he  knows  more  of  the  character  of  the 
Indians  than  I  do — that  they  are  a  lazy,  worthless 
set  of  men,  wlio  do  nothing  butcumber  the  earth. 
Who  lias  made  them  lazy  and  worthless,  and  a 
cumbrance  to  the  earth.'  We,  we.  Have  they  not 
still  some  redeeming  qualities  which  show  that 
the  manhood  God  gave  to  their  ancestors  has  not 
altogether  expired  .'  The  honorable  member  tells 
us  that  the  regiments  of  Indians  Vvho  are  now  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States  have  done  as  use- 
ful if  not  more  valuable  service  than  any  other  re- 
giments of  the  same  number  in  the  armies  of  the 
United  .States.  Th.ey  then  possess  som<!  high 
qualities, and  if  properly  treated  they  would  cease 
to  be  wanderers  and  cumberers  upon  the  face  of 
the  earth. 

But  that  is  not  the  question  now,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent. The  question  now  is,  have  we  any  author- 
ity to  do  what  is  proposed  .■'  What  is  it.'  What 
is  supported  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Kan- 
sas.' A  proposition  to  foixe  tlieminto  the  service. 
Suppose  we  had  the  power,  I  was  about  to  say 
I  should  be  ashamed  to  use  it.  Wo  have  done 
already  enough  to  bring  us  somewhat  in  disrepute. 
We,  the  white  men  of  the  nation,  we  who  con- 
stitute the  nation,  we  whose  Government  this  is, 
which  we  created,  and  which  we  claim  to  be  ours, 
and  which  we  desire  to  perpetuate,  we  have  al- 
ready admitted  that  we  were  unable  to  protect 
and  perpetuate  it  without  calling  upon  the  Afri- 
cans who  happen  to  be  within  our  limits;  and  now 
we  are  asked  to  go  a  step  further,  to  torce  into 
the  service  of  the  United  States  some  twenty 
thousand  Indians  over  wliorn  we  have  no  consti' 
tulional  ccnivol;  and  tiie  object  avowed  is  to  save 
from  liie  (Ja.ugei-  of  derah  the  lives  of  as  many 
yhite  rneiv      What  wilj  tlie  judgment  of  other 


8092 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


nations  beupon  it?  What  judgment  will  the  civil- 
ized world  pronounce  if  we  declare  that  with  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  black  troops  and  more 
than  a  million  of  white  men  now  in  the  field,  we 
are  unable  to  maintain  ourselves  v/ithout  forcing 
into  the  service  some  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 
of  the  remnant  of  thisracc  who  have  been  brought 
into  the  condition  in  which  they  are  by  us?  I 
Corbenr,  Mr.  President,  to  anticipate  tiiat  judg- 
ment by  saying  what  I  suppose  it  must  be. 

But  the  ground  upon  which  i  refuse  to  concur 
in  the  [iroposition  offered  by  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  Missouri  is  thut  as  thirigs  now  are,  under 
the  Constitution  as  it  is  and  according  to  the  well- 
settled  policy  of  the  Government,  we  have  no  au- 
thority to  force  these  Indians  into  the  service. 

A  word  now  upon  the  amendment  suggested 
by  the  honorable  member  from  Wisconsin,  which 
is  to  permit  them  to  be  received  as  volunteers.  I 
have  no  doubt  they  may  be  now.  The  acts  which 
authorize  the  bringing  into  the  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  of  troops  up  to  the  limit  to  which  the 
Government  is  authorized  to  call  do  not  say  that 
they  are  to  be  white  men;  they  may  be  Indians 
or  anybody  else.  The  ship  that  comes  crowded 
with  emigrants  to-morrow,  capable  of  making 
good  soldiers;  they,  without  designing  to  become 
citizens  and  without  expressing  a  design  to  be- 
come citizens  as  a  condition  of  your  receiving 
them  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  may 
be  received  as  volunteers  just  as  legally  as  the 
!iative  citizen.  And  if  we  can  receive  the  foreign- 
ers from  all  parts  of  tlie  civilized  world  who  are 
here  and  who  may  offer  their  services,  why  can 
we  not  receive  the  Indian?  There  is  but  one  dif- 
ference between  them,  and  that,  if  1  may  so  ex- 
press myself,  is  a  moral  difference.  It  consists 
in  the  f-ict  that  perhaps  the  judgment  of  the  world 
and  the  judgmentof  the  reflecting  part  of  our  owti 
l^eople  would  be  that  it  was  hazardous  to  bring 
into  the  field  troops  of  this  description  who  fight 
with  the  tomahawk. 

jj^r.  GRIMES.  Have  you  any  objection  to 
their  being  used  »gainst  the  Indians  who  are 
fighting  us  in  the  Northwest? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Yes,  I  object  to  their  being 
used  as  soldiers  at  all,  for  any  purpose.  The 
honorable  member  from  Missouri  has  given  us  a 
statement  of  an  outrage  committed  by  the  rebels. 
1  hope  it  is  somewhat  exaggerated,  though  it  may 
be  true,  for  Heaven  knows  that  enormities  have 
been  perpetrated  on  both  sides.  Bnthe  seems  to 
suppose  that  because  these  enormities  are  perpe- 
trated it  justifies  bringing  the  Indians  into  the 
service  of  the  United  Stales,  although  in  all  prob- 
ability they  v/ill  be  found  perpetrating  like  enor- 
mities. 

Mr.  BROWN.  Permit  me  to  say  to  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maryland  that  on  the  contrary  I  ex- 
pressly disclaimed  any  such  ideaatthe  time;  but 
1  stated  that  if  it  were  designed  to  show  an  offset, 
there  would  be  justification  for  it.  These  Indians 
that  are  spoken  of  are  not  savages;  they  are,  most 
of  them,  just  as  capable  of  being  drilled  as  sol- 
diers as  any  of  the  persons  who  are  taken  up 
under  the  conscription  law  here;  and  it  is  simply 
proposed  that  they,  equally  with  everybody  else, 
shall  come  in  and  furnish  their  quota  as  they  draw 
their  pen.«ioiis  from  the  Government. 

Mr.  JOFINSON.  I  know  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  Missouri  well  enough  to  be  satisfied  that 
he  would  not  justify  the  employment  of  Indians 
if  they  were  found  perpetrating,  or  it  was  thought 
they  Vk'ould  be  found  perpetrating  enormities  such 
us  the  report  he  read  prescribed,  because  of  the 
perpetration  of  like  enormities  on  the  other  side. 
But  how  are  you  going  to  employ  them?  What 
Indians  are  you  going  to  select?  Tlie  proposi- 
tion is  to  take  them  by  draft. 

Mr.  BROWN.  1  would  suggest  to  the  Sena- 
tpr  from  Maryland  that  lliere  is  a  large  expedi- 
tion now  against  life  Sioux  Indians  in  whicli  the 
forcrs  of  the  United  States  are  engaged. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     1  know. 

Mr.  BROWN.  There  are  now  some  five  thou- 
sand Nnvajos  on  the  pay-roll  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  fed  by  the  Government, 
doingnoihing, living  in  idleness  in  NewMexico. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  honorable  memberdid 
not  understand  what  I  intended  to  say  when  he 
interrupted  me.  He  said  to  me  that  a  great  many 
of  these  Indians  were  civilized.  I  admit  it;  but 
a  great  many  are  not.  If  you  apply  the  drafting 
Bystnm  to  thorn  what  security  is  there  that  you 


will  not  draft  the  savage  instead  of  the  civilized? 
If  I  am  told  that  they  are  to  be  employed  as 
against  savages,  and  to  use  the  tomahawk  only 
when  they  meet  savages  like  themselves  in  bat- 
tle, do  you  think  that  if  they  happen  to  meet  other 
than  savages  they  will  stop  to  inquire  v/hetlierit 
is  proper  to  use  the  tomaliawk  or  not? 

Mr.  BROWN.  Does  the  Senator  understand 
the  tomahawk  to  be  one  of  the  arras  in  use  in  the 
Army  of  the  United  States? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Certainly,  but  it  is  a  weapon 
which  will  be  used  by  Indians,  and  it  is  not  a  bit 
worse  than  the  weapon  the  confederates  are  using, 
the  bowic-knile;  and  one  enormity  produces  an- 
other. Devastating  as  the  war  has  been,  filling 
as  it  has  done  the  land  with  misery,  carrying 
agony  into  so  many  households,  in  the  name  of 
God  1  trust  that  we  shall  adopt  no  policy  which 
looks  to  its  being  conducted  upon  any  other  prin- 
ciples than  those  principles  which,  according  to 
the  modern  laws  of  war,  in  a  manner  humanize 
such  conflict. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  hope,  Mr.  President,  the 
Senator  from  Missouri  will  withdraw  thisamend- 
ment.  it  js  doubted  by  many  Senators  whether 
we  have  the  power  to  do  what  he  proposes,  and 
it  is  doubted  by  many  whether,  if  we  have  the 
power,  we  ought  to  exercise  it.  1  think  the  de- 
bate shows  that  this  amendment  ought  not  to  be 
pressed,  and  I  hope  the  Senator  will  withdraw 
it.  I  think  the  Government,  under  the  general 
laws  for  the  raising  of  troops,  can  enlist  Indians 
that  are  fit  to  be  enlisted,  and  use  them  for  such 
service  as  it  deems  proper  in  the  Indian  country. 
I  trust  the  amendment  will  be  withdrawn,  and 
that  we  shall  come  to  a  vote  upon  the  bill. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  concur  entirely  with  the 
suggestion  of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  on 
this  subject.  I  confess  that  I  greatly  doubt  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  to  constrain  inem- 
bers  of  Indian  tribes  within  our  limits  to  do  mil- 
itary duty  for  the  United  Stales.  I  certainly  do 
not  wish  to  be  driven  to  a  vote  on  that  very  deli- 
cate question.  It  seems  to  me,  sir,  that  we  have 
too  many  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes  to  leave 
the  question  very  doubtful  whether  or  not  the 
Indian  tribes  are,  in  the  sense  of  the  laws  of  na- 
tions, independent  nations.  As  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  they  are  regarded  as 
merely  the  wards  of  the  nation,  and  subject  to 
and  entitled  to  our  protection  as  their  superior  or 
suzerain.  I  do  not  wish  in  the  face  of  the  world, 
although  our  necessities  are  great,  to  present  such 
a  question  as  this,  whether  we  shall  constrain  the 
subjects  of  Indian  tribes,  without  the  consent  of 
their  barbarous  government,  their  ch.iefs,  to  do 
military  duty  in  our  behalf.  Certainly,  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  Senator  from  Missouri 
contemplates  the  coercive  employment  of  Indians 
in  the  military  service,  not  leaving  it  to  the  op- 
tion of  their  chiefs  or  their  own  option  whether 
they  will  serve  us  or  not. 

I  will  say  further,  now  that  I  am  up,  that  I 
have  no  heart  for  the  employment  of  Indian  sav- 
ages in  our  wars.  We  are  not  yet  driven,  as  1 
think,  to  the  necessity  of  asking  the  alliance  of 
the  tomahawk  even  against  the  barbarisms  of  the 
rebels.  1  shall  wait  long  and  patiently  and  anx- 
iously before  I  shall  give  my  vote  to  associate 
the  tomahawk  of  the  savage  with  the  musket  and 
the  sword  of  honorable,  civilized   Christian  war. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  would  ask  the  Senator  from 
Michigan  whether  they  have  not  some  Indians 
from  his  State  already  in  the  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted States? 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  will  answer  the  Senator: 
I  believe  that  we  have;  but  it  is  my  duty  to  say 
at  the  same  time  that  a  very  large  proportion  of 
the  Indians  within  the  limits  of  the  State  of  Mich- 
igan are  not  subject  to  the  tribal  government, 
and  that  the  most  of  them  are  freemen  and  citi- 
zens of  that  State  and  actual  voters  at  the  polls. 
So  far  as  I  am  informed  and  as  I  believe,  a  vast 
majority,  not  to  say  the  whole  of  the  Ottowas 
anil  Chippewas,  to  whom  the  Senator  has  alluded, 
are  citizens  of  tlie  State  of  Michigan,  and  voters. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Mr.  President,  ever  since 
the  war  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain 
with  France  for  the  French  possessions  in  the 
North,  ever  since  the  time  of  the  expedition  to 
Fort  Pitt,  we  have  employed  the  services  of 
friendly  Indians  as  against  the  Indians  employed 
on  the  opposite  side.  Indians  for  certain  purposes 
were  employed   in  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 


Friendly  Indians  were  employed  in  the  war  of 
1812.  Friendly  Indians  have  been  employed  in 
our  frontier  wars.  When  Texas  was  being  nearly 
overwhelmed  by  the  power  of  the  Comanclies  in 
the  north,  the  Texans  employed  the  Lipans  as 
friendly  Indians  to  aid  them  as  scouts,  guides, 
and  for  various  purposes  to  carry  on  their  war 
and  maintain  their  own  frontier.  Friendly  In- 
dians have  been  employed  in  Oregon  and  else- 
where for  like  purposes.  Their  services  have 
never  been  coerced ,  but  they  have  been  extremely 
useful.  They  v/ere employed  in  theBlack  Hawk 
war  in  the  Northwest.  Their  employment  for 
certain  purposes  by  the  Government,  I  think,  can 
not  be  objected  to,  and  particularly  in  frontier 
war.  They  may  be,  to  a  certain  extent,  almost 
necessary.  Our  war  now  in  Kansas  and  Arkan- 
sas and  in  the  Southwest,  and  in  the  Northwest 
also,  requires  probably  the  employment  of  In- 
dians, and  often  of  organized  bands  of  Indians 
with  proper  oflicers;  and  certainly  the  difliculty 
that  occurred  in  the  Cherokee  nation  and  through- 
out the  Creek  country  shows  that  it  was  neces- 
sary for  us,  in  order  to  maintain  our  position  in 
that  part  of  the  Southwest,  to  give  employment 
to  Indians  as  against  Indians.  I  believe  in  the 
proper  application  of  such  a  policy;  but  I  do  not 
think  we  iiavea  rightto  coerce  theirservices,  and 
I  think  I  speak  according  to  theexperience  of  all 
gentlemen  who  know  anything  of  the  frontier 
when  I  say  that  such  Indians  as  favor  our  Gov- 
ernment, being  in  treaty  with  us,  to  whom  we 
offer  service,  maintenance  in  the  field,  transporta- 
tion, and  other  facilities  to  join  with  us,  would 
be  prompt  volunteers  without  bounties  or  without 
any  of  the  extraordinary  provisions  we  offer  to 
our  own  citizens  and  the  negro  population  of  the 
South.  1  ain  in  favor  of  their  employment  in  and 
about  their  proper  uses.  They  are  invaluable  for 
many  purposes  as  scouts.  They  are  particu- 
larly valuable  with  the  army  of  the  West,  and 
have  been  used  to  some  extent  in  the  army  of  the 
West  as  scouts  and  as  pioneers,  going  ahead  for 
the  purpose  of  finding  out  the  position  of  the  en- 
emy. For  this  nothing  like  coercive  policy  is 
required.  I  think  that  it  would  be  well  to  express 
liere  as  an  amendment  perhaps  to  this  bill,  a  di- 
rect authorization — so  that  it  shall  not  be  a  mere 
implied  one — a  direct  authorization  to  the  Gov- 
ernment to  employ  them.  I  know  that  Indians 
whom  we  employed  belonging  to  the  Cherokees, 
organized  as  regiments,  were  unpaid  and  officers 
were  unpaid,  and  great  complaints  arose,  and  it 
was  because,  I  think,  of  some  questioij  as  to  the 
proper  authorization  of  the  Government  to  em- 
ploy them. 

I'he  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Af- 
fairs, the  Senator  from  Wisconsin,  [Mr.  Doolit- 
TLE,]  has  prepared  an  amendment  that  will  meet 
ray  tull  concurrence,  and  answer  all  legitimate 
purposes.  I  do  not  think  they  are  people  to  be 
coerced.  Unless  they  volunteer  freely,  and  go 
into  our  service,  their  services  cannot  be  relied 
upon;  it  will  Lfe  useless  legislation.  1  do  not 
think,  myself,  we  have  the  authority  to  coerce 
them;  1  think  we  have  not,  as  we  do  not  consider 
them  citizens,  and  as  we  have  treated  with  them, 
giving  them  annuities,  &c.  It  would  be  inconsist- 
ent with  the  policy  we  have  always  pursued  to- 
ward them,  and  the  true  law  would  follow  as  the 
construction  of  that  policy  that  we  have  not  the 
right.  I  should  like,  however,  to  authorize  their 
employment. 

Mr.  HOWE.  Two  things  in  this  debate  have 
surprised  mea  good  deal:  one  is  that  there  should 
be  a  proposition  in  the  American  Senate  to  con- 
script members  of  Indian  nations  or  tribes.  1  do 
not  believe,  Mr.  President,  you  have  any  more 
legal  or  moral  right  to  force  an  Indian  into  your 
armies  to  fight  your  battles  than  you  have  to 
force  a  Mexican  or  a  Canadian.  They  owe  no 
allegiance  to  your  laws;  they  do  not  enjoy  the 
protection  of  your  laws;  they  are  no  part  of  the 
people  for  whose  benefit  your  Government  exists, 
and  I  am  surprised  that  there  should  be  such  a 
proposition  brought  in  here. 

That  does  not  surprise  me  so  much  as  a  state- 
ment that  has  been  made  during  the  debate,  which 
is  that  there  are  already  a  number  of  Indians  em- 
ployed in  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  The 
Senator  from  Kansas,  I  think,  stated  that  there 
v/ere  three  regiments  of  Indians  that  he  knew  of 
in  the  West.  The  Senator  from  Michigan  tella 
us  that  there  arc  some  from  his  State.     1  am  not 


1864 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBBi 


3093 


Bqueamish  about  this  matter  of  employing  Indians 
and  enlisting  them  if  they  see  fit  to  volunteer. 
Any  man  who  will  wear  your  uniform  and  sub- 
mil  to  the  discipline  of  your  Army,  I  do  not  care 
what  his  color  is,  nor  where  he  v/as  born,  will  do 
for  service  in  your  armies;  that  is  my  judgment; 
but  what  occasioned  the  surprise  on  my  part  was 
this  fact:  wehavc  in  the  immediate  neighborhood 
in  which  I  live  a  small  band  of  Indians  who  for- 
merly lived  in  New  York,  known  as  the  Oneida 
Indians;  they  are  farmers,  they  wear  our  cloth- 
ing, speak  our  language,  work  as  wc  do.  In  1861, 
they  were  anxious  to  enlist  when  we  first  began  to 
raise  volunteers,  to  be  officered,  of  course,  by  our 
own  men,  and  to  serve  in  our  own  regiments; 
and  at  the  request  of  some  of  them  1  wrote  a  let- 
ter to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  asking  per- 
mission to  recruit  a  company  of  those  Indians  to 
go  into  one  of  our  rcgimetits.  The  Secretary 
wrote  back  to  me  that  lie  saw  no  objection  to  en- 
listing them,  but  the  President  was  ojiposed  to  it, 
and  therefore  we  abandoned  it.  Last  winter  a 
gentleman  in  our  city  wrote  me  again,  saying  that 
these  Indians  were  an.Kiousto  enlist,  and  that  ho 
could  raise  a  couple  of  companies,  and  wished 
me  again  to  apply  for  permission  to  do  so.  lap- 
plied  to  the  Provost  Marshal  General,  and  he  told 
mc  that  he  saw  no  objection  to  it  himself,  but  the 
Secretary  of  War  was  firmly  opposed  to  it.  Two 
applications,  therefore,  were  made  in  behalf-of  a 
tribe  as  faradvanced  in  civilization  as  any  I  know 
of  still  maintaining  the  tribal  character  at  all, 
men  speaking  the  language  as  well  as  most  of  us, 
and  following  all  our  habits  as  closely  as  they 
ouglit  to  follow  them,  to  speak  modestly;  they 
have  been  excluded.  I  was  therefore  very  much 
surprised  to  learn  that  Indians  had  been  mustered 
into  the  service  in  other  sections  of  the  United 
States.  I  thiiflc,  myself,  there  is  no  objection  to  it 
if  they  will  submit  to  our  discipline. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  Let  me  ask  the  Sen- 
ator what  it  is  that  constitutes  the  claim  of  the 
Government  upon  the  citizen  for  service.  I  un- 
derstand it  to  be  that  the  Governmentprotects  the 
citizen;  that  that  is  the  ground  of  the  claim.  Do 
wc  not  protect  these  Indian  tribes  just  as  we  pro- 
tect white  American  citizens?  Just  across  the 
river  from  where  I  live isa  tribe  of  Indians  whose 
property  is  as  valuable  as  ours,  who  have  as  large 
an  amount  of  property  jn-o  rata  as  we  have.  We 
extend  to  their  homes  the  same  protection  that 
we  do  to  our  homes,  to  their  property  the  same 
protection  as  to  our  property,  to  their  families 
the  same  protection  as  to  our  families.  On  this 
side  of  the  river  we  conscriptour  people,  and  yet 
on  this  theory  we  excuse  the  Delaware  and  Pot- 
tawatomie Indians  who  have  as  much  interest  in 
sustaining  the  Govertmient  as  we  have.  They 
have  a  fund  here  I  suppose  of  one  or  two  million 
dollars  besides  the  land;  their  homes  are  as  val- 
uable as  ours;  and  yet  by  this  sickly  sentiment- 
ality we  propose  to  excuse  them  and  call  our  own 
people  into  the  service.  The  power,  I  insist,  is 
with  the  Government;  the  same*power  that  we 
exercise  over  our  own  people  we  have  the  power 
to  exercise  over  them;  and  the  same  indebtedness 
that  we  owe  to  our  Government  they  owe  to  our 
Government. 

Mr.  HOWE.  1  think  the  Senator  from  Kan- 
sas is, entirely  mistaken  in  stating  that  they  owe 
any  such  debt  as  we  owe,  or  that  tlfty  get  any 
such  protection  as  we  get.  I  do  not  Icnow  how 
it  is  with  the  particular  tribe  to  which  he  refers. 
It  must  be  a  tribe  standing  in  an  attitude  entirely 
different  from  any  other  I  know  of  if  they  get  any 
such  protection  or  owe  any  such  allegiance.  If 
u  citizen  of  Kansas>eommits  an  offense  within  that 
Territory,  he  may  be  amenable  to  our  laws;  but 
if  a  member  of  that  tribe  commits  any  offense 
against  another  member  of  the  tribe  or  the  mem- 
ber of  anolheWribe — if  he  commits  an  offense 
against  the  regulations  of  the  Pottawatomies,  for 
instance — our  Government  does  not  interfere,  I 
take  it,  does  not  afford  any  protection. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.     Certainly  they  do. 
Mr.  PIG'S  .■  E.     I  do  not  understand  such  to  be 
.the  general  policy  of  the  Government.    T^hey  in- 
terfere, I  suppose,  with  force  to  put  down  an  In- 
dian war  sometimes. 

JNIr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  They  are  tried  and 
punished  for  murder  in  our  courts,  tried  and  pun- 
ished for  felony,  not  in  our  State  courts,  but  in 
the  General  Government  courts,  the  district  and 
rircuu  courts  of  the  United  States. 


Mr.  BR.OWN.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  that  I  have  myself  defended  Itidians 
before  the  United  States  courts  that  were  tried  for 
murder. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  Murdering  another  In- 
dian.' 

Mr.  BROWN.  Murderinga  white  man.  That 
is  the  same  thing.  If  you  have  no  jurisdiction, 
how  can  you  bring  them  there  for  trial? 

Mr.  FIOWE.  I  take  it  there  would  be  no  diffi- 
culty under  our  law  in  trying  and  convicting  and 
hanging  a  subject  of  Great  Britain  for  murdering 
an  American  citizen  within  the  jurisdiction  of  our 
laws. 

Mr.  BROWN.     This  was  on  their  soil. 

Mr.  HOWE.  We  have  jurisdiction  through- 
out our  whole  territory  so  far  as  our  citizens  and 
subjects  are  concerned,  but  we  do  not  have  com- 
plete jurisdiction  overall  persons  within  the  ter- 
ritory. 

Mr.  RICFIARDSON.     Mr.  President 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  If  the  Senator  from  Il- 
linois will  allow  me  I  v/as  going  to  suggest  to  the 
Senator  from  Missouri  a  substitute  for  his  amend- 
ment substantially  allowing  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  accept  them  as  volunteers  to  be  employed  in 
protecting  the  Indian  Territory  and  tlie  other 
Territories  where  any  part  of  the  hostile  force  is 
composedof  Indians. 

.  Mr.  BROWN.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  very  frankly  that  I  offered  this  amend- 
ment under  a  sense  of  duty,  that  it  was  right  that 
we  should  provide  for  a  conscription  there  of  the 
able  men  among  them  to  assist  us  in  our  military 
organization.  Believing  that  we  shall  only  get  it 
by  a  conscription,  and  that  we  shall  not  attain  the 
end  by  voluntary  enlistment,  and  believing  that 
the  nation  has  the  right  to. call  upon  them,  I  shall 
decline  to  withdraw  the  amendment,  and  shall  de- 
cline to  accept  the  amendment  proposed  to  it.  I 
do  not  wish  to  protract  debate;  the  Senate  can 
substitute  anything  for  it  they  see  fit. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  do  not  think  you  have 
the  power  to  conscript  the  Indians;  and  in  reply 
to  the  Senator  from  Kansas  I  will  simply  state 
this:  he  places  it  on  the  ground  that  you  protect 
their  property  and  are  therefore  entitled  to  have 
their  service  in  defending-  the  GoverliUicnt  when 
iris  menaced.  His  statement  proves  too  much. 
There  are  many  persons  who  are  subjects  of 
Great  Britain,  of  France,  and  nearly  all  the 
European  Powers  who  own  property  here,  some 
of  them  to  a  very  large  extent.  The  Indian  is 
just  as  liable,  and  no  more  so,  to  do  service  and 
be  conscripted  into  your  Army  as  a  subject  of 
GreatBrilain  or  France  who  owns  pro|)erty  in  this 
country.  The  Senator  cannot  apjily  his  doctrine 
to  the  subjects  of  those  countries.  Why?  Be- 
cause they  would  not  permit  it;  it  is  not  according 
to  the  laws  of  nations  nor  our  own  laws.  If  you 
cannot  enforce  it  in  reference  to  them  you  should 
not  enforce  it  in  rpference  to  the  Indians.  I  pre- 
sume there  is  but  little  question  about  the  fact  that 
they  are  not  citizens  of  this  country.  Certainly 
not,  where  they  have  not  destroyed  their  tribal 
relations  and  settled  inside  the  States  or  Terri- 
tories, where  they  arc  not  connected  with  a  band 
with  which  we  make  treaties.  We  make  treaties 
with  these  Indians  every  few  days;  when  we  go 
into  executive  session  we  have  some  treaty  with 
theiTi.  Do  we  treat  with  our  own  people?  The 
whole  argument  submitted  by  the  Senator  from 
Kansas  would  apply  just  as  well  to  a  subject  of 
Great  Britain  owning  property  in  this  country. 
I  am  opposed  to  the  amendment.  I  understand 
generally  that  we  have  the  right  toacceptinto  our 
service  a  foreigner  who  comes  here,  and  we  have 
a  right  to  accept  the  Indiatis.  We  have  the  clear 
right  now,  and  the  whole  question  hinges,  as  I  un- 
derstand it,  on  the  proposition  submitted  by  the 
Senator  from  Missouri,  and  to  that  I  am  opposed. 
Our  good  relations,  the  peace  of  the  frontier  set- 
tlements, depends  upon  thefact  of  our  paying  the. 
annuities  each  year,  year  by  year,  and  month  by 
month  as  we  have  agreed  to  do  it,  promptly.  It 
is  a  fair  contract  and  it  ought  not  to  be  disturbed. 
The  money  should  be  paid  in  my  judgment  by 
this  Government  without  enforcing  any  such 
obedience  as  is  here  proposed. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  move  to  substitute  for  the 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Missouri  the  fol- 
lowing: 

Tliat  tlie  Secretary  of  War  is  aulliorized  to  receive  into 
the  military  service  of  tlie  United  States  Indians  of  tribes 


in  treaty  with  the  United  Slates,  to  be  employed  as  a  part 
of  tlie  military  force  of  thi!  United  States  for  tlie  purpose  of 
niaiiilaiaiiii;  peace  and  protecting  from  hostile  incursion 
the  Indian  Territory  aiid  other  Territories  wliere  the  hos- 
tile or  invading  force  is  in  whole  or  in  part  composedof 
hostile  Indians. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  do  not  expect  to  vote 
for  either  of  the  propositions  now  before  the  Sen- 
ate; but  I  am  not  ready  to  say  that  the  Government 
has  not  the  power  to  compel  the  service  of  Indiana 
as  well  as  other  men.  1  do  not  understand  that 
the  Indians  when  in  tribes  are  independent  nations. 
We  have,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  our 
policy  toward  them ,  recognized  them  as  in  respect 
to  ourselves  to  some  extent  as  independent  tribes 
and  nations,  but  in  no  other  respect.  The  Indian 
tribes  cannot  negotiate  a  treaty  with  any  other 
people  than  ourselves;  they  cannot  make  terms 
witliJiny  other  people;  they  cannot  sell  their  lands 
to  any  other  people;  they  cannot  sell  their  lands 
to  our  individual  citizens.  We  permit  them  to  sell 
tliein  to  us  as  a  people,  or  rather  we  by  treaty  ex- 
tinguish their  |iossessory  right;  but  we  do  not 
recognize  them  for  any  olher  pttrposc  except  to 
carry  out  our  policy  toward  them  as  a  sefiarate 
people.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  our  laws 
might  not  be  made  obligatory  upon  them  individ- 
ually. It  is  a  question  that  I  do  not  choose  to 
consider  in  giving  a  vole  on  this  proposition.  I 
go  against  it  for  the  simple  reason  that  when  the 
Government  of  the  United  Stales  is  to  be  .sup- 
ported in  war  it  should  be  by  the  people  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  bringing  into  the 
Army  of  the  United  States  an  inferior  race.  I  do 
not  agree  with  Senators  in  tlie  eX[)ression  of  opin- 
ion so  frequently  made  here  that  the  Indians  and 
negroes  are  the  equal  of  the  white  soldiers  i^f  the 
United  States.  I  am  very  far  from  agreeing  with 
the  Senator  from  Kansas  in  sayingthat  any  Indian 
troops  have  been  equal  in  war  to  the  white  troops. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  1  did  notsay  that.  I 
said  they  had  done  valuable  service. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  understood  the  Sena- 
tor to  express  himself  very  earnestly,  to  say  that 
they  had  done  valuable  service,  as  valuable  ser- 
vice as  any  other  regiments  in  the  war.  If  he 
docs  not  occupy  that  position  I  do  not  desire 
to  make  him  occupy  it.  I  think  there  are  some 
qualities  required  in  a  soldier  that  are  not  pos- 
sessed by  any  inferior  race.  It  requires  the 
highest  qualities  of  manhood  to  m.ake  a  good  sol- 
dier; not  only  physical  power  and  courage,  but 
intelligence,  judgment,  skill;  these  are  net  pos- 
sessed by  an  inferior  race.  I  think  we  should 
degi'ade  our  cause  by  bringing  into  our  military 
service  the  Indian  tribes.  It  is  against  the  senti- 
ment of  our  people;  it  is  against  the  history  of 
our  country.  Upon  these  grounds  1  vote  against 
the  proposition,  rather  than  upon  the  grounds  of 
power  which  have  been  discussed. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  hope  we  shall  have  a  vote. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  The  whole  effect  of  the 
amendment  1  have  offered  is  that  they  may  be 
accepted  as  volunteers,  and  it  states  the  kind  of 
warfare  in  which  they  shall  be  employed  in  the 
Indian  Territory  to  keep  the  peace,  or  in  other 
Territories  where  the  hostile  force  is  in  whole  or 
in  part  composed  of  Indians.  There  is  no  objec- 
tion to  our  employing  Indians  where  Indians  are 
employed  against  us,  certainly. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  have  no  desire  to 
continue  this  discussion;  but  I  desire  to  say,  as 
I  said  last  week,  that  our  Indian  policy  is  an  utter 
failure.  I  said  that  a  portion  of  these  Indians 
were  vagabonds.  They  have  been  brought  into 
that  condition  by  contact  with  the  master  race. 
I  have  lived  long  enough  in  the  West  to  know 
that  it  is  the  fact  that  the  inferior  is  brought  into 
contact  with  the  superior  race  thatdebases  them. 
Our  policy  has  not  been  such  as  to  give  them  that 
protection  which  the  inferior  race  should  have. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Wis- 
consin to  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
Missouri. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  I  vote  against  this  on  the 
ground  of  expense. 

I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  I  think  we  shall  have  a 
largo  number  of  Indian  troops  that  we  shall  not 
use  under  this  amendment.  That  will  be  its 
only  effect,  afid  I  shall  vote  against  it  for  that 
reason. 


3094 


ffHE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


The  yeas  and  nays  being  talcen,  resulted — yeas 
24,  nays  12;  as  folkiws: 

yj];AS— :\li^^.~rri.  Cliaiulirr,  Cl:irJs,  Collamer,  Conriess, 
Bixnii,  Ooiilitlle,  Foot,  Fosti'r,  Hi\rlan.  Harris,  Hownrrl, 
Lane  (if  /mliaiia,  Lain;  of  Kansas,  McDoiigall,  ?,lori;an, 
PniiiiMoy,  Slicmian,  Spiacue,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Van 
Witiliic,  VVadii,  VVilley,  and  Wilson— 24. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Urown,  iSuckalcw,  Carlile,  Davis, 
Grimes,  flendricUs,  Joiinson,  Powell,  Ramsey,  Kiehardson, 
Saul^<b^rv,  and  Wilkinson — 12. 

ACSE.^IT— Messrs.  A.ntliony,  Cowan,  Fessenden,  Hale, 
Hardinsr,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howe,  Morrill,  Nesmitli,  Kid- 
die, Trumbull,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  tliG  amendment  to  the  amendment  was 
agreed  to. 

Tlie  PRESIDENT  ;»-o  tempore.  The  question 
recurs  on  tlie  amendment  as  amended. 

Ml-.  WILSON.     1  hoise  we  sliall  reject  it. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have  but  a  word  to  say  be- 
fore the  vote  is  taken.  The  reason  why  1  shall 
vote  against  the  proposition  of  the  Senator  from 
Missouri  on  lejial  grounds  I  liav?  stated  already ; 
but  lliis  presents  a  different  question.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  these  Indians  may  be  received  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States;  but  I  think  it  would 
place  us  in  a  very  bad  attitude  in  the  view  of  other 
nations  if  we  should  here,  at  this  time  of  day, 
when  wo  have  a  million  and  a  half  of  men  in  the 
field,  or  liable  to  go  into  tlie  field,  pass  a  law  upon 
its  face  authorizing  the  Government  to  call  in  vol- 
unteer Indians.  The  Indian, asunderstood  abroad, 
will  not  be  the  civilized  Indian  as  we  understand 
it;  it  will  be  the  savage. 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  taken,  resulted — yeas 
10,  nays  2!);  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Dooliltle,  Grimes,  Harlan,  Lane 
of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougall,l'onieroy,  Ramsey, 
and  Pprngnn — lU. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Antliony,  Duekalew,  Carlile,  Chandler, 
Claik,  Collamer,  (y'owan,  Davis,  Dixon,  Foot,  Foster,  Har- 
ris, Henilricks,  Howard,  Johnson,  Morgini,  Powell,  Rich- 
ardson, Kiddle,  Sau!>hMry,  Slierman,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck, 
Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,' Wade,  Wilkinson,  VVilley,  and 
Wilson— 29. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Conness,  Fessenden,  Hale,  Harding, 
Henderson,  Hicks,  Howe,  Morrill,  Nesmilh,  and  Wright 
—10. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  offer  an  amendment  to  the 
bill,  to  insert  as  a  new  section: 

^iiid  he  it  farther  enacteJ,  That  every  perso]\  who  sliall 
bo  drafted  and  who  shall  serve  hononilily  for  the  period  of 
one  year  shall  receive  a  bounty  of  ,$10'J,  to  be  paid  upon 
his  dischar^'e  I'loni  the  service  ;  and  every  person  sodraltod, 
who  siiall  be  honorably  discharged  afti.'r  a  term  of  service 
less  than  one  jear,  shall  receive  a  bounty  proporwioned 
to  his  term  of  service,  to  be  estimated  at  the  rate  Jierein 
prescribed  for  one  year's  service. 

I  desire  this  section  to  follow  the  last  section 
of  the  amendment  presented  by  theSenator  from 
Vermont,  [Mr.  Coll,\mer,]  which  has  been 
agi'ced  to.  His  amendment  allows  the  Govern- 
ment to  draft  for  a  ]ieriod  not  exceediiig  one  year. 
This  section  provides  that  if  such  persons  are 
drafted  for  a  period  of  one  year  tht^y  shall  receive 
at  the  end  of  their  service  a  bounty  of  i|J100.  I 
think,  in  the  [)resent  condition  of  the  country, 
when  laboring  men  can  earn  four  or  five  hundred 
dollars  a  year,  it  will  be  an  inducement  to  them 
to  enter  the  service.  I  think  it  but  just  that  at 
the  end  of  one  year's  service  they  should  receive 
eomeihing  nmre  than  simply  one  year's  pay;  and 
I  think  it  will  tend  to  bring  men  more  readily 
into  the  service  of  the  country. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  wish  to  inquii'c  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts,  if,  at  present,  volun- 
teers get  $100  bounty. 

Mr.  WILSON.     Yes,  sir, 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  now  proposes 
that  when  a  man  does  not  volunteer,  but  holds 
back  and  coinpels  the  Government  to  draft  him, 
ho  shall  get  exactly  the  same  compensation  in  the 
shafie  of  bounty  that  is  paid  to  the  man  who 
comes  forward  voluntarily  when  he  gets  his  dis- 
charge, I  think  this  amendment  ought  not  to  be 
adopted. 

Air.  WILSON.  I  will  simply  say  that  v/e  offer 
a  bounty  of  $100  to  men  to  volunteer,  and  we  give 
$100  to  drafted  men.  We  are  receiving,  I  think, 
about  one  liuiuli-ed  men  per  week. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Permit  me  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator a  question:  why  do  they  not  pay  the  com- 
mutation tliat  they  get  at  the  same  rate  at  which 
they  receive  it^§300 — as  bounty.? 

Mr.  WILSON,  i  suppose  they  will  do  so. 
But  we  have  a  law  that  offers  a  b'otlnty  of  jilltfO 


to  every  man  who  will  enlist,  regular  or  volun- 
teer, and  wo  have  a  law  that  any  person  who  is 
dral'ted  and  serves  for  three  years  shall  i-eceive  a 
bounty  of  $100.  Now,  we  propose  to  draft  for  a 
term  not  exceeding  one  year,  and  if  a  man  is 
drafted  for  one  year  and  goes  into  the  service  he 
receives  no  bounty  at  all;  nothing  but  a  bare  com- 
pensation of  sixteen  dollars  a  month,  and  three 
dollars  and  a  half  for  clothing.  Sir,  almost  any 
man  can  earn  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  dollars  per 
month.  Labor  is  very  high,  especially  skilled 
labor  in  the  mechanic  arts.  What  we  want  is 
men,  men  now. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  What  do  you  propose  to 
allow  them  .' 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  propose  that  if  drafted  men 
serve  their  time  out,  at  the  end  of  one  year  they 
shall  receive  a  bounty  of  ^100;  if  called  out  for  a 
less  time,  they  are  to  get  a  proportionate  portion 
of  that  amount.  I  think  the  proposition  right  and 
just. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  argument  of  the  Senator 
may  be  a  very  good  one  in  favor  of  increasing  the 
monthly  compensation  to  be  paid  to  soldiers,  but 
it  seems  to  me  it  does  not  applyat  all  to  this  prop- 
osition as  applicable  to  the  question  of  conscrip- 
tion. He  says  it  is  desirable  to  fill  up  our  Army. 
That  is  true;  butare  you  going  to  fill  itup  by  giv- 
ing just  as  great  a  bounty  to  a  conscript  as  you  do 
to  a  man  who  goes  forward  voluntarily  and  en- 
lists? He  says  there  were  but  one  hundred  and 
twenty-two  who  volunteered  last  week  or  the  week 
before.  I  can  assure  him  we  sliall  not  have  one 
hundred  and  twenty-two  volunteers  in  another 
v/eek,if  the  man  who  holds  back,  and  requires  the 
Government  to  be  at  the  expense  of  enrolling  and 
conscripting  him,  is  to  receive  exactly  the  same 
compensation  in  the  shape  of  bounty  that  is  given 
to  a  man  who  patriotically  comes  forv/ard  of  his 
own  accord  and  enlists.  V/hat  is  a  bounty  ?  It 
is,  as  1  understand  it,  an  inducement  to  geta  man 
to  do  something  voluntarily  in  behalf  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     A  reward. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  A  reward  to  induce  him  to  do 
willingly  that  which  the  Government  requires  him 
to  do.  And  yet  it  is  now  proposed  to  pay  to  the 
man  who  is  conscripted,  who  will  notgo  into  the 
service,  who  requires  us  to  coerce  him  into  the 
service  in  order  to  perform  his  duty  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, exactly  the  same  compensation  that  is 
paid  to  the  volunteer. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Mr.  President,  I  do  not 
know  what  this  enrollment  law  will  be  brouglit 
to  at  last.  The  prospects,  I  think,  are  not  very 
good  now,  so  far  as  ils  purpose  and  object  may 
be  to  put  men  in  the  Artny. 

I  have  but'a  very  short  ai-gument  to  make 
against  this  amendment.  If  the  object  of  this 
bill  and  our  object  generally  is  to  get  soldiers, 
and  the  nation  can  afford  to  pay  $100  bounty  to 
the  men  who  are  drafted,  why  not,  in  place  of 
giving  the  volunteers  $100,  as  the  law  now  pro- 
vides, add  that  $100  that  you  propose  to  give  to 
the  drafted  man  at  the  end  of  his  period  of  ser- 
vice, at  the  time  of  his  discharge,  to  the  bounty 
of  volunteers,  and  change  your  law  so  as  to  give 
$200  to  each  volunteer.'  If  you  are  going  to 
spend  a  given  amount  of  money,  spend  it  to  in- 
duce men  to  enter  your  Army,  and  render  a  draft 
unnecessary.  ' 

What  becomes  of  the  proposition,  which  no 
man  questions,  that  the  citizen  owes  service  to 
the  Government?  Are  you  to  still  further  attack 
that  proposition,  which  is  the  moral  one  lying  at 
the  base  of  all  this  matter  of  getting  an  army,  by 
surgar-coating  it  with  an  expenditure  of  $100  at 
the  period  of  discharge  of  a  drafted  man? 

I  suggest  and  advise  the  honoiable  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  to  add  the 
amount  of  money  proposed  to  be  given  by  this 
amendment  to  the  amount  to  be  offered  as  a  re- 
ward for  soldiers  who  are  willing  to  volunteer. 
Are  you  going  to  reduce  the  period  of  service  to 
one  year,  fill  up  your  Army  with  raw  men,  and 
then  bankrupt  yourself  in  addition  by  giving  $100 
to  each  man,  as  an  inducement,  I  suppose,  that 
he  will  not  desert?  I  hope,  sir,  that  this  amend- 
ment will  find  no  favor  in  the  Senate.  Of  all  the 
lavish  propositions  that  have  yet  been  made  in 
connection  with  the  obtainment  of  men  to  carry 
on  this  war,  there  is  none,  it  appears  to  me,  so 
baseless,  so  without  results,  as  this  would  be  if  ^ 
adopted . 


Mr.  WILSON.  Mr.  President,  when  the  war 
commenced  the  people  of  the  country  v/ith  a  great 
zeal  and  pati-iotism  rushed  into  the  ranks  of  the 
Army,  and  during  the  first  year  of  the  war  more 
than  seven  hundred  thousand  men  enlisted  into 
the  military  service  of  the  United  Stales.  That 
was  an  immense  call  upon  the  labor  of  tha  coun- 
try. At  the  same  time  the  war  depressed  nearly 
all  kinds  of  business,  and  wages  were  low 
throughout  the  country.  We  paid  these  men 
who  enlisted  into  the  service  thirteen  dollars  per 
mouth  and  a  bounty  of  $100  for  three  years.  We 
found  after  one  year  that  it  would  be  necessary 
to  make  laws  to  draft  men  to  serve  the  country 
in  the  field.  Under  all  the  laws  for  raising  men, 
we  have  mustered  into  the  service  from  the  l)e- 
ginning  of  the  war  to  this  time  seventeen  or  eigh- 
teen hundred  thousand  men,  averaging  three 
years'service.  We  have  to-day  an  immense  force 
in  the  field,  a  force  that  occupies  vast  spaces  of 
territory,  almost  a  continent.  We  are  occupy- 
ing and  holding  possession  of  vast  spaces  of  the 
country,  covering  more  territory  than  atany  other 
period;  and  never  did  the  cause  of  the  country 
look  so  hopeful  as  now.  Sir,  I  have  faith  in  the 
speedy  triumph  of  our  two  great  armies  now  in 
the  heart  of  the  rebellion,  the  army  of  Grant  at 
Richmond  and  the  army  of  Sherman  in  Georgia. 
We  ought  to  send  to  those  armies  all  the  men 
that  can  be  spared  from  every  quarter  of  the  coun-  _ 
try;  and  I  suppose  the  Government  is  doing  it. 

Nov/,  sir,  at  tlie  present  day  labor  of  all  kinds  ' 
receives  on  an  average  nearly  three  times  the  re- 
v.'ard  that  it  received  three  years  ago.  Many  of 
the  mechanics  of  the  country  are  earning  from 
seventy-five  to  a  hundred  dollars  a  month,  and 
almost  any  laboring  man  can  earn  fifty  dollars  a 
monlh.  We  are  asking  men  to  enlist  into  the 
service  for  three  years.  We  are  offering  them  a 
bounty  of  $100  to  enlist;  but  they  do  not  enlist 
for  that  sum.  Some  of  the  States  are  offering 
bounties  of  more  than  $300,  and  townships  and  in- 
dividuals are  adding  to  that  amount,  and  still  at 
the  present  time  we  are  enlisting  but  very  few 
men.  We  have  undertaken  to  draft  for  about 
70,000  men.  Last  October  we  called  for  300,000 
men.  That  included,  however,  all  the  men  that 
had  enlisted  from  the  2Gth  of  May,  1863.  We 
then  called  for  500,000  men  in  February;  but  that 
500,000  included  the  300,000  of  October,  and  made 
an  aggregate  callof  half  a  million  men.  Then 
we  called  for  200,000  men  in  March,  making  an 
aggregate  call  of  700,000  men  from  the  26th  day 
of  May,  1863,  to  the  present  time.  Those  men 
have  been  raised.  Some  of  the  States  have  raised 
in  the  aggregate  about  90,000  more  men  than 
were  called  for.  Diher  States  have  failed  to  the 
amount  of  about  60,000.  The  returns  of  the  draft 
ordered  are  in  for  28,000  men  who  have  been  drafted, 
and  of  that  number  we  hold  about  15,000.  About 
4,400  men  are  hold,  3,000  furniflh  substitutes, 
and  8,400  pay  the  commutation.  The  draft  gives 
so  far  more  than  fifty  per  cent,  of  all  the  men  drafted, 
an  immense  improvement  on  the  draft  of  last  year, 
owing  to  the  amendments  of  the  law  during  this 
session. 

But  it  is  said  that  law  is  not  bringing  us  all  the 
men  we  ought  to  have.  I  admit  it;  but  at  the 
same  time  1  believe  if  we  reduce  the  time  to  one 
year,  and  give  a  reasonable  bounty  to  the  men 
who  are  dfhfted  to  go  into  the  service  at  the  end 
of  the  year,  we  can  raise  all  the  men  we  want  to 
raise  without  repealing  the  commutation.  I  be- 
lieve no  more  odious  act  could  be  done  by  this 
Congress  than  to  say  to  thecountry,  "  We  make 
a  draft;  wo  I'epcal  the  commutation  clause;  we 
will  compel  every  man  to  goliimself  or  furnish  a 
substitute."  With  these  calls  for  eighteen  hun- 
dred thousand  men  that  have  been  so  patriot-  ^ 
ically  responded  to  by  the  people,  with  the  im-  ■ 
mense  ]5ressure  that  is  made  upon  the  country  by 
the  various  interests  of  the  country  for  labor,  it 
will  be  distasteful  to  the  country  to  repeal  the 
$300  commutation.  If  you  undertake  to  enforce 
such  a  draft,  if  you  say  to  the  men  they  shall  go 
into  the  service  for  three  years,  and  shall  not  jiay 
any  commutation,  you  will  have  a  gi-eat  deal  of 
dissatisfaction  all  over  tlie  country.  But,  sir,  if 
you  fix  the  period  of  service  at  one  year  and  then 
draft,  I  believe  you  can  fill  your  armies  easily  ami 
rapidly  and  as  fast  as  they  are  needed. 

I  do  not  make  this  proposition  because  of  the 
needs  of  the  country  at  the  [iresent  time,  or  bc- 
(liaase  it  may  be  rttought  that  we  sere  driven  to  the 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


adoption  of  it  by  the  perils  of  tlie  nation.  The 
present  condition  of  the  country  as  regards  this 
rebellion  is  a  hundred  per  cent,  better  than  at 
any  other  day  dining  tlie  rebellion.  Sir,  I  be- 
lieve if  the  nation  uses  the  force  properly  that  it 
now  has  and  the  force  it  can  put  into  the  field  be- 
fore the  1st  day  of  January  next,  the  power  of  the 
rebellion  will  be  broken.  Let  Grant  triunfiph 
over  Lee,  or  Sherman  triumph  over  Johnson  and 
liold  all  the  Southv.'erit,  all  the  Gulf  States  at  his 
command,  as  he  would  if  he  triumphs  over  him, 
and  the  power  of  the  rebellion  is  broken.  While 
we  have  not  the  numbers  estimated  by  Senators 
to-day,  we  liavc  an  immense  force  in  the  field. 
It  is  true  that  one  fourth  or  one  third  of  that  force 
is  not  effective  for  field  service.  We  have  from 
one  fourth  to  one  third  of  our  force  who  could 
not  be  made  effective  men  in  the  field*.  Sir,  you 
may  raise  ten  thousand  men  anywhere  in  the 
country  and  bring  them  into  the  field  and  not  put 
them  in  battle  at  all,  and  in  six  months,  from  one 
fourth  to  one  third  of  those  men,  by  disease  and 
in  one  way  or  another,  will  drop  outof  the  ranks. 
Our  experience  I  am  sure  justifies  this  declara- 
tion. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  offer  the  following,  which 
I  do  not  desire  to  debate,  as  a  substitute  for  the 
amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts. It  is  to  strike  f)ut  all  of  the  amend- 
ment after  the  word  "  that,"  and  to  insert  in  lieu 
thei'eof: 

From  and  after  tlio  passage  of  this  act  every  able-bodied 
voliiiiteei'  wlio  sliall  lie  accepted,  ai)il  who  shall  enter  into 
tlie  si.'ivice  nl'  the  Uiiit(;d  Stati's,  shall  be  entitled  to  and 
receive,  alter  one  year's  service,  $10U  in  addition  to  the 
sum  now  provided  by  law. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Mr.  President,  I  am  op- 
posed to  the  arnendmcnt  of  the  Senator  from 
Massacliusetts,  and  also  to  the  substitute  sug- 
gested by  my  colleague.  I  should  lilce  well  if 
we  could  now,  as  this  subject  is  being  agitated, 
place  ourselves  upon  sound  ground.  It  is  well 
ktiown  to  all  Senators  that  we  have  been  paying 
to  the  troops  in  the  field  not  only  bounties  from 
the  General  Go vern  men  t,butbou titles  from  States, 
bounties  from  counties,  and  bounties  from  towns, 
until  at  the  expense  of  the  aggregate  Government 
and  of  the  several  departments  of  Government 
we  have  liad  to  secure  tlie  services  in  the  field  of 
persons  who  promised  service  at  the  expense 
often  of  a  thousand  dollars  and  more.  It  was 
the  right  of  tliis  Government,  and  certainly  it 
was  v/ithin  her  power,  to  call  upon  all  the  citi- 
zens of  the  Republic  subject  t.o  military  duly  to 
Vender  service  m  the  field.  From  the  commence- 
ment of  this  v/ar  and  from  the  time  this  subject 
v/as  first  discussed  here  I  insisted  that  it  was  the 
right  of  the  Government  to  demand  service  from 
all  persons  subject  to  military  duty,  and  it  was 
the  obligation  and  duty  of  all  persons  subject  to 
render  duly;  that  the  true  rule  for  asserting  the 
right  on  the  part  of  the  Government  and  enfor- 
cing the  duty  as  against  the  citizen  was  to  place 
them  upon  exi^ly  the  same  footing,  and  to  fairly 
compensate  them  tor  the  time  they  were  employed 
by  subsisting  them  in  the  field  and  rendering  to 
them  reasonable  compensation. 

I  remember  that  at  a  very  early  period  of  the 
war  1  suggested  a  piece  of  history  as  illustrative 
of  the  duty  of  our  Government  and  its  true  pol- 
icy: that  while  the  French  Directory  relied  upon 
volunteers  at  one  lime,  persons  who  fell  into  the 
army  (inder  the  excitement  of  the  early  years  of 
the  Revolution,  they  failed,  they  could  not  main- 
tain their  own  frontier,  and  until  they  adopted 
the  regularconscription  they  had  no  victories  even 
in  France,  scarcely,  atui  none  beyond  the  frontiers 
of  France.  I  undertook  then  to  suggest  that  in 
the  old  republics,  in  Greece  and  P».ome,  the  first 
citizens  considered  themselves  bound  in  case  of 
a  great  public  exigency  to  go  into  the  ranks  as 
private  soldiers;  that  they  did  so;  and  that  from 
the  fact  tl;at  men  of  great  worth  did  enter  the 
ranks  (for  great  worth  is  generally  united  to  great 
valor)  the  battles  of  Plataja  and  iVlarathon  were 
won  ;  and  from  those  considerations  the  great  vic- 
tories of  the  old  Roman  republic,  in  the  days  of 
the  republic,  v/ere  won.  In  those  days  all  citi- 
zens wlio  v/ere  subject  to  bear  arms  were  subject 
to  the  call,  and  had  to  obey  the  call. 

1  opposed  this  $.3')0  commutation  clause  when 
it  was  first  proposed.  I  opposed  the  idea  of  al- 
lovying  any  person  on  the  payment  of  $300  to  be 
relieved  from  service.  You  can  make  no  distinc- 
tion fjmong  citizens  as  to  who  are  bound  to  main- 


tain the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  F(;deral 
Government,  if  that  principle  had  been  adhered 
to  and  men  subject  to  service  had  been  called  out  ■ 
from  the  first,  we  should  not  have  what  we  now 
have  in  the  service,  a  large  proportion  of  merce- 
nary soldiers,  not  brothers  nor  sons,  not  men  of 
our  people,  perhaps  not  less  gallant  for  that;  but 
it  has  resulted  in  this,  that  to  a  large  extent  our 
arms  are  mercenary  arms. 

There  is  a  wide  distinction  between  the  men 
who  have  served  us  in  the  valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  those  who  have  served  us  from  the 
northern  and  eastern  States.  There  are  as  gallant 
soldiers  from  Massachusetts  as  from  any  State; 
none  more  gallant  than  those  from  the  State  of 
Maine  or  New  Hampshire;  but  a  large  body  of 
them  have  been  brought  into  the  service  wlio 
neither  belong  to  the  one  nor  the  oilier,  but  who 
follow  their  standard.  Our  successes  in  the  West 
were  a  marked  feature  of  the  early  history  of 
the  war;  and  why  was  it?  Every  man  free  to 
bear  arms  throughout  the  West  took  arms.  No 
one  ventured  to  stay  at  home.  Parents  would 
not  permit  it;  sisters  would  not  permit  it;  sv/eel- 
heart,s  would  not  permitit;  and  they  who  weniinto 
the  field  bearing  arms  had  kindred  at  home,  and 
associations  at  home,  and  if  they  disgraced  them- 
selves they  dared  notrelurn  to  their  own  homes. 
Therefore  they  foughtalwaysgallantly;  therefore 
they  were  generally  successful  in  their  contests. 

I'll  is  is  all  true  of  the  men  of  New  England,  sit- 
uated as  were  the  old  population  of  the  West, 
for  I  make  no  comparison  between  the  two  as  to 
the  superiority  or  inferiority  of  individual  gal- 
lantry or  hardihood.  Our  American  people  as  a 
people  are  all  brave;  but  they  are  bravest  who 
liave  something  at  stake,  who  represent  not  mere- 
ly their  individual  selves  on  the  battle-field,  but 
who  represent  fathers,  mothers,  grandt'athers,  and 
all  the  relations  of  society. 

If  we  had  adhered  from  the  first  to  the  policy  of 
calling  for  those  subject  to  bear  arms  and  assessed 
the  proper  number  in  the  various  districts  of  the 
States,  we  could  have  always  had  our  armies  full. 
If  now,  without  increasing  these  enormous  debts 
for  bounties  as  against  the  Federal  Government, 
as  against  States,  as  against  counties,  and  as 
against  towns,  we  adopt  the  policy  of  having  all 
those  subject  to  bear  arms  placed  upon  the  list 
and  properly  drafted,  and  if  necessary,  if  they  do 
not  respond,  affix  such  penalties  as  should  bead- 
judged  against  those  who  refuse  to  serve  their 
country  in  its  peril.  If  we  do  this,  we  will  have 
no  necessity  for  an  extraordinary  call  for  troojis. 

My  colleague  has  suggested  an  amendment;  and 
in  this  same  connection,  by  5^ay  of  embodying 
my  amendment  in  form,  I  will  now  suggest  in  the 
form  of  argument  the  amendment  that  1  shall  pro- 
pose when  I  shall  have  the  opportunity  to  do  so. 
It  is  to  strike  out  the  proviso  commencing  in  the 
tenth  line  of  the  first  section: 

Provided,  That  nothing  contained  in  this  act  shall  be  con- 
strued to  alter  the  provisions  ot'  existing  laws  relative  to 
persons  actually  lurnishing  substitutes. 

And  insert: 

And  from  and  after  ten  days  from  tlie  passageof  this  net 
substitutes  shall  not  be  allowed  in  the  place  of  persons  sub- 
ject to  draft  and  regularly  drafted  into  the  service  of  the 
LTnited  States. 

It  is  nothing  for  a  trader  in  any  of  our  towns 
either  to  pay  ^300  or  to  raise  it  by  borrowing,  and 
he  is  excused.  Take  the  young  artisan,  the  black- 
smith, if  you  please.  His  whole  blacksmith  shop, 
anvils,  hammers,  forge,  and  all,  would  not  bring 
§300.  He  may  have  a  wife  for  whom,  with  his 
unsleeved  arm,  he  undertakes  to  win  a  livelihood  ; 
but  being  unable  to  raise  $300  he  is  compelled  into 
the  service.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  young 
mechanics  and  the  young  farmers;  for  in  the  West, 
with  which  i  am  familiar,  ^300  is  considered  a 
greatamounl  of  money,  and  while  the  old  head  of 
the  family  might  be  able  to  raise  it,  his  seven  or 
ten  sons  could  not  do  it;  they  are  coerced  into  the 
service;  whereas  the  trader  in  the  country  town, 
his  neighbor,  and  no  belter  citizen  than  himself, 
could  release  four  or  five  sons  by  paying  the  JJSOO. 

The  proposition  that  I  suggest  is  absolute  jus- 
tice, because  they  owe  as  a  debt  to  the  country  that 
amount  of  service  wlienever  the  Government  de- 
mands it.  I  speak  of  this  as  an  abstract  rule  of 
right,  and  as  a  rule  that  should  lie  at  the  founda- 
tion of.our  policy.  We  should  have  taken  all  our 
people  who  are  subject  to  bear  arras,  and  appor- 
tion them  out,  of  course  imposing  upon  their 
properproportions,  giving  them  a  proper  compen- 


sation for  iheir  services,  nothing  more;  noihiiii;  for 
bounty,  notliing  for  hire,  but  sinijily  a  pri'))i  ■: 
compensation,  and  then  ri'Cpiiic  them  to  rrn'.J.  r 
service,  and  if  they  do  not  rerder  service  biMnil 
them  with  a  brand  that  will  disgrace  them  as  falsc^ 
children  of  the  Republic. 

It  is  in  this  spirit  that  I  oppose  this  amendment 
offered  by  the  gentleman.  It  is  in  this  spi:  it  t!i;ii 
1  have  opposed  all  these  pro[)ositions.  In  llii.-; 
spirit  I  opposed  the  $300  commutation  elaiis',^ 
and  the  employment  of  substitutes.  I  say  h-t 
every  one,  let  the  rich  man's  son  and  the  pom- 
man's  son,  let  the  mechanic  and  the  nu'rchani,  h 
all  men  who  derive  benefit  from  the  Govprnineni 
anil  are  protected  by  the  Government  and  its  biw.- 
render  equal  service.  Why  should  not  the  mai; 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  who,  at  the  age  of  lliiitv  , 
has  built  uji  a  colossal  fortune  under  the  proirc,- 
tion  of  our  laws,  go  as  willingly  ai>d  prompily 
into  the  field  to  maintain  our  rights  as  the  young 
man  in  the  West  who  hasjusl  plowed  his  first  Coriy 
acre  field?  The  merchant  in  New  York  has  ai- 
tained  his  fortune  from  the  benefit  and  proteciiori 
of  our  laws;  the  young  man  in  the  West  has  an 
opportunity  perhaps  under  our  preemption  laws 
or  homestead  acts  to  occupy  and  break  his  grnUMi! 
for  his  firstspring  crop.  Thefirstowes  thegrf-int- 
est  debt,  if  the  accumulation  of  fortune  can  be 
called  an  obligation  conferred,  which  is  dnulufol 
in  my  mind;  but  I  say  that  to  maintain  the  tiui- 
philosophy  and  theory  of  our  Government  there 
should  be  none  of  these  exemptions;  all  persons 
who  are  subject  to  service  and  are  enrolled  f  u- 
service  should  go  into  the  field,  or  else  instead  of 
being  favored  they  should  be  punished. 

For  this  reason  1  am  opposed  to  the  commuta- 
tion; for  this  reason  I  am  opposed  to  substiiules; 
for  this  reason  1  am  opposed  to  bounties.  Let 
all  men  be  equal  before  the  law.  That  is  a  pop- 
ular term,  and  has  received  the  sanciioi)  of  men 
eminent  in  the  use  of  language  antr  in  their  hu- 
iruinitaiian  philosophy.  Let  all  men  be  equal 
before  the  law,  and  as  they  are  all  equal  before 
the  law,  let  them  all  obey  the  law;  let  them  all, 
in  obedience  to  law,  maintain  the  Government 
which  enacts  and  maintains  the  law.  This  whole 
system  is  wrong  from  its  beginning.'  I  have  al- 
ways been  opposed  to  it,  and  I  enter  my  o|)fiosi- 
lion  now  to  ihis  movement.  I  stand  by  the  bill 
extinguishing  the  commutation  clause,  with  this 
difference,  that  I  would  say,  and  I  shall  move, 
that  there  shall  be  no  substitutes  hereafter.  Let 
him  who  is  bound  to  service  and  is  drafted  for 
service  serve  without  distinction  of  men,  and  lee 
them  all  be  equal  before   the  law. 

The  PRESlDENTp-oZcMjfore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Califor- 
nia [Mr.  CoNNESs]  to  the  amendment  cf  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts. 

P^Ir.  WILSON.  I  suggest  to  the  Senatorfrom 
California  to  modify  Iiis  proposition,  especially 
the  last  part  of  it  before  we  take  a  vote  upon  it,  un- 
less he  can  tell  us  precisely  what  it  means.  The 
amendment  proposes  to  give  to  a  person  who 
shall  volunteer  for  one  year  pOO  in  addition  to 
what  he  now  receives.  1  suggest  to  the  Senator 
to  strike  out  the  words  "in  addition  to  what  he 
receives,"  and  then  let  him  stand  upon  the  law. 
The  law  provides  what  he  shall  receive  otherwise. 
I  tiiink  that  would  be  better,  and  there  would  be 
no  misunderstanding  in  regard  to  it.  In  the  form 
in  which  it  is  now  put,  it  is  in  the  form  of  in- 
creased pay. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  call  for  the  reading  of  both 
the  amendment  of  the  honorable  Senator  and  tlie 
amendment  that  I  offered  to  it. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment,  as  follows: 
Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  every  person  who  shall 
be  drafted  luid  wlio  shall  serve  honorably  for  a  p;Tiod  of 
one  year  shall  receive  a  bounty  of  $'1UJ,  to  bt;  paid  upon 
his  discharge  from  the  service;  and  every  per»ou  so  draited 
and  wlio  shall  be  honorably  discharged  alter  a  term  of  mt- 
vice  less  than  one  year  sliall  receive  a  bounty  proporlioiieil 
to  his  term  of  service,  to  be  estimated  at  the  rate  herein 
prescribed  ior  one  year's  service. 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  to  strike 
out  all  of  the  amendment  after  the  word  "  that" 
and  to  insert: 

From  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act  every  able-bodied 
volunteer  who  shall  be  accepted  and  who  shall  enter  into 
the  service  of  the  Uiiiteti  States  shall  be  entitled  to  receive 
after  one  year's  service  §11)0  in  addition  to  the  sum  now 
provided  by  law. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  think  that  is  clearly  a  proffer 
of  poo — the  amount  which  the  Senator  in  his 
amendment  proposes  to  offer  atthcend  of  the  term 


30&6 


THE  COj^GEESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


of  service  of  the  drafted  man — to  a  vnlunteor  in 
addition  to  wiuil  that  volunteer  is  antiiorized  un- 
der present  jaws  lo  receive.  If  tiie  Senator  can 
sugi^est  any  ciiange  in  it  to  make  it  plainer,  I  have 
no  oUjeciion.     I  ihinic  it  is  clear  as  it  is. 

Mr.GRIMES.  !  trust  the  Senator  froin  Mas- 
sachnst i.ts  will  withdraw  his  aniendmeiU  and  let 
both  ihese  aniendnienls  tall.  He  has  told  us  the 
Government  is  attempiing  to  draft  seventy  thou- 
sand men, and  consequeiilly  the  bounty  wliich  lie 
proposes  10  pay  these  conscripts  will  amount  to 
^7,000,000. 

Mr.  WILSON.  The  Senator  will  allow  me  to 
suy  that  it  does  not  apply  to  those  seventy  thou- 
sand men  who  have  been  called  for.  They  come 
in  under  the  laws  as  tiiey  now  exist.  It  is  to 
apply  to  future  calls  whatever  they  may  be.  If 
we  call  for  one  hundred  thousand  men,  of  course 
it  is  §10,000,000;  if  we  call  for  two  hundred  thou  - 
sand,  it  is  $20,000,000. 

Mr.GRIMES.  1  undertand  there  is  lo  be  a  call 
made  for  three  hundred  thousand  men.  The 
Senator  can  tlierofore  vepy  easily  ii^ure  up  the 
amount  that  this  amendment  will  subtract  from 
the  Treasury. 

This  projiosition  is  exceedingly  unjust.  Here 
is  a  Stat(!  that  lias  fully  responded  lo  the  calls 
upon  it;  it  has  sent  into  the  field  three  years'  men; 
and  iiere  is  another  State  by  the  side  of  it  that 
has  not  responded  to  its  calls.  By  another  pro- 
vision in  this  bill  it  is  proposed  by  the  Senator 
to  reduce  the  length  of  the  call  from  ihrce  years 
to  one  year. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  beg  your  pardon;  it  does 
not  apply  to  any  Slate  that  is  short  now.  They 
have  got  to  fill  up  their  quotas  under  the  old  calls. 
The  bill  is  plain  on  that  point. 

Mr.GRIMES.  That  depends  upon  the  con- 
struction tint  will  be  put  upon  this  provision. 
According  to  my  reading  of  it,  such  will  be  the 
interpretation  that  will  be  put  upon  it;  and  if  that 
interpretation  be  put  upon  it,  which  1  think  the 
language  admits  of,  then  this  vvill  bo  the  case: 
that  this  last  State  that  has  not  responded  to  the 
call  will  draftone  man  three  times  in  order  to  fill 
up  ils  quota  to  correspond  with  the  single  draft 
that  is  made  in  llic  State  that  has  fully  respondeil, 
and  to  each  of  those  drafted  men  there  is  to  be 
$100  paid;  so  that  the  Government  will  pay  to 
the  conscript  in  the  one  State  where  ihe  calls  are 
not  res|)onded  to  ^300  in  the  shape  of  bounty, 
while  in  the  olher  there  will  be  only  the  bounties 
that  were  allowed  before.  I  do  not  think  we  are 
prepared  to  do  this.  I  do  not  understand  that  this 
amendment  is  recommended  by  the  War  Depart- 
ment, or  that  it  comes  from  the  Military  Com- 
mittee. It  is  a  suggestion  of  the  Senator  which 
1  apprehend  lie  has  not  thought  very  long  about. 
It  strikes  me  as  though  there  are  a  multitude  of 
evils  that  might  flow  from  it  if  you  send  your 
men  into  the  Army  as  conscripts  and  give  them 
this  misapplied  amount  of  bounty  and  make  them 
stand  side  by  side  with  men  who  last  week  en- 
listed in  the  same  neighborhood  for  the  term  of 
three  years,  but  are  getting  only  ^00  bounty.  I 
tliink  the  Senator  will  agree  with  me  there  will 
not  be  very  great  harmony  in  the  ranks  composed 
of  alternate  men  who  have  voluntarily  gone  and 
received  ^100  for  three  years  and  of  tliese  con- 
scripis  wiio  have  held  back  until  they  were  com- 
pelled to  go,  and  then  after  being  coerced  into  the 
ranks  receive  ihe  same  amount  from  the  Treas- 
ury that  the  volunteer  has  received. 

Mv.  WILSON.  Exact  equality  of  course  it 
would  not  bring;  but  you  have  not  that  now. 
For  instance,  you  have  the  old  regiments  that 
enlisted  three  years  ago,  some  of  whom  are  now 
passing  through  the  city  on  their  way  home,  and 
they  enli^sted  for  a  bounty  of  §100  to  serve  three 
years.  They  are  now  mustered  out  of  the  ser- 
vice with  a  bounty  of  only  $100.  In  those  same 
rcgimeols  are  men  who  came  into  the  service  in 
1862  with  a  bounty  of  $200,  and  in  1863  and  1864 
with  bounties  of  $300  by  the  United  States  and 
$325  by  the  States,  making  $625,  and  $100  or 
$200  by  the  townships  or  by  individuals;  men  in 
the  army  of  ihi:  Potomac  in  tiie  .same  company 
receive  a  bounty  of  $100  while  olher  men  receive 
a  bounty  of  $200  or  $300,  and  other  men  receive 
bounties  running  from  $600  to  $900;  and  these 
men  now  stand  to-day  side  by  side,  shoulder  to 
shoulder,  fi-lilin:-;  tin;  baiiles  of  the  country.  Do 
v/c  have  any  difficuliy  ribout  it?  Fully  one  third  i 
:a  Icaat  of  General  Grant's  army,  that  liaa  made  II 


marches  and  Aiugiit  battles  unparalleled  in  this 
century  anywheii!,  have  gone  into  the  service 
during  the  last  eight  months.  These  heroic,  men 
are  the  "mercenaries,"  as  they  are  called  here 
to-day.  Thev  are  the  men  who  received  the 
liounty  of  $.300  or  $400  from  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, $325  from  State.s,  and  more  from  the 
towns,  niaking  $800  or  $900.  These  men  have 
fought  as  well  and  behaved  as  nobly  as  any  men 
in  tlie  service. 

Sir,  I  think  it  is  wrong  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  or  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  speak  of  brave  men  in  the  service  of 
the  country  as  "  mercenaries"  because  they  have 
taken  of  their  State  governments,  of  their  local- 
ities, and  of  the  national  Government,  bounties 
offered  them  to  go  into  the  service  of  their  coun- 
try. Ill  the  first  place  they  ought  to  have  had  a 
bounty.  All  kinds  of  laborarc  now  exceedingly 
high;  the  costof  living  is  high.  These  men  who  are 
fighling  our  battles  have  left  families  behind  them 
as  dear  to  them  as  our  families  are  to  us.  They 
leave  them  at  lioine  and  go  and  peril  their  lives 
for  the  country;  perhaps  come  back  maimed  and 
wounded.  The  man  who  takes  a  bounty  and 
uses  the  money  as  a  man  ought  to  do,  to  support, 
protect,  and  educate  his  family;  tliat  man,  who 
bares  his  bosom  to  rebel  steel,  is  just  as  much  a 
patriot  as  the  man  who  volunteered  for  a  less 
sum.  It  looks  to  me,  in  the  present  condition  of 
the  country,  that  we  are  expected  to  pay  more 
for  men  and  ought  to  pay  more  than  we  did  in 
the  early  days  of  the  war. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  All  thalisa  first-rate  argu- 
ment why  the  Senator  was  in  error  the  other  day 
when  he  introduced  his  bill  increasing  the  pay  of 
the  soldiers.  If  we  do  not  give  them  compensa- 
ton  enough,  in  Heaven's  name  raise  the  compen- 
sation and  give  them  what  they  are  entitled  to. 
But  that  is  no  argument  why  we  should  misap- 
ply this  term  and  the  principle  of  bounty  and 
give  to  the  conscript  what  the  Senator  calls  a 
bounty — give  a  reward  to  a  man  who  by  law  is 
compelled  to  perform  a  duty  against  his  will;  for 
that  is  the  eifect  of  it.  We  compel  the  man  to 
go  into  the  Army  against  his  will  and  perform 
the  duty  which  he  as  a  citizen  is  required  to  per- 
form; and  the  Senator  proposes  to  reward  him 
exactly  as  well  as  he  rewards  a  volunteer. 

Mr.  WILSON.     We  do  that  now. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  No,  sir,  we  do  not  do  it  now, 
and  never  have  done  it.  The  cases  the  Senator 
puts  were  cases  where  there  were  volunteers  from 
different  States,  one  State  or  one  county  giving 
to  a  volunteer  who  agreed  to  accept  the  reward  or 
bounty  whatever  the  county  or  State  might  offer, 
and  another  one  accepting  whatever  his  township 
or  city  or  county  or  State  might  give,  and  it  was 
a  matter  of  fair  understanding  and  agreement  be- 
tween them  and  the  respective  municipal  orState 
or  national  Governments.  But  here  is  a  case  where 
you  take  a  man  who,  perhaps,  lias  been  in  an- 
tagonism to  this  war,  who  perhaps  has  denounced 
the'very  men  who  have  gone  from  his  neighbor- 
hood to  fight  our  battles  for  us,  who  perhaps  is 
known  not  to  be  in  sympathy  either  with  the 
Government  or  the  soldiers  with  whom  he  is  com- 
pelled to  associate,  and  the  Senator  proposes  to 
reward  that  conscript  who  is  thus  for  forced  to  go 
into  the  ranks  as  well  as  he  rewards  the  patriotic 
and  worthy  man  who  voluntarily  leaves  all  the 
endearments  of  home  and  goes  into  the  Army 
baring  his  breast  in  the  shock  of  battle.  I  say 
that  that  is  inequitable,  that  that  is  not  just  to  the 
volunteer;  and  1  never  will  vote  for  any  bill  that 
contains  any  such  provision. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  to  sliow  whether  I  was 
right  or  not  as  to  the  construction  of  the  amend- 
ment which  the  Senator  has  proposed,!  will  read 
it: 

JIjhI  be  it  further  enacted,  Tliat  every  pnrson  who  sliall 
bo  dr;Utud — 

Not  applying  to  any  particular  draft — 

and  who  shall  serve  lionoriibly  for  a  period  of  one  year 
shall  receive  a  bounty  of  $100,  to  be  paid  upon  hid  dis- 
cliaige  from  the  service. 

Is  there  any  limitation  in  the  provisions  of  this 
section  ? 

Mr.  WILSON.  It  is  designed  to  come  in  after 
the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  fVom 
Vermont,  [Mr.  CoLLAMER,]  wliich  applies  only 
to  future  calls,  and  not  to  Ihe  past  at  all.  This 
whole  bill  applies  to  future  call'-;,  and  not  to  the  i 
call^of  the  past.  I 


Mr.  COLLAMER.  The  word  "hereafter" 
should  be  ["lut  in  there. 

Mr.GRIMES.  The  Senator  from  Vermont 
knew  exactly  what  he  was  at  when  he  offered 
his  amendment.  He  was  designing  to  preventa 
one  year  drafted  man  beingset  off  against  a  three 
years  drafteii  man.  That  is  all  he  sought  to  at- 
tain, and  he  has  accomplished  it  by  the  amend- 
ment that  he  proposed.  But  that  is  not  what 
is  accomplished  by  this  amendment  without  a 
change  of  the  phraseology  that  has  been  made 
by  the  Senator: 

That  every  person  who  shall  be  drafted  niul  who  sliall 
serve  lionorahly  for  a  period  of  one  year  sliall  receive  a 
bounty  of . 5100,  to  be  paid  upon  his  discharge  from  tiie  ser- 
vice; and  every  persmi  so  drafted — 

Not  under  a  future  draft,  not  under  a  draft  that 
may  hereafter  be  authorized,  and  be  made  in  con- 
sequence of  an  order  that  may  hereafter  emanate 
from  the  War  Department,  but  under  any  draft 
that  may  heretofore  have  been  directed  to  be  made 
by  the  Department  as  well — 

and  every  person  so  drafted  and  who  shall  be  honorably 
discharged  after  a  term  of  service  less  than  one  year 
shall  receive  a  bounty  proportioned  to  his  tenn  ofB-Mvice, 
to  be  estimated  at  the  rate  herein  prescribed  for  one  year's 
service. 

It  seems  to  me  there  can  be  no  controversy  as 
to  the  construction  of  the  language,  and  there 
ought  not  to  be  any  controversy  as  lo  the  merits 
of  this  proposition. 

Mr  WILSON.  I  understood  and  understand 
the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  fromVer- 
mont  to  apply  this  bill  to  future  calls  and  notany 
part  of  it  to  those  already  made  and  that  are  be- 
ing filled  up.  Tlie  draft  for  severity  thousand  will 
be  completed  probably  in  the  course  often  or  fif- 
teen days.  I  do  not  want  to  disturb  or  touch  that 
in  any  respect  whatever.  I  propose,  however,  to 
modify  my  amendment  so  that  it  shall  read: 

That  every  person  who  shall  be  drafted  under  any  call 
hereafter  made  and  who  shall  serve,  &.c. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  That  would  relieve  it  from 
the  objection  that  was  made  by  the  Senator  from 
Iowa. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  How  can  the  Senator  modify 
his  amendment  after  an  amendment  has  been 
offered  to  it? 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  is  compe- 
tent for  him  to  do  so,  no  vote  having  been  taken. 

Mr.  HOWE.  1  wish  to  know  of  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  how  the  bounties  are  regu- 
lated to  volunteers  now? 

Mr.  WILSON.,  We  pay  to  volunteers  for  three 
years  now  $100.  If  we  draft  a  man  for  three 
years  we  pay  him  $100  bounty.  They  are  both 
put  upon  the  same  footing  precisely, 

Mr.  HOWE.  If  a  man  volunteers  for  three 
years  can  he  get  any  bounty  unless  he  serves  two  ? 

Mr.  WILSON.    No;  notunder  the  present  law. 

Mr.  HOWE.  I  had  the  impression  that  sucli 
was  the  law;  and  if  it  be  so  it  seems  to  me  there 
is  no  propriety  in  this  amendment. 

Mr.  WILSON.  But  we  are  aot  getting  any 
volunteers  under  the  present  law,  and  cannot  get 
them. 

Mr.  HOWE.  This  is  a  proposition  to  give 
a  bounty  to  a  man  for  being  drafted,  not  for  hav- 
ing volunteered,  for  it  puts  a  drafted  man  on  a 
better  footing  decidedly  than  you  put  the  volun- 
teer in  two  respects:  you  give  him  the  same 
bounty  for  one  year's  service  that  you  give  the 
volunteer  for  three;  and  you  give  the  vottinteer 
nothing  unless  he  serves  two  years;  but  you  give 
the  drafted  man  the  fraction  of  $100  if  he  serves 
but  the  smallest  fraction  of  a  year.  It  is  really 
taking  away  all  the  grace  and  all  the  favor  which 
your  past  legislation  has  held  out  to  the  volun- 
teer, and  making  it  no  longer  reputable  for  a  man 
to  volunteer.  On  the  contraryj  it  is  saying  that 
you  will  do  more  for  those  who  hold  back  and 
will  not  volunteer  than  for  those  who  have  done  so. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Admit  that;  but  the  truth  is 
we  are  getting  but  few  volunteers,  only  about  one 
hundred  a  week,  and  we  cannot  get  them.  No 
voluiiteer.'ii  can  be  obtained  now  unless  you  pay 
five  or  six  hundred  dollars. 

Mr.  HOWE.  There  is  no  man  out  of  the  ser- 
vice but  what  has  had  an  opportunity  to  enter 
the  service  with  $100  bounty,  and  there  is  no  man 
but  has  had  an  opportunity  of  receiving  the  $300 
bounty  from  the  Government.  They  have  de- 
clined to  do  it.  Your  armies  want  replenishing, 
and  I  know  of  no  better  way  in  the  world  than 
to  draw  lots. 


1864-. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8097 


Ml-.  SlIER-MAN.  I  suppnse  this  amoiulmpiit 
lins  Ihi'ii  rcpoi'ii'd  from  i.ln>  Coiniiiittee  on  Mili- 
tary AlTiirs  iitii!  ilii'  Militiii. 

Mr.  WILSOM.  No,  .sir,  it  iiiis  not.  I  have 
offrnnl  it  1)11  my  own  ri\spoiiRil)iliiy. 

Mr.  COiN'iNf  IlSS.  I  rise  to  withdraw  the  amend- 
ment iliMt  I  otFrrod  lo  tlie  amendment  of  tlie  Sen- 
ator n-oni  .Matisachu.setts,  so  na  to  get  a  direct 
vol.-;  iipiiM  thai  nmciidMK-iit.  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
adopii'd. 

T  h .;  P  a  ES 1 D  E  N  T  pro  tempore .  Th  e  n  m  e  n  d  - 
ment  lo  ihe  amrndr.icnt  is  wiihdrawn. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  liidiaiKi.  I  shall  only  detain 
the  Sciiaie  a  moment.  Early  in  18G3  the  con- 
ecription  h-iw  was  pas.?ed  by  which  it  was  pro- 
vided that  for  the  payment  of  jj.300  comrniitation 
a  drafted  iiKui  might  exempt  himself  from  ser- 
vice. There  was  an  experience  of  some  nine  or 
twelve  months  under  that  law.  It  wa.s  found  to 
be  wholly  inop<Tative  and  inefFective.  Some 
months  ago  a  joint  resolution  was  introduced  to 
repeal  simply  the  j^300 commutation  clause.  That 
joint  resoluiion  was  relerred  to  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affiirs,  and  they  reported  it  back  with 
a  recommendation  that  it  should  pass.  When  it 
comes  into  the  Senate,  the  chairman  of  iheCom- 
tniltec  on  Miliitiry  Affairs  moves  an  amendment 
that  the  term  of  service  shall  be  twelve  month.s 
instead  of  three  years,  and  now  an  additional 
amendment  is  proposed  that  a  bounty  of  ^100 
shall  be  i^iveii  to  the  man  who  is  drafted,  for 
twelve  months.  lam  simply  in  favor  of  repeal- 
ing tlu^  j?.30()  coinmulalion  elau.se,  and  so  was  the 
committee.  The  evil  intended  to  be  remedied  was 
precisely  this:  under  your  previous  law  you  did 
not  succeed  in  getting  men,  but  in  setting  the 
commutation.  Now  it  is  proposed  to  reduce  the 
term  of  service  from  three  years  to  one  year  and 
give  i^llOO  bounty.  If  the  bill  assumes  that  shape 
I  shall  vote  against  the  whole  of  it,  believing  that 
the  whole  obJ(M;t  of  the  repeal  has  been  utterly 
defeated  and  annihilated. 

The  Ptl ESI  DENT  ;))-o  tem/>o?'e.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  ofiered  by  the  Senator  from 
MaSvSachusclts. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  have  another  amendment 
to  offer,  which  I  supjiose  nobody  will  oppose, 
because  it  will  cost  no  money,  but  save  a  little.  It 
is  to  insert  as  a  new  section: 

.■Ind  he  it furUicr  evacleil,  Tliat  the  sixteenth  section  of 
tlii^  "Act  liir  eiirollinj  and  caliiii;  out  llie  iiatioiml  I'oi'ces, 
nnci  I'or  other  piiiposcs,"  aiiproveil  MiU'cli  3,  18133,  he 
aiiiemh'd  hj'  insertius  llie  v/oril  "  transportation"  in  lion  of 
the  winds  "iravcling  pay,"  wlicrevcr  they  occur  in  said 
Boction. 

I  will  .state  that  this  amendment  is  offered  on 
the  recommendation  of  the  Department.  It  has 
been  found  tliat  under  the  words  "  traveling  |iay  " 
some  frauds  have  been  perpetrated  in  the  country. 
The  word  "  transportation"  expresses  the  origi- 
nal meaning,  and  will  correct  those  evils. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  have  a  few  more  amend- 
ments that  1  should  like  lo  offer.  I  now  move  to 
in.sert  the  following  as  a  new  section: 

^iiid  lie  it  Jnrlhcr  enacted,  That  wiien  a  soldier,  sick  ill 
hospital,  sliail  1)1'  discliarj;(^d  I'roiii  the  military  scmvIco  hut 
shall  h(!  niKilile  to  leave  or  avail  hiiiK-ccll' of  his  discliarce  in 
ooi».se(ininice  of  slckncst^or  wounds,  and  .shall  suhs«(]uriitly 
die  in  sui-li  liospiial,  he  shall  he  deemed  to  have  died  in  the 
military  service. 

I  will  sim])ly  say  in  regard  to  this  amendment 
tliat 

Several-SENATons.     We  will  all  vote  for  that. 

Mr.  WILSON.  There  are  soldiers  in  the  ser- 
■vice  who  are  wounded  and  are  discharged  but 
cannot  getaway  from  here,  and  die  after  their  dis- 
charge. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  now  offer  another  amend- 
ment, to  insert  as  a  new  section  the  following: 

Jlnd  lie  it  'fartlicr  enacted,  That  ptiyine-its  which  have 
been  made  hy  paymasters  to  non  comniijsioned  officer;!  of 
volunteer  rcijinirnts  tVoni  ihu'datc  of  their  enlistment  and 
(or  a  time  previous  to  Uicir  muster  into  the  service  of  the 
United  Stales,  s||ll,  if  otlunwise  correct,  he  allowed  in 
llie  settlement  of  such  pajniasters'  accounts. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  should  like  to  have'  that 
amendment  explained. 

•Mr.  WILSON.  The  amount  of  it  is  simplv 
this:  the  sergeants  and  other  non-commissioned 
officers  of  si  regiment  cannot  be  legally  and  form- 
ally appointed  until  the  regiments  are  organized; 


but  in 


raising  regiments,  having  the  men  m  camp. 


it  was  fouiiti  necessary  to  have  such  oflioers,  and 


certain  men  were  appointed  sergeants  or  corporals 
by  the  persons  who  were  raising  the  regiments. 
The  paymasters  in  most  of  tliose  cases  paid  those 
non-commissioned  officers  from  the  time  of  their 
.■ijipoiiitmeni,  although  sometimes  it  was  a  few 
winks  iiefore  the  colonel  of  the  regiment  was  ap- 
pointed and  they  could  have  their  papers.  By  a 
ruling  of  the  Department  these  payments  of  the 
paymasters  have  not  been  allowed.  I  thiiilc  it 
ri^ht  that  they  should  be  paid. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON,  i  desire  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts,  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  if  there  is  not  an- 
other class  of  cases  that  ought  to  be  provided  for. 
I  understand  they  disallow  in  the  Department 
here  payments  that  were  made  to  regiments  be- 
fore they  were  rnustered  in  by  the  United  States. 
In  many  instances  the  commanding  officer  of  a 
department  ordered  his  paymastiu'  to  make  the 
payments  and  he  paid  upon  the  rolls  that  were 
("urnished  him;  but  I  understand  they  are  disal- 
lowed here  in  the  Department  now  to  very  large 
amounts,  and  in  some  cases  where  the  paymas- 
ter could  do  nothing  else  but  pay.  They  require 
some  law  now  to  adjust  these  accounts.  I  ask  tlie 
Senator  if  there  is  any  provision  for  that  class  of 
cases .' 

iMr.  WILSON.  I  understand  there  were  some 
complaints  of  that  kind.  How  far  they  extend, 
or  how  much  there  is  in  them,  I  do  not  know. 
It  is  very  likely  that  some  legislation  is  necessary 
on  that  subject. 

Mr.  RiCHARDSON.  I  understand  that  the 
amount  is  pretty  large,  especially  in  tlie  West,  and 
I  know  that  very  many  of  the  paymasters  are 
apparently  very  large  defaulters;  and  it  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  that  some  provision  should  be 
made  by  law  by  which  those  accounts  should  be 
adjusteei. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  make  some  inquiry  in 
regard  to  it,  and  see  whether  it  is  necessary. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  will  now  move  the 
ainendment  that  1  have  indicated  to  the  first  sec- 
tion of  the  bill.  In  line  ten  of  the  first  section 
I  propose  to  strike  out  the  following  proviso: 

Provided,  That  nothing  contained  In  this  act  sliall  he 
construed  to  alter  the  provisions  of  existing  law.s  relative 
to  peisons  actually  I'urnishing  suhstifutes. 

And  to  insert  in  lieu  thereof: 

And  from  and  after  ten  days  from  the  passaje  of  this 
act  suhstilutes  sliall  not  he  allowed  in  place  of  person.s 
suhject  to  draft  and  regularly  dratted  into  the  service  of 
the  United  Estates. 

I  have  advanced  my  views  on  this  subject,  and, 
not  choosing  lo  discuss  it  further,  I  simply  ask 
the  vote  of  the  Senate  upon  it.  1  believe  this 
amendment  involves  the  principle  that  should 
either  govern  or  not  govern  the  action  of  the 
Government.  If  the  question  is  well  enough  un- 
derstood without  discussing  itfurther,  I  shall  con- 
tent myself  with  asking  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
upon  it. 

1'lie  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  rise  to  express  the  hope 
that  the  Senate  will  not  adopt  this  amendment. 
I  do  not  agree  to  these  ideas  that  have  been  put 
forth  that  the  Government  ought  to  cast  a  drag-net 
over  the  nation  and  say  to  every  man,  "Come  out; 
serve  the  country ;  you  shall  have  no  bounty;  you 
shall  pay  no  commutation;  you  shall  get  no  sub- 
stitute." '  The  country  is  not  in  any  such  dis- 
tressed condition  as  to  require  it.  We  have  got 
the  business  interests  of  the  cotinlry  to  take  care 
of  as  well  as  the  military  interests.  We  mustget 
the  money  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  it  is  just  as 
necessary  to  have  money  to  carry  on  this  war  as 
to  have  tlic  men.  We  have  got  to  watch  and 
nurse  and  take  care  of  the  agricultural,  manufac- 
turing, mechanical,  and  commercial  interests  of 
the  country.  We  have  got  to  look  to  the  condi- 
tion and  interests  of  the  whole  country  in  pass- 
ing these  acts  for  raising  money  and  men.  Sir, 
after  this  nation  has  jiut  at  least  one  million  eight 
hundred  thousand  men  into  the  field  during  three 
years,  an  amount  of  men  put  into  War  by  no  na- 
tion in  Christendom  during  thisgeneration,  to  go 
to  the  people  and  say  to  them,  "You  shall  be 
drafted  into  the  miiiiary  service;  you  shall  not 
get  a  substitute  if  one  offers,"  would  be  deemed 
oppressive,  would  create  a  great  deal  of  ill  will 
toward  the  Government,  and  weaken  our  cause 
in  the  country.  There  is  no  necessity  on  earth 
for  such  action.      If  our  armies  Vere  beaten,  it' 


they  were  on  the  retreat,  if  tlie  nation  was  in  de- 
spair, we  mi2;ht  resort  to  such  stringent  measures; 
but  we  have  been  and  we  are  on  ihe  march  to  vic- 
tory, and  we  were  never  so  strong  as  to-day.  What 
I  want  to  do  is  to  gather  up  all  the,  men  we  have  in 
the  service  throughout  the  country  and  to  push 
them  into  the  front  ranks,  and  to  cull  for  men  to 
fill  up  our  wasting  raiika.  1  think  there  is  no 
need  of  resorting  to  any  measure  that  will  be  re- 
garded 03  arbitrary  anil  oppressive  by  the  mass 
of  the  people  who  have  made  so  many  sacrifices 
for  their  country. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Mr.  President,  during 
all  the  period  tliat  has  expired  between  the  5th  of 
,Tuly,  1861,  and  the  present  <\a.Y  of  the  month  of 
June,  1864,  we  have  heard  thi.s  same  thing,  that 
we  are  on  the  eve  of  victory,  and  that  our  power 
was  going  to  compel  our  enemies  into  subjection; 
and  although  we  are  now  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Richmond,  I  am  not  any  more  confident  that  we 
are  on  the  eve  of  triumph  than  I  was  in  July  of 
that  year.  Nor  do  I  think  those  things  of  which 
we  are  advised  justify  us  in  the  opinion  that  this 
war  may  not  continue  for  quite  a  long  period.  I 
am  not  one  of  those  who  believe  that  the  taking 
of  Richmond  and  Petersburg  and  Lynchburg  is 
going  lo  solve  the  problem  which  is  presented  to 
the  American  people;  and  this  shouting  lo  tri- 
umphe  before  any  considerable  triumph  has  been 
won,  in  my  judgment,  is  vain  talk. 

1  know  we  have  a  great  and  a  gallant  Army  both 
in  the  West  and  in  the  Ettst.  I  know  we  are  ad- 
vancing against  what  we  have  learned  to  be  a 
body  of  desperate,  determined,  and  organized 
men;  and  I  have  learned  to  believe  that  they  do 
not  consider  the  problem  solved  with  themselves 
when  all  Virginia  shall  be  occupied  by  our  troops. 
It  was  the  first  proposition  of  the  cotton  States 
of  the  South  that  they  should  disintegrate  them- 
selves entirely  in  their  policy  from  Virginia, Ten- 
nessee, Kentucky,  Maryland,  and  Missouri,  and 
organize  a  government  of  their  own;  and  when 
they  shall  be  forced  into  the  country  which  they 
themselves  claim  particularly,  perhaps  tlien  may 
come  the  hug  and  the  tug  of^  war. 

We  cannot  promise  ourselves  a  conclusion  this 
campaign.  1  do  not  think  that  that  man  whom 
I  call  the  best  general  in  our  service,  an  officer 
who  has  proved  himself  the  equal  of  all  occasions 
as  far  as  was  within  the  limits  of  science  and 
courage — General  Grant  himself — would  pro- 
nounce as  an  absoluteconclusion  of  his  own  judg- 
ment that  he  could  in  this  carnpaign  coerce  even 
the  capital  of  the  rebellion.  Let  us  not  have  this 
song  of  triumph  or  this  shout  of  courage.  It  was 
said  in  1861  that  individual  gentleinen  could  take 
twenty  thousand  rnen  and  march  from  the  shores 
of  the  Potomac  tlirough  Richmond  to  Mobile  and 
New  Orleans,  and  would  meet  with  no  equal 
armies.  That  has  been  the  weak  opinion  of  un- 
informed men,  although  sometimes  of  men  high 
in  office. 

Let  us  look  carefully  at  what  we  have  gotbefore 
us, and  consider  that  we  may  havea  war  not  merely 
of  three  years  but  of  ten  years,  and  then  look  to 
what  shall  be  a  sound,  proper  public  policy.  1  can 
see  no  peace,  I  can  see  no  prosperity,  I  can  see  no 
general  happiness, no  domestic  happiness  through- 
out this  iand  until  this  war  is  ended,  and  it  inust 
be  ended  by  some  cotnmanding  results.  Who  can 
promise  them  to-day?  I  suppose  the  Secretary 
of  War,  with  his  great  inililary  prescience,  might 
assure  us;  but  who  would  have  confidence  in 
liim?  I  suppose  many  other  m.en  who  have  oc- 
cupied many  high  military  positions,  such  as  Ma- 
jor General  Butler,  might  promise  us  triumph  in 
his  aid  to  Grant's  movements  in  a  brief  period. 
We  have  had  no  promise  from  General  Grant  him- 
self;  and  the  ad  vised  judgmentof  the  best  men,  so  far 
as  1  have  been  able  to  learn,  has  not  been  able  lo 
promise  any  definite  results  within  a  given  period. 

It  is  my  firm  conviction  that  until  we  organize 
war  upon  true  principles  we  can  have  no  such 
definite  results  us  will  establish  peace.  1  have 
differed  from  the  majority  of  the  Senate  as  to  that 
policy,  particularly  as  to  organizingarmies.  1  dif- 
fer from  them  now  again  as  the  question  is  again 
before  the  Senate.  1  think  it  is  time  for  us  to 
consider  the  experience  of  the  past,  to  consider 
whether  we  should  not  go  to  work  regularly  to 
produce  by  a  regularsystem  and  to  bring  out  that 
force  in  the  field  that  should  be  by  every  law, 
moral  as  well  as  political,  subject  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  who  should  mt\intain  tiiat  Govern- 


3098 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20 


ment  at  tlie  peril  of  life — the  proper  and  15gitimate 
force  of  the  country,  irrespective  of  classes  of  so- 
ciety, irrespective  of  the  wealth  of  individuals,  re- 
garding every  citizen  of  the  Republic,  every  man 
owing  allegiance  to  the  Government  as  standing 
upon  the  same  footing,  bound  to  yield  obedience 
to  the  laws,  having  it  as  a  duty  to  sustain  tiie 
laws,  and  having  it  as  a  duty  to  bear  arms  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 

That  I  am  right  in  this  proposition  as  amatter 
of  principle,  as  a  policy  in  Government,  that  it  is 
an  essential  element  of  all  free  systems  of  Govern- 
ment, in  my  mind  admits  of  no  possible  doubt.  All 
history  teaches  th.at  1  am  right.  Our  past  history  in 
this  present  war  has  taught  that  1  am  right;  and 
if  we  shall  have  another  and  a  longer  history  in 
the  future,  that  history  will  teach  that  I  have  been 
-right;  for  the  same  opinions,  the  same  policy,  the 
same  theory  I  shall  maintain  as  the  only  true  pol- 
icy of  a  republican  Government  where  the  indi- 
vidual citizen  is  one  of  the  sovereigns,  and  where 
it  belongs  to  his  office  to  maintain  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  laws,  and  that  it  is  particular!  ycliarged 
by  our  system  of  Government  upon  all  those  ca- 
pable and  bound  to  bear  arms. 

Mr.  HOWE.  I  shall  certainly  vote  against  in- 
serting the  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Cali- 
fornia; but  before  I  know  whether  to  vote  for 
striking  out  the  proviso  I  should  like  the  Senator 
from  I\5assachusetts  to  tell  me  what  the  present 
provisions  of  law  are  in  reference  to  furnishing 
substitutes.  What  is  the  effect  of  furnishing  a  sub- 
stitute ? 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  understand  that  a  person 
drafted  may  furnish  a  substitute  provided  that  sub- 
stitute is  not  liable  to  draft;  and  if  the  substitute 
becomes  liable  to  draft  before  the  tliree  years  have 
expired,  then  the  principal  is  liable;  if  not,  he  is 
exempted  for  three  years. 

Mr.  HOWE.  1  see  no  reason  in  the  world  why 
those  provisions  should  not  be  continued.  I  am 
as  much  in  favor  of  abolishing  the  commutation 
clause  as  anybody;  but  if  a  man  is  drafted  and  is 
willing  to  pay  a  sum  which  another  man  is  will- 
ing to  take  to  go  into  the  service  in  his  stead  I  do 
notsee  the  sligiitest  objection  the  Government  can 
have  to  allow  those  two  to  make  the  trade. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yens  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  6,  nays  35;  as  follows: 

YEAS  — Messrs.  Chandler,  Doolittle,  Grimes,  McDou- 
gall,  lliiinscy,  and  Willciiisoii — 6. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Brown,  lUiekalevv,  Carlile,  Clark,  Col- 
lanier,  Conness,  Cowan,  Davis,  Dixon,  Foot,  Foster,  Har- 
lan, Harris,  Uendrieks,  Howard,  Howe,  Jolnison,  Lane  of 
Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Nesmitli,  I'nni- 
eroy,  Powell,  iiit-liardson,  itiddle,  Sherman,  Spragiie,  Sum- 
n(!r.  Ten  Eyek,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  Willey,  and 
Wilson-.T). 

AnSEN'l! — Messrs.  Anthony,  Fessendon,  Hale,  Harding, 
Henderson,  Hieks,  Saulsbury,  and  Wrjglit — 8. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 
Mr.  TEN  EYCK.     I  offer  an  amendment  to 
insert  the  following  as  a  nev/  section: 

Jindbe  U  further  enacted,  That  every  non-commissioned 
oflieer, 'private,  or  oilier  person  who  has  been  or  shall  here- 
after be  discharged  from  the  Army  of  the  United  States 
williiti  two  years  from  the  date  of  their  enlistment  by  rea- 
Bon  of  injuries  received  in  the  line  of  duty  shall  be  entitled 
to  receive  the  same  bounty  as  is  granted,  or  may  hereafter 
be  granted,  to  the  same  classes  of  persons  who  are  dis 
charged  after  a  service  of  two  years  ;  and  all  acts  and  parts 
of  acts  inconsistent  with  this  act  are  hereby  repealed. 

I  can  explain  in  ten  or  tv/enty  words  the  object 
of  this  amendment.  By  the  act  of  1863,  the  bounty 
of  $100  which  was  given  to  veterans  under  the 
act  of  1861  who  had  served  two  years  or  during 
the  war  was  extended  to  the  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates  who  were  discharged  within 
the  period  of  two  years  by  reason  of  wounds  re- 
ceived ill  battle.  According  to  a  construction  of 
the  War  Department  if  a  man  is  injured  in  battle 
in  any  other  way  than  by  shot  or  shell,  he  is  re- 
■^garded  as  not  having  received  a  wound  in  battle, 
li'or  instance,  if  a  soldier  is  injured  by  his  horse 
falling  upon  him,  or  if  a  shell  should  strike  off 
the  limb  of  a  tree  and  the  limb  should  fall  upon 
him,  he  is  excluded  from  the  privileges  of  this 
act.  I  understand  the  construction  is  so  strict 
that  if  a- man  is  shot  while  on  picket  duty,  they 
will  hold  that  it  is  not  a  wound  received  in  battle. 
I  believe  they  went  so  far  the  other  day  as  to  re- 
fuse the  payment  of  the  bounty  to  a  soldier  who 
Iiad  a  certificate  that  he  had  been  wounded  at 
Gettysburg  because  it  did  not  appear  that  he  had 
been  wounded  in  battle;  but  still  that  was  a  mat- 
ter that  could  be  easily  remedied.  The  object  of 
my  amendment    is  to  meet  a  class  of  persons 


equally  meritorious,  who  are  equally  entitled  to 
the  bounty,  who  have  been  discharged  frorn  the 
service  by  reason  of  injuries  received  in  the  line 
of  their  duty;  and  that  is  the  whole  of  it.  It  ex- 
tends the  provisions  of  the  act  of  1863,  which, 
according  to  a  strict  construction,  is  confined  to 
persons  who  are  discharged  in  consequence  of 
wounds  from  gun-shot  and  shell  in  the  actual 
crash  of  battle  to  such  soldiers  as  nnay  have  been 
discharged  in  consequence  of  injuries  received  in 
the  line  of  their  duty. 

Mr.  HOWE.  Fv/ish  to  inquire  if  the  language 
employed  in  the  amendment  would  not  cover  the 
case  of  persons  discharged  by  reason  of  sickness 
contracted  in  the  service. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  No,  sir;  the  language  is, 
"injuries  received  in  the  line  of  their  duty." 

Mr.  SHERMAN.    It  ought  to  be  "  wounds." 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  "  Injuries  or  disability." 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  That  might  apply  to  cases 
of  sickness  perhaps.  That  is  the  objection  to  that. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  move  to  amend  the 
amendm.ent  by  inserting  after  the  word  "injuries" 
the  words  "  ordisability."  I  cannot  see  the  rea- 
son for  the  distinction  which  the  Senator's  amend- 
ment makes.  I  tjiink  the  condition  of  the  soldier 
who  is  talcen  sick  and  loses  his  health  because 
of  sickness  is  equally  to  be  regarded  by  Congress 
as  the  condition  of  the  soldier  who  is  wounded. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  It  seemed  to  me  that  per- 
haps this  was  going  far  enough  now.  The  amend- 
ment of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  would  open 
the  door  to  a  very  great  variety  of  cases,  and 
would  admit  of  vei-y  broad  (fonstruction.  It  would 
be  very  difficult  indeed  to  determine  in  a  great 
variety  of  cases  whether  the  sickness  to  which 
the  Senator  from  Indiana  refers  was  actually  oc- 
casioned by  the  soldier's  condition  in  the  line  of 
his  duty.  I  thought  perhaps  it  was  far  enough 
to  go  to  embrace  the  clear,  distinct  cases  of  actual 
injuries  received  in  the  line  of  duty,  such  as  I 
referred  to:  a  horse  falling  upon  a  trooper  in  the 
midst  of  a  cliarge,  or  a  limb  shot  from  a  tree  by 
a  shell  and  falling  upon  a  soldier.  That  is  a  dis- 
tinct fact  which  can  be  ascertained  and  established, 
and  about  which  there  can  be  no  doubt  or  decep- 
tion. If  it  should  hereafter  be  considered  ad- 
visable to  extend  it,  let  it  be  extended.  My 
amendment  is  in  precisely  the  same  language  as 
the  act  of  1863,  inserting  the  words  "  injuries  re- 
ceived in  the  line  of  liis  duty"  in  the  place  of 
"■wounds  received  in  battle."  It  is  not  repealing 
it,  but  merely  extending  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  It  is  rather  an  invidious 
task  to  oppose  this  class  of  amendments,  but  it  is 
well  enough  for  us  to  consider  the  effect  of  ex- 
tending our  bounty  system  in  this  case.  I  do  not 
know  hov/many  liundreda  of  thousands  of  men 
would  be  embraced  in  it  and  would  receive  a 
bounty  of  ^100  or  ^200  under  it.  Senators  do  not 
seem  to  care  much  about  the  money  that  it  will 
cost;  and  probably  considering  the  condition  of 
the  soldier  we  ought  not  to  do  so;  but  now  what 
is  the  condition  of  the  question.''  These  men  en- 
listed with  an  understanding  that  if  they  served 
three  years  and  were  then  discharged,  in  addition 
to  their  pay,  pensions,  &c.,  they  should  get  §100 
bounty.  Subsequently  the  law  was  extended  so 
that  if  a  soldier  was  wounded  in  battle  and  thus 
disabled  he  should  receive  his  bounty  the  same 
as  if  he  had  served  for  three  years.  Now  it  is 
proposed  to  extend  the  payment  of  this  bounty 
to  almost  every  soldier  whoJias  been  discharged 
for  any  cause  whatever.  Ftc  may  have  been  dis- 
abled when  he  went  into  the  service;  his  enlist- 
m.ent  may  even  have  been  a  fraud  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment; and  yet  tlie  effect  will  be,  especially  if 
the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  be 
adopted,  that  in  addition  to  his  pay,  in  addition 
to  all  the  Government  has  lost  by  his  enlistment, 
the  Government  shall  also  pay  him  the  additional 
sum  of  $100  or  $i300  in  bounty.  When  you  con- 
sider that  from  three  fifths  to  three  fourths  of  the 
men  who  are  discharged  from  the  service  are  dis- 
charged for  illness  or  sickness  or  disability  of 
various  causes  and  not  one  tenth. for  wounds  in 
battle,  you  see  you  are  now  extending  the  prin- 
ciple of  bounties  to  at  least  twice  or  three  times 
the  number  of  cases  embraced  by  the  present  law. 
Is  it  not  well  worth  while  for  us  to  consider  this 
matter.'' 

This  proposition  has  never  been  considred  by 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  Whatisthe 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  for,  unless  it  is  to 


take  up  and  examine  these  things  scr'ialim  and 
give  us  the  proper  ldngua;ro  to  convey  prccisci}' 
the  meaningof  the  law.'  The  Senator  from  New 
Jersey,  who,  no  doubt,  is  very  accurate  in  hia 
statement,  makes  his  proposition,  and  we  are 
called  upon  to  vote  upon  it.  It  is  very  hard  to 
resist  an  appeal  in  behalf  of  a  soldier  disabled  in 
the  service;  but  at  the  same  time  this  is  an  ex- 
tension of  the  jirinciple  of  bounty  such  as  was 
never  known  in  our  law  before.  These  soldiers, 
when  disabled  by  sickness,  get  their  pensions; 
they  get  their  pay;  they  get  more  than  they  ex- 
pected to  get.  it  seems  to  me  we  ought  not  to 
adopt  a  principle  that  will  be  so  extensive  as  this. 
I  shall  not  vote  for  it,  whatever  other  Senators 
may  do. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  understood  this  morning 
when  we  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  this 
bill  that  it  was  a  very  important  bill  in  relation  to 
the  commutation  question,  and  I,  for  one,  voted 
to  have  it  brought  before  the  Senate.  Now,  sir, 
if  we  are  to  perfect  the  whole  military  system  and 
the  pension  system  and  the  bounty  systein  on 
this  bill,  we  shall  never  accomplish  anything  if  it 
is  to  be  done  in  the  Senate  in  this  v/ay.  A  ma- 
jority of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  as  I 
understand,  reported  a  simple  proposition  which 
was  regarded  of  very  great  importance,  and  we 
are  proceeding  here  by  amendments,  first  from  one 
and  then  another,  and  discussing  tliem,  to  perfect 
the  whole  military  system  and  pension  system  and 
bounty  system,  upon  this  bill.  I  Icnow  some  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  who  are  anxious  to  bring  ttiis 
session  to  a  close,  anxious  to  dispose  of  the  im- 
portant business  before  the  Senate;  but  we  have 
passed  this  day,  and  we  have  accompli.shed  noth- 
ing so  far.  I  hope  that  Senators  will  allow  a  vote 
to  be  taken  upon  these  questions  as  theyshallbe 
proposed,  and  let  us  dispose  of  this  bill  one  way 
or  the  other.  For  one,  I  desire  to  say  that  I  shall 
vote  against  all  these  propositions  which  are 
brought  in  upon  this  bill.  I  am  willing  to  vote 
directly  upon  the  bill  that  is  recommended  by  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs;  and  unless  the 
amendments  offered  are  germane  in  some  way  to 
perfect  that  proposition,  for  myself  I  siiall  vote 
against  the  whole  of  them,  with  a  view  of  getting 
some  action  upon  what  is  regarded  by  the  Mili- 
tary Committe(;  as  a  very  important  piatter. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  do  not  think  the  objec- 
tion made  by  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  to  the 
amendment  which  1  propose  is  sufficient  to  con- 
trol the  judgnient  of  the  Senate.  Is  it  right  be- 
cause a  man  meets  with  an  accident,  a  limb  falls 
from  a  tree  and  his  leg  or  arm  is  broketi,  that  he 
shall  have  his  bounty?  I  agree  with  the  Senator 
that  he  ought.  The  illustration  is  forcible.  Biit 
suppose  he  is  taken  with  disease  by  reason  of  his 
regiment  beingencamped  in  an  unhealthy  locality 
or  for  any  other  cause,  and  that  disease  nnay  more 
permanently  impair  his  health  than  the  loss  of  a 
limb  for  the  time  being,  shall  he  not  have  his 
bounty.'  I  do  not  thinlc  the  proposition  of  the 
Senator  from  New  Jersey  is  complete  and  is  what 
it  ought  to  be.  I  think  if  a  soldier  enters  the  ser- 
vice with  the  assurance  of  a  bounty,  and  he  is 
compelled  to  leave  the  service  before  tlietime  ex- 
pires when  he  would  be  entitled  to  bounty  under 
the  existing  law,  he  should  have  a  bounty  in  pro- 
portion to  the  length  of  time  that  he  has  served. 
If  the  amendment  I  have  now  proposed  should 
be  adopted,  then  I  expect  to  propose  further  to 
amend  tl;e  proposition  of  the  Senator  so  as  to  pro- 
vide that  the  bounty  to  be  received  shall  only  be 
in  proportion  to  the  length  of  time  that  he  has 
served.  If  he  is  entitled  to  §100  for  three  years' 
service  and  serves  but  two  years,  let  him  have 
two  thirds  of  that  bounty;  if  he  serves  but  half! 
the  time  requisite  to  obtain  the  full  bounty,  let 
him  have  half  of  it.  This  isfair,  and  I  think  Con- 
gress ought  to  adopt  it. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  am  loth,  sir,  to  add  a 
single  word,  and  were  it  not  that  the  situations 
and  the  services  of  the  persons  for  whose  benefit 
this  amendment  is  ]iroposed  juaWy  me,  I  should 
content  myself  with  submitting  the  amendment 
to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate.  Now,  without 
appealing  to  my  friend,  the  Senator  from  Illinois, 
for  permission  to  offer  an  amendment  of  this 
kind,  or  to  submit  any  observations,  1  trust  his 
patience  will  be  so  extensive  and  long-sull'ering 
as  to  endure  for  a  moment  while  1  submit  an  ad- 
ditional reason  or  two  or  rather  make  a  re])ly  to 
one  or  two  remarks. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3099 


Befon;  (loin<^  that,  however,  I  do  not  pretend 
to  say  that  my  amendment  i*  perfect.  My  atten,- 
tion  was  called  by  an  intelligent  and  worthy  gen- 
tleman to  this  state  of  things:  that  there  were 
a  large  number  of  cases  of  soldiers  who  were 
violently  it)jured  and  were  disabled  for  life,  as 
elTectually  prevented  from  earning  a  livelihood 
in  consequence  of  the  injuries  they  had  received 
in  the  line  of  their  duty  as  if  they  had  received 
a  shot  or  a  shell  in  their  bodies  or  lost  a  leg  or  an 
arm.  It  was  with  a  view  to  meet  that  class  of 
cases  and  extending  this  bounty  to  such  persons, 
and  such  alone,  where  there  could  be  no  danger 
of  fraud  or  deception  or  deceit,  that  I  was  induced 
to  offer  this  amendment.  It  did  not  come  from 
any  committee;  l)ut  I  submitted  the  amendment 
to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs.  It  was  not  requisite  that  I  should  do  so, 
but  I  conferred  with  him  in  relation  to  the  mat- 
ter, and  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  just  and  proper, 
and  it  was  with  his  approbation  that  the  amend- 
ment was  offered.  1  believe,  however,  it  is  not 
out  of  order  to  offer  an  amendment,  even  if  it  has 
not  been  submitted  to  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs;  and  I  think  it  is  the  usual  course  for  a 
Senator  to  propose  upon  bills  of  this  description 
matters  which  are  germane,  although  they  may 
not  be  exactly  the  same  identical  thing  or  an 
elaboration  of  the  bill  which  is  reported  by  the 
committee.  Otherwise,  there  would  be  no  such 
thing  as  an  amendment  to  a  bill. 

The  reason  why  I  offer  the  proposition  now  in 
the  shape  of  an  amendment  instead  of  proposing 
it  as  an  original  bill,  as  I  designed  to  do,  was  be- 
cause I  knew  that  Senators  were  anxious  to  have 
this  session  brought  speedily  to  a  close, and  that 
there  would  be  no  other  way  of  passing  this  meas- 
ure than  in  the  shape  of  an  amendment  to  some 
bill  to  which  it  was  germane,  and  that  if  I  at- 
tempted to  bring  it  in  as  an  original  measure  it 
coidd  not  pass  both  Houses  at  the  present  session. 
Tliat  is  my  apology,  if  any  apology  is  needed, 
for  being  so  unreasonable  as  to  undertake  to  force 
this  amendment  at  this  time  upon  the  attention  of 
the  Senate  v^/hpn  they  are  justly  wearied  by  the 
protracted  discussionand  by  the  numerousameiid- 
mcnts  thai  have  been  submitted  by  divers  gen- 
tlemen, the  ciiairman  of  the  committee  among 
others,  for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  this  bill. 

I  am  perfectly  willing  myself,  if  the  Senate 
think  well  of  it,  to  extend  this  amendment  to 
meet  the  case  of  the  soldier  who  is  permanently 
disabled  in  consequen;-.e  of  sickness;  but  it  oc- 
curred to  me  that  would  afford  a  greater  oppor- 
tunity for  fraud  and  deception.  I'here  would  be 
very  great  difficulty  in  ascertaining  whetlier  the 
disability  in  such  a  case  really  did  arise  from 
sicknessactualiy  growingout  of  the  service.  The 
Senator  from  Ohio  says  that  a  person  going  into 
the  service  might  be  disabled  before  he  went  in. 
If  that  fact  could  be  established,  that  person 
would  not  come  within  the  jorovisioBS  of  my 
amendment. 

1  am  not  tenacious  of  the  form  in  v/hich  my 
amendment  shall  pass  the  Senate.  My  objectis 
to  extend  the  provisions  of  this  act,  its  beneficial 
effects  and  aid,  toward  the  support  of  the  disabled 
soldier  whose  disability  is  as  permanent  and 
whose  merits  are  as  great  as  those  of  the  sol- 
dier who  actually  happens  to  receive  a  gunshot 
v/ound  or  a  wound  from  a  shell  in  the  actual  con- 
flict of  battle,  atid  that  men  who  are  risking  their 
lives  day  and  night  fur  out  on  the  front  on  picket 
duty,  and  who  lose  an  arm  or  a  leg  in  the  most 
hazardous  and  gallant  service,  shall  not  lose,  un- 
der a  construction  of  the  War  Department,  the 
benefit  of  the  provision  of  the  law  that  was  meant 
to  apply  to  their  case. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Mr.  President,  I  never  makean 
apology  for  expressing  my  opinions  upon  any 
subject  al  any  time.  I  intend  to  vote  for  the  amend- 
ment and  for  the  amendment  to  the  amendment. 
1  will  vote  for  them  together  or  separately,  be- 
Ciiuse  I  believe  them  both  to  be  right.  I  believe 
that  when  a  iftan  becomes  disabled  in  the  service 
of  his  country  either  by  casualty,  as  is  proposed 
to  be  provided  for  by  the  amendment,  or  by  sick- 
ness, as  is  proposed  to  be  provided  for  by  the 
amendment  to  the  amendment,  he  is  entitled  to 
t^he  same  reward  as  tliough  his  disability  resulted 
from  wounds  in  battle;  and  I  believe  he  is  entitled 
to  more  consideration,  because  the  man  who  is 
disabled  in  battle  has  a  glorious  memory  con- 
nected with  his  disability,  which  he  who  is  dis- 


abled by  casualty  or  sickness  has  not.  It  is  an 
inspiring  memory  that  carries  its  solace  through 
life.  It  encourages  and  sustains  the  man  who  is 
wounded  in  the  shock  of  battle  throughout  aU  his 
subsequent  life;  but  the  disability  that  results  from 
the  falling  of  the  limb  of  a  tree  or  from  that  wast- 
ing sickness  that  disables  so  many  more  men  in 
the  Army  than  the  shock  of  battle  itself,  has  no 
such  comforting  recollection  as  that.  For  that 
reason  1  believe  that  those  who  lose  their  health 
by  disease  are  more  legitimate  sui.>jects  for  sym- 
pathy and  forbounty  than  those  who  are  disabled 
even  by  v/ounds. 

Mr. 'WILSON.  I  move  that  the  Senate  take 
a  recess  until  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator 
to  say  half  past  seven.  It  is  rather-inconvenient 
for  some  of  us  to  get  here  by  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  say  half  past  seven  if 
Senators  desire  it. 

Several  Senators.  Oh,  no;  say  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  WILSON.  As  that  seems  to  be  the  gen- 
eral desire  I  will  insist  on  my  original  motion, 
that  the  Senate  talce  a  recess  until  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  venture  to  express  the 
hope,  as  I  feel  somewhat  interested  in  it,  and  1 
think  the  debate  h.as  closed  upon  it,  that  theSen- 
ator  Vi^ill  allow  the  vote  to  be  taken  on  the  pend- 
ing amendment  before  tlie  recess. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  am  afraid  that  amendment 
will  cover  more  than  the  Senator  imagines  at  pres- 
ent, and  I  desire  gentlemen  to  have  an  opportu- 
nity to  look  at  it  carefully. 

Mr.  HENDRICltS.  is  tlsc  motion  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts  amendable.'  Can  I  move 
to  amend  it  so  as  to  say  lialf  past  seven  o'clock? 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  motion 
of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  is  not  amend- 
able, but  the  Senator  can  make  that  motion,  and 
that  bein«;  the  longest  time,  it  will  take  precedence. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Then  I  will  make  that 
motion.  Many  of  us  cannot  get  here  by  seven 
o'clock. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  is  moved 
that  the  Senate  take  a  recess  until  half  past  seven 
o'clock. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  PPiESlDENT;)?-o /e??i/)orc.  The  question 
returns  on  the  m.otioa  of  the  Senator  from  Ma.';Ra- 
chusetts,  that  the  Senate  now  take  a  recess  until 
seven  o'clock. 

The  motion  v/as  a<rrecd  to. 


EVENING  SESSION. 
The  Senate  reassembled  at  seven  o'cloc]c,p.  m. 
HOUSE  BILLS  REFERRED. 

The  foUov/ing  bills  were  severally  read  twice 
by  their  titles,  and  referred  to  the  committees 
indicated  below: 

The  bill  (No.  44G)  to  regulate  prize  proceedings 
and  the  distribution  of  prize  money,  ;\nd  for  other 
purposes — to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

The  bill  (No.  532)  to  establish  certaiij  post 
roads — to  the  Committee  on  Post  Offices  and 
Post  Roads. 

The  bill  (No.  534)  to  authorize  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  provide  for  the  education  of  naval 
constructors  and  steam  engineers,  and  for  other 
purposes — to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 

The  joint  resolution  (No.  99)  reserving  mineral 
lands  from  the  operation  of  all  acts  passed  at  the 
present  session  granting  lands  or  extending  the 
time  of  foriner  grants — to  the  Committee  on  Pub- 
lic Lands. 

METROPOLITAN  RAILROAD. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  amend- 
ments of  the  tlouse  of  Representatives  to  the  bill 
(S.  No.  54)  to  incorporate  the  Metropolitan  Rail- 
road Company  in  the  District  of  Columbia;  and, 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIMES,  it  was 

Resolved,  TImt  the  Senate  disagree  to  the  aiiieiidments 
of  the  Houso  of  Roprescmatives  to  the  saitl  hill,  and  ask 
for  a  conference  on  tlie  disagreeing  voles  of  the  two  Houses 
therojon. 

Ordered,  That  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate 
be  appointed  by  the  President  pro  tempore. 

Mr.  Morrill,  Mr.  Willey,  and  Mr.  Wade 
were  appointed  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate. 

COMPENSATION  OF  LAND  OFFICERS. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  am  directed  by'the  Com- 
mittee on  Public  Lands,  tt)  wliom  was  referred 


the  bill  (S.No.  312)  to  regulate  the  compensation 
of  I'egisters  and  receivers  of  the  land  officrs  in 
the  State  of  Iowa  in  the  location  of  lands  by  Slates 
and  corporations  under  grants  from  Congress,  to 
report  it  back  with  an  atnetidment,  and  I  ask  the 
unanimous  consent  of  the  Senate  for  its  present 
consideration . 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  a.s  in 
Comrnittee  of  the  Wiiole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill.  It  provides  that  hereafterin  the  location 
of  lands  by  States  and  corporations  under  grants 
from  Congress  for  railroads  and  other  purposes, 
except  for  agricultural  colleges,  in  the  State  oT 
iovi/a,  the  registers  and  receivers  of  the  land  of- 
fices in  that  State  in  the  districts  where  such  lands 
may  be  located  shall  be  entitled  to  receive  for 
their  services  a  fee  of  two  dollars  for  each  final 
location  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres,  to  be 
paid  by  the  State  or  corporation  making  such  lo- 
cation, which  fees  are  to  be  accounted  for  in  the 
same  manner  as  fees  and  commissions  on  war- 
rants and  preemption  locations,  with  the  limita- 
tions as  to  maximums  of  salary  prescribed  by 
existing  laws,  in  accordance  v/ith  such  instruc- 
tions as  shall  be  given  by  the  Commissioner  of 
tlie  General  Land  Office. 

The  Committee  on  PublicLands  reported  the  bill 
with  an  amendment  to  add  the  following  as  a  new 
section: 

Jliid  be  it  fitrllier  enacted,  Tliat  the  IJnrlington  and  5Iis-  ^ 
souri  River  Railroad  Company  may  so  far  change  or  mod- 
ify the  location  of  the  uncompleted  portion  of  its  line,  as 
shown  l)y  the  map  thereof  now  on  file  in  ilieGejieral  Land 
OtSce,  so  as  to  secnr('  a  better  and  more  expeditions  route  ._ 
ti)  the  terminus  of  said  line  on  the  Missouri  river,  said 
new  line  to  he  located  within  the  limits  of  tlie  land  grant 
made  by  the  United  Stales  to  aid  in  its  eonstriiclion  ;  and 
said  change  shall  not  impair  the  right  to  nor  change  the  lo- 
cation of  their  prescmt  land  grant.  A  map  of  the  change 
shall  be  filed  with  the  Couunissioner  of  the'  General  Land 
Oliice  within  one  year  after  the  passage  of  this  act. 

The  amen.dment  v/as  agreed  to. 

Mr.  I1A.MSEY.  I  wish  to  ask  tlie  Senator 
from  Iowa  why  this  bill  is  not  made  general,  to 
apply  to  other  States  as  well  as  Iowa.  It  |.)ro- 
posos  to  give  compensation  for  new  and  additional 
services. 

Mr.  HAPtLAN.  It  is  to  compensate  thcni  for 
work  which  tliey  have  heretofore  done  gratui- 
tously. In  Iowa  there  is  very  little  public  land 
except  th.at  embraced  in  railroad  grants,  and  as 
the  officers  receive  but  |500  a  year  salary,  and 
would  be  compelled  to  keep  their  offices  open 
throughout  the  whole  year,  it  is  deemed  to  be  in- 
sufficient in  that  State.  In  other  land  States  there 
is  oth.er  business  to  be  done,  homestead  entries, 
and  also  other  entries;  so  that  probably  in  nearly 
all  the  other  Stales,  if  not  all,  they  are  receiving 
other  compensation,  besides  their  salary.  In  Iowa 
they  will  not  receive  perhaps  ten  dollars  a  year  in 
excess  of  the  ^iSOO  salary  on  account  of  the  pas- 
sage'of  the  railroad  bills  v/hich  have  been  passed 
at  this  session.  The  amendment  proposed  by  the 
committee  is  to  enable  one  of  the  railroads  in 
Iowa  to  change  in  some  trivial  respects  the  line  of  ' 
its  road. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  My  impression  is  that  two 
dollars  is  a  little  more  money  than  ought  to  be 
required  as  a  fee  in  making  those  entries  for  quar- 
ter sections.  1  propose  to  amend  the  bill  by  re- 
ducing the  fee  from  two  dollars  to  one  dolhu-j  if 
that  Will- meet  the  approval  of  my  colleague. 

The  amendment  v;as  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RAMSEY.  I  desire  to  move  another 
amendment,  to  strike  out  in  the  sixth  line  the 
words  "  in  the  State  of  Iowa;"  and  in  the  sev- 
enth line  to  strikeout  the  words  "  in  said  State" 
and  insert  "  in  the  several  States  and  Territo- 
ries," leaving  it  general  in  its  application.  It 
will  iheti  read : 

That  from  and  after  t!ie  passage  of  this  act,  in  the  loca- 
tion of  lands  by  States  and  corporations  luuler  grants  from 
Congress  for  railroads  and  other  purposes,  except  lor  agri- 
cultural colleges,  the  registers  and  receivers  in  the  several 
States  and  Territories  in  the  districts  where  such  lands 
may  be  located,  &c. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendments  were  concurred  in.  The 
bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  read- 
ing, was  read  the  third  time,  and   passetl. 

On  motion  of  Mrf  HARLAN,  the  title  was 
amended  so  as  to  read:  A  bill  to  regulate  the  com- 
pensation of  registers  and  receivers  of  the  land 
offices  in  the  S3veral  Status  and  Territories  in  the 


8100 


THE  COi^^GEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


location  of  lands  by  States  and  corporations  un- 
der grants  from  Congress, and  forolher  purposes. 

COTTOff  SPECULATIONS  BY  OFFICEUS. 

ThePllESlDE^T  pro  tempore.  The  Senate 
will  resume  the  consideration  of  the  bill  which 
was  under  consideration  at  the  time  of  the  recess. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Attiie  request  of  the  Senator 
from  Missouri  [Mr.  Henderson]  who  is  sick  in 
his  k)dgings,  I  will  ask  that  the  communication 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  transmitting  the  report 
rnade  l)y  the  commission,  at  tlie  head  of  wliich 
,was  Major  General  McDowell,  to  investigate 
certain  cotton  transactions,  be  printed  forthe°use 
of  the  Senate. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  That  motion 
will  go  to  the  Committee  on  Printing. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  do  not  want  it  to  go  there. 
When  that  resolution  was  introduced  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri,  at  my  suggestion  the  Sen- 
ate amended  the  resolution  so  as  to  call  for  the 
testimony  that  had  been  filed  by  General  Curtis 
and  others  in  rebuttal  of  the  cimrgcs  that  had 
been  preferred  against  them.  The  Secretary  of 
War  lias  sent  here  the  evidence  taken  by  the  com- 
mission, but  has  sent  none  of  those  papers  in  re- 
buttal; and  before  there  is  any  order  made  to  print 
the  report  of  the  commission  I  wish  to  have  a 
resolution  passed  drawir.g  out  in  some  way  or 
other  the  testimony  that,  was  filed  in  vindication 
^  of  the  characters  of  the  men  who  were  assailed  by 
the  report  of  General  McDowell. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Uiave  no  objection  to  that 
testimony  being  printed;  but  I  hope  this  motion 
will  be  allowed  to  go  to  the  Committee  on  Print- 
ing. I  will  vote  for  the  Senator's  resolution  to- 
morrow with  great  pleasure. 

The  PRESIDENT  po  tempore.  The  motion 
can  only  be  entertained  by  imanimous  consent, 
another  subject  being  properly  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  prefer  to  leave  the  report 
where  it  is,  and  let  ail  go  to  the  Committee  on 
Printing  together,  i  do  not  know  how  much  it 
will  cost  to  print  this  report,  but  I  suppose  several 
thousand  dollars;  perhaps  twenty  or  thirty  thou- 
sand dollars.  It  is  a  vast  amount  of  manuscript. 
I  have  never  seen  so  large  a  pile  brought  into  the 
Senate  as  composed  this  report. 

Mr.  POWELL.  1  will  suggest  to  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  that  this  matter  had  better  go  to  the 
Committee  on  Printing,  and  it  will  be  retained 
there  until  he  can  have  time  to  obtain  the  other 
t^timony.  I  am  a  member  of  that  committee, 
and  I  assure  him  I  will  not  press  it  until  he  can 
have  an  op[)ortuiiity  to  obtain  tiie  other  testi- 
mony. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  prefer  that  it  should  lie  in 
the  custody  of  the  Senate  until  I  can  get  the  testi- 
mony that  is  in  the  Executive  Department  some- 
where in  defense  of  these  men. 

Mr.  POWELL.  It  will  be  in  the  custody  of 
the  Senate  after  it  goes  to  the  Committee  on 
Printiiig,and  even  if  they  report  in  favor  of  print- 
ing it  it  has  to  come  back  before  the  Senate  before 
the  order  can  be  made. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  think  here  is  the  place  for 
it,  in  the  Senate. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Under  the  rule,  the  motion 
will  go  to  the  Committee  on  Printing. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro /c)«;;orc.     The  motion 
cannot  be  entertained  at  the  present  time,  unless 
by  unanimous  consent.     Is  objection  made? 
Mr.  GRIMES.     Yes,  sir;  1  object. 

AVII/LIAM  YOCUM. 
Mr.  DAVIS.  I  ask  the  Senate  to  take  up  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Printing  in  favor  of 
printing  the  communication  from  the  President  of 
the  Uinted  States  in  relation  to  the  charges,  judg- 
ment, and  proceedings  in  the  case  of'Wi'lliam 
Yocum.  1  ask  that  the  order  to  print  be  made 
,  in  conformity  to  the  report  of  the  committee.  It 
will  only  cost  about  twenty  or  thirty  dollars,  1 
am  told. 

The  report  v,fa3  considered  by  unanimous  con- 
Bent,  and  agreed  to. 

PEUFORMANCH  OF  MILITAUY  DUTY. 
The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
resumed  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (S.  No.  28G) 
to  prohii)it  the  discharge  of  persons  from  liability 
to  military  duty  by  rea»(l»i  of  the  payment  of 
money,  the  pending  question  being  on  theamend- 
mentofMr.  IIendiucks  to  the  amendnientof  Mr. 
Ten  Eyck. 


Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  For  the  purpose  of  mak- 
ing It  more  agreeable  to  the  Senate,  and  to  pre- 
vent the  improper  application  of  this  bounty,  I 
will  ask'  leave  id  modify  my  amendment. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator 
can  modify  his  amendment,  no  vote  having  been 
taken  upon  it. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  Then  I  will  modify  it  by 
striking  out  the  words  "  injui-ies  received,"  and 
inserting  "  permanent  injuries  received,  or  per- 
manent disability  contracted  in,"  and  after  the 
word  "bounty"  to  insert  the  words  "in  pro- 
portion to  the  time  he  may  have  served;"  so  that 
the  amendment  will  read: 

J^ud  he  if.  fitrlhcr  enacted,  Thnteverj'  non  commissioned 
officer,  private,  or  otiier  person  wlio  lias  I)ceii,  or  sliall 
liereafier  lie,  (li.^cliaigi'd  tVom  IIh!  Army  oC  tlie  United 
States,  within  two  years  from  tlie  date  ot  tlu-ir  enlistment, 
liy  reason  of  permanent  injuries  received,  or  permanent 
disaliility  contracted,  In  the  line  of  duly,  shall  be  entitled 
to  receive  till!  same  hniiiity  in  proportion  to  the  time  lie 
may  have  served,  as  is  granted,  onnay  hereafter  he  granK^d, 
to  the  same  class  of  persons  who  are  discliarged  after  a  ser- 
vice of  two  years  ;  and  all  acts  and  part  of  acts  iiieoiisist- 
eiit  vvitli  this  aet  are  Inn-ehy  repealed. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
will  be  on  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  sub- 
mitted by  t!ic  S(Miator  from  Indiana. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Tlie  Senator  from  New 
.Tersey,  I  believe,  has  so  modified  his  amendment 
that  I  do  not  care  to  amend  it. 

The  PRESIDENT ;iro  tempore.  Does  the  Sen- 
ator withdraw  his  nmendment  to  the  amendment.? 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  1  wish  to  ascertain 
whether  1  am  correct  about  it.  Perhaps  it  had 
better  be  reported  «gain  as  modified. 

The  Secretary  a^ain  read  the  amendment. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  That  is  notexactly  what 
I  desire,  but  of  course  I  accept  that. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Does  the  Sen- 
ator withdraw  his  amendment  to  the  amendment.? 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.     Certainly. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Then  the 
question  is  on  the  amendment  of  thcSenatorfrom 
New  Jersey  as  modified. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  1  desire  to  say  one  word 
upon  that.  I  cannot  conceive  how  any  Senator 
can  object  to  the  amei.dm.-nt  proposed'.  It  pro- 
poses to  give  to  the  soldier  permanently  disabled 
the  proportion  of  his  bounty  for  ih.e  time  that  he 
has  served.  If  we  do  not  do  this  act  of  justice, 
there  is  no  use  of  talking  liere  any  more  about 
our  devotion  to  the  soldier. 

Tlie  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON,  i  have  a  very  small  amend- 
ment that  I  wish  to  offer.  I  regret  to  have  to 
ofi^er  any  amendments  to  the  bill;"  but  I  offer  this 
on  the  suggestion  of  a  very  strong  letter  of  the 
acting  Surgeon  General  of  the  Army,  who  states 
to  me  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  the  work  done 
now  at  the  rates  that  are  paid.  It  is  to  insert  the 
following  as  a  new  section: 

./Ind  he  it  further  enacted,  That  from  and  after  the  1st 
day  of  July,  1864,  hospital  matrons  shall  be  entitled  to  and 
receive  twelve  dollars  per  month  and  one  ration. 

The  amendment  Was  agreed  to. 

Ml'.  HENDRICKS.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
first  section  of  the  bill,  as  follows: 

That  so  much  of  tlie  act  entitled  "An  act  for  enrolling 
and  calling  out  the  national  forces,  and  for  other  purposes," 
approved  iNIareli  3,  ie63,  and  the  acts  amendatory  thereof, 
as  authorizes  the  discharge  of  any  drafted  person  from  lia- 
bility to  military  service  by  reason  of  the  payment  of  $300 
for  the  procuration  of  a  subsiiuite  or  otiierwise,  be,  and 
the  same  is  hereby,  repealed  :  Provided,  That  nothing  con- 
tained in  this  act  shall  be  construed  to  alter  the  provisions 
of  existing  laws  relative  to  persons  actually  furnishing 
substitutes. 

Upon  that  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Tlie  yeas  and  luiys  were  ordered. 

Mr.  FOOT.  I  will  say  a  word  or  two,  sir,  ex- 
plariatory  of  the  vote  I  shall  give  upon  this  prop- 
osition of  amendment  to  strike  out  the  first  sec- 
tion of  the  bill. 

The  bill  under  consideration  having  been  so 
amended  as  to  limit  the  term  of  service  under  the 
draft  to  a  single  year  instead  of  three  years,  as 
heretofore,  1  am  disinclined  to  vote  for  the  repeal 
of  the  commutation  clause,  commonly  so  called, 
in  the  existing  law.  I  am  inclined  to  think  we 
had  better  let  it  stand  as  it  is. 

I  do  not  ap|n-eliend  any  serious  difficulty  in 
raising  the  requisite  number  of  men  underadraft 
for  a  single  year,  even  if  the  commutation  clause 
bo  left  unrepealed.  A  very  large  proportion  of 
drafted  men  who  would  avail  themselves  of  the 
commutation  provisian  under  a  draft  for  a  term 


of  three  years  would  not  be  likely  to  do  so  under 
a  draf^t  for  a  single  fear.  The  effect  of  the  com- 
mutation provision  is,  and  such  in  part  at  least 
was  the  intent,  to  restrict  exorbitant  pecuniary 
exactions  for  substitutes;  and  so  far  forth  its 
operation  has  been  in  behalf  of  men  of  small 
pecuniary  ability. 

1  need  spend  no  time,  however,  upon  this  ques- 
tion. The  advantages  and  the  disadvantages  of 
the  privilege  of  commutation  have  been  oftenand 
fully  explained,  and  are  well  understood.  Prac- 
tical experience  has  made  its  operation  familiar 
to  everybody;  and  no  one  now  attempts  to  mis- 
represent or  to  pervert  the  effect  and  intent  of  the 
law  in  this  regard. 

Believing,  then,  that  we  shall  be  alile  to  raise 
the  required  number  of  men  under  a  draft  I'or  a 
single  year,  notwithstanding  the  comtnulation 
clattse  may  remain  in  force,  and  regarding  this 
provision  as  a  beneficent  one  in  its  operation, 
and  one  cspeciallywhich  takes  away,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  oppressiveness  and  odium  ofadraft 
without  esseniially  impairing  its  effectiveness 
when  the  term  of  service  is  not  to  exceed  a  single 
year,  1  am  disposed,  as  at  present  advised,  to 
vote  against  the  repeal  of  that  provision.  With- 
out the  amendment  which  has  been  adopted  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  reducing  the  term  of 
service  from  three  years  to  a  single  year,  I  should 
have  felt  constrained  to  vote  for  the  repeal  of  that 
provision  for  the  reasons  set  forth  by  the  War 
Department  and  communicated  to  Congress  by 
the  Executive;  but  the  limitation  of  the  term  of 
service  to  one  year  instead  of  three,  in  my  judg- 
ment removes,  in  a  great  measure,  the  objections 
to  this  provision,  and  so  far  forth  obviates  the 
necessity  of  its  repeal. 

It  is  after  all  a  question  of  expediency  depend- 
ing upon  contingencies,  of  which  every  member, 
of  course  will  form  and  act  upon  his  own  judg- 
ment.    The  expediency,  I  admit,  of  retaining  the 
commutation  clause  depends  upon  reducing  the 
term  of  service  from  three  years,  as  by  the  exist- 
ing law,  to  one  year,  as  proposed  by  the  amend- 
ment to  this  bill.     Again,  the  expediency  of  this 
reduction    depends  upon  the  prospects  and   the 
probabilities  of  an  early  termination  of  the  war,  of 
which  also  every  rnember  will  judge  for  himself 
in  casting  his   vote.     I  give  my  vote  upon  these 
questions  upon  the  assumption,  at  lea£t  with  the 
hope,  and  with  some  degree  of  confidence  of  an 
early  conclusion   of  the  war,  I   hope  during  the 
presentcampaign;butas  I  have  already  remarked, 
that  is  a  contingency  of  which  every  member  must 
judge  and  actfor  himself,  and  of  course  they  will. 
I'he  question  was  asked,  and  asked  pertinently 
and  with  significance,  ifnot  with  something  of  sar-  . 
casm,  by  my  honorable  friend  from  Indiana,  [Mr. 
Hendricks,]  the  other  (iay,if  it  wasexpected  this 
war  would  terminate  during  the  present  or  com- 
ing year.     Heasked  us  the  question  emphatically, 
how  long  is  this  war,  this   "  horrid  war,"  as  he 
denominates   it,  to  continue.'     That  is  a  question 
none  of  us  can  answer,  Mr.  President.     The  war 
has  already  continued   rnucli  longer  than  any  of 
us  had   hoped,  and   much   longer  than   many  of 
us  had  anticipated.     But  if  my  honorable  friend 
will  answer  me  how  long  this  rebellion,  this"  hor- 
rid" rebellion  is  to  continue,  he  will  furnish  us  a 
good  criterion  by  which  we  can  judge  how  long 
the  war  will  continue.     I  think  the  war  will  term- 
inate  when    the  rebellion   terminates,  no  sooner 
and  no  later;  and  1  think  that  is  the  will  and  the 
determination  and  will  be  the  responsive  voice  of 
the   great   body  of  the    loyal>  earnest,  patriotic 
American  people  ofall  parties  and  of  all  sections 
of  the  country. 

But,  sir,  1  do  not  mean  to  allow  myself  to  be 
betrayed  into  anything  like  a  partisan  or  political 
debate  upon  these  questions  in  the  Senate.  I 
simply  rose  to  explain  in  a  word  the  reason  of  the 
vote  1  shall  give  in  favor  of  the  amendment  moved 
by  the  Senator  from  Indiana. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  After  the  result  of  the  at- 
tempt on  my  part  to  amend  the  bill  by  striking 
out  the  provision  allowing  parties  to  procure  sub- 
stitutes, and  making  all  the  persons  subject  to  draft 
liable  to  serve,  the  voice  of  the  Senate,  by  a  very 
large  majority,  being  in  favor  of  retaining  that  pro- 
vision, it  seems  to  me  to  follow  that  there  should 
be  some  limit  placed  upon  what  should  be  de- 
manded as  the  price  of  a  substitute.  The  object 
of  the  bill,  as  1  now  understand  it,  is  to  enable 
pcraons  to  procure  substitutes  at  any  price,  so  that 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3101 


it  shall  be  £v  subject  for  the  market.  I  have  been 
o|i|)i)setl  all  the  lime  to  this  method  of  siibsitliziiit^ 
citizens;  but  if  thtvt  is  to  be  the  rule,  then  1  would 
like  to  have  the  Government  make  the  rule.  I 
sliall  therefore  support  the  amendment  proposed 
by  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  to  leave  the  law  to 
stand  as  it  does  now.  To  strike  out  the  commu- 
tation clause  and  enforce  the  draft  would  place 
ov('ry  person  subject  to  the  draft  to  an  ununiform 
rule,  and  to  fjreat  outrage. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Itidiana.  This  motion  of  my 
colleague,  as  I  und('rstand  it,  is  to  strike  out  the 
fir.st  section  of  the  bill  which  repeals  the  $300  com- 
niuiatioii  clause.  If  that  be  stricken  out,  there  is 
certainly  nothing  in  the  bill  for  which  any  Senator 
need  contend  or  have  the  least  possible  interest. 
The  whole  body  and  soul  of  the  bill  is  the  repeal 
of  this  commutation  clause.  Upon  that  have  been 
incorporated  certain  amendments  which  I  think 
have  destroyed  the  efficiency  of  the  bill  as  it  now 
stands. 

If  I  understood  the  position  of  the  distinguished 
Senator  from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Foot,]  it  was  this: 
that  he  would  vote  now  against  the  repeal  of  the 
^300  clause,  because  the  term  of  draft  had  been  re- 
duced from  three  years  to  one  year;  and  ho  believed 
that  very  few  would  avail  themselves  of  the  bene- 
fit of  that  clause  because  the  term  had  been  thus 
reduced.  Sir,  we  are  not  without  experience  on 
that  subject.  The  draft  in  the  fall  of  1862  was 
only  for  nine  months,  and  almost  as  many  men 
paid  their  commutation  then  as  were  brought 
into  the  service  under  that  law.  And  now,  when 
it  is  more  difficult  to  obtain  soldiers,  if  you  retain 
the  !J-300  commutation  clause  and  draft  for  one 
year,  you  will  not  get  ten  per  cent,  upon  yovw 
draft;  your  arniies  will  be  exhausted;  and  at  the 
end  of  this  campaign  you  will  be  in  a  position  of 
giving  up  the  contest  without  an  army.  Sir,  if 
we  are  to  pui'siie  this  contest  in  earnest  we  should 
draft,  and  draft  for  three  years,  and  make  men 
serve  when  they  are  drafted. 

It  is  true,  fis  Senators  around  me  say,  that  we 
obtained  but  seven  per  cent,  of  those  drafted  for 
three  years;  but  I  suppose  we  shall  get  no  more 
for  one  year.  The  reason  why  we  draft  at  all  is 
because  men  are  not  willing  to  volunteer.  It  is 
an  involuntary  matter  to  bring  them  into  the  ser- 
vice either  for  one  year  or  three  years,  and  I  Qan- 
nnt  conceive  that  the  argument  will  iiold  good. 
We  tried  the  draft  for  nine  months,  and  we  saw 
liow  many  paid  the  commutalitnt;  we  found  that 
the  law  was  an  utter  i'tiilure.  If  tliis  amendment 
should  be  adopted,  1  care  not  v^hat  otlu^-  amend- 
ment may  be  adopted,  I  shall  feel  constrained  to 
vote  against  the  whole  bill,  for  it  is  utterly  idle 
and  a  mockery. 

Mr.  liENDllICKS.  I  desire  to  say  one  word 
in  reply  to  my  colleague.  Fie  forms  his  opinion 
as  to  the  result  of  drafting,  retaining  the  §300 
clause,  from  the  report  of  the  Provost  Marshal 
Genin-al  made  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  as 
1  suppose.  1  understand  from  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  in  a  speech  this 
afternoon  that,  upon  an  examination  of  the  whole 
subject,  so  far  as  the  drafting  has  gone,  we  have 
realized  of  the  men  drafted  and  of  substitutes  fur- 
nished by  drafted  men  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  num- 
ber drafted.  There  were  about  eighteen  districts 
selected  by  the  Provost  Marshal  General  in  eight 
dift'iirent  States  and  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  that  was  sent  to  the  Senate  to  guide  its  judg- 
ment. As  soon  as  it  was  rend  to  the  Senate  and 
1  had  an  opportunity  to  express  my  opinion  of  it, 
I  said  the  judgment  of  the  Senate  could  not  well 
rest  upon  a  report  like  that.  It  is  not  worthy  of 
the  respectful  consideration  of  the  Senate  for  a  mo- 
ment. That  eighteen  districts  out  of  eight  different 
States  presenting  as  favorably  as  possible  the  pe- 
culiar views  of  the  Provost  Marshal  General  should 
be  sent  in  here  is  no  guide  for  us,  as  I  tiiought 
then  and  as  1  am  now  assured  by  the  statement 
of  the  chairman  of  the  committee.  The  chair- 
man I  understand  to  have  examined  the  whole 
subject  as  it  now  appears  from  the  returns  in  the 
Provost  Marshal  General's  office,  and  to  have 
said  in  his  speech  this  afternoon  that  it  has  thus 
far  lesulted  in  about  fifty  per  cent,  instead  of 
seven  per  cent. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  saw  this  morning  of  the 
number  of  men  who  had  been  drafted  through  the 
whole  country  a  list  of  about  28,000  returned  to 
the  office.  There  were  4,400  in  the  list  held,  that 
is,  those  who  will  go  or  pay  the  money  or  obtain 


a  substitute;  over  2,900,  ill  round  numbers  3,000, 
suijstitutes  were  fiu-iiishcd,  and  8,400  liad  paid  the 
commutation  money,  showing  that  more  than  fifty 
per  cent,  of  all  that  iiad  been  drafted  had  been  held 
to' service  in  some  form,  either  to  go  themselves, 
furnish  substitutes,  or  pay  the  money.  If  we 
arc  to  draft  only  for  one  year,  and  the  man  drafted 
may  go  himself  or  get  a  substitute,  or  may  pay 
the  ^J300,  in  my  judgment  we  shall  get  five  men 
for  one  year  easier  than  we  can  get  one  man  for 
.three  years  under  this  act  if  the  commutation 
should  stand  just  as  it  is  and  we  should  go  on 
vigorously  drafting  under  it.  i  believe  wo  would 
fill  up  our  Army  vi'ry  readily  under  it  with  this 
change  of  time.     That  is  my  judgment. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  The  staternent  of  the 
Senator  from  Massaciiusetts,  the  chairman  of  the 
Comm.ittce  on  Military  Affairs,  is  not  that  fifty 
per  cent,  of  the  men  have  l)een  obtained,  but  that 
out  of  28,000  drafted  2,700  men  have  been  ob- 
tained and  some  5,000  have  paid  their  commuta- 
tion. 

Mr.  WILSON.'  Eight  thousand  four  liundred 
paid  commutation. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  Eight  thousand  four 
hundred  paid  commutation  and  2,700  have  stood 
tlie  draft. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Three  thousand  obtained  sub- 
stitutes and  4,400  will  get  substitutes  or  pay  the 
money.  The  time  has  not  yet  expired  for  all  of 
them  to  report.  Over  2,000  of  them  have  not  yet 
reported. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  What  I  wish  to  di- 
rect the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  is  this:  out  of 
28,000,  2,700  or  less  have  stood  the  draft,  some 
8,000  have  paid  the  commutation,  4,000  have 
hired  substitutes,  and  some  others  have  not  re- 
ported, as  their  time  is  not  out;  and  it  will  stand 
in  that  proportion  till  the  end  of  time;  and  if  you 
do  not  repeal  this  clause  you  will  get  no  drafted 
men  under  your  law. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Twenty-eight  thousand  men 
have  been  drafted.  A  little  more  than  fifty  per 
cent.,  about  15,000  of  the  28,000  have  been  held 
to  service  in  some  form;  the  others  were  dis- 
charged for  disability.  Fifty  per  cent,  is  about 
all  we  can  hold  undera  draft.  If  we  draft  for  100 
men  we  perhaps  can  get  50.  Out  of  tliat  15,000, 
4,400  were  put  down  as  held  to  service,  3,000  fur- 
nished substitutes,  and  8,400  paid  commutatitin. 
You  have,  therefore,  got  the  money  for  8,400 
men,  you  have  got  3,000  substitutes,  and  you 
have  got  between  two  and  three  thousand  men 
who  report  themselves.  The  balance  will  either 
go  themselves,  pay  the  money,  or  furnish  sub- 
stitutes; and  that  is  not  yet  determined,  because 
their  time  is  not  out. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  If  I  understand  the  fig- 
ures aright,  less  than  one  seventh  of  those  who 
were  drafted  responded  to  the  draft  in  person. 

Mr.  WILSON.  There  were  only  15,000  held 
in  all. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  thought  there  were 
28,000. 

Mr.  WILSON.  There  were  28,000  drafted, 
and  of  them  but  about  15,000  were  held.  The 
remainder  were  discharged  for  disability  of  some 
kind.  Those  15,000  were  divided  as  I  have  stated. 
This  is  a  great  deal  better  than  wo  used  to  do 
under  the  old  law  before  we  amended  it  at  the  last 
session,  fifty  per  cent,  better.  With  this  change 
of  the  term  of  service  to  one  year,  I  believe  we 
shall  easily  obtain  substitutes  for  $300,  and  we 
can  fill  up  the  Army,  in  my  judgment,  very  rap- 
idly if  the  cornmutation  is  allowed  to  stand,  and 
if  it  is  repealed  you  can  do  it. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  I  will  asli  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  one 
question  to  see  that  I  understand  him.  Out  of 
28,000  drafted  men  15,000  were  held.  Now,  is 
it  not  true  that  less  than  3,000  have  answered  the 
draft  in  person  .' 

Mr.  WILSON.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  All  the  rest  have  hired 
substitutes  or  paid  commutation.  We  have  got 
2,700  men  out  of  a  draft  of  28,000.  That  is  the 
whole  of  it,  without  going  any  further. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  do  not  understand  it  so 
at  all. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  That  is  the  truth 
about  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  am  not  sure  that  I  under- 
stand the  chairman  of  the  committee.  We  have 
drafted  28,000  men;  but  in  relation  to  that  draft 


as  in  relation  to  all  other  drafts  a  certain  propor- 
tion of  the  men  drafted  are  found  not  to  be  fit  for 
service.  Of  that  28,000,  therefore,  only  15,000 
were  found  fit  for  service.  What  I  want  to  know 
of  the  honorable  member  from  Massachusetts,  if 
he  can  tell  me,  is,  liow  many  men  did  we  gel  into 
the  service  out  of  that  15,000  by  being  personally 
held  to  service,  by  those  who  furnished  substi- 
tutes, and  by  men  who  were  procured  witli  the 
commutation  which  was  paid  into  the  Treasury  .' 
How  many  men  came  into  the  field.' 

Mr.  WILSON.  We  cannotascertain  exactly, 
because  the  time  is  not  yet  out  for  all  the  men  held 
to  report.  I  will  state  it  again,  and  I  want  the 
Senator  from  Maryland  to  listen. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     1  am  listening. 

Mr. WILSON.  Wehcld  15,000outof the28,000 
who  were  drafted  lately.  That  number  of  men 
are  divided  in  this  form  in  the  figures  that  1  ex- 
amiticd  this  morning:  4,400  were  put  dov/n  as 
held,  that  is  to  personal  service,  3,000  had  fur- 
nished substitutes,  and  8,400  had  paid  the  money. 
You  received  the  money  for  8,400,  you  had  3,000 
substitutes,  and  you  had  4,400  held,  although  it 
is  ])robable  that  of  that  4,400  held  to  personal 
service  some  will  obtain  substitutes  or  pay  the 
money  in  course  of  time  as  their  time  is  not  out. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  not  long  since,  when 
we  had  reported  here  the  result  of  a  draft  for  14,000 
men,  just  half  of  this, about  l,200or  l,300of  that 
number  reported  .themselves,  and  about  1,500  or 
1,600  obtained  substitutes.  If  the  same  ratio  is 
preserved  now,  probably  somewhere  fiom  2,500 
to  3,000  of  these  4,400  men  will  respond  person- 
ally. If  say  2,500  have  responded,  then  we  have 
got  5,500  out  of  15,000,  besides  what  we  have 
raised  in  money. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  It  is  my  fault;  but  I  am  a 
little  more  confused  now  than  1  was  before.  I 
want  to  know  if  the  honorable  member  can  tell 
me  how  many  men  under  that  draft  of  28,000 
we  have  got  into  the  field.  I  understand  him  to 
say  that  there  were  only  15,000  of  the  whole 
number  found  fit  for  service;  that  of  that  15,000 
2,700  is  the  amount  of  those  who  were  willing  to  • 
render  personal  service. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Four  thousand  four  hundred 
were  put  down  as  held;  but  General  Fry  said  that 
probably  some  of  the  4,400  men  put  in  the  col- 
umn of  personal  service  would  pay  or  would  fur- 
nish substitutes,  as  their  time  was  not  out,  and 
therefore  we  have  to  estimate  that  number. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Then  wo  have  got  4,400. 

Mr.  WILSON.     And^3,000  substitutes. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  want  to  see  if  1  under- 
stand myself.  That  is  7,000.  Now,  I  want  to 
know  what  was  the  amount  of  commutation 
money  paid  by  those  who  neither  furnished  sub- 
stitutes nor  entered  the  service  themselves. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Eight  thousand  four  hundred 
paid. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  How  many  soldiers  will  that 
get? 

Mr.  WILSON.    Eight  thousand  four  hundred. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Then  we  get  15,000  men  . 

Mr.  GRIMES.  That  proceeds  upon  the  idea 
that  each  commutation  of  ;(j300  gels  a  man;  but 
it  docs  not  get  a  man.  Each  one  of  the  men  that 
have  been  obtained  has  received  a  bounty  in  ad- 
dition to  the  poo  to  induce  him  to  go  into  the 
service. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     That  makes  no  difference. 

Mr.  GPv.!MES,  Yes,  it  does  make  a  vast  dif- 
ference. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana, 
[Mi-.  Hendricks,]  to  strike  out  the  first  section 
of  the  bill. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  21,  nays  18;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Buciialevv,  Carlile,  Ul^rlj,  Collainor, 
Cowiui,  D;ivi?,  Dixoii,  Foot,  Foster,  H;irris,  Ilendriclis, 
Johnson,  McDoiitjall,  Morrill,  rovvell,  Ricliardson,  Kiddle, 
Buulsbury,  Van  VVinkle,  VVillcy,  and  Wilson— 2t. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Anl.liony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Conness, 
Fc'sscnden,  Grimes,  Harlan,  Howe,  J.aneof  Indiana,  Lane 
of  Kansas,  Morgan.  Nesinith,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  Sprague, 
Sumner,  Ten  Eycii,  and  '.rrumhnll — 18. 

ABSENT— i\iessrs.  Doolittic,  Hali\  Harding,  Henderson, 
Hicks,  Howard,  I'onieroy,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright 
—10. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to.  "" 

Mr.  CHANDLER.*  I  move  that  the  bill  be 
laid  upon  the  table.     It  is  now  utterly  worthless. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  want  to  make  one  eftort  if 
the  Senator  will  allow  me,  to  try  and  retrieve  it. 


3102 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


Mr.  CHANDLER.  Will  you  renew  the  mo- 
tion ? 

Mr.  GPJMES.  Yes,  sir;  if  I  cannot  carry  the 
motion  I  pronose  to  miike  I  will. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Very  well. 

Tlie  PRESIDENT  j)?-o-feHi;;ore.  The  motion 
is  withtlrawn. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  move  in  the  last  line  of  the 
fourth  section  to  strike  out  the  word  "shall"  and 
to  insert  the  word  "  may,"  so  as  to  leave  it  op- 
tional with  the  War  Department  or  the  President 
to  call  for  these  men  for  three  years,  or  one  year, 
or  any  other- tiine  they  think  proper.  That  will 
leave  it,  as  I  understand  it,  optional  with  the  war 
authorities  or  the  present  Commander-in-Chief  of 
our  Army  and  Navy,  or  whoever  the  bill  vests 
the  power  in — the  President,  at  any  rate — to  de- 
termine whether  these  men  may  be  called  for  three 
years  or  any  period  between  that  and  one  year, 
or  not.  The  bill  as  it  now  stands  is  absolute. 
The  section,  if  amended  as  1  propose,  will  read: 

That  all  calls  for  drafts  hevcaffer  inade  under  the  act  en- 
titled "An  act  for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the  national 
forces,"  &c.,  and  of  any  act  i.i  addition  to  or  amendatory 
thereof,  may  be  for  a  tcnn  not  exceeding  one  year. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  language  of  the  bill 
as  it  now  stands  Vi'ill  not  accomplish  the  object 
of  the  Senator  from  Iowa.  1  looked  at  it  with  a 
view  to  make  the  same  amendment  and  proposed 
to  offer  the  same  amendment.  I  ask  the  chair- 
manof  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  whether 
under  the  existing  law  the  President  has  not  the 
right  now  to  call  for  one  year  troops.' 

"Mr.  WILSON.  No,  sir,  he  has  not  the  right 
in  my  judgment.  This  bill  provides  that  the  men 
.shall  be  drafted  during  the  war,  not  to  exceed 
three  years.  We  enlist  men  for  three  years  or 
during  the  war,  and  v/e  make  a  draft"  during  the 
war,  not  to  exceed  three  years."  I  think  the  Pres- 
ident cannot  draft  a  man  for  an  hour  short  of 
three  years  under  the  present  law. 

Mr.  SHEPtMAN.  1  understand  according  to 
the  present  law  that  the  President  can  draft  for 
any  period  less  than  three  years.  The  only  effect 
of  this  bill  in  my  judgment  is  to  shorten  the  pe- 
riod of  enlistment.  I'he  draft  is  not  compulsory. 
Any  man  who  can  pay  §300  may  evade  it  eitlier 
for  one  year  or  three  years.  I  agrcje  therefore 
in  the  general  sentiment  that  we  are  simply  wast- 
ing time  at  this  period  of  the  session  in  consider- 
ing a  bill  which,  in  my  judgment,  if  carried  into 
a  law  is  a  surrender  of  tlie  contest;  because  the 
idea  of  carrying  on  this  Vv'ar  without  enforcing  a 
draft,  at  a  time  when  we  cannot  procure  enlist- 
ments, at  a  time  when  u'e  have  to  call  for  one 
hundred  day  men,  at  a  time  when  a  single  State 
has  had  to  furnish  nearly  all  that  has  been  fur- 
nished  

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  1  desire  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator a  question.  Did  the  Administration  call  for 
one  hundred  days'  men  because  there  was  alack 
of  volunteers  under  the  system  that  was  adopted 
last  winter,  or  was  it  not  the  voluntary  action  of 
the  Governors  of  certain  States? 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  am  not  here  the  organ  of 
the  Administration  in  regard  to  military  matters. 
I  am  not  consulted.  I  only  speak  from  my  own 
view.  The  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  can 
speak  through  its  ciiairman.  I  understand,  how- 
ever, and  the  facts  have  proven  it,  that  there  was 
a  pressing  need  sixty  days  ago  for  more  men,  and 
therefore  tliese  one  hundred  days'  men  were  ac- 
cepted, because  they  were  absolutely  needed, and 
there  was  no  other  way  togetthem.  The  Admin- 
istration never  did  and  never  would — why,  I  can- 
not say — enforce  the  draft.  In  my  judgment,  two 
years  ago  they  ought  to  liave  enforced  the  draft. 
There  is  no  special  need  for  Congress  to  pass  laws 
on  the  subject, because  they  will  notexecute  them; 
there  is  no  doubt  about  that.  They  liad  a  law 
on  the  subject  two  years  ago,  and  they  never  did 
and  never  v/ould  execute  it.  I  was  in  hopes,  how- 
ever, that  the  Military  Committee  of  Congress 
would  originat(!  a  law  to  compel  them  to  execute 
a  draft,  and  compel  persons  to  go  into  the  service 
without  paying  commutation;  but  since  tlie  ma- 
jority of  the  Senate  thinks  the  time  1ms  not  ar- 
rived for  this  coimjulsory  draft,  1  for  one  will  vote 
to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table.  I  will  not  submit  the 
motion,  because  I  do  not  wish  to  cut  off  debate. 

Mr.  GllliVlES.  1  think  »lic  Senator  from  Ohio 
is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  this  matter  cannot 
be  remedied,  and  vest  in  the  President  of  the 
United  States  the  povi'er,if  he  has  not  that  power 


now,  to  call  for  any  number  of  men  he  may  see 
fit,  for  any  period  less  than  three  years.  I  there- 
fore ask  that  in  the  amendment  which  I  have 
moved,  I  may  substitiTte  the  word  "may"  for 
"  shall,"  also  the  words  "  three  years"  instead  of 
"one  year,"  so  that  he  may  call  for  them  for  a 
period  not  exceeding  three  years.  That  will  then 
leave  him  the  option  to  call  for  the  men  duringany 
period  of  time  below  the  three  years. 

Mr.  WILSON.  The  eleventh  section  of  the 
enrollment  law  reads: 

"And  to  continue  in  serviceduringthe  presentrebellion, 
not,  liovvever,  exceeding  the  term  of  three  years." 

That  is  the  form  in  v/hicli  the  men  are  to  be 
drafted,  "  to  continue  during  the  presentrebellion, 
not,  however, exceeding  three  years."  I  think  it 
means  they  shall  be  drafted  for  three  years. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chaif 
will  suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Iowa  that  the 
clause  to  which  he  proposes  his  amendment  hav- 
ing been  adopted  by  the  Senate  on  the  motion  of 
the  Senator  from  Vermont,  being  an  amendment 
adopted  in  those  words,  he  will  have  to  wait  un- 
til the  bill  comes  into  the  Senate  in  order  to  move 
an  amendment  to  that  section.  The  bill  is  now 
in  committee. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  sympathize  with  my  friends 
here  wlio  are  opposed  to  this  bill  as  it  now  stands 
and  shall  vote  against  it;  but  let  us  make  an  effort 
to  retrieve  it.  We  may  benefit  it, and  1  think  we 
can,  by  putting  beyond  all  controversy  this  ques- 
tion as  to  v/hether  the  President  has  a  right  to 
draft  men  for  a  period  less  than  three  years.  Let 
the  bill  go  into  the  Senate,  and  let  us  try  to  put 
it  in  some  shape  that  is  satisfactory  to  the  Senate. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  agree  with  tiie  Senator  frotn 
Iowa  in  regard  to  this  bill,  but  I  go  a  little  further. 
I  believe  it  is  impossible  now  to  make  such  a  bill 
of  it  as  will  meet  the  demands  of  the  country.  I 
think  tliere  is  u  necessity  for  some  unity  of  action 
between  the  men  who  act  with  and  for  the  Ad- 
ministration in  this  body.  Senators  will  pardon 
that  expression  on  my  part.  The  men  of  whotn 
I  now  speak  are  responsible  for  carrying  on  this 
war,  for  the  mode  in  which  it  has  been  conducted, 
for  the  mode  in  which  it  is  to  be  conducted,  and 
I  think  it  is  due  to  them  that  time  should  be  given 
tiow  before  this  bill  shall  be  voted  upon  any  fur- 
ther. I  hope  the  bill  will  be  laid  on  the  table  at 
present,  and  I  make  than:  motion. 

Mr.  JOHNSON:     Is  that  debatable.' 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore,     h  is  not. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  want  to  know  what  the 
motion  is. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  To  lay  the 
bill  on  the  table. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Temporarily,  I  understood, 
to  postpone  it. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Of  course  it  will  be  ready  to 
be  acted  upon  whenever  the  Senate  shall  choose 
to  take  it  up  again.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on   my  motion. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  15,  nays  24;  as  follows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Carlile,  Cluuidler, 
Conness,  Harlan,  Howe, Lane  of  In<liana,  Ncsmitli,  llam- 
sey ,  iljcliardson,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Sprague,  and  Trum- 
liull— 15. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  IJuckalew,  Clark,  Coliamer,  Cowan, 
Davis,  Dixon,  Fesscnden,  Foot,  Poster,  Grimes,  Harris, 
Hendricks,  Jolnison,  Lane  of  Kansas,  McDouu'all,  Morgan, 
Morrill,  I'owell,  Riddle,  Sumner,  Ton  Eyck,  Van  Winkle, 
Willey,  and  Wilson— 24. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  DooHttle,  Hale,  Harding,  Hender- 
son, Hicks,  Howard,  I'omeroy,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wright— 10. 

So  the  Senate  refused  to  lay  the  bill  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  now  send  an  amendment  to 
the  Chair,  to  come  in  as  a  new  section  to  the  bill. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment,  as  follows: 

Jlndbe  itfurlher cnacled,  That  in  addition  to  the  substi- 
tute furnished  by  a  drafted  person,  or  where  no  substitute 
is  furnished,  tlien  in  addition  to  the  sum  fixed  l)y  the  Sec- 
retary of  War  for  the  procuration  of  a  substitute,  every 
such  drafted  person  shall,  before  his  discliarge  from  the 
draft,  be  held  to  contribute  a  certain  pro|)ortion  in  the  na- 
ture of  a  titlie  of  his  annual  gains,  profits,  or  income, 
wlietlier  derived  from  any  kind  of  property,  dividends,  sal- 
ary, or  from  any  profession,  trade,  or  employment,  wliat- 
ever,  according  to  the  following  rates,  to  wit:  on  all  in- 
comes over  $1,000  and  not  over  $2,000,  five  jier  cent. ;  on 
all  incomes  over  ,'^-3,000  and  not  over  t5.000,  ten  percent.; 
and  on  all  incomes  over  $5,000,  twenty  percent. ;  anditsliall 
be  the  duty  of  every  such  person  seeking  to  be  discharged 
to  make  return,  either  by  himsell'  or  his  guardian,  to  the 
provost  marshalof  his  distrielof  thn  amountof  his  ine(nne, 
according  to  tlie  requirements  of  the  act  to  provide  internal 
revenue  of  July  1,  1802;  nnd  so  niucli  of  the  act  for  "  en 


rolling  and  calling  out  the  national  forces,  and  for  other 
purposes,"  approved  March  3, 18S3,  as  is  inconsistent  with 
this  section,  lie,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  repealed. 

^ncJ  he  it  further  eiiacted,  That  the  coniribulions  tints 
made  shall  be  employed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  as  a  fund 
for  bounties,  to  be  paid  to  the  men  actually  drafic;d  and  mus- 
tered into  the  service  underanycall  subsequent  lo  iliedatB 
of  this  act,  whenever  they  shall  be  honorably  discliarired, 
or,  in  tiie  case  of  death,  to  the  widow  and  minor  children 
of  any  such  man,  according  to  rules  and  regulations  estab- 
lished by  the  War  Department. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  the  atncndment  in  its 
two  sections  explains  itself.  In  the  first  section 
it  provides  that  every  person,  besides  supplying 
a  substitute  or  paying  the  sum  which  he  pays  for 
the  procuration  of  a  substitute,  shall  contribute  a 
certain  proportion  ratably  according  to  his  in- 
come;, and  in  the  second  section  it  provides  that 
those  contributions  shall  constitute  a  fund  to  be 
distributed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  amotig  tlse 
men  actually  drafted  and  mustered  into  service 
under  a  call  subsequent  to  the  date  of  this  act,  and 
who  shall  be  honorably  discharged.  All  this  is 
to  be  in  pursuance  of  rules  and  regulations  made 
by  the  Secretary  of  War.  I  say,  therefore,  you 
have  two  elements;  first,  a  payment  ratably  ac- 
cording to  property;  and  secondly,  out  of  that 
payment  the  creation  of  a  fund  which  shall  be  a 
source  of  bounties  to  the  soldier. 

Now,  sir,  this  proposition  has  in  its  favor  tVvfO 
considerations;  first,  the  consideiation  of  jtistice, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  not  just,  and  I  never  shall  cease 
to  insist  upon  that  proposition,  to  make  the  poor 
man  pay  for  his  discharge  the  same  which  you 
make  the  rich  man  pay.  When  a  person  isdrat'tod 
into  the  service  as  a  soldier,  and  the  question  is 
of  his  ransom  from  that  obligation  by  a  pecuni- 
ary contribution,  there  is  no  element  of  equity 
which  is  not  shocked,  according  to  my  sense  of 
justice,  if  you  do  not  to  a  certain  measure  regu- 
late the  requireinent  of  money  to  be  paid  accord- 
ing to  the  wealth  of  the  person  dratted.  What 
is  there  which  a  man  will  not  pay  for  his  life.' 
What  is  there  which  a  man  will  not  pay  who  has 
the  means,  and  who  is  not  disposed  to  enter  into 
the  military  service,  to  be  discharged  from  its 
"perils  and  anxieties?  And  yet,  sir,  by  the  law 
as  it  now  stands  you  com  pel  the  poor  and  the  rich 
to  pay  the  same  sum.  The  rich  man  is  drafted, 
and  he  pays  §300,  which  to  him  on  that  occasion 
is  nothing;  he  puts  his  hand  in  his  pocket  as  you 
[lut  your  hand  in  your  pocket  to  find  the  change 
for  a  newspaper;  whereas  the  poor  man  perlia|i3 
is  driven  to  sell  all  that  he  has  in  order  to  save 
himself  for  his  family.  Sir,  is  that  just  ?  Tomy 
mind  it  is  not. 

On  a  (orrner  occasion,  in  connection  with  tax- 
ation, I  read  to  the  Senate  what  was  said  by  an 
eminent  French  writer,  Mr.  Say,  and  I  now  call 
attention  to  this  again  in  this  connection,  because 
to  my  mind  it  bears  with  more  force  now  than  it 
did  then.     He  says: 

"  If  it  be  desired  to  tax  individual  income  in  such  man- 
ner as  to  press  lighter  in  proportion  as  that  income  ap- 
proaches to  tlie  confines  of  bare  necessity,  taxation  must 
not  only  be  equitably  apportioned,  but  must  press  on  rev- 
enue with  progressive  gravity."         *        *        *        * 

"  Thus,  a  tax  merely  proportionate  to  individual  income, 
would  be  I'ar  from  equitable;  and  this  is  probably  what 
Adam  Smith  meant  by  declaring  it  reasonable  tluit  the  rich 
man  shinild  contribuie  to  tlie  public  expenses,  not  merely 
in  proportion  to  the  amount  ol  bis  revenue,  but  even  some- 
wliat  more.  For  my  part  1  liave  no  hesitation  in  going4'ur- 
ther,  and  saying  that  taxation  cannot  be  equitable  unles.s 
its  ratio  be  progressive." 

There,  sir,  is  the  important  proposition  in  con- 
nection with  taxation  that  it  "  cannot  be  equita- 
ble unless  its  ratio  is  progressive."  In  our  tax 
bill  recently  passed  we  have  to  a  certain  extent 
adopted  that  principle.  While  recognizing  the 
|)rinciple  on  that  occasion,  I  was  not  disposed  to 
[iress  it  beyond  the  recommendation  of  the  Fi- 
nance Committee;  but  the  case  is  now  changed; 
here  there  is  no  question  of  taxation,  but  it  is  a 
question  of  how  we  shall  equalize  a  burden  u|ion 
tiie  community  so  that  it  shall  be  felt  by  the  ricli 
and  the  poor  alike.  Sir,  I  can  find  no  other  way 
in  which  it  can  be  equalized  except  by  the  grad- 
uation which  is  now  proposed,  if  Senators  will 
point  out  any  other  way,  I  shall  be  ready  to  fol- 
low them;  but  until  they  can  point  out  another 
way,  I  hope  they  will  adopt  the  proposition  that 
I  now  offer. 

Mr.  COWAN.  Allow  me  to  suggest  to  the 
Senator  that  the  genci-al  scheme  of  taxation 
equalizes  burdens. 

Mr.  SUiMNlLR.  The  Senator  says  that  the 
general  .scheme  ot  taxation  equalizes  the  burdens. 


THE  CONGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


3103 


The  Senator  :i:3  niiytakiiii.  Tlio  question  now  is 
liowniacii  a  mail  sliali  pay  in  ordiT  to  bo  relieved 
from  the  burden  of  military  service;  and  1  t(.dl  the 
Senator  that  it  ia  not  equality  to  compel  the  poor 
man  to  contribute  his  all  for  that  exem|nion  while 
the  rich  man  contributes  what  to  him  is  next  to 
nothiii.<r.  Sir,  in  tiiat  tliere  is  no  equality.  Sup- 
pose liie Senator  himself  were  drafted,  indisposed 
as  he  |:n-obably  would  be  to  military  lite,  what  is 
then;  that  he  would  not  contribute  for  theexemp- 
tioii?  To  hiiii,  under  such  circumstances,  ^300 
w'inhl  be  as  nothing;  and  yet;,  to  the  poor  man, 
§300  is  everything.  In  short,  there  are  many  who 
iiavo  it  not,  there  are  many  who,  by  calling  upon 
their  friet)ds,  by  ransacking  every  resource  within 
tlu'ir  reach,  are  not  able  to  command  that  small 
sum.  Others  perhaps  just  able  to  command  it, 
are  compelled,  in  order  to  obtain  the  exemption, 
to  burden  their  families,  to  deny  comfort  to  wife 
and  cb.ild. 

Now,  sir,  the  rich  man  is  under  no  such  obli- 
gation. If  he  be  drafted  under  the  existing  laws, 
lie  finds  liis  substitute  or  he  pours  into  the  Treas- 
ury his  5j300;  he  draws  his  check  and  it  is  all 
over;  itis  nothing  to  him.  Sir, there  is  no  equity 
in  the  law  as  it  now  stands.  But  1  have  said  that 
the  proposition  has  in  it  two  elements;  the  first  is 
that  it  seeks  justice;  the  second  is  that  it  provides 
a  fund  out  of  which  bounties  may  be  distributed 
by  the  Secretary  of  War  among  the  men  actually 
drafted  and  mustered  into  the  service.  In  that 
proposition  you  have  another  temptation  to  the 
service,  or  if  it  be  not  another  temptation  it  is 
something  wliich  will  soften  and  mitigate  its  hard- 
ships. The  soldier,  while  on  the  field  of  battle, 
while  on  his  march,  will  bear  in  mind  that  when 
the  time  of  honorable  discharge  comes,  or,  should 
lie  be  taken  away  by  death,  then  for  the  benefit 
of  his  wife  and  minor  children,  he  may  look  to 
the  fund  created  out  of  these  contributions  for  a 
bounty  which  shall  be  to  him  or  to  them  some- 
thing in  the  way  of  support.  1  say,  therefore, 
you  will  have  in  that  part  of  the  proposition  a 
temptation  which  all  of  you  confess  you  now  need 
,  in  order  to  carry  forward  your  enlistments,  or 
vou  will  have  soitrethin"- to  soften  and  lomiti'^ate 
them. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Mr.  President,  next  to 
that  which  is  right  is  that  which  is  least  evil.  I 
took  occasion  this  afternoon  to  affirm  what  I  held 
to  be  the  riglitrule  with  regard  to  the  bringing  of 
our.troops  into  the  field.  It  did  not  meet  with 
the  approbation  of  the  Senate.  I  thought  that 
was  altogether  right,  and  1  undertook  biuedy  to 
maintain  it  as  such.  Next  to  that  proposition  is 
the  one  now  offered  by  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sathusetts,  and  1  am  somewhat  surprised  that  I 
liave  come  as  near  to  him  upon  a  war  proposition 
as  I  find  myself  to-night,  for  I  find  myself,  in  the 
present  condition  of  this  movement,  compelled  to 
give  him  the  concurrence  of  my  opinion,  not  as 
a  matter  of  the  most  just  legislalioit-,  but  under  the 
circumstances  the  most  expedient. 

"VVe  have  by  our  present  legislation  placed  the 
poorest  citizen,  with  regard  to  the  money  that 
may  relieve  him,  upon  the  same  level  with  the 
man  of  a  colossal  fortune.  Tlmt  great  wrong, 
to  a  certain  extent,  the  Senator  from  Massa/.hu- 
setts  has  sought  to  obviate  by  charging  upon 
those  men  whose  incomes  are  millions,  or  hun- 
dreds of  thousands,  or  tens  of  thousands,  some 
proportionate  charge  when  they  shall  ask  that 
they  or  their  sons  or  their  brothers  or  their  cous- 
ins shall  be  relieved  from  tl:e  responsibilities  of 
war. 

I  havethoughtthat  in  a  Government  like  ours 
tjiere  were  two  distinct  forms  of  taxation,  and  in 
this  1  difl'erl  fnink  v/iih  the  Senator  from  i\las- 
sachusetts.  There  is  a  tax  charged  on  the  citizen 
that  is  paid  with  his  best  blood  on  the  battle-field 
in  mauitaming  the  liberty  or  the  integrity  of  his 
State  or  his  Government.  That  is  a  tax  that  can 
only  be  discharged  where  armies  are  arrayed. 
Then  there  is  a  tax  charged  upon  the  wealth  of  the 
country,  its  commerciiil,  its  manufacturing,  its 
agricultural  wealth,  with  which  arms'have  noth- 
ing to  do  except  that  they  are  auxiliary  to  arms. 
I  have  always  made  according  to  my  theory  an 
exact  distinction,  and  therefore  I  have  said  all 
tliose  who  are  subject  to  serve  the  Republicand  to 
handle  arms  :!re  bound  to  obey  the  call  of  theGov- 
crnment  and  to  array  themselves  in  battle  when- 
ever battle  is  c'lallenged  and  whenever  the  Gov- 
ernment commuiLds.     But  that  view  of  mine  has 


been  ignored  by  a  most  positive  vote.  Now,  the 
Senator  proposes  that  thoae  persons  vyho  have 
accumulated  large  fortunes,  those  men  possessed 
of  vast  wealth,  when  they  are  called  upon  for  the 
tax  v/h(-ro  the  peril  of  life  is  called  for,  that  some- 
thing which  is  more  valuable  than  lands  or  houses 
or  gold  or  silver,  and  when  men  are  to  be  excused 
from  paying  that  tax,  shall  contribute  that  which 
shall  bear  some  relation  to  their  possessions.  The 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  is  right  if  we  permit 
a  compromise  between  the  first  great  obligation 
we  owe  to  the  Constitatien  and  the  laws,  the  ob- 
ligation of  our  service  and  our  lives  to  maintain 
them,  and  the  right  to  the  possessions,  the  prop- 
erty, and  the  material  interests  of  the  country. 

He  proposes  a  compromise  now  between  blood 
and  money;  and  as  blood  has  had  no  considera- 
tiot'i  in  the  argument  of  to-day  and  money  has 
borne  the  palm  alone,  a  compromise,  if  compro- 
mise can  be  had,  is  the  only  thing  to  be  accepted 
now.  I  v.'iU  take  the  coiTipromisc  and  see  how  the 
men  of  vastfortunc  who  have  to  be  protected,  men 
who  have  ships  upon  tlieseas,  men  who  have  great 
warehouses  upon  our  seaboard,  men  v;ho  have 
great  manufactories  in  our  inland  cities,  men  who 
have  vast  farms  in  the  West,  men  who  live  amidst 
abundant  luxury — how  far  they  may  apportion 
themselves  to  sacrifices  which  demand  of  the 
young  the  red  blood  of  our  Republic.  If  we  can- 
not maintain  the  right,  then  1  v/ill  take  the  best 
compromise,  and  the  best  cum  promise  comes  from 
the  Senator  from  Massachuseits.  I  shall  therefore 
go  for  his  amendment. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  move  that  this  bill  be  re- 
committed to  tlie  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Why  not  have  a  vote  on  my 
proposition.' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  am  satisfied  it  will  take  all 
the  rest  of  the  evening  to  discuss  this  single  prop- 
osition, and  I  apprehend  that  the  bill  will  in  the 
end  go  to  the  Commitleeon  Military  Affairs  after 
we  may  have  adopted  it  or  rejected  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  debate  on  that  propo- 
sition is  over. 

iMr.  COLLAMER.  I  want  to  have  the  light 
of  the  committee  on  tliis  very  [)roposiiion. 

Mr.  SUA'INER.     Very  well. 

The  motion  to  recommit  was  agreed  to., 

EXECUTIVH  SESSION. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  move  that  the  Sen- 
ate proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive  busi- 
ness. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  1  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

The  motion  to  adjourn  was  not  agreed  to — ayes 
17,  noes  21. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  ask  the  Senator  from 
Kansas  lo  withdraw  liis  motion  for  the  purpose 
of  allowing  me  to  move  to  take  up  the  telegraph 
bill  so  as  to  leave  it  the  unfinished  business. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  There  are  a  great 
many  executive  messages  from  the  President  that 
ought  to  be  referred  to  committees,  and  there  is 
a  very  important  officer  in  my  State  to  be  con- 
firmed.    I  insist  on  my  motion. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  after  some  time 
spent  in  executive  session,  the  doors  were  re- 
opened, and  the  Senate  adjourned. 


HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Monday,  June  20,  18G4. 
The  House  met  at  tv.'clve  o'clock,  m.    Prayer 
by  the  Cb.aplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Channino. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  the 
reading  of  the  Jounial  of  Saturday  was  dispensed 
with. 

INTRODUCTION  OF  BILLS. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  the  business  in  order  to 
be  the  call  of  Slates  for  the  introduction  of  bills 
and  resolutions  for  reference,  not  to  be  brought 
back  on  a  motion  to  reconsider. 

YOUNG  men's  CURISTIAN  ASSOCIATION. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  introduced  a  bill 
lo  incorporate  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Asso- 
ciation of  the  city  of  Washington;  which  was  read 
a  first  and  second  time,  and  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee for  the  District  of  Columbia. 

ADDITIONAL  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  WILSON  .submitted  the  following  resolu- 


tion;  wliich  was  read,  and    referred    to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules: 

/ipso/ucf/,  Thnt  llui  Comiiiiiteo  on  Riil'-'S  iiiqm'rc;  into  tlic 
t'.\(>0(li(,'iicy  ot'crentiiii^  two  ailililional  st;ui(liii^'coi]i;iiilte<'S 
ol'llie  [Idiiso,  iiaini-ly:  lUi'tiist  to  l)r; ciiUi.'il  a  (Jommilti.-coii 
IntiTiial  ili'vi'iiiie,  u'iiioli  shall  foiisidcrall  matters  relating 
to  that  siiliji.'ft;  the  socond  to  l)e  oalli'd  a  CoiinnittfM;  on 
Caiikiiig  and  Cmroncj',  which  shall  (.-oiisicjor  all  matters 
pertiiiiiiiig  to  said  .^iiljject. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  resolution  was  referred;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  v;as  agreed  to. 

SABBATH  OBSEllVANCE. 

Mr.  PRICE  submitted  the  following  resolution, 
on  the  adoption  of  which  he  dematxcled  the  pre- 
vious question: 

Whereas  it  is  and  over  iias  been  admitled  since  the 
formation  of  onr  Govennnent  tliat  tlie  prosperity  of  this 
nation  depended  upon  and  was  attribiitahle  to  onr  recogni- 
tion ami  observance  of  the  laws  of  God  and  tlie  consequent 
proleclion  of  an  all-wise  I'rovidence  ;  and  whereas  the  re- 
cent act  of  Congress  compelling  the  railroad  company. lo 
run  their  street  cars  in  this  city  on  the  Sahhalh  is  in  direct 
contravention  of  the  divine  law  and  inconsistent  with  our 
professions  as  a  Christian  nation  :  Therefore, 

Resolved,  Tliat  the  Judiciary  Ooinmittee  be  instructed 
to  report  a  bill  repealing  the  law  eompelliiig  the  rnniiing  of 
cars  in  the  streets  of  this  cily  cm  the  iSabliatli  day. 

On  seconding  the  demand  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion, 15  voted  in  the  affirmative;  and  43  m  the 
negative;  no  quorum. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  appeal  to  the 
gentleman  from  Iowa  so  to  modify  his  resolution 
as  to  make  it  one  of  inquiry. 

Mr.  PRICE.  No,  sir;  I  want  it  to  be  one  of 
instructions. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  understand  that  by  the 
law  as  it  existed  this  company  had  the  right  to 
run  their  cars  on  Sunday,  but  that  this  new  legis- 
lation requires  them  to  run. 

Mr.  PRICE.     Exactly. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  remark  that 
the  bill  to  which  the  gentleman  refers  in  his  res- 
olution has  jKissed  the  House,  but  is  pending  in 
the  Senate,  and  has  not,  therefore,  become  a  law. 

Mr.  PRICE.  It  h%s  become  a  law  so  far  as 
this  House  is  concerned,  and  I  want  the  antidote 
to  follow  the  poison  in  quick  succession. 

The  SPEAKER  ordered  tellers  on  seconding 
the  demand  for  the  previous  question;  and  ap- 
pointed Messrs.  Middleton  and  Price. 

The  Plouse  again  divided;  and  the  tellers  re- 
ported— ayes  15,  noes  50;  no  quorum  voting. 

Mr.  CRAVENS  moved  tliat  there  be  a  call  of 
the  House. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  call  the  roll,  and  the  fol- 
lowing members  failed  to  answer  to  their  names: 

Messrs.  William  .1.  Allen,  Allison,  Anderson,  Arnold, 
John  D.  Baldwin,  Ua.xter,  Blaine,  Brandegee,  BrooUs, 
Broomall.  James  S.  Brov.-n,  William  G.  Brown,  Clay, 
Cobb,  CoilVotli,  Creswell,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Tiioinas 
T.  Davis,  Dawes,  Deming,  Denison,  Donnelly,  Dumont, 
Ehlridge,  EoElish,  Fanisworth,  Finek,  Gauson,  Garfield, 
Grinnell,Griswold,  Hall,  Hulbunl,  Jenckes,  William  John- 
sou,  Julian,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Orhuido  Kelloiig,  Ker- 
naii,  King,  Knapp,  Knox,  Littlejohn,P.IcAlli>ter,i\Ic Bride, 
Leonard  iMyers,  iNTelson,  0<lell,  Charles  O'Neill,  John 
O'Neill,  Patterson,  Pike,  Poineroy,  Samuel  J.  Uandall, 
William  M.  Pvandall,  Alexander  11.  Kice,  Rogers,  Ross, 
Schenek,  Scolield,  Smith,  Smithers,  Spalding.  Starr,  Steb- 
biris,  William  G.  Steele,  Sweat,  Thomas,  Upson,  Van 
Valkcuburgh,  Voorhees,  Ward,  Webster,  Windom,  Ben- 
jamin Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridgc,  and  Yea- 
man. 

Mr.  CRAVENS.  One  hundred  and  fourmern- 
bers  having  answered  to  their  names,  I  move  that 
all  further  proceedings  under  the  call  be  dispensed 
with. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  imotion  recurred  on  seconding  the  demand 
for  the  p^-evious  question. 

The  SPEAKER  stated  that  no  quorum  having 
appeared  on  the  last  vote,  he  would  order  tellers; 
and  appointed  Messrs.  Hubbard,  of  Iowa,  and 
Pruyn. 

Mr.  COX  moved  that  the  whole  subject  be  laid 
on  the  table. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  60, 
noes  35. 

Mr.  HALE  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  PRICE  demanded  teMers  on  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

Tellers  were  not  ordered;  and  the  yea's  and 
nays  were  not  ordered. 

So  the  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  agreed  to. 

ENROLLED  BILL. 
Mr.  McKlNNEY,  from  the  Committee  on  En- 


3104 


THE  COIS^GRESSIOKAL  GLOBE. 


June  20. 


rolled  Bills,  rppoi-led  (lint  (hey  liad  examined  and 
found  Iruly  rnmlli'd  an  act  (S.  No.  145)  to  increase 
the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the  United  Slates  Army, 
and  for  other  purposes;  when  tlic  Speaker  signed 
the  same. 

MESSAGE  FIIOM  TIIIi;  SENATE. 

A  message  was  received  from  the  Senate,  by 
Mr.  Forney,  its  Secretary,  noiifying  the  House 
that  that  body  had  ai^rccd  to  the  amendment  of  the 
Plouse  to  ihi;  forty-third  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ate to  the  Indian  apnro])riation  bill. 

POTTAW.-VTOJinC  LANDS,  ETC. 

Mr.  WILDER  suljiiiitted  a  joint  resolution  se- 
curing payment  to  the  Delaware  and  Pottawato- 
mie Indians  for  lands  sold  to  the  Leavenworth, 
Pawnee,  and  Western  Railroad  Company,  now 
known  as  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company, 
eastern  division,  and  demanded  the  previous 
question. 

The  joint  resolution  was  read  a  first  and  sec- 
ond time. 

The  previous  question  was  not  seconded. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  that  the  joint  resolution 
be  referred  to  the  select  committee  on  the  Pacific 
railroad. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
just  taken;  and  also  moved  that  the  motion  to 
reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MISSOUIU  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 

Mr.  UPSON,  from  the  Committee  of  Elections, 
submitted  a  report  accompanied  by  a  resolution 
that  Hon.  John  G.  Scott  is  entitled  to  retain  his 
seat  in  this  House  as  a  Representative  from  the 
third  congressional  disti-ict  of  Missouri;  which 
was  laid  on  the  table,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

RESERVATION  OV  MINEr.AL  LANDS. 

Mr.  B-ROWN,  of  West  Virginia,  subrnitted  a 
joint  resolution  reserving  mineral  lands  from  the 
operation  of  all  acts.passed  5t  the  present  session 
granting  lands  or  extending  the  time  of  former 
grants;  which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

The  joint  resolution  provides  that  no  act  passed 
at  the  present  session  of  Congress  granting  lands 
to  States  or  corporations  to  aid  in  the  construc- 
tion of  roads,  or  for  other  purposes,  or  to  extend 
the  time  of  grants  heretofore  made,  shall  be  so 
construed  as  to  embrace  mineral  lands,  which  in 
all  cases  shall  be  and  are  reserved  exclusively  to 
the  United  States. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Thatisjust, 
and  I  hope  it  will  be  passed. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  West  Virginia,  demanded 
the  previous  qui'stion. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded, and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  think  that  the  joint  resolu- 
tion ought  to  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Public  Lands. 

Mr.  DRIGGS.  It  has  been  considered  by  that 
committee,  and  they  are  in  favor  of  it. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

Mr.  ALLISON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid 
on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

IfOREIGN  MAILS. 

Mr.  KINNEY  offered  the  following  resolution, 
on  which  he  demanded  the  previous  question: 

Reso/icrf,Tliat  llioCominittt^c  on  tlie  Post  Office. Tiid  Post 
lloiuU  bK  iiislructoil  lo  inquire  into  tlio  expediency  of  re- 
portini;  a  bill  at  tlie  pri;si!nt  session  of  Coii(,'res.s  repealing 
so  iriiieli  of  the  fonrlli  section  of  an  act  entitled  "  An  act 
to  provide  for  cairyinij;  llie  mails  to  foreign  ports,"  approved 
March  5,  18C4,  as  prohibits  the  carrying  of  newspapers  and 
other  printed  matter  on  tlie  overland  mail  route  from  Kan- 
sas and  east  IVom  (Jalifornia;  and  that  they  report  by  bill 
or  otherwise. 

'  The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  oribned  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  KINNEY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  resolution  was  passed;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to 


AMENDMENT  OF  POSTAL  LAWS. 

Mr.  NORTON  introduced  a  bill  (I~L  R.  No. 
476)  to  amend  tlie  postal  laws;  which  v/as  read  a 
first  and  .■'econd  time  by  its  title. 

Mr.  Vv^ILSON.  It  seems  to  me  that  is  a  curious 
bill  to  introduce  under  a  call  of  States  for  resolu- 
tions. 

Mr.  NORTON.  The  bill  is  an  important  one, 
and  has  been  thoroughly  examined,  section  by 
section,  by  the  Committee  on  the  Post  Office  and 
Post  Roads.  The  committee  has  no  opportunity 
to  report,  and  this  was  the  only  plan  they  could 
see  to  get  the  bill  before  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  bill  will  go  over  under 
the  rule  if  discussion  arises.  The  Clerk  will  read 
the  bill.     It  is  a  long  one. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman 
that  the  vote  be  first  taken  on  seconding  the  de- 
mand for  the  previous  question.  If  the  previous 
question  is  seconded  the  bill  can  be  read  after- 
wards. I  think  we  shall  save  time  by  that  course. 

Mr.  NORTON.  Plow  can  members  know 
wliethcr  to  vote  forsustaining  the  demand  for  the 
previous  question  without  first  hearing  the  bill 
read  .' 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 
The  bill  must  go  over  under  the  rule,  as  gentle- 
men are  debating  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  has  demand- 
ed the  previous  question,  and  this  discussion  is 
out  of  order. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Then  my  point  of  order 
is  that  the  question  must  bo  put  on  seconding  the 
demand  for  the  previous  question. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio 
suggested  that  the  bill  be  read,  and  the  gentleman 
from  Iowa  asked  that  the  vote  be  first  taken  on 
the  demand  for  the  [irevious  question,  as,  if  that 
failed,  there  would  be  no  necessity  for  reading 
the  bill.  Does  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  accept 
that  proposition  .'' 

Mr.  NORTON.     No,  sir. 

Mr.  WINDOM.  Has  notice  been  given  of  the 
introduction  of  the  bill .' 

Mr.  NORTON.  No,  sir.  I  offered  the  bill 
under  the  call  of  States,  and  1  suppose  I  have  the 
right  to  do  so. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  have  the 
rule  read  which  requires  notice  to  be  given. 

The  Clerk  read  the  rhle,  as  follows: 

"  115.  Every  hill  shall  be  introduced  on  the  report  of  a 
coniniiltee,  or  by  motion  for  leave.  In  the  latter  case,  at 
least  one  day's  notice  shall  be  given  of  the  motion  in  the 
House,  or  by  filing  a  memoramlum  thereof  v/itli  the  Clerk, 
and  liaving  it  entered  on  the  Journal ;  and  the  motion  shall 
he  made,  and  the  bill  i  i  oduced,  if  leave  is  given,  when 
resolutions  are  called  for;  such  motion  or  the  bill  vviieii  in- 
troduced maybe  committed." 

The  SPEAKER.  As  notice  has  not  been  given, 
the  bill  is  not  properly  before  the  House. 

Mr.  NORTON.  The  bill  was  introduced  by 
me  when  the  States -Were  called,  on  request  of 
the  chairman  of  the  committee.  It  has  been  well 
considered  by  the  committee,  and  ought  to  be 
considered.  I  have  no  more  interest  m  it  than 
every  other  member. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  bill  is  not  before  the 
House. 

ARBITRARY  ARRESTS. 

Mr.  ROSS  introduced  the  following  resolution, 
on  which  he  demanded  the  previous  question: 

Resolved,  That  all  persons  not  in  the  military  or  naval 
service  of  the  United  States  who  have  been  arrested  and 
imprisoned  by  the  agents  of  the  Government  without  pro- 
cess of  law,  and  released  without  trial  or  examination,  are 
entitled  to  the  same  pay  and  mileage  for  the  lime  they 
were  deprived  of  their  liberty  as  mcinl)ers  of  Congress  ;  and 
tlie  Committee  of  Claims  are  lutreliy  instructed  to  report  a 
bill  at  an  early  day  I'or  that  purpose. 

The  House  refused  to  second  the  dernand  for  the 
previous  question. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  propose  to  debate  the  reso- 
lution. 

The  SPEAKER.  Then  it  goes  over  under  the 
rule. 

TRADE  WITH  REBELLIOUS  DISTRICTS. 

Mr.  INGERSOLL  introduced  the  following 
resolution,  on  which  he  demanded  the  previous 
question: 

Ilcsolued,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  House  alJ  permits 
heretofore  issued  by  the  Treasury  Department  to  any  per- 
son or  persons,  allowing  sueli  person  or  persons  to  trade 
within  the  limits  of  any  of  the  Slates  now  or  heretofore  in 
rebellion,  should  at  once  be  revoked  and  no  more  issued. 

Mr.  FENTON.  1  ask  my  friend  if  it  would 
not  bo  well  to  refef  this  resolution  to  the  select 


committee  to  investigate  the  affairs  of  the  Treas- 
ury Department,  to  which  this  subject  has  been 
specially  referred  .' 

Mr.  INGERSOLL.  I  prefer  that  the  House 
should  pass  upon  the  subject.  If  tiie  House  sees 
fit  to  refer  it,  1  sliall  not  object.  I  demand  the 
previous  question  upon  agreeing  to  the  resolution. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Mr.  iNGERsoLLand 
Mr.  McKiNNEY  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  55,  noes  40. 

So  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  1  move  to  lay  the  resolution 
on  the  table. 

Mr.W.J.  ALLENdemandedtheyeasandnays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  67,  nays  71,  not  voting  44;  as 
follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Alley,  Anderson,  Ashley,  Baxter,  Bea- 
man,  Clair,  lioiitwcll,  James  S.  Brown,  William  G.  Brown, 
Ambrose  VV.  Clark,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cole,  Cravens,  Cres- 
well,  Dixon,  Edgi'rton,  Eldridiie,  Eliot,  English,  Fenton, 
Frank,  Garficlil,  Gooch,  Hale,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  Higby, 
Hotchkiss,  Asahel  VV.  Hubbard,  John  II.  Hubbard,  Hul- 
biird,  Julian,  Kallifleisch,  Kasson,  Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kel- 
logg, Knox,  Loiigyear,  Alarey,  MeBridi-',  Samuel  F.AIiller, 
iVloorhead,  Daniel  Morris,  Amos  Mvers,  Noble,  Odell, 
Charles  O'Neill,  Perry,  Pike,  Price,  Pruyn,  Radford, 
Seheiick,  Seotield,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Sniilhers,  Stevens, 
Sirouse,  Thomas.  Tracy,  tjpson.  William  B.  Washburn, 
Whaley,  Wheeler,  Williams,  Wilder,  and  Windoin— 67. 

NAYS— Messrs.  James  C.Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  Alli- 
son, Ames,  Ancoiia,  Arnold,  Baily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin, 
Johii  i).  lialdwin,  Blaine,  Bliss,  iSoyd,  Brooks,  Ch'anler, 
Cobb,  CoflYoth,  Cox,  Dawson,  Deniing,  Driggs,  Eckley, 
Eden,  Finek,  Ganson,Grider,  Griswold,  Harding,  Harring- 
ton, Charles  M.  Harris,  Herrick,  Ilolman,  Hutcliins,  In- 
gersoll,  Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Knapp,  Law, 
Lazear,  Le  Blond,  Loan,  Mallory,  McClurg,  McDowell, 
Melndoe.  MeKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  James  R.  Morris, 
iMorrisoii,  Ni'Ison,  Norton,  John  O'Neill,  Ortb,  Patteison, 
Pomeroy,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  John  H.  Rice,  Robinson, 
James  S.  Rollins,  Itoss,  Scoit,  John  15.  Steele,  Stiles, 
Stuart,  Thayer,  Van  Valketiburgh,  Wailsworth,  Elihu  B. 
Wasliburne,'Chilton  A.  White,  Joseph  W.  White,  Wilson, 
and  Winfield — 71. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Blow,  Brandegee,  Brooinnll, 
Clay,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dawes, 
Denison,  Donnelly,  Diimont,  Farnsworth,  Grinnell.  Hall, 
Hooper,  Jenckes,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Kcrnan,  King,  Little- 
john.  Long,  Marvin,  McAllister,  jM'i'ddleton,  Morrill,  Leon- 
ard i\lyers,  Pendleton,  Perham,  William  H.'  Kanda  1 1,  Alex- 
ander H.  Rice,  llogers,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  Smith,  Spahling, 
Starr,  Stebbins,  William  G.  Steele,  Sweat,  Voorhees, Ward, 
Webster,  Jii'iijainin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridge, 
and  Yeaman — 44. 

So  the  House  refused  to  lay  the  resolution  on 
the  table. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  DENISON  stated  that  he  had  paired  off 
v^ith  Mr.  Broomall. 

Mr.  CRESWELL  stated  that  Mr.  Davis,  of 
Maryland,  was  still  detained  from  his  seat  by 
reason  of  sicltncss. 

Mr.  HOTCtnCISS  stated  that  Mr.  Little- 
JOHN  was  detained  from  his  seat  by  indisposition. 

The  result  of  the  vote  was  announced  as  above 
recorded. 

Mr.  FENTON.  Is  it  now  in  order  to  move  to 
refer  the  resolution  to  a  committee.' 

TheSPEAKER.  Iti3not,the  previous  ques- 
tion having  been  seconded. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  -  Is  it  in  order  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment.' 

TheSPEAKER.  It  is  not,  for  the  same  reason. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  move  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  previous  question  was  seconded. 
The  object  is  simply  to  provide  a  mode  in  which 
[lermits  may  be  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  hereafter. 

The  SiPEAKER.    The  motion  is  not  debatable. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  lay  the  motion  to 
reconsider  on  the  table;  and  on  that  motion  I  de- 
mand tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Eckley  and 
Thomas  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  50,  noes  59. 

So  the  House  refused  to  lay  the  motion  to  re- 
consider on  the  table. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider; and  being  put,  there  were — ayes  58,  noes  40. 

So  the  vote  by  which  the  previous  question  was 
seconded  was  reconsidered. 

The  question  recurred  on  seconding  the  demand 
for  the  previous  question. 

MESSAGE  FROM  TIIE  SEN.ATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
its  Secretary,  informed  theHouae  that  theSenatd 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICEAL  PIIOCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES.  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Cpngress,  1st  Session. 


WEDNESDAY,  JUNE  22,  1864. 


New  Series No.  ]95. 


hfid  pfissed  a  bill  (S.  No.  305)  for  the  relief  of 
George  P.  Ntsbitt,  in  wiiicli  he  was  dii'ected  to 
ask  liie  concurrence  of  llie  House. 

CIVIL  APl'KOPRIATION  BILL. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Has  tiie  morning  hour  ex- 
pired? 

The  SPEAKER.     It  has. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  then  that  the  rules 
be  suspended  and  the  House  resolve  itself  into  the 
Committee  oftlie  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

So  ilie  rules  were  suspended;  and  the  House 
accordinsjiy  resolved  iiself  into  the  Committee  of 
the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  (Mr.  Pike 
in  tiie  chair,)  and  proceeded  to  the  consideration 
of  the  special  order,  being  bill  of  the  Hou.se  No. 
527,  making  apfiropriations  for  sundry  civil  ex- 
penses of  the  Government  for  the  year  endin<'- 
June  30,  18G5. 

The  first  reading  of  the  bill  was  dispensed  with. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  There  was  a  point  of  order 
reserved  on  one  clause  of  this  bill  which  1  <lesire 
to  make  now.  It  is  the  provision  which  fixes 
tlie  salary  of  the  Assistant  Treasurer  at  Phila- 
delphia at  1,4,000.  1  ask  for  the  reading  of  the 
provisioti. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

For  ciiiiip(Mis;ui(iii  iit'  tlic  Assistilnt  Treasuier  at  PliJla- 
delphia,  ,<i,'4,0UO. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Mr.  Chairman,  1  submit  my 
pouit  of  order,  that  in  the  legislative  appropria- 
tion bill  an  appropriation  has  been  made  lo  ihis 
officer  as  Assistant  Treasurer  of  the  United  States 
of  ijil,000,  and  as  treasurer  of  the  Mint  $2,000. 

Ml-.  STEVENS.  I'liat  is  not  a  question  of 
order.  Wlieii  we  come  to  that  I  shall  agree  that 
it  may  b(^  stricken  out. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Very  well;  1  desire  first 
to  static  my  point  of  order.  The  law  provides 
that  this  officer  may  receive  J^l, 000  salary  as  As- 
sistant Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  and  a 
salary  of  $2,000  as  treasurer  of  the  Mint  at 
Philadelphia;  making  an  aggregate  salary  of 
$3,000  to  which  he  is  entitled  by  liuv.  1  call  the 
attention  of  (he  Ciiair  to  the  official  record,  whii;h 
states  the  salaries,  as  1  suppose,  correctly.  My 
point  of  order  is  that  you  cannot  in  an  appro- 
priation bill  increase  the  salary  beyond  the  limit 
fixed  by  law. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  This  bill  has  been  referred 
to  th(!  Conimittee  of  "the  Whole  on  the  state  of 
the  Union,  and  it  is  too  late  now  to  raise  a  point 
of  order  upon  it. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  understands 
the  point  was  expressly  reserved. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Then  1  will  say  to  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  that  this  salary  having  been 
provided  for  in  another  bill  I  shall  notask  for  the 
passage  of  iliis  [irovisioti. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  two  appropriations  will 
make  his  entire  salary  $5,000. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  When  1  say  to  the  gentle- 
man that  I  do  not  ask  for  the  passage  oY  this  pro- 
vision 1  hope  he  will  be  satisfied. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Very  well;  I  will  not  press 
my  point  of  order  now,  but  will  reserve  it  until 
the  committee  shall  have  reached  it  in  the  reading 
of  the  bill.  '  ^ 

MICSSAGE  FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

The  committee  here  informally  rose;  and  the 
Speaker  having  resumed  the  chair,  a  message 
was  received  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  Mr.  Hay,  his  Private  Secretary,  noti- 
fying the  House  that  he  had  approved  and  signed 
a  bill  (H.  R.  No.  469)  extending  the  time  for  the 
completion  of  the  Marquette  and  Ontonagon  rail- 
road in  the  State  of  Michigan. 

The  committee  resumed  its  session,  and  pro- 
ceeded again  to  the  consideration  of  the 

CIVIL  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  bill  by  para- 
graphs for  amendment. 
The  following  paragraph  was  read  by  the  Clerk: 

For  comiiiissions,  at  two  and  a  luilf  por  cent.,  to  such 
fiupenntciidcnts  as  are  entitled  to  the  same  under  the  pro- 


195 


viso  IIP  act  .3(1  March,  18.51, on  the  amount  that  may  be  di.s- 
bur.-cd  liy  them,  .510,000. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  I  move  to  amend  that  parngra|)h 
in  the  last  line  by  inserting  after  the  words  "  may 
be"  the  worils  "may  have  been."  The  object 
of  the  amendment  is  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  sums  which  may  be  due  from  the  Government 
for  services  rendered.  By  the  language  of  the 
paragraph  it  is  prospective  only.  There  are 
small  amoiuit.s  due  for  services  already  rendered 
which  I  think  should  be  properly  included. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  move  to  amend,  in 
line  one  hundred  and  four,  after  the  word  "dol- 
lars," by  inserting  "  to  pay  for  ashes  purchased 
by  the  public  gardener  three  years  ago  for  the 
public  grounds,  $195."  This  is  a  small  sum 
which  was  expended  by  the  public  gardiMier.  I 
am  informed  by  Mr.  Nokes,  the  present  gardener, 
that  it  is  all  correct. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  tnove  to  amend  by 
adding  at  the  end  of  line  one  hundred  and  thir- 
teen as  follows: 

To  (Mialilc  the  ComniissioniT  of  Public  Buildings:  to  re- 
con.struct  live  of  tin;  old  lainit  nut  furnaces  now  under  the 
old  portion  of  the  Capitol,  $5,000. 

1  will  merely  state  that  tinlcss  ihese  old  fur- 
naces tire  repaired  it  will  be  impossible  to  keep 
the  buihling  warm. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

iVIr.  STEVEN.S  moved  to  amend  byaddingat 
the  end  of  line  one  hundred  and  nineteen  as  fol- 
lows: 

For  rcpah'ing,  rcfitLing,  and  fiirnishijii;  the  President's 
summer  residence  at  the  Soldiers'  Home  during  tile  sickly 
season,  .^'ii.OOO. 

On  agreeing  to  the  amendment,  51  voted  in  the 
affirmative  and   42  in   the  negative;  noqum-um. 

The  CHA1R.MAN  called  for  tellers;  and  ap- 
pointed Messrs.  PIoLMAN  and  Fenton. 

The  committee  again  divided  ;and  the  tellers  re- 
ported— ayes  51,  noes  42. 

So  the  amendment  was  adopted. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  move  to  insert  at  the 
same  point,  "  For  a  day  watchman  at  the  Presi- 
dent's House,  $720." 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
I  subtnit  that  there  is  no  law  authorizing  the  of- 
fice, and  therefore  an  approfiriation  cannot  in  this 
way  be  nuule  to  pay  ilie  salary.  The  number  of 
watchmen  is  fixed  by  law,  and  1  take  it  for  granted 
the  salaries  of  them  have  been  provided  for. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  ask  the  gentleman  to 
hear  me  for  a  moment  l)efore  he  insists  upon  his 
point  of^order.  I  state  to  the  House  that  there  is 
no  day  watchman  at  the  President's  House.  The 
curtains  about  the  house  have  been  cut  and  the 
liangings'aiid  ornatvients  damaged  to  agreat  deal 
more  than  the  value  of  the  salary  of  a  watchman. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  is  one  of  the  difficulties 
that  have  existed  for  a  great  many  years,  and  1 
think  in  such  a  time  as  this  they  may  remain  still 
longer.      I  must  insist  on  my  point  of  order. 

Tiie  CHAIRMAN,  'i'he  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

For  fuel,  in  part,  of  the  President's  House,  $2,400. 

Mr.  BALDWIN,  of  Michigan,  moved  that  that 
appropriation  be  stricken  out  of  the  bill. 
The  motion  was  disagreed  to. 
The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

For  lighting  the  Capitol  and  President's  Mouse,  the  pub- 
lic grounds  around  them,  and  around  the  executive  offices, 
and  Pennsylvania  avenue.  Bridge  and  High  streets,  in 
Georgetown,  Four-and-a-half  street,  Seventli  and  Twelfth 
streets  across  the  Mall,  and  Maryland  avenue  west,  and 
Sixtii  slreetsoulh,.«{;63,500. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Is  this  the  same  amount  that 
was  appropriated  last  year  for  the  same  purpose.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  is  the  amount  estimated 
for  by  the  Department. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Is  it  the  same  ainount  that 
was  appropriated  last  year.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.     I  do  not  recollect. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     My  recollectiat^  is  that  the 


sum  appropriated  last  year  was  $54,000.  The 
subject  of  increasing  the  price  of  gus  has  been 
vo'ed  down  by  a  large  vote,  and  I  hope  that  no 
indirect  means  will  be  resorted  to  for  that  pur- 
pose. My  impression  is  that  the  amount  appro- 
priated last  year  was  less  than  this,  but  I  am  not 
certain.  I  move  to  reduce  the  appropriation  to 
$54,000. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  This  is  the  amount  required 
by  the  Department. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Does  this 
provide  for  any  increase  in  the  price  of  gas  to  be 
[laid  by  the  Government.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.     It  does  not._ 

The  amendment  was  disagreed* to. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

For  repairs  of  Pennsylvania  avr'nue,  and  aiding  in  keep- 
ing it  clean  and  free  from  dust,  .'g3,000. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Everybody 
knows  tliat  Pennsylvania  avenue  is  constantly 
full  of  dust;  we  could  not  have  more  than  there  is 
now,  notwithstanding  this  appropriation,  and  I 
move  that  it  be  stricken  out. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  think  it  must  be  pa- 
tent to  every  member  of  Congress  and  stranger 
who  sojourns  in  this  city,  that  the  dust  upon  Penn- 
sylvania avenue  is  a  source  of  great  annoyance. 
The  original  estimate  was  for$20,000  to  keep  that 
avenue  in  repair,  and  we  [)ropose  to  increase  the 
appropriation  to  that  iimounl.  It  is  the  duty  of 
Congress,  by  l.iw,  to  keep  that  avenue  in  repair. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, of  Illinois.  Why  should 
not  the  city  keep  that  avenue  in  repair.' 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  The  law  provides  that 
Congress  should  keep  it  in  repair.  It  is  a  re- 
quireiTient  ufion  the  United  States.  I  hope  that 
the  amendment  will  not  prevail.  If  it  does  not, 
1  shall  move  to  increase  the  appropriation  to 
$15,000,  so  that  the  avenue  may  be  put  in  good 
condition. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  Isany  appropriation  novir 
made  fov  the  purpose  of  keeping  down  the  dust 
on  Pennsylvania  avenue.' 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  This  is  an  annual  ap- 
propriation. 

iMr.  GARFIELD.  I  know  that  the  avenue 
spends  a  large  part  of  its  time  in  the  air,  and  if 
there  is  any  way  to  bring  it  down  I  shall  vote  for 
it.     [Lnughter.]     . 

Mr.  DAWES  I  would  like  to  know  whether 
the  gentleman  is  confident  that  $15,000  will  ac- 
complish the  purpose? 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  ask  the  Clerk  to  read 
an  extract  from  the  letter  of  tli6  Commissioner  of 
Pul)lic  Buildings  and  Grounds. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

'•  That  bill  contains  an  appropriation  for  repairs  of  Penn- 
sylvania aviMiue  §8.000.  In  my  regular  annual  estimate  I 
asked  for  ^20.000,  but  by  some  means  an  error  was  made 
in  printing  ihe  estimate'and  '.^OjOOO'  instead  of  '$20,000' 
was  inserted,  and  th(!  Coinmiltee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
governed,  I  [wesuine,  by  llie  printed  estimate,  reported 
,«6,000. 

'•  livery  member  of  (Congress  who  has  passed  along  Penn- 
.sylv.iiiia  avenue  for  tin,'  prist  six  months  must  have  ob- 
s<;rved  tlie  wretched  condition  of  ilie  roadway,  and  bi,'- 
twei-ri  tlie  Circle  and  Georgetown  it  is  almost  jinpassable 
tor  carriages.  Tlie  avenue  is  about  four  miles  long  and 
one  humlred  and  sixty  feet  wide,  and  the  roadway  is  paved 
about  half  the  leiigih  of  it.  The  pavement  is  broken  at 
short  intervals,. ■ind  the  sum  of.'Jfi.OOO  would  hardly  make 
a  show  toward  mi'iiding  it ;  .5'20,000  would  so  far  mend  it 
as  to  make  it  a  ccMnlbrtahle  road  to  travel  over.  1  hope  tha 
House  will  think  proper  to  increase  that  appropriation." 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  hope  that  the  appropriation 
will  be  retained  in  order  that  we  may  prevent  dust 
from  being  thrown  in  the  eyes  of  the  Representa- 
tives of  the  people,  and  that  they  may  be  able  to 
see  clearly  all  the  matters  that  are  here  presented 
for  their  consideration.  [Laughter.]  The  other 
side  oftlie  House  has  been  very  liberal  in  voting 
to  the  President,  in  addition  to  his  salary  of 
$25,000  per  annum,  appropriations  for  fuel  for 
iceeping  his  house  warm,  for  gas  and  forservants, 
to  some  degree,  and  1  do  not  see  why  we  who  be- 
long lo  all  of  the  States  should  not  liave  a  clean 
ami  dustless  avenue  between  here  and  George- 
town. It  belongs  more  to  the  Government  than 
to  the  owners  of  private  property  to  keep  it  in  or- 
der.   The  Capitol.White  House,  Treasury , War, 


3106 


THE  CONGKESSIOiNTAL  GLOBS. 


fliiiie  20, 


Navy,  and  other  Departments,  depend  upon  ihe 
avenue,  and  I  hope  that  we  shall  have  no  further 
olijeclion  to  this  appropriation,  so  that  when  the 
■war  is  over  and  the  Union  is  restored  we  shall 
have  a  clean,  pleasant  avenne  in  this  city. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     The  estimate  was  $6,000. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  The  estimate  by  the 
Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings  was  1^20,000, 
but  by  some  mistake  it  was  sent  to  the  commit- 
tee- as  1,6,000. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  was  the  estimate  sent 
to  us. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.     That  was  a  mistake. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  think  $6,000  will  llo  very 
well. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  The  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania did  not  hear  the  communication  which  was 
j-ead.  The  gentleman  from  Maine  said  "$6,000" 
was  a  misprint,  and  that  $20,000  was  the  estimate 
sent  in. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  is  all  the  better  for  my 
friends  over  the're  who  are  so  vi-ry  economical, 
and  ihey  are  very  glad  of  it,  I  dare  say.  Those 
gentlemen  over  there  have  been  throwing  more 
dust  in  our  eyes  than  all  vi'e  have  got  from  the 
avenue  for  a  great  while.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  think  tin-  judgment 
of  the  Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings  and 
Grounds,  who  has  this  matter  under  his  entire 
charge  and  control,  stating  that  the  avenue  is  not 
kept  ill  repair — and  I  am  not  aware  that  any 
charge  has  been  made  of  his  inefficiency— ad- 
monishes us  that  we  should  appropriate  more 
than  $6,000.  As,  upon  the  motion  of  my  fjiend 
from  Illinois  the  other  day,  some  portion  of  the 
avenue  is  to  be  paved  liy  the  railroad  company, 
I  have  f)roposed  to  deduct  $.5,000  from  the  esti- 
mate and  to  make  the  appropriation  $1.'),000.  I 
trust  the  amendment  of  the  gentlemen  fiom  Illi- 
nois will  be  voted  down,  and  that  we  will  make 
an  appropriation  of  $15,000. 

Mr.  WASFIBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  was  sur- 
jirised  to  hear  the  gentletnan  from  New  York 
[Mr.  Brooks]  propose  to  increase  this  appropri- 
ation to  $20,000,  thereby  adding  $15,000  at  one 
fell  sweep,  because  I  believe  no  gentleman  in  this 
House  has  clatnored  more  than  he  has,  except 
piihaps  myself,  against  the  increase  of  expenses. 
The  sidewalks,  which  most  of  us  use,  are  in  very 
good  repair,  and  gentlemen  who  are  able  to  keep 
carriages  can  get  along  very  well.  But  I  am  will- 
ing to  let  the  aineridment  stand  as  it  is,  provided 
that  the  committee  will  add  this  as  an  amendment: 
"and  that  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 
Railroad  Company  shall  contribute  an  equal 
amount  for  this  object."  There  can  be  no  ob- 
ji-ction  to  that,  and  1  believe  the  railroad  company 
should  be  willing  to  do  it.  Thiscompany  is  not 
bound  to  keep  the  street  in  repair  at  all.  The 
gentleman's  reference  is  to  another  company. 

Mr.  STEVELNfS.  1  would  bo  willing  to  offer 
that  amendment,  but  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
would  object,  and  if  he  would  not,  surely  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  would  object  to  it  as  out  of 
order  on  the  ground  that  it  would  change  the  ex- 
isting law;  and  therefore  1  dare  not  offer  it. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  am  aware 
it  would  change  the  law,  but  the  gentleman  knows 
very  well  that  wccan  do  that  by  unatiimous  con- 
sent; and  I  am  certain  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  will  not  object  to  an 
amendment  which  would  save  a  great  deal  of 
money. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  question  is  on  striking 
out  "  six"  and  inserting  "  fifteen." 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  The  ques- 
tion is  on  my  amendment. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  amendment  of  the 
gentleman  frotn  Maine  takes  precedence. 

The  amendment  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  now  move 
to  add  the  words,  "  the  Washington  and  George- 
town Raili-oad  Company  shall  contribute  an  equal 
amount  for  this  object." 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  or- 
der. It  is  that  the  amendment  is  not  in  accord- 
ance with  existinij  law. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  trust  my 
colleague  from  Illinois  will  not  object  to  such  an 
amendment. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  object  to  all  amendments 
to  this  bill  which  are  not  in  order. 


The  question  recurring  on  strikitig  out  the 
whole  appropriation,  it  was  put,  and  decided  in 
the  negative. 
The  Clerk  read  the  following  clause: 
For  taking  cure  of  the  grounds  soutli  of  tiie  Prer-idf'iit's 
Mouse,  coiitimiinir  the  iiiiiaovcitKMit  o!"  tlic  same,  anil  re- 
placing trees  destroyerj  by  United  States  troops  tlicro  en- 
camped repairing  fences  and  other  injuries,  !go,flOO. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  '  I  move  to 
timend  that  clause  by  striking  out  "five "and  in- 
serting "  one."  The  soldiers  are  still  occupying 
a  portion  of  thost,'  grounds,  and  the  construction 
of  the  Treasury  building  occupies  another  portion 
ofit;and  if  these  trees  are  planted  they  will  be 
again  destroyed.  Let  the  grounds  remain  as  they 
now  are  until  this  war  is  over,  when  it  will  be 
tiiiK!  enouiih  to  put  everything  in  order. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  Unless  a  larger  sum  than 
$1,000  is  appropriated,  I  do  not  think  there  is  any 
advatitage  in  making  any  appropriation.  These 
grounds  are  still  occupied  by  our  troops.  I  find 
that  $2,000  was  appropriated  for  this  same  pur- 
pose last  year,  but  the  expenditure  of  course 
amounted  to  nothing,  because  the  same  causes  of 
destruction  remaiiK^d.  Itseemsto  me,  therefore, 
that  the  gentleman  from  Michigan  can  safely 
amend  his  amendment  by  moving  to  strike  out 
the  entire  appropriation.  There  is  a  very  heavy 
increase  in  these  appropriations  for  local  pur- 
poses. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  think  the  gentle- 
man is  in  order.  He  is  not  opposing  the  amend- 
ment of  the  gentleman  from  Michigan. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  Debate  has  not  been 
limited  on  this  bill. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  gentleman  is  mistaken. 
The  gentleman  from  Michigan  moves  to  strike 
out  "$5,000"  and  insert  "$1,000."  I  suppose 
a  motion  to  strike  out  the  whole  appropriation 
would  be  a  proper  one  and  in  order.  I  should 
not  make  the  motion  if  the  appropriation  of$l,000 
could  be  expended  for  any  beneficial  purpose; 
but  the  grounds  are  still  occupied  by  the  troops 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  watch  over  the  Presi- 
dent's Mansion,  and  therefore  the  appropriation 
amounts  to  nothing. 

The  question  was  taken  on  the  amendment  of 
Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Michigan,  and  it  was  disagreed 
to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  to  strike  out  the  en- 
tire appropriatioti.  I  find  that  the  appropriation 
for  this  same  purpose  last  year  was  $2,000.  The 
troops  are  still  there;  and  if  there  is  an  appropri- 
ation, it  ought  to  be  at  least  $2,000,  as  1  under- 
stand from  the  intelligent  and  efficient  public  gar- 
dener; but  to  appropriate  $1,000  is  just  to  throw 
thatmuch  money  away,  asany  gentleman  can  see. 
I  therefore  move  to  strike  out  the  whole  appropri- 
ation. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  would  spoil  the  grounds 
in  front  of  the  President's  House  if  there  was  no- 
body there  to  take  care  of  them,  and  if  there  were 
to  be  no  repairs  made. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  wish  to  ask 
the  gentleman  a  question.  He  speak?  of  the 
grounds  in  front  of  the  President's  Mansion. 
This  provision  refers  expressly  to  the  grounds 
south  of  the  President's  House. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  ruU  know  which  you 
call  the  front.  It  is  the  place  where  people  go  to 
hear  music. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  That  isin  the 
rear  of  thc^  liouse. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  is  the  place  where  the 
gentleman  from  Michigan  goes  so  often  to  be  de- 
lighted, and  where  the  ladies  always  meet  one 
another.  [Laughter.]  I  trust  the  appropriation 
will  not  be  stricken  out. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  think  the 
distinguished  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  is 
mistaken.  These  grounds  are  south  of  where  we 
have  the  music,  and  I  do  not  know  any  particular 
necessity  of  keeping  them  in  repair.  1  still  insist 
that  this  amendment  to  strike  out  the  entire  ap- 
propriation is  a  very  good  amendment,  and  I  can 
see  no  propriety  in  turning  the  question  off  in  this 
way.  I  hope  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  will  prevail.     I  call  for  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  HoLMAN,and 
Kellogg  of  Michigan,  were  appointed. 

The  comniittee  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported 
— ayes  twenty-foui-,  noes  notcountc^d. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.     I  move  now 


to  strike  out  "  $5,000"  and  insert  "  ^52,000."     It 
is  a  useless  waste  of  money. 

The  amendment  was  disagreed  to. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  move  fo  amend 
the  clause  by  striking  out  the  words  "  by  United 
States  troops  there  encamped."  I  presume  there 
will  be  no  objection  to  that. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  offer  iho  following 
amendment,  to  come  in  after  line  one  luindred  and 
forty-four,  on  jmge  7: 

To  enable  the  Conuiiissioner  of  Public  liuiidings  to  re- 
pair the  old  Hall  of  tl:e  flouse  of  Ilepresentatives  by  re- 
moving the  old  tiour  and  placing  tlic  wliolc  generally  in  a 
proper  condition,  ^■I,.'JOO. 

I  simply  want  to  say  in  regard  to  that  amend- 
ment that  the  Commissioner  desires  this  sum, 
and  says  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to 
put  the  Hall  in  anything  like  a  decent  condition, 
iiiid  inasmuch  as  the  appropriation  for  fitting  up 
the  Hall  as  a  hall  of  statuary,  of  which  I  was 
in  favor,  failed,  I  trust  that  the  Hall  will  be  de- 
cently repaired,  so  as  not  to  be  an  eyesore  to 
everybody. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  to 
amend  the  amendment,  so  as  to  provide  for  the 
removal  of  all  the  fruit  stands  and  things  of  that 
kind  from  the  old  Hall. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  ticcept  that  as  a  mod- 
ification of  my  amendment. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  offer  the  following  as  a 
substitute  ibr  the  amendment: 

Be  it  further  cnacteJ,  'i'liat  a  marble  floor,  similar  to  that 
of  the  Congressional  Library  or  the  Senate  vestibule,  shall 
be  constructed  in  the  old  llall  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, using  such  marble  as  may  be  now  on  hand  and  not 
otherwise  required  ;  and  tliat  suitable  strnelures  and  rail- 
ings shall  be  tlierein  erected  for  the  rec('|)lion  and  protec- 
tion of  statuary,  and  tin;  same  shall  bo  \iiider  the  snp'rvi^- 
ion  and  direction  of  theC'omnii>sioner  of  Fidilic  tJnildings, 
and  so  much  of  thenioiicys  now  orheretolbre  appropriated 
for  the  Capitol  extension  as  may  be  neces^ary,  not  exceed- 
ing the  sum  of  $20,001),  is  hereby  set  apart  anil  sJiall  be  dis- 
bursed for  the  pur[)oscs  hereinbefore  mentioiifd;  and  ilic 
Fresident  is  hereby  authorized  to  invite  caeli  and  all  the 
States  to  provide  and  furnish  statues  in  marble  or  bronze, 
not  exceeding  two  in  number  for  each  StatCjOf  men  wiio 
have  been  citizens  thereof  and  illustrious  from  Iheir  Isis- 
toric  renown  or  from  distinguislied  civil  or  military  >rr- 
vices,  such  as  each  State  shall  determine  to  be  woriliy  of 
this  national  conuncmoration,  and  U'hen  so  furnished.  Uie 
same  shall  be  placed  in  the  old  Hall  of  the  Ilonse  oi'  Rep- 
resentatives in  the  Capitol  of  the  United  States,  which  is 
hereby  set  apart,  or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  necessary, 
as  a  national  statuary  hall  for  tlie  purposes  herein  indi- 
cated. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise'to  a  point  of  order. 
The  moneys  appropriated  by  law  for  the  purpose 
of  the  Capitol  extension  cannot  be,  in  an  appro- 
priation bill,  diverted  from  that  ]>urpose  to  an- 
other. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  item 
h.as  reference  to  the  Capitol  itselt",  and  is  a  piU't 
of  the  work  upon  the  Capitol.  Therefore,  ac- 
cording to  all  the  rtilings,  the  amendment  is  per- 
fectly in  order.  Wliethcr  or  not  it  should  be 
agreed  to  is  an  entirely  different  question. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  have  offered  that  aniend- 
ment  because  1  know  that  the  opposition  of  the 
gentleman  from  Maine  to  tinkering  and  patching 
that  floor  any  more  is  a  proper  one.  VVe  have 
marble  lying  about  here  quite  sufficient,  as  I  un- 
derstand from  the  architect,  to  make  that  floor. 
It  is  thought  that  it  may  be  done  for  $5,000, 
though  the  appropriation  asked  is  $20,000,  or  so 
much  thereof  as  may  be  necessary.  But  it  is  be- 
lieved that  $5,000  will  make  a  good  marble  floor 
and  [)ut  up  the  railing.  We  alTlcnow  how  these 
beautiful  columns  are  being  destroyed  and  de- 
faced by  every  person  who  chooses  to  inscribe 
a  great  man's  name  upiui  them.  They  are  re- 
ally becoming  ridiculous;  and  the  worst  of  it  is 
that  the  names  of  half  the  members  of  Congress 
are  omitted.  [Laughter.]  1  think  it  time  that 
some  pains  were  taken  to  preserve  these  beauti- 
ful pillars  from  dilapidation  and  ruin;  and  I  think 
that  the  marble  floor  may  be  made  out  of  the  ma- 
terials now  on  hatid  at  a  cost  of  no  more  than  I 
have  stated,  which  is  the  cheapest  way  of  doing 
it.  It  is  not  adding  anything  to  the  appropria- 
tion, but  merely  diverting  it. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  do 
not  contend  against  this  proposition.  It  is  pre- 
cisely the  same  as  was  reported  some  time  since 
from  the  committee  of  which  I  have  the  honor  10 
be  chairman,  and  which  passed  the  House. 


1864. 


THE  COKGRESSIOI^A].  GLOBE. 


3107 


Mr.  PRICE.  Mr.Cludtman,  Iknowtlmt  ilis 
no  use  to  oppose  any  iippropriation  liei'e,  but  I 
must  at  least  protest  auainst  this.  There  are 
other  npprnpi'iatious  in  this  bill  which  I  presume 
could  liave  Lieci)  dispensed  with.  I  do  not,  how- 
ever, know  the  facts, and  therefore  did  not  oppose 
them.  This  appropriation,  I  am  satisfied,  we  can 
dispense  with.  We  all  know  that  the  Govern- 
ment has  no  money  to  expend  in  superfluous 
matters,  for  things  that  can  be  done  without. 
Therefore  ram  opposed  to  the  amendment  of  the 
gentleman  froni  Pennsylvania,  and  to  all  other 
approjiriations  ihatcan  be  dispensed  with  till  this 
war  is  over. 

A  Member  on  the  Democratic  side.  It  is  out 
of  order  to  say  any  thing  against  an  appropriation. 

JMr.  PRICE.      It  may  be  out  of  order. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly out  of  order  to  speak  against  appro- 
priations in  this  House. 

Mr.  PPtlCE.  So  far  as  appropriations  are 
concerned  1  know  there  are  always  just  enough 
of  votes  against  any  attempt  to  strike  them  out 
to  secure  the  failure  of  such  attempt.  1  Vifould 
appeal  to  the  other  side  of  the  House  to  come  to 
the  rescue;  but  unfoi  tunately  it  is  just  as  ex- 
travagant as  this  side.  [Laughter.]  I  have  al- 
most lost  all  confidence  in  my  (riends  here.  They 
vote  almost  universally  for  such  appropriations 
as  are  asked.  1  have  not  voted  for  a  single  ap- 
propriation that  I  knevi/ to  be  wrong;  and  where 
1  have  voted  for  such  as  were  superfluous,  it  has 
been  through  ignorance.  1  presume  that  some 
of  tlie  appropriations  voted  in  have  been  wrong, 
but  1  do  not  know  it;  but  I  know  that  we  can 
get  along  very  well  without  expending  money  on 
this  old  Hall  till  the  war  is  over  if  it  ever  ends. 
And  if  it  is  not  to  end  in  a  national  triumph  1  do 
not  want  to  have  the  work  done  for  Jeff.  Davis. 
I  do  not  know  that  he  is  going  to  get  possession 
of  it,  but  I  know  that  we  require  every  dollar 
that  the  Government  can  gel  to  pay  our  soldiers 
in  the  field,  and  to  keep  the  macliinery  of  war  in 
operation.  I  therefore  hope  that  no  appropria- 
tion shall  be  made  that  can  be  dispensed  with 
until  we  pay  our  honest  debts  to  the  country  and 
to  tlie  soldiers  in  the  field. 

Mr.  MALLOPiY.  1  rise  to  oppose  the  amend- 
ment of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  and  in  doing 
so  I  may  be  ])erniitted  to  express  my  gratifica- 
tion thai;  the  gentleman  has  at  last  learned  where 
the  true  friends  of  economy  are  to  be  found  in 
this  House.  I  tliink  he  has  |jaid  only  a  deserved 
compliment  to  the  Democratic  pai'ty  in  saying 
that  he  will  henceforward  call  only  on  that  party 
to  aid  him  against  the  extravagance  proposed  by 
gentlenii^n  cm  the  other  side. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  merely  wish  to  correct  niisap- 
preliensiini  in  the  mind  of  the  gentleman  front 
Kentucicy.  I  have  not  at  last  anived  at  the  idea 
of  appealing  to  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  to 
sustain  nil'  in  matters  of  economy.  I  have  done 
it  contiiuuilly ,  but  then  there  is  another  misap- 
prehension on  the  part  of  the  gentleman,  v/liich 
is  in  tlie  supposition  that  any  heed  has  been  paid 
to  my  appeals.  I  find  that  they  are  almost  invari- 
ably disposed  to  vote  for  these  extravagant  appro- 
priations. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  The  statement  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Iowa,  then,  is  broader  than  I  sup- 
])osed.'  He  says  now  he  did  not  say  that  he  here- 
after would  call  on  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the 
tlouse,  but  that  he  has  all  along  looked  to  us  to 
Sustain  measures  of  economy.  I  merely  wish 
to  say  to  him  and  to  olhcrgentUnnen  on  that  side 
that  they  will  do  v;ell  to  follow  the  lead  of  this 
side,  not  only  in  respect  to  voting  down  extrava- 
gant appropriations,  but  also  in  respect  to  great 
questiosis  of  public  policy.  1  can  tell  the  gentle- 
man that  he  will  find  a  great  deal  of  good  help 
over  here  if  he  will  apply  upon  all  these  questions, 
and  1  take  his  disposition  to  call  upon  us  asa  good 
augury.  In  respect  to  this  particular  appropria- 
tion, however,  1  am  afraid  1  cannot  go  with  the 
gentleman.  1  confess,  in  this  instance,  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  appropriation  recommended  by- my 
venerable — perliaps  I  ought  to  say  young — friend 
over  there. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  shall  have  to  rise  to  a  ques- 
tion of  order.  1  desire  to  know  whether  it  is  in 
Drder  for  an  old,  gray,  bald-headed  man  to  call  a 
young  man  venerable.     [Lauirhter.] 

Thu  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
question  of  order.     [Laughtei-.] 


Mr.  MALLORY.  I  beg  pardon  of  the  gen- 
tleman. Whatever  gray  hairs  1  may  have  arc 
apparent,  and  if  the  genllcnian's  were  as  much 
so,  perha|is  he  might  not  raise  the  question  of 
Order.  However,  I  give  him  the  benefit  of  the 
protection  he  has  provided  himself  with.  [Re- 
newed laughter.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  seriously  I  think  this  appro- 
priation ought  to  pass,  and  1  hope  the  House  will 
not  vote  it  down.  It  is  not  extravagant;  it  is 
something  to  which  we  ought  to  give  a  little  at- 
tention. I  will,  however,  make  one  suggestion 
to  the  gentleman.  He  provides  for  permitting 
each  State  to  ]3lace  in  the  old  Flail,  in  bronze  or 
marble,  the  statues  of  two  of  their  most  eminent 
living  men.  I  think  iheamendmeni  ought  to  say 
dead  men.  I  think  we  ought  to  give  these  places 
to  the  memory  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation  who 
are  gone,  to  those  who  are  now  dead  or  shall  be 
at  the  time  these  statues  are  placed  there. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  accept  the  suggestion  of 
the  gentleman,  and  will  modify  my  amendment 
so  as  to  say  two  persons  already  deceased,  or  de- 
ceased before  the  siatues  shall  be  received. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  '  This  question  is  not  one 
connected  with  the  question  whether  we  shall 
continue  the  appropriations  for  the  Capitol  exten- 
sion or  not.  if  we  continue  them,  then  I  con- 
tend that  this  is  manifestly  correct;  if  we  do  not 
continue  them,  I  think  this  amendment  ought  to 
be  adopted;  it  is  doing  nothing  more  than  we 
ought  to  do  for  the  preservation  of  the  building. 
We  have  this  marble  here  lying  round  the  Cap- 
itol entirely  useless;  we  i  Iso  have  machines  so 
that  it  can  be  cut  with  the  utmost  fi\cility  and 
with  very  little  delay.  The  old  floor,  as  every 
one  knows,  is  in  a  state  of  decay,  and  ought  to 
be  replaced.  This  proposition  simply  is  to  pro- 
vide a  marble  floor  such  as  now  covers  most  of 
the  rooms  and  corridors  about  the  Capitol.  If 
the  foundation  of  the  floor  should  prove  to  be 
suflicient,  the  expense  would  be  very  little;  if  that, 
too,  has  to  be  replaced,  the  e,xpei)se  will  of  course 
be  something  nime.  it  does  not  necessarily  in- 
crease the  api)ro|niation  in  the  bill  at  all,  and  1 
hope  the  amfiidment  will  be  adopted. 

Mr.  PRICE,  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from 
Vermont  1  want  to  say  first  this:  I  do  not  [iro- 
pose  to  vote  for  the  ajipropriation  of  fj3U0,000  to 
continue  the  work  on  this  Capitol;  and  1  shall 
not  vote  for  this,  because  if  this  passes  it  may 
be  considered  as  a  reason  for  voting  for  the  other. 
1  propose,  therefore,  to  begin  here.  Now,  I  de- 
sire to  say  in  respect  to  the  gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky, [Mr.  MALLony,]  who,  ai"ter  the  speech 
made  by  him,  declared  liis  intention  to  vote  for 
it,  that,  like  a  great  many  other  men,  his  talk  is 
good  but  his  practice  is  bad.  He  talks  economy 
well,  but  he  votes  economy  badly.  1  want  men 
to  vote  right,  and  1  am  not  particular  whether  they 
talk  right  or  not. 

1  will  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  is  not  a 
member  of  this  House  who,  in  conscience,  would 
make  these  appropriations  in  reference  to  their 
own  private  affairs.  1  think  that  we  ought  to 
confine  ourselves  to  indispensable  appropriations 
and  do  without  everything  that  can  be  dispensed 
wiih  until  we  have  paid  the  expenses  of  this  war. 
1  do  not  vjanl  to  see  widows  and  orphans  and 
disabled  soldiers  refused  for  want  of  money  to 
pay  their  just  claims  while  we  are  passing  tliese 
a|)propriaiions  which  are  entirely  unnecessary. 
1  will  say  that  1  have  only  succeeded,  after  pro- 
tracted efft>rt,  in  securing  the  payment  of  ^150 
due  to  an  Iowa  soldier  wiio  lost  his  leg  upon  tlie 
battle-field  during  this  v/ar.  While  we  refuse 
such  paltry  sums  to  our  soldiers  we  vote  millions, 
as  if  the  Treasury  were  overflowing. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  Mr.  Chairman, 
I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  any  extended  dis- 
cussion on  this  subject,  butin  my  judgment  every 
soldier  as  well  as  every  man  in  this  country  feels 
a  just  pride  in  the  Capitol  ofthe  nation.  The  last 
thing  they  want  to  see  done  is  the  work  upon  this 
building  stopped.  I  hope  that  it  will  not  be 
stopped.  I  liope  that  we  shall  go  on  with  the  im- 
provements, and  that  all  reasonable  and  proper  ex- 
penses v>/ill  be  provided  for,  so  that  the  work  may 
be  continued  upon  this  great  work  in  whicii  the 
naticm  takes  a  just  pride.  1  shall  therefore  vote 
for  this  appropriation  as  reasonable  and  [iro[)er. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Mr.  Chairman,  1  propose 
to  vote  for  this  amendment,  and  1  do  it  mainly 
for  the  reason  assigned   by  the  gentleman  from 


New  York  [Mr.  Steele]  who  has  just  addressed 
the  House.  I  never  pass  through  the  old  Hall 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  without  feeling 
myself  reproached  by  the  sjiirits  that  liaur.t  that 
place.  1  look  around  to  see  where  the  venerable 
John  duincy  Adams  trembled  in  his  seat  and 
voted,  and  1  see  a  huckster  woman  selling  gin- 
gerbread. I  look  to  see  where  Cidhoun  sat — for 
there  was  a  time  v.^hen  we  might  speak  with  rev- 
erence even  of  him — I  look  to  see  where  he  sat, 
and  where  Clay  sat,  and  I  find  a  woman  selling 
oranges  and  root  beer.  I  look  around  the  floor 
where  these  men  stood  and  uttered  their  patriotic 
sentiments  in  the  day  when  patriotic  sentiments 
were  heard  v^itli  reverence  everywhere  and  by 
every  man,  and  I  see  a  floor  rotlingand  trembling 
under  my  tread. 

Sir,  I  liave  none  of  that  narrow  feeling  of  econ- 
omy of  the  gentleman  from  lov/a,  [Mr.  Price.]  I 
believe  there  are  occasions  when  liberality  be- 
comes true  economy;  iind  I  know  that  it  is  im- 
portant to  keep  a  rallying  point  here  of  which  we 
shall  all  be  jiroud.  I  feel,  with  the  gentleman 
from  New  Yorlc,  that  the  expenditure  is  a  proper 
one  for  an  object  that  we  much  need, and  that  v/ill 
repay  us  thousands. 

This  Ca|)iio!  is  now  the  rallying  point  of  our 
patiioiism,  and  every  part  of  it  should  be  made  to 
correspond  v/ith  the  greatness  and  glory  of  the 
Republic.  Gentlemen  look  around  in  the  ginger- 
bread box  in  which  we  legislate  now  and  seem 
to  forget  everything  that  ought  to  be  kept  in  re- 
membrance in  connection  with  the  old  Hall, 
which  I  this  day  regard  as  better  fitted  forourde- 
liberations  than  the  beautiful  room  in  which  we 
now  are.  There  is  grandeur,  simplicity,  charac- 
ter to  be  found  there  not  to  be  found  here,  and 
from  which  we  are  rapidly  divesting  it  by  the 
base  uses  to  which   we  are  suffering  it  to  be  put. 

Mr.  PRICE.  1  should  like  to  ask  the  getiile- 
man  a  question. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  cannot  yield.  I  am  ex- 
pressing some  sentiments  which  will  induce  me 
to  go  for  the  appropriation.  The  gentleman  lias 
addressed  the  House  some  three  or  four  times 
already  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  condition  of  that  old  Hall, 
I  repeat,  is  a  di.-sgrace  and  areproach  to  us.  Why, 
as  you  enter  that  old  Hall  you  pass  by  a  bronze 
door  which  cost  thirty-five  or  forty  thousand  dol- 
lars, twice  as  much  as  is  proposed  to  keep  the 
old  Hall  in  order,  and  that  bronze  door  opens 
upon  these  apple-stands  and  upon  these  hucksters. 
1  would  drive  thei'Aallout,  as  others  were  scourged 
in  former  times  frcnii  the  temples,  and  I  would 
put  in  their  places,  if  not  the  statuesof  the  great- 
est jnen  ofthe  country,  something. at  least  which 
shall  be  creditable  to  this  country,  either  in  the 
shape  of  a  library  or  works  of  art,  and  1  would 
place  the  Hall  in  that  good  order  and  deeeiit  con- 
dition which  will  not  make  us  blush  as  we  pass 
through  that  Hall  as  we  go  fnmi  one  end  of  this 
gilded  building  to  the  other. 

I  stand,  sir,  by  the  old  Hall;and  for  the  reason 
that  I  wish  it  thus  restored  and  made  as  it  ou^^ht 
to  be  and  no  longer  remain  a  disgrace  to  us,  1  shall 
vote  for  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  gentle- 
man frtmi  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  PRICE.  In  reply  to  the  gentleman  1  will 
say  that  if  he  considers  the  expenditure  of  money 
which  does  not  belong  to  us  but  belongs  to  other 
peoj^le  as  narrovz-minded  economy,  then  he  and 
i  have  read  political  economy  out  of  diffin'enl 
books.  It  will  be  time  enough  to  adorn  that  Hall 
when  we  have  money  to  expend,  and  until  that 
time  arrives  I  shall  oppose  all  amendments  of  that 
kind. 
T'le  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 
The  amendment  as  amended  was  agreed  to. 

MESSAGE  IT.OJI  THE  SENATE. 

The  committee  informally  rose;  and  the  House 
received  a  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  For- 
ney, their  Secretary,  inforrning  the  House  that 
the  Senate  have  agreed  to  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  on  the  bill  of  the  House 
No.  192)  making  a]ipropriations  for  the  legisla- 
tive, executive,  and  judicial  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  year  ending  SOth  June,  1865;  and 
that  the  Senate  insist  upon  their  dis:i2:reempnt  to 
the  amendment  of  the  House  to  the  bill  of  the 
Senate  (No.  2GG)  to  prevent  sinugL,'ling,  and  for 
other  jiurposcs,  agree  to  the  conference  asked  by 


8108 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


the  House  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two 
Houses  thereon,  and  liave  appointed  Mr.  Mon- 
RiLL,  Mr.  Ten  Eyck,  and  Mr.  Richardsok  the 
committee  of  conference  on  their  part. 

ENUOLLED  BILL. 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  that  the  committee  had  examined 
and  found  truly  enrolled  a  bill  (H.  R.  No. 247) 
granting  huids  to  the  State  of  Wisconsin  to  build 
a  miliiary  road  to  Lake  Superior;  when  the 
Speaker  signed  the  siime. 

CIVIL  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

The  committee  resumed  its  session. 

The  Clerk  read  as  follows: 

For  repairs  of  the  basement  of  the  President's  House, 
$3,O0U. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  move  to  amend  that 
clause  by  striking  out  "  three"  and  inserting 
"five."  The  Committee  on  Public  Buldingsand 
Grounds  visited  the  President's  House  and  ex- 
amined thoroughly  the  condition  of  the  basement, 
and  after  that  examination,  and  obtaining  esti- 
mates from  agontleman  competent  tomaketlicm, 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  cost  jJ5,000 
to  put  tiiat  basement  in  a  proper  state  of  repair. 
I  hope  that  sum  will  be  appropriated. 

The  amendment  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  amend  by  insert- 
ing, after  line  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight,  "  for 
painting  the  iron  railing  around  the  Capitol 
grounds,  ;^1,500." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  Clerk  read  the  following: 

For  cleaniti<;  and  painting  tli.e  crypt  and  passages  under 
the  rotunda,  $-3,000. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  move  to  strikeoutthat clause. 
I  think  we  can  get  along  without  painting  this 
crypt  and  these  passages  for  the  present — cer- 
tainly until  this  war  is  closed — and  therefore  I 
am  opposed  to  this  appropriation. 

The  amendment  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  Clerk  read  the  following: 

To  pay  expenses  incurred  l)y  the  Commissioner  of  Pub- 
lic Buildings  in  enlarging  bench  in  Supreme  Court  room, 
$1,214. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  move  to  amend  by  striking  out 
that  clause.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  why  it 
sliotdd  Crist  ^1,200  to  enlarge  a  bench  upon  wliich 
some  gentlemen  are  to  seat  themselves.  There 
was  a  bench  there  before,  and  this  appropriation 
is  not  for  constructing  a  new  bench  but  for  en- 
larging an  old  one.  Where  1  come  fi'om  we  do 
not  understand  that  kind  of  economy. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  This  is  to 
prepare  a  bench  for  a  distir)guished  judge  from 
the  gentleman's  own  State  to  sit  upon". 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  venture  to  say  he  will  dispense 
with  this  appropiiation,  and  if  he  will  not  1  will 
pay  for  the  bench  myself. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Pine  boards  are  very  high 
now — remarkably  high.  If  that  judge  would 
bring  along  liis  own  bench  we  could  get  along 
very  well  without  this  appropriation;  but  as  We 
have  to  nuike  it  for  him,  we  need  this  money. 

The  amendment  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  offer  the  following  amend- 
ment: 

For  altPiatlons  and  improvements  in  the  Senate  Cham- 
ber and  Hall  of  House  of  Uepresentalives,  to  improve  the 
lighting; and  veiuiluting  thereof,  the  sum  of ,  lobe  ex- 
pended Uiidcr  ihe  joint  direction  of  the  Couunitteesof  tlie 
two  Hou^ii'son  Public  Buildings  and  Grounds. 

I  shall  propose  to  fill  the  blank  with  $50,000  if 
no  other  sum  be  named. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  shall  have 
to  raise  a  point  of  order  on  that  amendment.  It 
is  independent  legislation  on  an  appropriation 
bill. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  should 
like  to  know  upon  what  grounds. 

Mr.  GANSON.     On  public  grounds. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  There  is  authority  for 
the  appropriation. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman 
fjom  New  York  that  there  is  a  joint  committee 
now  investigating  this  subject,  and  perhaps  it 
would  be  belter  to  wait  until  that  committee  re- 
ports. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  Does  that  committoe  propose 
to  report  this  session? 


Mr.  MORRILL.  They  are  now  engaged  in 
the  investigation,  and  have  povv-er  to  rcjiort  at 
this  or  the  next  session.  I  do  not  think  tliey  will 
be  able  to  report  at  this  session,  because  it  is  a 
very  large  subject. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  One  chief  object  I  had  in  view 
in  offering  this  amendment  was  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  members  of  the  House  in  this  way  to 
the  condition  of  these  two  Halls.  I  believe  it  is 
universally  admitted  by  every  person  here  that 
a  very  great  mistake  was  made,  when  this  exten- 
sion was  planted  on  tiiis  beautiful  hill,  that  the 
external  light  and  the  air  of  heaven  were  shut 
out  entirely  from  these  two  rooms;  and  the  sootier 
we  commence  an  improvement,  which  it  is  ad- 
mitted by  all  ought  to  be  made,  the  belter  it  will 
be.  What  that  improvement  ought  to  be  we 
cannot  tell  until  the  matter  has  been  thoroughly 
investigated  by  architects,  but  I  wish  the  House 
now  to  say  that  something  ought  to  be  done-.  I 
hope  that  by  some  vote  on  this  occasion  they 
will  indicate'their  opinion  that  it  is  an  improve- 
ment which  ought  to  be  made.  I  am  not  tena- 
cious aboutany  particular  way.  I  left  my  amend- 
ment in  blank,  saying  tliatl  should  propose  to 
insert  |50,000  if  no  other  amount  should  be 
naitied,  not  that  I  am  informed  that  thatsum  is  ne- 
cessary or  sufiicient,  but  if  expended  judiciously 
it  will  be  tit  least  a  wise  and  judicious  expendi-_ 
ture.  I  should,  therefore,  like  to  have  a  vote  upon 
this  amendment. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  1  belicveitis  almost  univer- 
sally conceded  that  the  ventilation  of  this  Hall  is 
defective;  but  to  make  an  appropriaiion  now, 
without  knowing  at  all  what  we  are  going  to  do, 
whether  to  remove  the  Hall  or  to  make  such 
improvements  as  will  remedy  the  defect  of  luck 
of  venlilaiion,  1  think  would  be  unwise.  I  hope 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  will  be  content  to 
wait  until  the  committee  shall  have  thoroughly 
investigated  the  subject,  as  they  are  endeavoring 
to  do,  and  can  report. 

Mr.  Pruyn's  amendment  was  disagreed  to. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  desire  to  offer 
an  amendment  to  come  in  at  the  end  of  page  3. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  committee  have  passed 
that  point  in  the  bill,  and  it  is  not  in  order  to  go 
back  unless  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     1  object  to  going  back. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  The  amend- 
ment can  be  introduced  in  the  miscellaneous  ap- 
propriations, but  it  would  be  more  appropriate  at 
the  end  of  page  3.  It  would  have  been  introduced 
at  that  stage  of  ilic  bill  but  for  the  fact  that  a 
document  in  relation  to  it  from  the  Light-House 
Board  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  and  I  could  not  procure  it 
at  that  time.  I  hope  the  objection  will  be  with- 
drawn. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  withdraw  the  ob- 
jection now.  I  want  to  get  through  this  bill. 
When  we  liave  passed  through  the  bill  I  will 
not  object  to  the  gentleman's  offering  his  amend- 
ment. 

I  now  offer  the  following  amendment  to  come 
in  on  page  8,  after  line  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
five: 

For  balance  due  the  draughtsman  for  his  services  in 
cliarge  and  continuation  of  the  series  of  maps  ordered  by 
resolution  of  the  4th  May,  1S48,  for  part  oftlie  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30,  1832,  $1,520  38. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  to 
reserve  a  point  of  order  until  1  hear  some  state- 
ment ill  regard  to  that  amendment. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  This  work  was  done  ac- 
cording to  law;  but  there  was  no  appropriation 
made  to  pay  for  it.     That  is  the  whole  case. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  offer  the  following  as 
an  additional  paragraph: 

For  repairs  to  the  bridge  across  the  Potomac  river  at 
Little  Falls  $500,  to  be  expended  under  the  direction  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings,  who  is  hereby  charged 
with  the  care  of  said  bridge. 

This  is  for  the  Chain  bridge,  and  I  will  send  up 
to  be  read  by  the  Clerk  a  communication  from 
the  officer  in  charge  of  it. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Washington,  D.  C,  June  16,  1864. 

Sir:  The  bridge  across  the  Potomac,  near  tlie  Little  Falls, 
(sometimes  called  the  Chain  bridge,)  was  built  under- an 
appropriation  made  by  Congress  on  a  plan  fuiiiished  by 
me,  and  was  in  part  constructed  under  my  superintemlence. 
It  was  finished  about  seven  years  ago,  and  does  not  appear 
to  liave  received  any  attention  since  then.   Its  importance, 


especially  at  this  time,  is  such  tliati  respectfully  big  leave 
to  suggest  and  recommend  Unit  you  should  apjily  id  Con- 
gress tor  an  appropriation  of  $.500  to  meet  the  expense  of 
screwing  it  up  to  its  original  level,  and  for  oilier  necessary 
repairs  of  flooring,  &e. 
Very  respectfuily,  your  obedient  servant, 

GEORGE  THOM, 
Colonel .?.  -D.  C,  and  Major  of  Engineers. 

C.  B.  French,  Esq.,  Commissioner  of  Public  Bnihliiigs. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  This  bridge  is  of  great 
military  importance.  It  was  originally  built  by 
the  Government,  <ind  now  it  is  asked  that  it  be 
placed  in  charge  of  the  Commissioner  of  Public 
Buildings. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  move  toamcnd  theamend- 
ment  by  striking  out  the  words  "  Commissioner 
of  Public  Buildings"  and  inserting  the  words 
"  the  Secretary  of  War."  Judging  from  the  way 
ill  which  this  building  is  taken  care  of  I  think 
that  that  official  has  just  as  much  on  hand  as  he 
Ciin  attend  to,  without  trying  to  extend  his  su- 
pervision.to  outside  lualters. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  All  the  other  public 
buildings  here  are  under  the  charge  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  Public  Buildings,  and  there  is  no 
complaint  that  lliey  are  not  properly  taken  care 
of.  I  trust  the  amendment  to  the  amendment 
will  not  prevail. 

The  question  was  taken  on  Mr.  Schenck's 
amendment  to  the  amendment;  and  it  was  re- 
jected. 

The  question  recurred  on  the  amendment  of- 
fered by  Mr.  Rice,  ofMaine;and  it  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  move  the  following 
amendment,  to  come  in  at  the  end  of  the  last  par- 
agraph: 

To  enable  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  provide  tem- 
porary accommodations  for  the  State  Department,  and  for 
such  of  the  clerks  of  the  Second  Auditor  of  the  'I'rrasury 
as  cannot  be  accommodated  at  Winder's  building,  $10,000. 

I  aslc  to  have  a  letter  read  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury. 
The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Treasury  Depart.ment,  May  S,  1864. 

Sir:  I  transmit  herewith  copies  of  two  communications 
from  llie  su|)ervising  areliilect  of  tlie  Treasury,  uiider 
dates  of  the  3d  and  5tli  instant,  relative  to  the  immediate 
neeessiiy  of  proviiling  accommodations  for  the  State  De- 
partment, ill  ordi'r  thai  tlie  work  upon  the  north  front  of  the 
'J'reasiiry  extension  may  be  proceeded  with. 

You  will  perceive  frcnii  the  correspondence  that  applica- 
tion has  been  made  for  rooms  in  Ihe  Patent  Offiee  building, 
and  also  the  Capitol,  without  success;  and  that  the  State 
Di.'parinient  will  require  an  amount  of  room  nearly  equal 
to  that  contained  in  three  stories  of  the  south  wing  of  the 
Tn^asury  extension. 

Tlie  architect  culls  attention  to  the  fire-proof  building  on 
the  northeast  corner  of  Pennsylvania  avenue  and  Seven- 
leeiitli  street  as  well  adapted  to  ihe  requirements  of  the 
State  Department.  It  is  now  occupied  by  the  quartermas- 
ter's department.  If  this  building  ciiuld  be  obtained  it 
would  not  be  necessary  for  any  of  the  occupants  of  the 
south  wingof  the  Treasury  to  remove  and  seek  aeconmio- 
dations  elsewhere  in  order  to  provide  room  for  the  State 
Department,  as  has  been  proposed. 

1  transmit  also  a  communication  from  the  Second  Aud- 
itor, nigently  representing  the  necessity  for  more  room 
for  the  proper  transaction  of  the  business  of  his  otfice, 
which  isconlinually  falling  behind  for  want  of  a  sufficient 
clerical  force;  and  though  additional  clerks  have  been  au- 
thorized by  Congress  there  is  noaccominodalion  forihem; 
wliile  of  those  at  present  employed  a  considerablo  percent- 
age are  constantly  on  the  sick  list,  owing  to  the  crowded 
condition  of  the  rooms  where  they  are  located,  and  the 
want  of  means  for  proper  light  and  ventilation  ;  and  on  ac- 
count of  these  disadvantages  the  business  of  liie  otfice  is 
still  further  rt^tarded. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  respectfully  request  that  an 
inquiry  be  made  by  Congress  as  to  the  extent  and  distribu- 
tion of  accommodation  for  the  clerical  force  of  the  several 
Departmi'iits,  and  that  such  new  iirrangemeiit  as  may  be 
found  needful  and  adequate  be  made  under  its  direction, 
or  that  authority  be  given  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  hire  such  additional  rooms  as  may  be  required  for  the 
business  of  this  Department,  and  to  make  such  arrange- 
ments as  may  be  necessary  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
State  Department  during  the  building  of  the  north  front  of 
the  Treasury  extension.  Should  the  latter  alternative  be 
preferred,  an  appropriation  of  $25,000  will  be  required. 

As  the  necessity  for  prompt  action  is  urgent,  I  trust  the 
matter  may  be  presented  for  the  early  consideration  of  Con- 
gress. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  S.  P.  CHASE, 

-  Secretary  of  Ihe  Treasury. 

Hon.  J.  ILEiCE,  Chairman  Commillee  on  Public  Buildings, 
House  of  Representatives. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  the  amendment 
was  agreed  to. 

The  paragraph  in  reference  to  the  Potomac 
water-works  having  been  read, 

Mr.  BROOKS  said:  Mr.  Chairman,  I  find  that 


there  are  §150,000  of  appropriations  for  the  Wash- 
ington aqueduct  in  two  dilTerent  forms,  and  I 
avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  say  that  I 
hope  tlic  luuhorities  will  give  to  this  city  purer 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3109 


nnd  clearer  water  ilian  they  liave  been  giving 
heretofore,  and  that  soinc'arraiijrctneiUs  will  be 
made  for  filtering  it. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  to  se- 
cure the  same  object  which  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  has  tnentioned  that  we  have  reported 
this  appropriation.  It  may  not  be  generally 
known  to  members  of  this  House  that  we  have 
tiever  liad  one  drop  of  Potomac  water  come 
through  ihc  aqueduct.  When  that  work  was 
laid  out,  they  commenced  to  build  the  conduit 
pipe  at  both  ends.  About  three  or  four  miles 
from  town  they  built  what  is  called  the  receiving 
reservoir,  by  building  up  a  dam  between  two 
small  hills  where  there  was  a  stream  of  water. 

The  water  vi^e  get  here  comes  from  thatslream. 
It  contains  the  washings  of  the  surrounding  coun- 
try— about  four  thousand  acres  of  arable  land. 
"When  they  came  to  build  the  aqueduct  across  the 
Potomac,  and  ran  it  up  to  theujiperend  of  the  re- 
ceiving reservoir, which  had  been  filled  some  time 
before,  the  water  became  extremely  obstinate,  and 
all  ran  back  to  the  Potomac.  [Laughter.]  The 
reservoir,  from  the  surface  ten  feet  down,  was 
drained  the  moment  the  water  was  let  in.  Jt  all 
flowed  back  to  the  Potomac.  [Laughter.]  Not 
one  drop  of  it  came  tliis  way  after  ihat.  It  be- 
came necessary,  therefore,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
flooding  of  the  Potomac,  [laughter,]  that  a  gate 
should  be  put  in  at  the  upperend  of  the  reservoir, 
which  gate  is  there  now,  and  preserves  the  Po- 
tomac river  from  bein<r  muddied  by  this  aqueduct, 
[laughter,]  but  does  not  protect  us  from  getting 
the  muddy  water  this  way.  What  is  proposed 
here  is  to  begin  above  the  reservon-,  and  make  a 
continuous  pipe  from  there  to  Washington,  avoid- 
ing the  reservoir  altogether,  and  (lultinga  gate  at 
the  lower  end  of  the  reservoir,  so  that  none  of  that 
water  shall  come  here  and  pollute  the  water  of  the 
Potomac. 

Then  we  have  provided  that  in  case  of  fire  we 
can  get  the  addition  of  that  foul  water  to  use  for 
the  purpose  of  extinguishing  fires,  if  there  should 
not  be  enough  coming  through  theconduit.  As  the 
aqueduct  is  now  built,  the  capacity  of  the  pipe 
was  such  that  the  city  would  bo  supplied  with  Po- 
tomac water  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  million  gal- 
lons in  twenty-four  hours.  When  the  cut-dam 
shall  have  been  completed  so  as  to  fill  that  aque- 
duct full,  it  will  furnish,  withoutany  reservoir,  a 
constant  stream  equal  to  fifty  million  gallons  in 
twenty-four  hours.  That  the  committee  deem 
sufficient  for  all  ordinary  purposes.  Leaving  the 
reservoir  for  the  extraordinary  purposes  of  fire, 
we  have  thought  it  best  for  the  present  to  aban- 
don the  work  on  the  distributing  reservoir.  This 
will  give  to  the  city  a  reasonable  amount  of  puie 
water  for  ordinary  purposes,  leaving  the  distribut- 
ing reservoir  to  future  time.  We  found  that  to 
deepen  the  distributing  reservoir  eight  or  nine 
feet,  covering  as  it  does  so  large  a  space,  would 
involve  the  expenditure  of  a  great  deal  of  money. 
We  have  therefore  proposed  to  carry  the  pipe 
around  it  and  connect  it  with  the  pipe  below  as  I 
have  stated.  I  may  say  that  the  entire  work  upon 
the  aqueduct  up  to  this  time  has  ordy  been  about 
$3,000,000. 

The  Clerk  read  the  following  paragraph  to  the 
.bill: 

Botanic  Garilen  : 

For  gradhi^',  dniiiiiiig,  procuring  manure,  tools,  fuel,  nnd 
repairs,  purclnisiiig  trees  and  slirnbs  under  tlie  direction  of 
IheLibraryCouiinitlee  of  Congress,  $3,300. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  move  to  strike 
that  whole  paragraph  out.  i  cannotsee  any  pos- 
sible necessity  for  the  appropriat^ion.  I  believe 
the  plants,  seed,  flowers,  &c.,  of  thegreen-house 
are  appropriated  almost  exclusively  for  tiie  bene- 
fit of  members  of  Congress,  and  I  think  we  can 
dispense  with  them  very  well.  For  one  I  should 
prefer  to  see  these  grounds  laid  out  as  a  handsome 
park  and  planted  with  beautiful  trees,  instead  of 
this  green-house  being  kept  there  for  the  accom- 
modation of  members  of  Congress  and  their  friends. 
1  repeat  that  1  think  we  can  dispense  with  them 
very  well,  and  I  hope  the  flowers  will  be  stricken 
out. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  hope  it  will  be  retained. 
The  gentleman  from  Michigan  I  know  is  a  "-en- 
tleman  of  delicate  tastes,  and  yet  he  firstehdeavorg 
to  deprive  himself  of  music  and  then  of  flow- 
ers. He  is  surely  doing  himself  great  injustice. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  hope  the  gen- 


tleman from  Pennsylvania  will  find  sorne  better 
argument  than  his  delicate  ridicule  of  gentlemen 
who  oppose  appropriations  for  their  su|>port  if 
they  are  to  be  passed.  I  certainly  think  there  is 
no  necessity  wiiatever  for  appropriating  money  to 
keep  up  a  green-house  for  members  of  Congress. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Will  the 
gentleman  state  how  many  bouquets  he  has  re- 
ceived from  thegreen-house  during  this  winter? 
1  should  like  to  have  him  state  what  became  of 
that  great  bouquet!  saw  on  his  desk  the  other  day. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr.'KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  have  had  two 
or  three  bouquets  during  the  winter,  and  I  believe 
every  gentleman  here  is  notified  that  he  can  have 
them  if  he  chooses.  Members  are  also  notified 
in  the  spring  that  they  can  have  a  box  of  plants, 
flowers,  &c.,  which  are  all  very  desirable  no 
doubt;  but  is  it  best  to  make  this  very  consider- 
able aiipropriation  every  year  for  that  purpose.' 
If  we  want  a  green-house  for  national  purposes 
let  us  have  one  on  a  scale  that  will  be  worth  the 
name;  but  rather  than  to  make  this  appropriation 
for  kee]iing  up  this  green-house  every  year  for 
this  purpose,  I  ask  gentlemen  whether  it  would 
not  be  belter  to  have  these  grounds  laid  out  as  a 
park,  in  which  people  may  walk  and  enjoy  them- 
selves if  they  choose? 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  hope  the  chairman  of  the 
Cornmittce  on  the  Library  will  explain  this  mat- 
ter.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  do  not  think  it  needs  any 
explanation.  My  friend  from  Michigan  seems 
to  have  been  bit  by  Holman.      [Laughter.] 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  1  hope  my 
bachelor  tViend  will  not  get  too  facetioiis. 

The  amendment  was  disagreed  to. 

Mr.  FRANK  moved  to  increase  the  appropria- 
tion to  jj5,345  70  in  the  following  paragraph: 

For  pay  of  superintendent  of  botanic  gardi^n,  and  assist- 
ants in  tlie  hotanic  garden  and  gieen-lioiise s,  to  lie  expend- 
ed under  llie  direction  of  tlie  Library  Committee  of  Con- 
gress, ^ofiii  :>o. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  move  to  insert  the  following: 

To  pay  Lewis  I3ol!nian  and  others  for  furnisliiiig articles 
for  the  agricnltural  re[)ort  for  1831,  and  to  pay  tlie  claim  of 
Vilniore,  Andrews  &  Co.  for  acorns  furnished  the  Agricul- 
tural Department,  the  sum  of  $3,704. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  make  the  point  of  order  on 
that  amendme'nt  that  it  is  not  in  pursuance  of  any 
existing  law. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  If  that  be  the  case,  the 
amendment  is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  Before  the  Chair  makes  his  de- 
cision I  wish  to  say  a  word  in  reference  to  the 
amendment  that  I  have  proposed.  It  makes  an 
appropriation  to  pay  for  articles  furnished  in  1861 
for  the  agiicultural  report,  which  has  been  pub- 
lished and  laid  upon  our  desks.  At  that  time  the 
Bureau  of  Agriculture  was  under  the  Commis- 
sioner of  Patents,  and  he  employed  these  men  to 
write  these  articles  for  the  report  for  that  year. 
It  was  done  under  act  of  Congress.  They  were 
to  furnish  these  articles  at  a  price  which  was  fixed. 
In  the  mean  time  the  Bureau  of  Agriculture  was 
taken  away  from  the  Commissioner  of  Patents, 
and  erected  into  a  separate  department  under  a 
Commissionerof  Agriculture.  The  Commissioner 
of  Agriculture  had  no  funds,  and  those  which  the 
Commissioner  of  Patents  had  had  been  expended. 
The  consequence  had  been  that  these  men,  who 
furnished  these  articles  under  contract  with  the 
Commissioner  of  Patents,  and  whose  labor  we 
have  enjoyed  in  the  agricultural  reports  which  we 
have  distributed  throughout  the  country,  have 
gone  ever  since  uncompensated. 

Mr.  WILSON.  This  is  nothing  more  than  a 
private  claim,  and  is  not  in  order  to  an  appropri- 
ation bill. 

Mr.  HALE.  It  is  a  just  and  proper  claim,  and 
one  which  we  ought  to  pay.  I  hold  that  it  is  in 
order  because  it  provides  for  a  deficiency  in  the 
Department  of  Agriculture. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order,  and  rules  the  amendment  out. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Coluniliian  Institution  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  and 
the  Blind  : 
For  salaries  and  incidental  expenses,  embracing,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  objects  heretofore  provided  for  in  this  appro- 
priation, tlie  salary  of  an  additional  teacher,  construction 
of  a  new  sewer,  and  the  construction  and  repairs  of  fences. 
§,'7,500. 


1  move  to  add  to  that  the 


Mr.  STEVENS. 

following: 

For  continuing  the  work  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
students  and  inmates  in  said  inslilution,  in  addition 
to  appropriations  hrreloforo  made  : 
Forthe  purchase  of  a  tract  ol  improved  land,  containing 
about  lhirte(^n  acres,  borih'ring  on  lioundary  street  of  the 
city  of  Washington,  and  adjoining  ilie  lot  now  liilonging 
to  the  institution,  to  enable  it  to  instruct  the  male  pupils 
in  horticulture  and  agriculture,  and  to  Inrnish  sites  for  me- 
chanic shops  and  other  necessary  buildings,  >J2(5,000. 

For  the  erection  of  a  building  to  bo  used  as  mechanic 
shops  for  the  instruction  of  the  pupils  in  useful  labor,  and 
to  furnish  more  convenient  and  healthliil  apartments,  as 
well  for  the  instruction  as  for  the  sleeping  rooms  for  the 
male  pupils,  .$31,44,")  87. 

"To  bring  the  Potomac  water  into  the  institution  from  the 
nearest  water  mains,  or  other  adequate  sources  in  the  city, 
$3,200. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  accommodations  of  that  in- 
stitution are  now  taxed  to  their  utmost.  The  re- 
ception of  deaf  and  dumb  children  was  limited 
to  those  from  certain  districts,  but  the  children 
of  killed  and  wounded  soldiers  in  this  war  are 
taken  wherever  they  may  come  from. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  '  I  make  the  point  that 
there  is  no  law  authorizing  this  appropriation,  and 
that  therefore  it  is  not  in  order  to  this  bill. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  pointofordercomes 
too  late. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  This  institution  has  been 
incorporated  by  Congress,  and  we  have  made  ap- 
propriations for  it  every  year.  This  appropria- 
tion is  for  the  purpose  of  doing  what  we  ought 
to  have  done  long  ago.  I  will  say  further  that 
it  is  under  the  control  of  the  Department  of  the 
Interior  by  express  enactment  of  law. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  am  authorized  to  offer  the 
following  amendment: 

To  enable  the  Commissioner  of  Patents  to  pay  for  car- 
penters' work  done  in  the  west  wing  of  the  Patent  Ofliee 
building,  $5,720  04,  or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  found 
necessary:  Provided,  That  said  work  shall  be  referred  to 
three  commissioners,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Commissioner 
of  Patents,  for  their  inspection  and  measurement. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  That  seems 
to  me  to  be  a  private  claim,  and  therefore  not  in 
order  to  this  bill. 

Mr.  FENTON.  It  is  an  appropriation  author- 
ized under  the  act  of  1857. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  it  were 
authorized  under  that  act  it  could  be  paid  under 
that  act. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  will  ask  the  Clerk  to  read 
the  letter  of  the  Commissioner  of  Patents. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

"  There  was  more  than  a  suflicient  sum  appropriated  to 
pay  the  full  amount  claimed  by  Mr.  Davis,  but  the  surplus 
remaining  over  alter  payment  to  him  went  back  to  the  gen- 
eral fund  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Davis  having  presented  his 
claim  for  payment  to  your  predecessor,  lion.  CaU'b  K. 
Smith.  The  Secretary,  after  careful  personal  examination 
of  the  claim  of  Mr.  Davis,  directed  me  by  letter  to  have 
the  work  done  by  Mr.  Davis  renieasurcd  by  three  practical 
mechanics. 

"  The  measurement  was  intrusted  by  me  to  Messrs.  An- 
gus, Downing,  and  Morsell,  who  were  highly  recommended 
for  competency  and  honesty,  and  who  were  selected  on  my 
own  motion. 

"These  gentlemen  having  been  duly  sworn,  reported  to 
me  that  alter  careful  (examination,  and  making  the  deduc- 
tions by  the  contract,  the  amount  due  Mr.  Davis  was  $17,- 
.596  39,  making  $5,720  04  more  than  had  rbeen  paid  him. 
The  appropriation  asked  for  by  the  Secretary,  In  his  esti- 
mate, was  for  the  payment  of  that  amount,  which,  in  my 
opinion,  is-justly  due  him" 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, of  Illinois.  That  is  evi- 
dently a  private  claim.  It  also  provides  for  com- 
missioners, and  that  is  independent  legislation. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  am  willing  to  strike  out 
that  part  of  the  amendment  which  refers  to  com- 
missioners. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order  that  this  is  a  private  claim,  and  not 
in  order  to  this  bill. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows. 

For  surveying  the  public  lands  in  the  Territory  of  Idaho, 

$15,000. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  move  to  reduce  that 
to  f  10,000,  and  to  add  a  similar  appropriation  for 
Montana  of  $10,000. 

Mr.  WALLACE.  I  trust  the  amendment  will 
notbe  adopted,  for  the  reason  that  no  public  land 
has  been  surveyed  in  Idaho.  The  bill,  as  re- 
ported, only  provides  §15,000  for  surveys  in  that 
Territory  which  has  an  area  larger  than  any  other 
Territory  in  the  United  States,  and,  with  the  Ter- 
ritory of  Montana,  including  an  area  nearly  equal 
to  eight  States  like  Ohio.  That  Montana  should 
have  an  appropriation  equal  to  that  of  any  othei' 


3110 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


Territory  must  strike  the  rnind  of  every  gentle- 
man u[>on  tills  floor;  but  to  reduce  the  appropri- 
ation for  Idaho  striices  mo  as  wrong  in  the  ex- 
treme, and  as  doina:  injustice  to  tlie  people  of  that 
Territory.  For  this  reason,  I  trust  the  amend- 
ment proposed  will  not  be  adopted. 

Mr.  R.ICE,  of  Maine.  I  have  no  ill-will  agains 
Idaho,  and  would  do  anything  I  could  for  her.  I 
moved  the  amendment  becaufie  Montana  was 
omitted,  and  because  Montana  was  carved  out  of 
Idaho  and  should  have  the  benefit  of  a  part  of  the 
appropriation.  As  |J,10,000 only  was  appropriated 
for  some  of  the  other  Territories,  I  supposed  the 
Conimitteo  of  Ways  and  Means  intended  the 
^15,000  for  the  whole  Territory  of  Idaho  before 
iVIontana  was  taken  out.  if  that  is  so,  the  amend- 
ment is  just  and  proper. 

Mr.  VVALLACE.  As  I  understand  it,  the 
proposition  to  organize  the  Territory  of  Montana 
out  of  Idaho  was  before  the  Flouse  before  this  es- 
timate was  submitted  to  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  and  that  the  |il5,000  was  intended  for 
Idaho  exclusive  of  Montana. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  1  would  inquire  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
whether  this  sum  offpl5,000  was  intended  to  cover 
tlie  surveying  for  the  Territory  of  Idaho  exclud- 
ing Montana ' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  was  intended  to  cover  the 
whole  Territory  before  Montana  was  carved  out 
of  it. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  I  now  move  to  insprt  after 
Jine  two   hundred  and  fifty-three  the  following: 

For  sinvoving  tlin  iniblic  lands  in  tlie  Territory  of  Mon- 
tana, $10,000. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WASPIBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  now  move 
to  strike  out  "isiid"  in  line  two  hundred  atid 
twenty-nine,  and  insert  after  "  Idaho"  the  words 
"and  Montana,"  so  as  to  make  the  provision  in 
reference  to  the  general  appropriation  for  surveys 
complete. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  JjROOKS.  I  avail  myself  of  the  oppor- 
tunity in  connection  with  these  appropriations 
amounting  to  nearly  three  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars for  surveying  the  public  layd,  to  say  tliat  I 
hope  that  some  gentleman  from  the  western  States 
or  Territories  will  at  an  early  period  next  session 
of  Congress  introduce  a  l)ill  givitig  all  the  public 
lands  to  the  Slates  and  Territories,  reserving  the 
right  of  Cuiigress  to  insist  upon  our  excellent 
system  of  surveying.  We  are  a  p  propria  ling  large 
sums  of  money  for  these  Territories,  and  we  have 
given  large  portions  of  the  public  lands  away  un- 
der the  homestead  bill,  but  have  taken  back  a 
large  part  under  the  railrdad  and  wagon  road 
grants  which  have  passed  this  Congress;  so  that 
in  point  of  fact  the  whole  [lublic  domain  has  or 
is  about  to  become  of  no  value  to  tiie  people  of 
the  United  States. 

Under  the  ciicumstanccs  it  seems  to  me  the 
wisest  course  wc  can  take  is  to  free  ourselves 
from  this  railroad,  v/agon  road,  and  telegraph 
line  legislation  in  the  Halls  of  Congress,  and 
transfer  it  to  the  States  and  Territories.  If  the 
system  is  to  be  persisted  in — and  I  suppose  it  is 
— of  throwing  away  this  immensely  valuabledo- 
raain,  and  deriving  no  income  from  it  hereafter  to 
assist  in  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  I  am 
quite  disposed  to  second  any  bill,  as  at  present 
advised,  which  may  come  from  the  western  States 
or  Territories,  giving  this  public  domain  to  the 
States  and  Territories. 

Mr.  KINNEY.  I  move  to  amend  by  in- 
Gcrting,  after  line  two  hundred  and  fifty-three, 
"  for  survey  ina;  the  puldic  lands  in  the  Territory 
of  Utah,  $10,000."  My  chief  object  in  offering 
this  amendment  is  to  provide  compensation  for 
surveying  the  Indian  reservations  in  Utah,  which 
by  act  of  the  present  Congress  have  been  vacated, 
ordered  to  be  surveyed  into  subdivisions,  and  sold 
in  fee  simple. 

1  see  by  the  provisions  of  this  bill  appropriat- 
ing money  for  pLiblic  surveys  that  the  Territory 
of  Utah  is  entirely  ignored.  I  cannot  think  it  was 
intentional  on  the  part  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  to  overlook  so  importanta  Territory. 
There  is  no  appropriation  in  this  bill  for  public 
surveys  in  that  Territory ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
in  a  paragraph  on  the  antecedent  page  the  Terri- 
tory of  Uluh  is  excluded  from  any  share  in  tlie 


benefits  of  appropriations  for  surveys  of  the  jiub- 
lic  lands,  wiiile  all  the  other  Territories  of  the* 
United  States  are  provided  for.  Such  seems  to  be 
the  case  from  a  hasty  examination  of  the  bill, 
never  having  seen  it  until  this  moment.  I  cull  the 
attention  of  the-House  to  this  fact, as  1  h.aveupon 
other  occasions  during  the  present  session  wiicn 
that  Territory  has  been  excluded  from  her  just 
share  of  appropriations  for  useful  and  necessary 
purposes,  anda^ain  remind  the  House  that  there 
is  such  a  Territory  as  Utah,  larger  in  population 
and  agricultural  wealth  than  any  other  Territory 
in  the  United  States. 

The  remarks  of  the  distinguished  gentleman 
from  New  York,  [Mr.  Brooks,]  who  hasjust  taken 
his  seat,  that  the  public  lands  should  be  donated 
to  the  actual  settlers  of  our  western  Territories, 
strikes  me  with  much  force.  Such  donations 
would  be  but  an  act  of  justice  to  the  enterprising 
pioneers  who,  as  the  advance  guard  in  civiliza- 
tion, are  forming  migiiiy  Slates  upon  the  western 
confines  of  this  New  World.  Especially  ai'c  the 
people  of  Utah  entilKdin  this  particular  to  the 
most  liberal  legislation.  No  Territory  has  ever 
been  settled  under  as  many  weighty  discourage- 
ments, noiiH  where  the  prospects  for  agriculture 
were  not  more  inviting. 

Oregon,  with  her  rich  valleys,  her  genial  cli- 
mate and  frrtilizing  showers,  was  not  sufficiently 
attractive  lor  settlement,  until,  to  induce  emigra- 
tion. Congress  made  liberal  donations  of  public 
lands  to  actual  settlers,  and  then,  and  not  until 
theti,  did  emigration  take  up  the  line  of  march  to 
that  distant  Territory. 

No  such  encouraging  legislation  or  fostering  care 
has  ever  been  exfended  to  the  people  of  Utah. 
Unaided- by  Congress  they  have  settled  a  desert, 
and  by  their  energy  have  far  outstj-ipped  in  pop- 
ulation and  prosperity  their  more  favored  sister 
Territories.  Manifest  your  appreciation  of  their 
hardships  by  donating  to  the  peojile  the  land  they 
occupy,  which  but  for  them,  I  hesitate  not  to  say, 
would  not  have  been  reduced  to  intelligent  culti- 
vation. 1  therefore  unite  mostheartily  in  the  senti- 
mentexpressed  by  the  gpntieman  from  New  York, 
[Mr.  Brooks,]  and  indulge  the  hope  that  that 
gentleman  will,  at  an  early  day  of  the  next  ses- 
sion, propose  a  bill  and  lend  the  influence  of  his 
great  ability  in  perfecting  a  system  by  which  the 
actual  settlers  of  our  western  Territories  shall 
receive  as  a  free  gift  from  the  Government  the 
lands  of  the  Territories,  not  onlyl'or  agriculture, 
but  for  schools  and  colleges,  public  buildings,  and 
for  purposes  of  general  improvement. 

But,  sir,  there  is  another  point  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  question  under  consideration. 
Congress  has  wisely  provided  a  homestead  law 
for  act.ual  settlers  upon  the  public  lands.  This  law 
can  be  made  available  to  [lersons  in  every  Terri- 
tory in  the  United  States,  except  in  Utah.  Do 
gentlemen  ask  me  hov/  it  is  tliat  the  people  of 
Utah  are  excluded  from  the  benefits  of  this  law? 
I  will  tell  you,  Mr.  Chairman.  In  the  first  place 
there  is  no  land  district  or  kuul  office  in  that  Ter- 
ritory. The  settlers  cannot  make  a  legal  selec- 
tion, or  at  least  cantmt  prefect  a  selection  by  re- 
cording a  description  of  the  land  selected  in  the 
land  office,  for  the  very  potent  reason  that  there 
is  no  office  in  the  Territory  where  it  can  be  done. 
In  the  second  place  the  land  rnust  first  be  sur- 
veyed by  the  Government,  the  township,  section, 
and  quarter  section  lines  established,  before  the 
settler  can  file  in  the  land  office  a  description  of 
the  land  claimed  as  a  homestead.  I^otli  a  land 
office  and  a  Governrnent  survey  are  necessary  in 
order  to  make  the  homestead  law  available.  By 
withholding  an  appropriation  for  a  survey  of  the 
lands  in  Utah,  the  people  are  prevented  from 
taking  the  first  necessary  step  toward  perfecting 
their  inchoate  rights  under  your  v/ise  and  benefi- 
cent homestead  law. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  omission  to  make  sur- 
veys in  Utah  has  been  entirely  for  the  benefit  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Territory.  As  the  gentle- 
man, I  suppose,  is  well  aware,  a  good  deal  of 
money  has  been  expended  heretofore  in  making 
surveys  in  Utah,  and  yet  there  has  never  been  an 
acre  of  surveyed  land  callgd  for. 

Mr.  KINNEY.  I  will  say  to  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  that  lliere  never  has  been  a 
public  land  office  established  in  the  Territory  of 
Utah  so  that  the  people  could  purchase  lands. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  They  take  the  land  just  as 
well  and  rather  better  than  if  it  v/as  surveyed. 


and  it  is  because  we  do  not  v/ish  to  disturb  them 
in  their  peaceful  and  iiarmonious  action  that  this 
omission  has  been  made.  The  note  of  the  Land 
Office  to  ih.e  estimates  states  that  no  eslimati;  is 
submitted  for  Utah  for  the  reason  that  there  ex- 
ists no  demand  for  surveyed  lands  in  Utah  Ter- 
ritory. 

Mr.  WASI-IBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  would  ask 
the  Delegate  from  Utah  if  there  is  no  land  office 
in  the  Territory. 

Mr.  KINNEY.  Not  one;  no  land  oflice  has 
been  established  there,  and  hence  we  can  pur- 
chase IU1  lands. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  We  had  t)elter  establish  a 
land  office  there  before  wc  authorize  any  further 
siu-veys.  Until  that  is  done,  it  would  be  idle  to 
survey  more  land  there.  But  we  cannot  by  this 
bill  establish  such  an  office  there. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  would  ask 
the  Delegate  from  Utah  if  the  people  or  the  Le- 
gislative Assembly  of  his  Tei'ritory  have  ever 
petitioni'd  the  Genera!  Land  Office  to  have  the 
lands  .surveyed  for  the  jiurpose  of  bringing  them 
into  maik't. 

Mr.  KINNEY.  I  am  not  aware  that  they 
have.  Organizing  a  land  district  and  establish- 
ing a  land  office  was  so  reasonable  and  just  that 
it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  they  would 
petition  for  it. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  If  the  peo- 
ple of  Utah  v/ish  to  have  the  lands  surveyed,  iriey 
isave  only  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  attention  of 
the  Lanil  Office  or  of  Congress.  I  think  we  need 
make  no  appropriation  now.  Whenever  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Territory  come  and  ask  to  have  their 
lands  surveyed  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing,  I 
have  no  doubt  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  will  be  very  much  gratified  to 
report  an  appropriktion  to  survey  the  lands. 

Mr.  KINNEY.  Theamount  of  the  appropria- 
tion proposed  in  the  amendment  is  very  small, 
only  ^10,000;  and  the  lands  in  the  vacated  Indian 
reservations  oua:lit  certainly  to  be  surveyed;  they 
cannot  be  sold  until  they  are  surveyed,  and  they 
cannot  be  surveyed  until  Congress  makes  an  ap- 
propriation for  that  jjurpose.  I  do  not  want  to 
press  this  matter  in  opposition  to  the  desire  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means. 
He  informs  me  that  it  is  not  properly  in  order 
here.     I  therefore  withdraw  the  amendment. 

Mr.  McBRIDE.  1  offer  the  following  amend- 
ment, to  come  in  on  line  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
nine,  as  follows: 

PrdfUlcd,  That  in  expending  these  appropriations  the 
Commissioner  of  llic  Land  Oliice  may,  in  iiis  discretion, 
allow  a  snni  not  exceeding  two  dollars  per  mile  in  additioa 
10  the  rate  now  fixed  by  law  for  surveys. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  should  be  very  glad  to 
have  that  done,  but  I  must  raise  the  point  of  order 
th.at  this  is  establishing  a  new  rule  and  changing 
the  law. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  iTiove  to  amend  by  striking  out 
the  clause  appropriating  §300,000  for  continuing 
the  work  on  the  Capitol  extension.  Mr.  Chair- 
man, when  the  deficiency  bill  was  before  the 
House  last  winter,  I  opposed  the  item  appropria- 
ting ^250,000  for  this  Capitol  extension.  1  at- 
tempted to  arrest  the  appropriation,  but  like  al- 
most all  other  attempts  of  the  same  character  I 
have  made,  it  failed.  The  reason  given  for  the 
appropriation  at  that  time  was  that  the  work 
needed  protection,  and  that  if  the  appropriation 
was  not  made  the  building  would  suffer  because 
of  the  unfinished  condition  in  which  it  was.  I 
believed  then  and  believe  now  that  a  much  less 
sum  would  have  been  sufficient  to  protect  the 
work,  and  that  at  least  ;||i225, 000  of  the  appropria- 
tion might  have  been  saved.  Thatappropriation 
was  made,  however;  and  now  we  are  asked  for 
an  additional  sum  of  ^00,000  for  continuing  the 
work  on  the  same  building,  and  the  same  reason 
is  given  for  it  that  was  given  for  the  appropria- 
tion of  !|J250,0G9. 

I  do  hope,  Mr.  Chairman,  notwithstanding  the 
many  exhibitions  of  a  determination  on  the  part 
of  the  House  to  jiass  everything  in  the  shape  of 
appropriations,  that  this  a|)propriation  will  not 
be  made,  and  that  so  much  money  will  not  be  ex- 
pended in  this  work  at  this  time  when  there  are  so 
many  immediate,  pressing  needs  for  the  money. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE.^of  Illinois,  called  for 
tellers  on  t!is  amendment.. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3111 


Tellers  were  ordered ;  and  Messrs.  Blaine,  and 
Washbuhne  of  Illinois,  were  appointed. 

The  coniiniuee  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported 
— ayes  43,  noes  50. 

So  ihe  uniendiiient  was  rejected. 

Mr.  PRICE.  1  move  to  amend  by  striking 
out  the  !)pf>ropriution  of  §500,000  for  the  continua- 
tion of  the  north  wing  of  tiie  Treasury  building. 
I  aslc  for  a  vote  upon  tlie  amendment  without  oc- 
cupying the  time  of  tiie  committee  witli  a  speech. 
1  have  been  charged  with  occupying  much  time 
here  with  speeciies,  but  1  think  the  Globe  will 
show  that  1  occupy  as  little  time  in  that  way  as 
any  member  on  this  floor.  1  make  this  motion 
now  because  I  thinli  it  should  be  sustained,  and 
because  the  money  should  be  applied  to  other 
purposes.  1  offer  the  amendment  in  good  faith, 
and  I  am  only  sorry  that  1  have  not  the  power  to 
put  gentlemen  on  the  record  by  yeas  and  nays  on 
this  question. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  inserting  after  the  word  "  Treasury"  the 
word  "  building,"  so  timt  it  will  read  "Treasury 
building  extension." 

'I'iie  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  LAW.  I  move  to  amendby  inserting  the 
following: 

For  the  einl)ankinent  of  tlio  Oliio  river  on  the  grouiiiis 
of  t!ie  Evaiisville  Marine  Hospital,  (Indiana,)  for  the  pur- 
pose of  preserving  said  grounds  and  liospital  from  being 
injured  tiy  tlie  floods  in  said  river,  .«30,000. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Tliat  is  one  of  the  amend- 
ments tliut  have  been  ruli^d  out  of  order. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  will  state  to  the  gentleman 
that  we  havc>  this  item  in  another  bill. 

Mr.  LAV/.  I  desire  to  show  why  it  should 
be  in  this  bill  rather  than  in  another.  Some  ten 
or  fifteen  years  ago  Congress  appropriated  a  large 
sum  of  money  for  buildinga  hospital  on  grouiUla 
below  Evansville.  The  Govertiment  purchased 
a  square  of  land,  and  appropriated  sixty  or  sev- 
enty lliousand  dollars  in  the  erection  of  buildings. 
Owing  to  tlie  floods  in  the  Ohio  river  every  spring 
the  embankment  in  front  of  the  building  is  giv- 
ing v.'ay;  and  the  result  is  that  while  the  build- 
ing stood  six  hundred  yards  from  the  river  when 
it  was  erected  it  is  now  only  one  liundred  and  sixty 
yards  from  it,  and  the  ground  is  giving  way  more 
and  moi-e  every  spring. 

Mr.  SLOAN.  1  mak^  a  point  of  order  on  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  iVlALLORY.  I  v.-ish  to  state  that  this 
item  does  not  come  within  the  class  of  cases  ruled 
out  of  order.  I  understand  this  to  be  an  appro- 
priation to  preserve  a  public  building  at  Evans- 
ville, Indiana,  constructed  in  pursuance  of  law. 
The  express  ruling  on  the  point  of  order  was  that 
any  appropriation  to  preserve  and  finish  a  build- 
ing was  in  order,  and  was  a  proper  item  in  this 
bill. 

Mr.  LAW.  An  act  of  Congress  was  passed 
and  an  appropriation  made  for  the  building  itself, 
and  I  say  to  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania  tliat 
whatever  is  doiie  to  preserve  it  should  be  done 
quickly;  that  before  the  passage  of  the  bill  to 
which  he  refers  I  am  afraid  one  half  of  the  work 
will  be  destroyed. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  rules  the 
amendment  to  be  out  of  order,  and  he  does  it  on 
his  construction  of  the  following  rule: 

"No  appropriation  sliall  be  reported  in  sucli  general  ap- 
propriation bills,  or  be  in  order  as  an  amendment  thereto, 
tor  any  expenditure  not  previously  authorized  by  law,  un- 
less in.  co[itinuation  of  appropriations  for  such  public 
works  and  objects  as  are  already  in  progress,  and  for  the 
contingencies  for  carrying  on  tlie  severiil  departments  ot 
the  Govon-iiniPnt." 

Mr.  LAW.  It  is  precisely  on  that  rule  that  I 
insist  that  the  amendment  is  in  order. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  It  is;  that  is  the  point  I 
make,  that  there  is  a  law  authorizing  this  appro- 
priation. 

Tlie  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  has  not  been 
able  to  find  any  law,  and  decides  the  amendment 
to  be  out  of  order. 

Mr.  LAW.  I  understood  that  the  point  of 
order  had  been  waived  in  order  to  enable  me  to 
,^ake  an  explanation.  1  think  I  have  a  perfect 
right  to  explain  why  this  appropriation  should 
be  passed  now,  and  1  therefore  ask  the  consent  of 
the  House  to  say  that  for  the  interest  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, as  a  matter  of  economy,  it  is  important 


tliat  the  appropriation  should  be  made  immedi- 
ately, in  order  to  prevent  the  deslruciion  of  the 
whole  property;  and  I  repeat  that  if  it  is  put  ift 
the  bill  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  says  he 
is  about  to  report  that  before  that  bill  will  pass 
and  we  are  able  to  gel  the  money  ]irol)ably  one 
half  of  the  property  will  be  destroyed.  I  under- 
stand the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  to  say 
that  there  is  no  objection  to  the  appropriation, 
and  that  he  has  put  it  in  the  other  bill. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  to 
know  what  question   is  before  the  House. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  There  is  no  quesiion  be- 
fore the  committee.  The  Chair  has  decided  the 
amendment  to  be  out  of  order;  and  the  gentleman 
is  sneaking  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  appeal  from  the  decision 
of  the  Chair. 

Mr.  LAW.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  \fhether  this  appropriation 
is  not  in  the  other  bill  to  which  he  refers. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  is  in  the  bill  which  I  en- 
deavored to  report  on  Saturday,  but  which  I 
could  not  report  except  by  unanimous  consent, 
and  somebody  objected.  We  shall  report  it  the 
first  opportunity  we  get. 

Mr.  MALLORY.'  I  ask  the  committee  to 
allow  me  a  moment  to  explain  mv  appeal. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Oh,  no,  I  think  it  explains 
itself. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  want  to  say  that  I  do  it 
with  great  reluctance,  and  I  would  not  insist  on 
it  at  all  if  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  did 
not  know  the  decision  was  wrong. 

On  sustaining  the  decision  of  ihe  Chair  51  voted 
in  the  atfirmtuive  and  82  in  the  negative;  no 
quorum. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE, of  Illinois,  calledfortell- 
ers. 

Tillers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Mallory 
and  Patterson  were  appointed. 

The  committee  again  divided;  and  the  tellers 
reported — ayes  55,  noes  39. 

So  the  decision  of  the  Chair  ruling  the  amend- 
ment out  of  order  was  sustained. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  desire  to  ask  the  chaiiman 
of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  to  explain 
the  paragraph  ending  line  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight,  making  an  appropriation  of  ^30,000  for  the 
construction  of  vaults  for  the  security  of  the  pul)- 
lic  funds  in  United  States  depositories. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  refers,  1  suppose,  to  the 
sub-Treasuries  or  perhaps  the  national  banks 
designated  as  depositories. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  understand  then  that  tiiis 
appropriation  is  for  the  construction  of  vaults  for 
the  national  banks  which  have  been  desigtiated 
as  depositories.  Now  it  does  seem  to  me  that  it 
is  sufficient  for  us  to  deposit  the  money  of  the 
United  States  with  these  national  banks  without 
building  vaults  for  them.  I  suppose  they  ought 
to  have  vaults  for  themselves  of  their  own. 

Mr.  STEVENS,  These  are  vaults  for  the  sub- 
Treasuries. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  understood  the  gentleman  to 
say  national  ijanks. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  gentleman  knows  that 
there  are  a  good  many  sub-Treasuries  or  deposit- 
ories, and  several  of  them  have  no  safes.  Tliisis 
for  the  [Jurpose  of  providing  safes  for  them. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  only  wish  to  be  informed  in 
reference  to  this  matter.  If  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  have  any  estimates,  I  should 
like  to  see  them.  I  want  to  know  whether  this 
appropriation  is  for  the  construction  of  vaults  in 
banks  which  have  been  designated  as  depositories. 

Mr.  SPEVENS.  Let  this  be  passed  over  for 
the  present. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  agree  to  that. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

For  the  repair  and  preservation  of  eustom-houses,  ma- 
rine hospitals,  and  other  public  buildings  under  thesuper- 
vision  of  tiie  Treasury  Department,  ^0,000. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  move  to  strike  that  out.  It 
is  another  one  of  the  class  of  wandering  appro- 
priations which  we  ought  to  put  a  stop  to.  Here 
is  an  appropriation  of  $40,000  for  custom-houses 
and  murine  hospitals  generally.  No  particular 
custom-houses  or  murine  hospiials  are  specified. 
The  Department  can  spend  tite  money  wJiere  it 
pleases. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  This  is  a 
proper  provision,  which  has  been  in  the  appro- 
priation bill  every  year.     There  are  small  repairs 


to  bo  nmade  in  the  custom-liouscs  and  marine  hos- 
pitals which  are  submitted  lo  the  Treasury  De- 
partment, and  this  appropriation  is  necessary  to 
pay  them  where  they  are  ordered  to  be  made. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  My  friend  seems  to  be  on  the 
wrong  side. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  No,  sir; 
this  is  a  just  and  proper  appropriation;  it  is  the 
usual  apfiropriution. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  It  may  have  been  the  practice 
to  pass  these  wandering  appropriations  within 
the  past  six  years,  but  1  know  that  it  was  not  the 
practice  ten  years  ago.  It  was  then  insisted  that 
appropriations  should  be  specific;  and  loose,  wan- 
dering appropriations  of  this  character  would  not 
be  supported  by  either  side  of  the  House. 

Tlie  motion  was  disagreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  go  back  to  the 
appropi'iation  for  the  construction  of  vaults.  Tlie. 
estimates  areas  follows: 

For  building  vaults,  as  an  additional  security  to  tbepnii- 
lic  funds  in  United  States  depositories,  ,*30,000. 

Mr.  WILSON.  That  is  almost  the  exact  lai,- 
guage  used  in  the  bill.  It  does  not  explain  wlis:, 
these  depositories  are.  I  want  to  know  whetin  r 
any  of  these  vaults  are  to  be  built  in  any  of  tlu 
banks  which  have  been  designated  as  deposito 
ries. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  refers  to  the  depositone.-i 
under  the  sub-Treasury  law. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Some  of  the  national  banks 
recently  established  are  now  in  operation  find 
have  been  designated  as  depositories  of  the  pub- 
lic funds. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Not  under  the  .sub-Treasury 
act. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  not  know  that.  We  have 
obtained  no  information  on  the  subject  from  ilie^ 
estimate  which  has  been  read.  It  is  the  same  as 
the  language  used  in  the  bill.  Now,  unless  we 
have  somi-  further  information  on  the  subject  1 
shall  move  to  strike  the  appropriation  out. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  In^rderto 
make  it  certain  1  move  to  amend  it  so  that  it  will 
read,  for  additional  security  under  the  sub-Treas- 
ury law.      I  liavi'  no  doubt  that  is  what  it  means. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  ought  not  to  be  confimu 
to  that. 

Mr.BOUTWELL.  I  shall  oppose  this  appro- 
priation until  we  know  specifically  where  these 
vaults  are  lo  be  built.  We  had  twenty  depositories 
u  nder  the  iaw  existing  at  the  commencement  of  this 
session,  and  we  had  not  any  intimation  that  there 
wasany  deficiency  in  vaults  for  the  public  money. 
We  know  that  uiider  the  act  of  this  session  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  been  authorized  to 
constitute  various  national  banks  depositories  ot 
the  public  money.  We  know  also  that  the  money 
received  in  payment  of  taxes  is  at  present, against 
my  judgment  and  protest,  deposited  in  these 
banks.  I  am  unwilling  to  appropriate  money  to 
build  vaults  in  these  banks,  and  I  am  unwilling 
to  make  this  aptiropriation  until  we  know  where 
these  vaults  are  to  be  built,  and  whether  they  are 
necessary  or  not. 

The  amendment  of  Mr.  Washburne,  of  Illi- 
nois, was  agreed  to. 

The  question  recurred  on  Mr.  Wilson's  mo- 
tion, and  the  paragraph,  as  amended,  was  stricken 
out. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

For  plates,  paper,  and  special  dies,  and  the  printing  of 
circulating  notes,  and  expenses  necessarily  incurred  in  pro- 
curing said  notes,  including  miscellaneous  items,  $441,250. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  mustavail  myself  of  this  op- 
portunity to  ask  the  chairiTian  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means  one  or  two  questions.  He 
gives  us  an  opportunity  to  discuss  the  bills  that 
he  reports;  but  there  is  another  member  of  that 
committee  who  has  reported  a  bill  which  is  now 
upon  our  tables,  and  who  never  gives  us  any  op- 
portunity for  discussion.  In  that  bill  there  is  an  ap- 
propriation of  iili4,000,000  for  issuing  §400,000,000 
of  Treasury  notes.  1  wish  to  know  whether  this 
nppro|)riation  is  necessary  in  connection  with  that 
5^4,000,000.  I  would  not  press  the  inquiry  now 
if  I  did  not  feel  quite  sure  that  when  tliat  §400,- 
000,000  bill  comes  up  it  will  be  put  through  under 
the  operation  of  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  was  not  aware  that 
$4,000,000  were  appropriated. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  Ills  in  the  eighth  section  of 
House  bill  No.  515,  reported  by  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Hooper.] 


3112 


THE  CONGRESSlOiNAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


Mr.  STEVENS.     It  hns  not  been  passed. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  It  is  to  be  jiassed,  I  fear,  un- 
der the  previous  question. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  When  that  bill  comes  up  I 
hope  the  genileinan  will  liave  an  opportunity  to 
discuss  it. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  hope  the  gentleman  will  give 
me  that  opportunity. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I 
will. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  am  quite  sure  the  gentleman 
will,  but  I  fear  other  gentlemen  may  not. 

Tlie  Clerk  read  the  following: 

For  compensation  of  the  Assistant  Treasurer  at  Pliila- 

delpliia,  $4,000. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  willing  that  should  be 
stricken  out. 

Mr.  HOLM  AN.  It  was  understood  that  that 
shouki  be  stricken  out,  and  I  make  that  motion. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STILES.  I  move  to  amend  by  inserting, 
after  line  three  hundred  and  one,  "  for  additional 
compensation  to  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  p, 000." 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  suppose  a  point  of  order 
should  be  raised  on  the  amendment  of  my  friend. 
I  dislike  to  raise  it  upon  my  friend,  and  against  the 


gentleman  who  is  intended  to  be  benefited 


ly  till 


amendment,  but  1  must  insist  u|ion  my  ol)jection 
to  this  mode  of  legislation.  My  point  is  that  the 
amendment  increases  the  compensation  of  this 
officer,  and  hence  is  changing  an  (^xistino;  law. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order,  and  rules  out  the  amendment. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Massachusetts.  I  move  to  amend 
by  inserting  after  line  three  hundred  and  one  the 
following: 

For  payment  ofsalaries  for  additional  clerks  in  tlie  Navy 
Department  lor  tlie  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 18(55,59,800. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RICE, of  Massachusetts.  I  move  to  amend 
by  inserting  after  the  last  amendment  the  fol- 
lowing 

To  compensate  persons  on  lioard  tlie  United  Slates  gun- 
boat CinciiinaU,  in  aecoidaiice  witli  llie  joint  resolution 
approved  February  19,  1834,  $7,2J0. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

'  Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  move  to  amend 
by  inserting  after  line  three  hundred  and  three 
the  following: 

For  compensation  to  the  stamp  clerk  in  the  olTice  of  the 
Assistant  Treasurer  at  San  Francisco,  $2,400,  or  so  much 
thercot'as  may  be  necessary. 

When  the  law  providing  for  the  stamping  of 
instruments  went  into  effect  the  Government  fur- 
nished that  oflicerall  the  stamps  to  be  used  in  that 
country.  He  had  to  sell,  distribute,  and  dispose 
of  them.  It  was  throwing  a  new  burden  on  him, 
and  it  became  indispcnsable.to  employ  an  addi- 
tional clerk  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  ac- 
counts in  connection  with  that  branch  of  business. 

Mr.WASHBURNE, of  Illinois.  Asit  is  about 
time  to  take  a  recess,  I  move  that  tlie  committee 
rise. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

So  the  committee  rose;  and  the  Speaker  having 
resumed  the  chair,  Mr.  Pike  reported  that  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
had,  according  to  order,  had  the  state  of  the  Union 
generally  under  consideration,  and  particularly 
the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  527)  making  appropriations 
for  sundry  civil  expenses  of  the  Government  for 
the  year  ending  the  30ih  of  June,  1865,  and  iiad 
come  to  no  resolution  thereon. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  hour  of  half  past  four 
o'clock  having  arrived,  the  House,  according  to 
order,  will  take  a  recess  until  half  past  seven 
o'clock. 

The  House  took  a  recess  accordingly. 

EVENING  SESSION. 

The  House  reassembled  at  half  past  seven 
o'clock  p.  m. 

IIESERVATIONS  IN  WASHINGTON. 
Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  by  unanimous 
consent,subiriit  ted  the  folio  wing  resolution;  which 
was  read,  considered,  and  agreed  to: 

Resoloed,  That  the  ("omniitli'e  tor  llie  Di^trieto^(;olum- 
bia  be,  and  Iliryari^  lieirliy,  instiueted  toase<Mtain  by  what 
nutliurity  or  claim  iIutimiI  tlie  public  reservati(nis.  streets, 
e.nU  avenues  of  liiij  cily  of  VVaslimgton  aredevoted  to  cor- 
porate or  Individual  u^es,  and  what  legislation,  if  any,  is 
.eccsBaryto  preioivo  anU  purpctuale  such  riisorvutions, 


streets,  and  avenues,  to  the  uses  and  purposes  for  which 
they  were  originally  intended,  and  lo  report  by  bill  oroth- 
•eiwisc;  and  for  Ihe  purposes  of  this  resnlution,  said  com- 
mittee are  lien^by  aiilhoiizeil  anil  empowered  ti>  send  for 
persons  and  papers  and  ailminister  oaths,  and  do  and  per- 
form such  Oilier  acts  and  things  as  may  be  necessary  and 
proper  ill  the  premises. 

COMMUTATION,  ETC. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Among  the  reports  to  be 
made  to-morrow  by  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  is  one  in  relation  to  commutation,  substi- 
tution, &c.  I  desire  to  have  the  l)ill  printed  and 
recommitted  to  the  committee,  so  that  the  House 
may  see  what  it  is. 

Mr.  BPcOOKS.  I  object  to  that  unless  I  can 
have  some  understanding  as  to  whether  this  bill 
is  to  be  put  through  to-morrow  under  the  previous 
question. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  That  depends  upon  the  dis- 
position of  llie  House.      " 

Mr.  BROOKS.  Docs  the  gentleman  propose 
to  pass  the  bill  without  any  discussion.? 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  suppose  the  House  will 
understand  tlioroughly  what  the  measure  is. 

Mr.  BROOKS.     Well,  1  object. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  move  In  suspend  the  rules 
for  the  purpose  of  reporting  the  bill  with  a  view 
to  have  it  recommitted  and  printed. 

The  question  was  put  on  the  motion  to  suspend 
the  rules,  and  there  weic — ayes  21,  noes  6;  no 
quorum  votiiiii'. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  1  would  certainly  desire  to  see 
that  bill  in  print,  but  if  it  is  to  be  put  through,  after 
an  explanation  from  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs,  and  without  any  dis- 
cussion of  It  on  the  other  side,  or  any  proper  un- 
derstanding of  it,  I  would  rather  have  it  put 
through  without  printing. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.     1  wiihdiaw  my  motion. 

CALIFOIINIA  STATE  PllISON. 

Mr.  HIGBY.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent  of 
the  House  to  take  fr^m  the  Speaker's  table  bill  of 
the  Senate  (No.  306)  to  grant  to  the  Stale  ofCul- 
ilornia  certain  lands  for  State  |U'ison  purposes. 

No  objection  was  made;  and  the  bill  was  taken 
from  the  Speaker's  table  and  read  a  fust  and 
seconil  time. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  Will  the  gen- 
tleman from  California  explain  the  gi'ounds  on 
which  he  asks  the  passage  of  this  bill? 

Mr.  HIGBY.  These  grounds  are  adjacent  to 
the  State  prison  of  oyr  State,  and  the  object  is  to 
secure  the  title  in  the  lands  to  the  State. 

Mr.  Bl'vOWN,  of  Wisconsin.  Are  there  any 
opposing  claims  to  the  land.' 

Mr.  HIGBY.  These areprotecled  by  this  bill. 
There  are  no  grants  there. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  Then  I  have 
no  objection  to  the  bill. 

TIk!  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  and  it 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  HIGBY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay 
the  motion  to  i-econsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

TUB  PUBLIC  I'lUNTING. 

Mr.  A.  W.  CLARK,  from  the  Committee  on 

Printing,  reported  back,  with  a  recommendation 
that  it  do  pass,  bill  of  the  Senate  No.  265,  to  ex- 
pedite and  regulate  the  printing  of  public  docu- 
ments, and  for  other  purposes. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  and  it 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  A.  W.  CLARK  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed  ;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

WILLIAM  YOCUM. 

Mr.  WILSON,  from  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary,  by  unanimous  consent,  submitted  a 
written  report  in  response  to  the  resolution  of  the 
House  iiistructing  the  committee  to  inquire  into 
and  report  all  the  facts  connected  with  the  alleged 
trial,  imprisonment,  and  pardon  of  William  Yo- 
cum,  of  Illinois,  and  his  detention  in  prison  after 
his  pardon.  , 

The  report  was  laid  on  the  table,  and  ordered 
to  be  printed. 

MISCELLANEOUS  Al'PUOPUIA'^lOM  BII-L. 
Mr.  STEVENS,  from  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  reported  a  bill  making appropriationa 


s  not  a  general 


for  certain  miscellaneous  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment for  th(^  year  ending  SOih  of  June,  1865; 
which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time  by  its 
title,  referrrd  to  i-he  Coirimittce  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  would  like  to  have  Friday 
next  fixed  for  the  consideration  of  this  bill.  It 
will  take  only  about  half  an  hour. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.    Thi 
appropriation  bill;  and  I  must  object 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  think  theie  is  nothing  in 
the  bill  to  which  anybody  can  object. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  dislike  to  object,  and 
I  hope  that  the  gentleman  will  not  press  the  mo- 
tion that  the  bill  shall  be  made  a  special  order. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  give  notice  then  that  1  will 
call  it  up  on  Thursday  or  Friday  next. 

NAVY-YARD  EMPLOYES. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania,  by  unani- 
mous consent,  introduced  ;i  joint  resolution  con- 
cerning the  employes  at  the  United  States  navy- 
yards;  which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time.         j 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.     What  does  the     j 
gentleman   propose  to  do  with   that  joint  resolu- 
tion .' 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  propose  to 
put  it  on  its  passage. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.     1  object. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Then  1  move 
that  it  be  referred  to  the  Committeeon  Naval  Af- 
fairs. 

The  motion  was  agreed  lo. 

Mr.  O'NEILL,  of  Pennsylvania,  by  unani- 
mous consent,  submitted  the  following  resolution  j 
which  was  read,  considered,  and  agreed  to: 

Rcsoli-ed,  That  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  be  re- 
quested to  examines  into  the  expediency  of  repealing  all 
laws  or  parts  of  laws  whieli  require  at  stated  periods  the 
regulation  ami  fixing  of  the  rate  of  pay  of  the  mechanics, 
workmen,  and  other  employes  in  the  dilferent  navy  yards 
according  to  ihe  rates  paid  in  private  ship  yards,  workshops, 
or  establishments  where  niechaiiical  or  otht'r  labor  is  em- 
ployed, ill  the  neighborhood  of  llu!  respective  navy-yards; 
and  10  ri'portat  an  early  day  liy  bill  or  otherwise, 

YOUNG  MUN's  ClIUISTIAN  ASSOCIATION. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  by  unanimous 
consent,  introduced  a  bill  to  incorporate  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association;  which  was  read  a 
first  and  second  time,  and  referred   to  the  Com-    .4 
mittee  for  the  District  of  Columbia.  '| 

INSURRECTIONARY  STATES. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  1  ask  unanimous  consent  to 
pre.sent  the  folio  wing  joint  resolution,  which  1  will 
agree  to  postpone  that  it  may  be  printed: 

Ri.'so!ccil  hy  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rejirescnlatincs  of 
Ihe  United  Stales  of  .limerica  in  Congress  usseinhlcd.  That 
when  the  inhabitants  of  any  State  liave  lieen  declared  in 
a  state  of  insurrection  against  the  United  States  by  procla- 
mation of  thePresideiil,  by  force  and  virtue  (dlheaetenti- 
tled  "An  act  further  to  provide  for  the  colleetion  of  duti(^s 
on  imports,  and  for  other  purposes."  approved  July  13, 16i)l, 
they  shall  bo,  and  are  hereby,  declared  to  Ix^  incapable  of 
casting  any  vote  forcdectors  of  President  or  Vice  President 
of  the  Uniled  States,  or  of  electing  Senators  or  Represent- 
atives in  Congress,  until  said  insurrection  in  said  Stale  is 
suppressed  or  abandoned,  and  said  iiihtihitants  have  re- 
turned to  their  ohedience  to  the  Constitution  and  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  nor  until  sueh  return  to  obedi- 
ence shall  in:  declared  by  proclamatimi  of  the  President, 
issued  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  Congress  authorizing  the 
same. 

Mr   DAWES.     1  object. 

GIFT  OF  SOLDIIORS'   WEAPONS. 

Mr.  MILLER,  of  New  York,  l>y  unanimous 
consent,  sub  nil  tied  the  folio  wing  resolution;  which 
was  read,  considered,  and  agreed  to: 

Resolrcd,  That  tlie  Committeeon  Military  Affairs  be  in- 
structed to  inquire  into  the  justice  and  expediency  of  pro- 
viding hy  pro|)er  legislation  that  every  soldier  in  the  mili- 
tary service  of  the  Unit<(l  States  who  shall  keep  in  his 
possession  during  his  term  of  service  his  musket,  rifle, 
sword,  or  carbine,  without  ever  losing  or  surrendering  the 
same,  shall  on  his  hoiKuablc  discharge  be  presented  with 
such  weapon  as  a  teslimony  of  valor  and  patrioiism  for 
himself,  and  a  most  precious  lieir-loom  for  his  family,  and 
that  said  committee  have  leave  lo  report  by  bill  or  other- 
wise. 

FINAL  ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to 
otTer  the  following  resolution: 

Resolrcd,  That,  the  two  Mouses  of  Congress  being  unable 
to  agree  up(Ui  the  time  of  adjournment,  the  President  be 
requested  to  adjourn  them  lo  such  time  as  he  shall  think 
proper,  that  time  not  extending  beyond  Ihetirsl  IMondayof 
next  December. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  object;  and  I  now  move 
that  the  rules  be  suspended  and  the  House  re- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3113 


solve  iiself  into  tlio  Commiitee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  ihe  Union. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  House  aceoidingly  resolved  itself  into  the 
Commiitee  of  the  Wiiole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union,  (Mr.  Piicis  in  the  chair,)  and  resumed  the 
consideration  of  the 

CIVIL  APPROPUIATION  BILL. 

The  CHAIilMAN  stated  the  pending  question 
to  be  on  the  following  amendment: 

For  cdinpciisatidti  to  the  stamp  clerk  in  the  office  of  the 
Assisliitit  'I'ru.isincM'  at  Sun  Francisco,  $2,400,  or  so  mucli 
tliercof  as  ni:iy  lie  nifccssary. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  Mr.  Chairman, 
when  the  law  passed  requiring  stamps  to  be  af- 
fixed to  all  instruments,  they  were  issued  and  sent 
to  the  Assistant  Treasurerof  the  United  Statesat 
San  Francisco,  and  the  duty  was  devolved  upon 
liiiij  to  dispose  of  them.  This  rendered  it  neces- 
sary for  him  to  employ  a  stamp  clerk,  for  whose 
payment  there  has  been  as  yet  no  provision  of 
law.  This  appropriation  is  for  the  payment  of 
that  clerk,  and  I  hope  it  will  be  passed. 

I  will  state,  for  the  information  of  members, 
that  the  Assistant  Treasurer  at  San  Fwincisco  is 
also  superintendent  of  the  mint,  and  he  is  bur- 
dened with  business  perhaps  more  than  any  other 
officer  of  the  Government.  When  this  extra  duty 
was  imposed  u|)oii  him  it  was  necessary  for  him 
to  employ  a  cli'rk,  and  that  clerk  ought  to  be  paid. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  reserved 
a  point  of  order  on  this  amendment.  1  ask  that 
it  be  again  read. 

The  amendment  was  again  read. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  desire  to  say  that  when 
the  business  of  taxing  by  stamps  first  commenced 
there  were  no  parlies  in  California  to  whom  the 
stamps  could  be  properly  sent  for  distribution  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  and  a  special  law  was  passed  in 
order  to  give  the  people  of  California  an  opportu- 
nity to  purchase  the  stamps  required  to  be  used 
in  their  business,  designating  this  officer  to  receive 
them.  I  suppose  it  was  really  necessai-y  for  him 
to  employ  a  clerk  and  that  this  amendment  was 
proper. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Upon  the  point  of  order  I 
desire  to  say  that  under  the  rule  any  amendment 
that  may  be  necessary  for  that  purpose  is  in  or- 
der.    This  is  an  amendment  for  that  purpose. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
question  of  order.      y 

The  amendment  was  adopted. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  now  move  as 
an  independent  section  or  paragraph  if  necessary, 
in  order  to  make  it  in  order,  an  amendment  mak- 
ing provision  for  continuing  the  light-house  works 
at  Racine  and  Milwaukee.  The  amendment  would 
more  properly  come  in  on  the  3d  page,  if  there 
be  no  objection,  although  it  is  in  order  here.  1 
submit  the  following: 

For  completing  the  liglit-house  works  at  Milwaukee,  in 
acldilionto  loniiiT  appropriations,  $12,287  26. 

For  complRtiiig  tin;  liglit-liouse  works  at  Kacine,  in  ad- 
dition to  Ibinier  appropriations,  $21,335  28. 

I  now  call  for  the  reading  of  a  communication 
from  the  Light-House  Board. 
The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Treasury  Department, 
Office  of  the  Liuht-IIouse  13oard, 
Washington,  ^pril  12,  1804. 

Sir:  In  compliance  with  y6ur  oral  request,  I  transmit 
herewith  copies  ol  tlie  estimates  of  amounts  of  appropri- 
ation required  to  complete  the  light-house  works  at  Ra- 
cine and  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin. 

These  estimates  are  approved  by  the  Liglu-Honse  Board, 
and  It  IS  hoped  that  the  a|ipropriations  may  he  speedily 
made. 

Very  respectfully,  W.  B.  SHUBRIGK, 

Ti        T  T.   1%  Chairman. 

Hon.  J.  R.  Doolittle,  United  States  Senate. 

Estimate  for' completing  work%  at  Milujaukce,  Wisconsin. 
Estimate    for    ten    cribs    to    form    the  piers    of   protec- 

t.im  ......     $44.905  78 

iMiundation  ot  tower  ami  dwelling 4  58)  ]6 

'J'ools  and  appliances,  including  screws  and'pilu        ' 

driver «i  <ns  i- 

Keeper's  dwelling  and  tower  on  top 8  000  00 

r,   ,  ,  $62,976  11 

Deduct  present  value  ot  timber,  &c.,  on  hand 
Ihe  balance  of  the  appropriation  of  June  21)' 
I860,  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Light-House 
engineer,  and  the  balance  still  in  the  Treasury   50,688  85 

Additional  amount  required  to  be  appropriated.  $12,287  26 


Estimate  of  amount  required  for  coinplelion  of  light-house 
aiitl  jiicr  at  liat.ine. 

For  ten  cribs  to  form  piers  of  protection $38,477  97 

For  screw  bolts 363  00 

For  louiidalicm  of  dwelling  ami  tower 3,658  10 

For  tools  and  appliances 2,935  68 

For  keeper's  dwelling  with  tower 8,000  00 

$53,434  75 
Deduct  present  value  of  materials  on  hand,  and 
workmanship  and  labor  performed,  to  include 
September 30, 1863,  balance  in  hands  *" Light- 
Ilous(>  engineer  at  that  date,  and  also  the  bal- 
ance in  the  Treasury  of  the  ajipropriation  of 
June  20,  1860,  for  this  work 32,099  47 

Additional  amount  required  to  be  appropriated 
according  to  present  plan $21,335  28 

There  being  no  objection,  the  amendment  was 
adopted  and  inserted  after  the  fifty-fourth  line  on 
page  3. 

Mr.  FIALE.  I  move  to  add  the  following  as 
a  new  section: 

Sec. — .  ./ind  he  it  further  enacted.  That  the  proper  ac-. 
counling  officers  of  the  Treasury  be,  and  they  are  hereby, 
authorized  to  allow  the  clerk  in  the  Treasury  Department 
who,  outside  of  his  stated  duties,  prepares  the  annual  esti- 
mates ofappropriations,  the  sum  of$250  per  annum  foreacli 
year  tliat  iie  has  performed  the  work,  and  the  amount  ne- 
cessary to  pay  the  same  is  hi'reby  approprialed  out  of  any 
money  in  the  Treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
That  amendment  provides  for  new  legislation. 
There  is  no  law  authorizing  the  payment  of  this 
money  that  I  know  of. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  undci-stand  that  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  will  go  for 
this  amendment. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  notknow  anythingabout 
that,  but  the  appropriation  is  not  in  pursuance  of 
existing  law,  and  i  raise  the  question  of  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  It  is  in  order,  and  in  pursuance 
of  law.  The  law  requires  this  work  to  be  done 
and  this  is  an  appropriation  to  pay  for  it. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
question  of  order,  and  decides  the  amendment  to 
be  out  of  order. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  move  to  add  the  fol- 
lowing as  a  new  section: 

Sec. — .  And  lie  it  further  enacted ,  That  the  compensa- 
tion of  the  clerk  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
shall  be  $2,160  per  annum,  to  commence  wilh  the  present 
Congress,  and  that  such  an  amount  as  shall  be  found  neces- 
sary be,  and  hereby  is,  approprialed. 

Mr.  WILSON.     How  long  is  that  to  last.' 

Mr.  PENDLETON.     Till  otherwise  ordered. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  object  to 
that  if  it  is  to  extend  beyond  this  Congress.  If 
the  gentleman  will  so  modify  his  amendment  as 
to  confine  it  to  this  Congress,  I  will  not  object; 
otherwise  I  shall  make  the  point  of  order  that  it 
is  new  legislation. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  shall  be  under  the  necessity 
of  raising  a  question  of  order  unless  the  amend- 
ment can  be  so  modified  as  lo  include  the  clerk  of 
the  Committeeof  Elections  at  $1,800  a  year. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  If  there  be  no  other  ques- 
tion of  order  except  that  raised  by  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Washburne,]  I  will  accept  the 
modification  proposed  by  him. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  shall  certainly  raise  a  ques- 
tion of  order  unless  the  gentleman  will  put  in  the 
clerk  of  the  Committee  of  Elections  at  $1,800  a 
year.  I  make  the  proposition  in  good  faith,  and 
hope  the  gentleman  will  accept  it. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Well,  sir,  I  shall  make  a 
point  of  order  upon  the  amendment  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Dawes,]  unless 
the  clerk  of  the  Commiitee  on  Military  Affairs  is 
also  included  at  $1,800  a  year. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  Has  not  the  Committee 
on  Military  Aifairs  had  a  clerk  at  $1,800  a  year 
during  the  whole  session.' 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  No,  sir;  but  the  duties  are 
very  heavy,  and  he  ought  to  be  paid  that  com- 
pensation. 

Mr.  DAWES.  The  duties  of  the  clerk  of  the 
Committee  of  Elections  during  the  present  ses- 
sion have  been  very  important;  there  is  no  com- 
miitee in  the  House  which  has  had  more  arduous 
or  continued  labors  to  perform. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  submit  to  the  Chair 
that  these  questions  of  order  are  not  debatable. 

Mr.  DAWES.  1  raise  the  point  of  order,  and 
will  insist  upon  it,  unless  the  concession  be  made 
to  these  two  clerks  of  committees. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  gentleman  cannot 
raise  a  conditional  point  of  order. 


Mr.  DAWES.  Then  I  make  it  uncondition- 
ally. I  do  not  desire  to  interfere  with  what  is  a 
fair  compensation  for  the  clerk  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means;  at  the  same  time  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  should  yield  to  these 
two  other  committees. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  The  question  is  not  de- 
batable. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  withdiaw  the  point  of  order, 
and  will  trust  to  the  House  to  permit  this  amend- 
ment to  be  offered  for  these  two  clerks  of  com- 
mittees. I  move  to  amend  by  inserting  $1,800  for 
the  clerk  of  the  Commiitee  of  Elections. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  desire  to  know  if  the 
point  of  order  is  withdrawn. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  It  has  been.  The  ques- 
tion is  now  on  the  proposition  of  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio.  Has  he  modified  it  according  to  the 
suggestion  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  [Mr. 
Washburne?] 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  prefer  not  to  modify  it. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  understands 
that  thereis  no  point  of  order  made  on  the  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  raise  apointof  order  on  the 
amendment  to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  DAWES.  My  amendment  is  that  the 
clerk  of  the  Committee  of  Elections  and  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  shall  be  paid  for 
this  Congress  a  salary  of  $1,800. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  I  will  accept  that  amend- 
ment provided  there  be  no  point  of  order  made 
on  it. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  A  point  of  order  is  made 
by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  [Mr.  Wilson.] 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  It  is  madeon  the  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  WILSON.     Yes,  sir.  « 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  If  agreeable  to  the  gen- 
tleman from  Iowa  I  will  accept  the  amendment, 
otherwise  I  will  not. 

The  CHAIRMAN.     The  original  amendment 
is  received,  not  being  objected  to.     The  amend- 
ment to  it  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts   [Mr.  Dawes]  is    objected   to;  and  the. 
Chair  sustains  the  point  of  order. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Before  the  vote  is  taken  on 
the  amendment  1  desire  to  say  that  my  colleague 
is  mistaken  in  regard  to  the  state  of  facts  as  to  the 
clerk  of  the  Commitieeon  Military  Affairs.  Ow- 
ing to  the  immense  amount  of  work  thrown  on 
that  committee  and  its  clerk,  I  proposed,  at  an 
early  period  of  the  session,  to  increase  the  com- 
pensation of  the  clerk  lo  $1,800  per  annum,  being 
the  sum  which  was  then  and  is  now  paid  to  the 
clerk  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and 
to  some  two  or  three  other  clerks  of  committees. 
The  objection  was  made  that  that  was  too  much. 

What  is  not  enough  now  for  the  clerk  of  the 
Commiitee  of  Ways  and  Means  was  then  es- 
teemed too  much  for  the  cleric  of  the  Commiitee 
on  Military  Affairs.  We  had,  therefore,  to  get 
the  best  we  could,  and  the,  salary  was  reduced, 
because  of  that  objection,  to  a  per  diem  payment 
amounting  to  much  less  than  $1,800  for  the  year, 
to  be  paid  only  during  the  session.  Thalclerkis 
allowed  nothing  except  while  Congress  is  in  ses- 
sion, which,  for  the  short  session,  is  only  about 
ninety  days — and  at  a  per  diem.  We  esteemed  it 
unfair,  but  it  was  the  best  we  could  get.  If  the 
salary  of  the  clerk  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  is  to  be  now  increased  to  a  sum  so  much 
beyond  what  he  was  then  receiving,  I  deem  it  not 
unfair  to  ask  for  the  clerks  of  these  other  com- 
mittees what  was  thought  too  little  for  the  clerk 
of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  We  only 
ask  for  them  now  what  the  clerk  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means  has  been  all  along  receiving. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  desire  to  state  that  it  is  ab- 
solutely necessary  that  there  shall  be  prepared  a 
digest  of  contested-election  cases  since  1834;  and 
I  submit  that  gentlemen  should  withdraw  any 
objection  to  a  reasonable  allov/ance  to  the  clerk 
of  the  Commiitee  of  Elections  for  preparing  that 
digest. 

Ml-.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Rather 
than  agree  lo  the  proposition  of  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  in  that  sb.ape,  I  suggest  that 
it  shall  be  put  in  another  shape  which  will  ac- 
complish the  same  end.  I  think  this  digest 
should  be  made,  and  that  there  should  be  a  small 
sum  allowed  to  the  party  preparing  it. 


3114 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  20, 


Mr.  DAWES.  I. should  be  very  glad  to  adopt 
that  suggestion  if  I  knew  w/hat  was  a  reasonable 
sum.  If  the  gentleman  has  any  knowledge  of 
what  v/ould  be  a  reasonal)le  sum  I  should  be  glad 
to  hear  it  named.  The  last  digest  was  made  up 
to  only  1834.  Previous  to  that  it  made  a  vol- 
ume equal  to  Brightley's  Digest;  and  since  that 
no  digest  has  been  made. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  think  $500 
would  pay  him  well. 

Mr.  DAWES.  1  think  a  sum  not  exceeding 
^1,000  would  be  right. 

The  CFIAIRM  AN.  The  question  is  upon  the 
amendmentproposed  by  thegentleman  from  Ohio. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.SCHENCK.  What  became  of  the  amend- 
ment to  tlie  amendment? 

The  CHAIRMAN.     It  was  not  received. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  move  to  reconsider  the 
voteby  wiiich  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  That  motion  is  not  in 
order. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  amend  by  insert- 
ing, after  line  three  hundred  and  three,  the  follow- 
ing aa  a  new  paragraph: 

For  cDinpeiisatioii  of  clerks  and  extra  clerk  liiro,  In  ad- 
dition to  that  alreiidy  appropriated,  in  Uie  office  of  llie  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  §'100,000. 

Perhaps  this  amendment  deserves  some  expla- 
nation, as  it  appropriates  a  large  sum.  On  the 
20th  of  last  month  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
wrote  to  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  say- 
ing that  $100,000  was  necessary  for  this  purpose; 
and  we  inserted  in  the  legislative  bill,  I  believe, 
an  appropriation  of  $100,000,  which  was  then 
supposed  to  be  sufficient  for  the  increasing  busi- 
ness of  the  next  fiscal  year.  On  Saturday  last  we 
received  another  letter  from  the  Secretary  in  which 
he  says  that  he  requested  of  the  Committee  of 
V7ay^  and  Means  an  appropriation  of  $100,000 
for  compensation  of  clerks  and  extra  clerk  hire,  in 
addition  to  the  amount  previously  estimated  for; 
that  he  is  now  convinced  that  that  sum  will  not 
be  adequate  to  the  requirements  of  the  Depart- 
ment under  the  continual  and  rapid  increase  of 
business  in  its  several  branches.  He  states  that 
tlie  several  bureaus  have  indicated  the  necessity 
of  an  addition  to  their  presentforce,  which  would 
require  in  the  aggregate  an  expenditure  of  about 
$150,000  during  the  next  fiscal  year. 

1  think  we  have  already  appropriated  $100,000 
in  u  previous  bill,  and  under  that  impression  1 
now  offer  an  amendment  to  appropriate  $100,000 
more.  If  it  should  turn  out  that  we  have  nonap- 
propriated $100,000  1  shall  ask  hereafter  to  in- 
crease this  amount. 

Mr.  GANSON.  I  would  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  whether  there  is  any  explana- 
tion by  the  Department  why  on  the  20th  of  May 
last  tbey  thought$100,000  would  be  sufficient,  and 
on  the  iSth  of  June  they  find  out  that  $150,000 
more  is  necessary?  It  is  a  very  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  Secretary  states  that 
he  has  since  received  reports  from  all  the  heads 
of  bureaus  showing  that  business  is  increasing  to 
such  an  extent  that  $150,000  more  will  be  neces- 
sary. I  think  we  have  already  appropriated 
$100,000, and  have  now  moved  an  additionalsum 
of  $100,000,  thinking  that,  perhaps,  may  be  suf- 
ficient. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  would  like  to  know  under  what 
law  this  appropriation  is  asked.  I  was  ruled  out 
of  order  just  now  in  offering  an  amendment  to 
appropriate  $3,000  to  pay  a  debt  of  the  Agricul- 
tural Department.  The  Agricultural  Department 
is  established  by  law,  as  much  as  the  Treasury 
Department. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  There  is  an  express  pro- 
vision that  any  amendment  necessary  to  carry  on 
the  Department  is  in  order.  I  am  sure  my  friend 
would  not  olqect  because  he  was  ruled  out. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  merely  wished  to  know  what 
the  diirereiico  is.  There  is  a  difference  in  the 
amount,  I  know,  but  I  do  not  knowof  any  other 
difl'ereiMie. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  Is  there  any  estimate  showmg 
for  what  purpose  these  clerks  are  wanted,  or  in 
what  bureaus  ? 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  letter  just  read  states 
that  the  Secretary  has  received  reports  from  the 
iieads  of  all  the  Inuenus  in  which  the  aggregate 
amount  is  $150,000.  We  have  put  itat  $100,000. 

Mr.MALLORY.  1  do  not  like  to  see  this  carp- 


ing at  appropriations  of  this  sort.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  is  issuing  money  at  the  rate  of  one 
or  two  millions  a  day,  and  I  would  give  him  all  the 
additional  clerks  he  wants.  We  are  informed  by 
him  that  he  is  calling  in  circulation  at  the  rate  of 
a  quarter  of  a  million  a  day,  and  issuing  bonds, 
and  lie  wants  this  additional  clerical  force  to  aid 
him  in  the  calling-in  process.  I  do  not  think  th.ere 
oughtto  beany  questioningor  carping  on  this  sub- 
ject. I  thinl^we  ought  to  let  him  have  these  ad- 
ditional clerks  and  to  appropriate  the  money  to  pay 
these  clerks. 

Mr.  STEVENS  called  for  tellers  on  his  amend- 
ment. 

Tellers  v/ere ordered;  and  Messrs. Ganson  and 
Beaman  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  63,  noes  29. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to.- 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  insert  the  follow- 
ing as  a  new  paragraph: 

For  payment  to  Messrs.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  for  three 
hundred  and  ninety-fivo  volumes  of  the  Statutes  at  Large, 
at  $3  50  per  volume,  delivered  liy  order  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  dated  February  21,  1863,  $'2,7C5. 

Mr.  V\^ILSON.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
Tliat  is  a  private  claim  against  the  Government, 
and  is  not  in  pursuance  of  existing  law. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  gentleman  is  mistaken. 
There  was  a  law  passed  expressly  authorizing 
the  publication  of  these  books  by  Little,  Brown 
&  Co.  They  did  publish  them,  and  they  sent 
them  here,  and  they  have  never  received  pay, 
because  there  was  no  appropriation  to  pay  them. 
I  guess  that  if  there  is  an  honest  firm  in  the  coun- 
try it  is  the  firm  of  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  ofBostan. 
Nobody,  I  think,  does  work  better  than  they  do. 
1  do  not  think  there  is  any  printing  in  the  United 
States  equal  to  that  of  the  Statutes  at  Large. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  overrules  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Little  &  Brown  have  not  fur- 
nished the  kind  of  index  wliich  they  stipulated  to 
furnish,  and  if  we  have  any  power  over  them 
I  think  we  ought  to  exercise  it"  by  stopping  this 
appropriation. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  appeal  from  the  decision  of 
the  Chair. 

Mr.  Vv/'ASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  It  is  appar- 
ent that  tlie  amendment  is  out  of  order. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chairdecided  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  statement  of  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  that  there  is 
an  existing  law  authorizing  this  purchase. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  should  like 
to  have  that  law  read. 

Mr.  V/ILSON.  The  existence  of  atiy  such 
law  is  dis|uUed,  and  for  that  reason  this  claim 
ought  to  come  in  in  a  separate  bill  where  it  can 
be  consideied  on  its  merits. 

The  question  was  taken  on  the  appeal;  and  the 
decision  of  the  Chair  was  sustained  as  the  judg- 
ment of  the  committee. 

Mr.  WASIiBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  should 
like  now  to  have  some  explanation  of  the  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  When  the  contract  was  ori- 
ginally made  with  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  it  was  for 
two  thousand  copies  of  this  work.  At  that  time 
the  volumes  were  not  half  as  large  as  they  are 
now.  I  believe  it  will  be  conceded  on  all  hands 
that  there  never  was  a  work  of  this  kind  better 
executed,  on  better  paper,  or  more  accurately 
printed  than  this  has  been. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman 
when  those  books  were  delivered? 

Mr.  MORRILL.  After  books  were  no  longer 
distributed  to  members  of  Congress,  a  smaller 
number  was  required  for  the  purposes  of  the  De- 
partment, and  instead  of  ordering  two  thousand 
copies,  I  believe  they  first  ordered  sixteen  hitn- 
dred  and  five  copies  and  subsequently  only  three 
hundred  and  ninety-five  copies.  I  think  that  was 
some  time  in  1863,  and  it  is  for  those  copies  that 
pay  is  now  asked.  They  were  sent  here  under 
orders  from  the  Interior  Dapartment. 

The  question  was  taken  on  Mr.  Stevens's 
amendment;  and  it  was  agreed  to — ayes  64,  noes 
28. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  now  offer  the  following 
amendment,  to  which  1  hope  jio  gentleman  will 
object,  for  I  am  certain  they  will  see  the  justice 
of'it: 

For  compensation  to  the'clerk  of  the  Coiriniittoe  of  Elec- 


tions for  preparing  for  pnlilication  a  conlinnatinn  of  the  di- 
gest of  cleonon  case.-i,  to  be  expended  inider  ll!e  direeticni 
of  said  committee,  the  sum  of  gjl.OUO,  lu'  so  much  thereof 
as  in  the  oi)inion  of  said  conunittee  shall  be  necessary 
tlierefor. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  wish  to  inquire  what  is  the 
present  compensation  of  the  clerk  of  the  Commit- 
tee of  Electiiitis. 

Mr.  DAWES.  He  gets  only  his  four  dollars 
per  day  during  the  session,  the  ordinary  pay  of 
a  clerk,  although  his  duties  are  very  arduous. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Through  what  series  of  years 
is  it  necessary  to  make  this  compilation? 

Mr.  DAWES.  There  ia  a  digest  up  to  1834. 
The  design  is  to  continue  that  down  to  the  pres- 
ent time. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  will  make  a  point  of  or- 
der, unless  an  amendment  to  the  amendment  is  in 
order. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  trust  the  gentleman  v/ill  not 
interpose  an  objection  to  this. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  ask  to  have  an  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment  read.  If  that  is  not  in 
order  I  will  object. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  object  to  any  bargains. 
Mr.  HALE.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order  on  the 
amendm&nt  of  thegentleman  from  Massachusetts. 
I  would  like  to  know  under  what  law  that  is  to 
be  appropriated.  I  just  now  offered  an  amend- 
ment which  was  ruled  out  of  order. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  raised  no  point  of  order  on 
the  proposition  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, [Mr.  Halk.] 

Mr.  HALE.  It  was  raised  over  there  in  your 
neighborhood.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  DAWES.  If  1  were  responsible  for  what 
occurs  in  my  neighborhood  I  would  have  a  dif- 
ferent state  of  things. 

Mr.  HALE.  A  man  is  known  by  the  com- 
pany he  keeps.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  DAWES.  !  appeal  to  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  to  withdraw  his  point  of  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  clerk  in  the  Treasury  De- 
partment v/ho  makes  out  the  estimates  for  ajiprn- 
priations  asks  for  $250;  and  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Meansknows  he  ought 
to  have  it. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  did  not  object  to  it. 
Mr,  HALE.  You  did  not,  I  know. 
Mr.  DAWES.  I  submit  that  the  House  should 
give  to  the  Committee  of  Elections  an  opportu- 
nity to  collect  the  contested-election  ctises,feo  that 
we  may  make  more  reasonable  reports.  [Laugh- 
ter.] 

The  CHAIRMAN.  Theamendmentis  out  of 
order. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  that  the  committee 
rise. 

Mr.  DAWES.  The  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr.  Hale]  has  withdrawn  the  point  of 
order  on  my  amendment. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  withdraw  the  point  of  order. 
Mr.  DAWES.  I  now  offer  my  amendment: 
For  compensation  to  the  clerk  of  the  Committee  ofElcc- 
tions  for  preparing  for  pulilication  a  cuniinuons  digest  of 
election  cases,  to  be  expended  under  the  direction  of  said 
committee,  the  sum  of  $l.()t)0,  or  so  much  thereof  as  in  the 
opinion  of  the  said  conmihtee  shall  be  necessary  therefor. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  propose  to  amend  the 
amendment,  and  if  my  amendment  is  not  in  or- 
der, lamsure  that  the  gentleman's  [Mr.  Dawes's] 
is  not.     My  amendment  is  to  add  the  following: 

And  for  the  compensation  of  theclerkof  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs  of  tlie  House  of  Representatives,  at  the 
rate  of  $1,§P0  per  annum,  for  tlie  Thirty-Eiglitli  Congress, 
there  is  appropriated  $3,60t). 

Mr.  W  ILSON.  I  raise  the  point  of  order  on 
the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr. 
Schenck]  that  it  is  not  in  pursuance  of  existing 
law. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  Chair  sustains  the 
point  of  order. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Then  I  raise  the  same  point 
of  order  on  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Dawes.] 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  point  of  order  is  too 
late. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  rose  to  a  point  of  order 
on  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  said  that  if  my  amendment  to  the 
amendment  was  not  in  order  then  the  other  was 
not. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  Did  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  raise  the  point  of  order  originally? 


1864. 


THE  COJN'GRESSIOFAL  GLOBE. 


3115 


Mr.  SCE-TENCK.     Yos,  and  stated  it. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  Then  the  Chair  will  de- 
cid«  that  ilifi  point  of  order  is  well  taken. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  now  renew  the  amendnnent 
which  I  oflercd  before: 

For  tlio  payment  of  the  cnntributors  to  tlie  agricultural 
report  for  1B61,  tlifi  smu  of  $'3,393  25. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  aslc  the  Ciiair  whether  this 
amendment  lias  not  been  ruled  out  of  order  al- 
ready. 

The  CFIAIRMAN.     It  has  been. 

Mr.  HALE.  Will  the  gentleman  allowa  letter 
from  the  Commissioner  of  Agriculture  to  be  read, 
showing  that  this  was  necessary  to  carry  on  the 
Agricultural  Department.' 

Mr.  ASE-ILEY.  If  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylviinia  will  vouch  for  the  letter  being  in  the 
handwriting  of  the  Commissioner,  I  shall  be  in 
favor  of  its  being  read.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  amendment  has  been 
ruled  out  of  order.  I  move  that  the  committee 
rise  and  report  the  bill  to  the  House. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

So  the  committee  rose;  and  the  Speaker  having 
resumed  the  chair,  Mr.  Pike  reported  that  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
had,  according  to  order,  had  the  Union  generally 
under  consideration,  and  particularly  bill  of  the 
House  No.  527,  making  appropriations  for  sun- 
dry civil  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  the  30th  of  June,  1865,  and  had  instructed 
him  to  report  the  same  to  the  House  with  sundry 
amendments  and  with  the  recommendation  that 
the  bill  do  pass. 

PACIFIC  RAILUOAD. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York. '  I  rise  to  a  privi- 
leged question.  I  move  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  to-morrow  night  was  assigned  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Pacific  railroad  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.     The  motion  will  be  entered. 

Mr.WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  lask  whether 
that  motion  is  in  order.  1  understood  the  whole 
of  the  evening  session  of  to-morrow  was  by  unani- 
mous consent  set  apart  for  the  consideration  of 
that  bill. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  That  is  all  true; 
but  I,  as  a  part  of  that  unanimous  consent,  have 
the  right  to  move  to  reconsider,  which  Ido. 

The  SPEvlKER.     The  motion  is  in  order. 

CIVJL-APPUOPKIATION   BILL -AGAIN. 

_  Mr._  STEVENS.  I  call  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion oh  the  bill. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  ask  the  gentlemati  to  with- 
draw his  demand  for  the  previous  question  to 
enable  mo  to  suL-mit  an  amendment. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  will  withdraw  the  demand 
and  allow  the  gentleman's  amendment  to  be  re- 
portrd. 

Mr.  DAWES.     I  submit  the  following: 

For  coiiii.eiisation  to  the  dork  of  tlie  Connuittee  of  Elec- 
tions lor  [irepariiig  for  publication  a  contiiinafion  of  the  tli 
gpstot  election  ca;;es,  to  lie  expended  under  tlie  direction 
of  said  connuittee,  ilie  sum  of  $1,000,  or  so  .nnch  thereof 
as  in  the  opinion  of  said  coinmittee  sliall  be  necessary 
tlierefor.  ^ 

Mr.  SCE-IENCK.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  adding  as  follows: 

And  for  conipeiisation  of  the  cleik  of  the  CoiiiiiMttee  on 
Rliluary  Affairs  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  llie 
rate  ot  $1,800  per  annum,  for  the  Thirty-Eiglilli  Coiieress, 
there  is  appropriated  $3,600. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order,  and 
submit  that  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  is 
not  in  order. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  overrules  rtie 
point  of  order  on  the  ground  that  it  is  a  contin- 
gency for  carrying  on  an  existing  branch  of  the 
Government.  The  rule  says  that  "no  appro- 
priation shall  be  reported  in  such  general  appro- 
priation bilLsorbe  in  order  as  an  amendment  there- 
to for  any  expenditure  not  previously  authorized 
by  law  unless  m  continuation  of  appropriations 
for  sivfh  public  works  and  objects  as  are  already 
m  progress,  and  for  the  contingencies  for  carry- 
ing on  the  several  departments  of  the  Govern- 
ment." In  the  opinion  of  the  Chair  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  is  the  legislative  de- 
partment of  the  Government,  and  however  im- 
proper the  amendment  may  be  in  the  opinion  of 
gonilcmen,  the  Chair  does  not  think  it  can  be 
ruled  out  on  a  question  of  order 

Mr.  WASHHURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  shall  then 
mise  a  question  of  order  on  both  propositions. 


The  SPEAKER.  The  Ciiair  overrules  the 
question  of  order. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  propose  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment. 

The  SPEAKER.  An  amendment  and  an  amend- 
ment to  the  amendment  are  pending,  and  no  fur- 
ther propositions  to  amend  are  in  order. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania, [Mr.  Stevens,]  however,  may  with- 
draw his  demand  for  the  previouSjqaestion  until 
the  vote  has  been  taken  on  the  pending  amend- 
ments, and  then  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Hale]  will  be  in  order. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  am  afraid  we  should  get 
matters  mixed  up.  I  think  I  had  better  insist  on 
my  demand  for  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  MALLORY,  by  unanimous 
consent,  the  amendments  reportetl  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  were  read  over,  and  such  as 
no  separate  vote  was  asked  on  were  con.sidered  as 
adopted . 

Mr,  ELDRIDGE  demanded  a  separate  vote 
upon  the  follov/ing  amendment: 

Insert  as  follows: 

For  repairs,  ivflttiiifr,  and  furnishing  the  President's  sum- 
mer residence  at  the  Old  Soldiers'  Home  during  Che  sickly 
season,  $3,000. 

Mr.  STILES  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays  upon 
the  ado|)tion  of  the  amendment: 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

The  amendment  was  adopted — ayes  58,  noes 
35. 

Mr.  NELSON.  Would  it  be  in  order  to  offer 
an  amendment  changing  the  cow  pasture  in  front 
of  the  President's  Plouse  to  some  other  place? 
[Laughter.] 

The  SPEAKER.  The  amendment  would 
hardly  be  in  rirder  at  the  present  time. 

Mr.  PRICE.  1  desire  to  know  if  it  v/ould  be 
in  order  to  demand  a  separate  vote  upon  any  par- 
agra];)h  of  the  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  Not  unless  it  was  amended 
in  Comniiuee  of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  Vf  ALLACE,  of  Idaho,  called  for  a  sepa- 
rate vole  on  the  amendment  reducing  the  appro- 
priaiion  from  §15,000  to  g]0, 000  for  surveying  the 
public  lands  in  the  Territory  of  Idaho. 

The  amendment  was'disagreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS  called  for  a  separate  vote  on 
the  following  amendment: 

Pago  12,  line  tv.'o  hundred  and  sixf.y-si.\,  strike  out  as 
follows: 

For  the  construction  ofvaults,  as  an  additloualsecurity 
to  the  public  funds  in  the  Unitcd.States  dcposi.lgries,$30,00d, 

Tlie  amendment  was  disagreed  to. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

./Ind  he  it  further  enacted.  That  the  compensation  of  the 
clerk  to  the  Cominiuecof  VVaysand  RIeansshal!  he  $2,160 
per  annum,  to  coiiinience  with  the  present  Congress";  and 
such  sum  as  may  be  found  necessary  to  pay  the  same  be, 
and  is  liereby,  appropriated. 

Mr.  WASE^BURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  offered 
an  amendment  to  that,  tliat  it  should  commence 
and  end  with  the  present  Congress,  which  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Pendleton]  accepted. 

Mr.  NELSON.  But  he  afterwards  withdrew 
his  acceptance. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  supposed  that 
the  gentleman  from  Ohio  had  acceptetl  it,  but  he 
stated  to  the  Chair  that  he  did  not  do  so. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  It  was  on 
the  ground  of  his  acceptance  of  my  amendment 
that  I  consented  to  waive  my  point  of  order. 

Tlie  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  ask  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of*  the  Whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union,  the  gentleman  from  Maine, 
[Mr.  Pike,]  what  liis  recollection  is  of  the  mat- 
ter. 

Mr.  PIKE.  My  recollection  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois. 

Mr.  NELSON.  I  heard  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  withdraw  his  acceptance  when  objection 
was  made. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Is  not  the  House  controlled 
by  the  record .' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  is;  and  the  record  is  as  it 
has  been  read  by  the  Clerk. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  insist  that 
the  fact  is  as  I  have  stated  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  There  seems  to  be  abund- 
ant proof  on  both  sides.  The  gentleman  from 
Ohio,  who  is  absent  with  a  committee  of  confer- 
ence, has  been  sent  for. 


Mr.V/ASHBURNE,of  Illinois.  Thegentle- 
rnaii  from  Ohio  is  now  in  the  Hall,  and  [  ask 
what  is  his  understanding  of  the  mailer. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  The  gentleman  objected 
unless  it  should  be  limited  to  the  present'  Con- 
gress. I  then  accepted  or  agreed  to  accept  ilie 
suggestion  of  the  genlMnan  from  Illinois.  At  a 
subsequent  period  in  the  discussion,  when  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Dawes]  of- 
fered his  amendment,  liie  quesiion  of  order  was 
raised  as  to  his  amendment,  ami  I  stated  that  I 
accepted  it.  The  question  of  order  was  insisted 
on,  and  afterwards  was  withdrawn.  At  all 
events  the  Chair  put  the  question  whether  I  ac- 
cepted the  modification  or  not,  and  I  stated  that; 
1  desired  it  to  come  in  without  modification  un- 
less the  question  of  order  was  made.  The  Chair 
stated  that  the  question  of  order  was  not  made, 
and  therefore  I  did  not  accept  it. 

Mr.  WASl-IBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  will  state 
how  I  understand  the  matter,  and  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  v.'iU  bear  me  out.  The  gentleman  from 
Ohio  proposed  this  amendment,  vi/hich  v/as  out 
of  order,  and  which  I  objecied  to;  but  1  stated 
that  I  would  waive  that  objeciion,  provided  ha 
would  accept  my  amendment;  and  he  did  accejit 
it.  I  knew  nothing  of  his  withdrawal  of  that  ac- 
ceptance, and  he  had  no  right  to  withdraw  it. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     I  .stand  by  the  record. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  reporters  corroljorate 
the  Clerks. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Iflhis  thing 
is  to  be  thrust  upon  ijs  in  this  Vi'ay,  I  hope  that  it 
will  be  all  voted  down.  I  demand  the  yeas  and 
nays  on  the  amendment. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

'I'he  question  was  taken:  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  78,  nays  40,  not  voting  6-i; 
as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Allison,  Anconn,  Ash- 
ley, Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Ba.xter,  lieaman.  Blow,  Droo!;-;, 
James  S.  l^,rown,  Anihrose  VV.  Clark,  UofiVotb,  Cole,  ''r;s- 
vens,  Dawso)),  Driggs,  Eden,  Edgerlon,  Eldridge,  Eliot, 
English,  Ganson.  Garfield,  Grider,  Hale,  Herrick,  (InoiKi!, 
yVsahel  VV.  Hubbard,  liulburd.  Inger.-oll,  i'hilip  .iolm.-iMi, 
Kalhfleisch.  ICelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  i\ii;'ifji,  iviio.v, 
liOngyear,  Mtillory,  Marey,  M:uviii,  flfeBride,  iMcl.'iur!;, 
fllelvinney.Middletou,  Williaiii  II.  Miller,  flloorhead.  Mor- 
rill, .laiiKis  R.  Morris,  tilorrisoii,  Nelson,  Noble,  Otleil. 
Charii.'s  O'Neill,  rendleton.  Priivn,  liadlonl,  Iriainu:^ -.J. 
Randall,  Alexander  U.  Rice,  John  H.  Rico,  Robinsi.-n, 
James  S.  Rollins,  Ross,  Scott,  John  H.  Steele,  Willlain  (i. 
Steele,  Stevens,  Sliles,  yirouse,  Si  iiart.  Sweat, VVadswoi  Mi, 
Ward,  Whaley,  Wheeler,  Cliiltou  A.  Wliile,  Williaius, 
Wilder,  and  Windom — 73. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Ame-,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Clair.  Boyd, 
William  G.lirown,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cobb,  Creswell,  Dix- 
on. Eeklcy,  Farnsworth,  Finck,  Fra;ik,  Harding,  llarring- 
toii,(;[iarles  l\i.  Harris,  Higby,  Holnian,  John  U.  Hnbbaril, 
Julian,  Loan,  McDowell,  Daniel  Morris,  Nortim,  Orth,  I'er- 
ham.  Pike,  I'omeroy,  Price,  Edward  11.  Rollins,  Scnficid, 
Sloan,  Smiihers,  Thomas,  Tracy,  Upson,  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
bnrne,  Wiliiani  .15.  Washburn,  Joseph  \V.  VViiite,  and  Wil- 
son— 40. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Alley,  Ander- 
son, Arnold,  liaily,  Blaine,  Bliss,  Boutwell,  llrandegi;e, 
Broomall.Chaider,  Clay,  Cox,  Henry  \VinterDavis,Tholnas 
T.  Davis,  Dau'es,  Deming,  Denison,  Donnelly,  Ouniont, 
Fenton,  Gooch,  Grinnell,  Grisvvold,  Hall,  [ienjamin  G,  Har- 
ris, Hotchkiss,  Hutchins,  Jenckes,  William  Johnson,  Kas- 
soii,  Orlando  Ivellogg,  Kernan,  King,  /juw,  Lazear.  Le 
Blond,  Liltlcjohn,  Long,  xMcAllister,  Melndoe,  Samuel  F. 
Miller,  Amos  iMyers,  Leonard  Myers,  John  O'Neill,  Patter- 
sou,  Perry,  Wiilir.m  H.  Randall,  ttogers,  Schenck,  Shan- 
non, Smith,  Spalding,  Slarr,  Slehbins.  Thayer,  Van  Valk- 
enburgh,  Voorhees,  Webster,  VVinfiPld,  Benjamin  Wood, 
Fernando  Wood,  \Voodbridge,  and  Yeanian — 64. 

So  tlie  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

During  the  roll-call, 

Mr.  HIGBY  stated  that  Mr.  Shannon  was  de- 
tained at  home  by  sickness,  and  that  Mr.  Kel- 
logg of  New  York  was  suddenly  called  away 
to  attend  a  wounded  son  at  Fortress  Monroe. 

The  bill  was  then  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and 
read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was 
accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  STEVENS  mov(;d  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  tlie  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to 
lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
their  Secretary,  informed  the  Irlouso  that  tlie  Sen- 
ate have  disagreed  to  the  amendments  of  the 
House  to  the  bill  of  the  Senate  (No.  54)  to  incor- 
porate the  Metropolitan  Railroad  Company  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  ask  a  committee  of  confer- 
ence on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses 
thereon,  and  have  appointed  Mr.  i\Ior.RiLL,  i\jr. 


3116 


THE  CONGIIESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


WiLLEY,  and  Mr.  Wade  as  such  oomntiiltee  of 
conference  on  their  [lart. 

WAYS  AND  MEANS. 

Mr.  HOOPER,  from  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  reported  bade  a  bill  to  provide  ways 
and  means  for  the  support  of  the  Government, 
and  for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  that 
the  House  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  move  that  the  bill  be  printed, 
referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union,  and  postponed  until  Wednes- 
day next. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  demand 
the  reading  of  the  bill. 

The  bill  was  read. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  move  the  previous  question 
upon  my  motion. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  bill  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  tiie  slateof  the  Union, 
ordered  to  be  printed,  and  its  consideration  post- 
poned until  Wednesday  next. 

NOIITIIKASTKIIN  BOUNDARY. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  I  ask  unanimous  con- 
sent lo  report  from  the  select  committee  a  bill  for 
the  defense  of  the  northeastern  boundary. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  object. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.  1  move  to  suspend  the 
rules. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  that  the  House  ad- 
journ. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Is  it  in  order  to  ask  for  the 
reading  of  the  bill.' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  is  not  until  after  the  rules 
are  suspended. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  The  only  objection  I  have 
is  that  the  character  of  this  bill  is  not  understood. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine.     My  object  is  to  have 
■  the  bill  printed  and  recommitted.   I  donotexpect 
action  on  it  this  session,  but  desire  to  have  it 
printed  that  members  may  be  enabled  to  exam- 
ine it. 

The  rules  were  suspended,  tlie  bill  introduced, 
read  a  first  and  second  time,  recommitted  to  the 
select  committee,  and,  with  tiie  accompanying  re 
port,  ordered  to  be  printed. 

Mr.  RICE,  of  Maine,  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  last  taken;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion 
to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

And  then, on  motion  of  Mr.  WASHBURNE, 
of  Illinois,  (at  twenty  minutes  to  ten  o'clock,  p. 
m.,)  the  House  adjourned. 


IN  SENATE. 
Tuesday,  June  21,  1864. 
Prayer  by  Rev.  B.  H.Nadal,  of  Washington, 
District  of  Columbia. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIMES,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent,  the  reading  of  the  Journal  of  yes- 
terday was  dispensed  with. 

EXHCUTIVU  COMMUNICATION. 
The  PRESIDENT  jn-o  tempore  laid  before  the 
Senate  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
communicating,  in  compliance  with  a  resolution 
of  the  Senate  of  the  SOth  of  May,  a  statement 
(showing  the  full  amount  of  the  public  debt  of  the 
United  States  up  to  th(>  ]4ih  instant;  which  was 
ordered  to  lieon  the  table, and  be  printed. 

PETITIONS  AND  MKMORIALS. 

Mr.  SHERMAN  presented  the  memorial  of 
Alfred  Jones,  of  Missouri,  praying  for  an  appro- 
priation to  test  his  invention  of  a  submarine  bat- 
tery for  defending  the  harbors  of  the  country  and 
for  rendering  more  efficient  the  blockade  of  the 
southern  ports;  which  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  MORGAN  presenteil  a  petition  of  citizens 
of  Wayne  county,  Ni  w  York,  praying  for  the 
passage  of  the  bill  (PI.  R.  No.  27G)  to  secure  to 
persons  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of  the 
United  States  homesteads  on  confiscated  and  for- 
feited estates  in  insurrectionary  districts;  which 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

He  also  presented  a  |)etition  of  Simeon  Draper 
and  other  citizens  of  New  York,  praying  that.a 


vote  of  thanks  of  Contjress  may  be  tendered  to 
Commodore  W.  D.  Porter  and  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  United  States  gunboat  Essex  for  their 
gallantry  displayed  in  tlu;  destruction  of  the  rebel 
rain  Arkansas  on  the  G;h  of  August,  18G2,  and 
that  a  bounty  may  be  granted  the  officers  and 
crew;  which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  COLLAMER  presented  nine  petitions  of 
citizensofVermont,. praying  for  the  passage  of  the 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the 
military  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States 
homesteads  on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in 
insurrectionary  districts;  which  were  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Public  Lands. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas,  presented  a  letter  of 
William  M.  Fishback,  claiming  a  seat  ns  Sena- 
tor from  Arkansas,  addressed  to  him,  giving  a 
detailed  account  of  his  conduct  duiing  the  pres- 
ent rebellion,  and  it)  defense  of  himself  against 
eliarges  of  disloyalty ;  which  was  refei'red  to  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  and  ordered  to  be 
printed. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN  presented  a  letter  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  addressed  to  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Finance,  communica- 
tinga  copy  of  a  report  of  the  Light-House  Board 
in  relation  to  improvements  required  in  the  aids 
to  navigation  in  marking  dangers  iti  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  harbor  of  Portland,  Maine,  and 
recommending  an  appropriation  for  that  purpose; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Com- 
merce. 

He  also  presented  a  petition  of  men  and  women 
of  Maine,  praying  for  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
and  such  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  as 
will  forever  prohibit  its  existence  in  any  portion 
of  the  Union;  which  was  referred  to  the  select 
committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen. 

KEPOIITS  FROM  COM.MITTEES. 

Mr.  GRIMES,  from  the  Committee  on  the 
District  of  Columbia,  to  whom  was  referred  the 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  434)  to  authorize  the  bailiff  of  the 
orphans'  court  in  the  county  of  Washington,  and 
District  of  Columbia,  lo  serve  processes  issued 
by  said  court  and  for  other  purposes,  reported  it 
without  amendment. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  255)  graiitingcer- 
tain  privileges  to  the  Guardian  Society  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  reported  it  with  amendments. 

Mr.  POM EROY,  from  the  Committee  on  Pub- 
lic Lands,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  military  or 
naval  service  of  the  United  States  homesteads  on 
confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insurrectionary 
districts,  reporti>d  it  without  amendment. 

Mr.  MORRILL,  from  the  Committee  on  the 
District  of  Columbia,  to  whorn  was  referred  the 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  522)  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 
Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad  Com- 
pany, reported  it  with  amendments. 

Mr.  HALE,  from  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  to  wliotn  was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
470)  to  authorize  assimilated  rank  to  be  given  to 
the  warrant  officers  of  the  United  States  Navy, 
and  for  other  [uirposes,  reported  it  with  an  amend- 
ment. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  95) 
authorizing  the  Seoretary  of  the  Navy  to  amend 
the  contract  with  John  Ericsson  for  the  construc- 
tion of  the  two  impregnable  floating  batteries, 
the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan,  reported  it  without 
amendment.         * 

Mr.  WILSON,  from  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Aflairs  and  the  Militia,  asked  to  be  dis- 
charged from  the  further  consideration  of  the  fol- 
lowing subjects,  which  was  agreed  to,  namely: 

A  bill  (S.  No.5)  to  amend  theactentiiled  "An 
act  forenrollingand  callingout  the  national  forces, 
and  for  other  purposes, "approved  March  3, 1863; 

A  bill  (S.  No.  6)  to  increase  the  pay  of  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  Army; 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  10)  for  the  relief  of 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  United  States  now 
held  captive  in  the  rebel  prisons  at  Richmond  and 
vicitiity; 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  48)  concerning  ap- 
pointments in  the  military  service; 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  49)  to  provide  ad- 
ditional ground  for  a  cemetery  at  the  Soldiers' 
Home; 


A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  56)  to  authorize  the 
President  to  call  out  men  by  draft  for  one  year; 

A  resolution  of  the  Senate  instructing  the  com- 
mittee to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  making 
an  appropriation  for  bridging  the  stream  on  the 
military  road  between  Fort  Leavenworth  and  ' 
Fort  Scott  in  Kansas,  and  between  Fort  Scott  and 
Fort  Smith  in  Arkansas; 

A  resolution  of  the  Senate  instructing  theconi- 
mittee  to  inquire  into  the  ex|)ediency  of  making 
an  appropriation  for  erecting  a  bridge  across  the 
Republican  Fork  of  the  Kansas  river  between 
Fort  Riley  and  Junction  City; 

Sundry  petitions  of  paymasters  of  the  United 
States  Army,  praying  for  an  increase  of  the  com- 
pensation of  their  clerks; 

Sundry  memorials  and  petitions,  prayi^ig  for 
an  increase  of  the  pay  of  soldiers  and  sailors  of 
the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States; 

Sundry  petitions  of  hospital  stewards,  praying 
for  an  increase  of  their  rank  and  pay;  and 

Sundry  memorials  and  petitions,  praying  that 
colored  troops  may  be  placed  on  an  equal  footing 
with  white  troops  as  to  pay ,  bounty,  and  pension, 

HOUR  OF  MEETING. 

Mr.  POMEROY  submitted  the  following  reso- 
lution; which  lies  over  for  consideration: 

Resolved,  That  vvlien  the  S<Minte  adjourns  on  Thursday, 
the  23d  iii.-t;uit,  it  adjotuii  to  meet  at  eleven  o'clock  on 
eacli  day  for  the  remainder  oftlie  session. 

lULL  BECOME  A  LAW. 

A  message  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  Mr.  Hay,  his  Secretary,  announced 
that  the  President  had  approved  and  signed,  on 
the  20th  instant,  an  act  (S.  No.  145)  to  increase 
the  pay  of  soldiers  in  the  United  States  Army, 
and  for  other  purposes. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPherson,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  House  had  passed  the  following  bills  of  the 
Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  265)  to  expedite  and  regulate  the 
printing  of  public  documents,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses; and 

A  bill  (No.  306)  to  grant  to  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia certain  lands  for  State  prison  purposes. 

The  message  further  announced  that  the  House 
had  passed  the  bill  of  the  Senate  (No.  85)  to  pro- 
vide for  the  examination  of  certain  officers  of  the 
Army,  with  amendments,  in  which  it  requested 
the  concurrence  of  the  Senate. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
insisted  upon  its  amendments  to  the  bill  of  the 
Senate  (No.  54)  to  incorporate  the  Metropolitan 
Railroad  Company  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
disagreed  to  by  the  Senate;  agreed  to  the  confer- 
ence asked  by  the  Senate  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  thereon,  and  has  ajipointed 
Mr.  E.  Wheeler  of  Wisconsin,  Mr.  J.  G. 
Blaine  of  Maine,  and  Mr.  J.  W.  Pattersom 
of  New  Hanipshire,  managers  at  the  same  on  its 
part. 

The  message  further  announced  thatthe  House 
had  passed  the  following  bill  and  joint  resolution; 
in  which  it  requested  the  concurrence  of  the 
Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  527)  making  appropriations  for 
sundry  civil  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the 
year  ending  the  30th  June,  1865;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  101)  to  |)rovidc  for  the 
publication  of  a  full  Army  Regi.ster. 

Tfie  message  also  announced  that  the  President 
of  the  United  States  had  approved  and  signed  on 
the  18tli  instant  an  act  (H.  R.  No.  469)  extend- 
ing the  time  for  the  completion  oftlie  Marquette 
and  Ontonagon  railroad  of  the  State  of  Michigan, 

ENItOLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

Tlie  message  also  announced  that  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  liad  signed  the 
following  enrolled  bills  and  joint  resoluticjji;  and 
they  were  thereupon  signed  by  the  President  p"0 
tempo7-e: 

A  bill  (S.  No.  253)  to  amend  the  act  of  Decem- 
ber 21,  1861,  entitled  "An  act  to  further  promote 
the  efficifiicy  of  the  Navy;" 

A  bill  (S.  No.  270)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  establish  and  equalize  the  grade  of 
line  officers  of  the  United  States  Navy,"  approved 
July  16,  1862;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  44)  for  the  relief  of 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3117 


the  clerks  tit  tlie  Kittery  and  Pliiladelphiii  nuvy- 

vards. 

'  IIICIIAUU  I'lTCa. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  The  Committee  on  Public 
Lands,  to  whom  was  referred  tlie  application  of 
Ricliard  Fitch  for  a  land  warrant  under  the  act  of 
1855,  have  instructed  me  to  report  a  bill  for  his 
relief.  Mr.  Fitch  rendered  military  service  in  the 
war  with  Great  Britain,  atid  a|iplicd  for  a  land 
warrant  under  the  act  of  1855.  He  could  only 
prove  a  service  of  twelve  days  by  record  evidence. 
By  parol  evidence  he  has  proved  an  additional 
service  of  six  days,  making  altogether  eighteen 
days — four  days  more  than  the  law  required. 

Mr.  WADE.  I  hope  the  bill  will  be  passed 
at  once.     I  think  there  ii5  no'  objection  to  it. 

By  unanimous  consent,  the  bill  (S.  No.  319) 
to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  issue 
a  larul  warrant  to  Richard  Fitch,  of  Ohio,  was 
read  three  times,  and  passed. 

CARMACK  AND  RAMSEY. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  move  to  lake  up  the 
joint  resolution  relative  to  the  case  of  Carmack 
&  Ramsey,  which  was  laid  over  yesterday  morn- 
ing. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  11)  in  re- 
lation to  the  claim  of  Carmack  &  Ramsey  was 
resumed  as  in  (committee  of  the  Whole. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate, 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in.  The  amend- 
ment was  ordered  to  be  engrossed,  and  the  reso- 
lution to  be  read  a  third  time.  Thejoint  resolution 
was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

INTFiR-CONTINKNTAL  TELICGRAPII. 

Mr.  CHANDLER;  I  move  to  postpone  all 
prioi-  orders  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  the  bill 
(S.  No.  302)  to  encourage  and  facilitate  tele- 
gra[)h(c  ciimnuinicalion  between  the  eastern  and 
western   ronlinents. 

Mr.  BROWN.  That  is  a  bill  which  will  give 
rise  to  a  great  deal  of  discussiori.  We  have  al- 
ready devoted  one  day  to  it;  it  has  not  passed 
either  [louse,  and  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  it 
will  get  through  at  this  session.  There  are  bills 
lying  before  us  here  now  of  great  importance  to 
the  country  and  immediate  importance  connected 
with  the  war;  and  I  think  it  is  an  outrage  upon 
the  eondiiioii  of  the  nation  that  weshould  devote 
the  lust  (lays  of  the  session  here  to  discussing 
bills  of  this  kind  and  of  this  character,  in  prefer- 
ence to  those  of  national  importance  that  demand 
our  inimediateattention.  i  trust  the  Senate  will 
*  not  take  up  a  measure  that  is  going  to  involve 
us  in  another  day  of  useless  discussion. 

Mr.  CFIANDLER.  This  bill  will  lead  to  no 
discussion  unless  the  same  small,  factious  oppo- 
sition appears  that  appeared  when  it  was  up  be- 
fore. The  friends  of  the  measure  have  nothing 
to  Say  about  it^  It  is  a  bill  to  surround  the  globe 
with  a  telegraphic  wire.  1  hold  in  my  hand  a  dis- 
patch from  our  minister  to  France  relative  to  a 
convention  recently  concluded  at  Paris  in  refer- 
ence to  a  telegraphic  line  from  Africa  to  Brazil. 
I  will  read  it  to  ilie  Senate: 

Paris,  JToy  20,  1831. 

Sir:  I  cut  the  annexed  sinall  plip  from  Galiijimiii.  It 
gives  you,  I  presume,  llie  rr.<iill.  of  thr  coiilereaci;  lie  Id  in 
I'aris  some  iiiontlis  since  as  to  a  sontliern  line  of  route 
betwceihllie  European  and  American  continents.  I  wrote 
you  oftliis  conl'cicnce  at  llie  time  it  asseml)l('(l,  stating'  tlie 
laet  tliat  neiiliur  Eiisland  nor  tlie  United  States  were  in- 
vited 10  lake  (lart  in  it. 

I  am,  sir,  your  otiedieut  servant, 

WILLIAIM  L.  DAYTON. 
To  his  Excellency  Wilua.m  II.  Seward,  8s,c. 

Cojiy  of  the  slip. 
"After  conferences  opened  at  the  Ministry  of  Foreign 
Aiffairsfor  the  estahlishment  of  an  inteinatioiial  telegraphic 
line,  projected  by  M.  Ralestrini,  between  ilie  European 
continent  and  America,  a  convention  on  the  subject  was 
yestenlay  sign'ed  by  M.  Diouyn  de  I'lluvs,  the  Brazilian, 
Italian,  and  Poniiguese  ministers,  and  the  Charge  d'Af- 
laires  of  the  republic  of  Hayti." 

Those  nations  have  deemed  it  of  sufficient  im- 
portance to  hold  a  convention  by  which  they 
pledge  themselves  to  carry  a  telegraphic  wire 
acrosstheMediterranean  seadown  through  Africa 
and  thence  across  the  Atlantic  ocean  by  the  islands 
to  Brazil,  involving  an  expenditure  of  many  mil- 
lions. We  have  now  presented  to  us  an  oppor- 
tunity to  h*ve  direct  telegraphic  communication 
with  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
more,  sir,  fora  telegraphic  wire  is  already  extended 
into  India;  and  at  what  cost .'  It  is  to  cost  ua  the  use 


of  a  ship-of-war  to  take  soundings  in  the  Pacific 
ocean;  it  is  to  cost  us  in  every  fifteen  miles  the 
line  goes  through  the  public  domain  a  quarter  sec- 
tion of  land  that  is  lo  us  cniirely  useless,  or  sf 
much  ofa  quartersection  as  may  be  needed  for  the 
establishment  of  sPations  by  the  telegraph  com- 
pany, and  then  we  promise  to  pay  the  coinpany 
the  small  sum  of  ij),50,00()  a  year  for  that  amount 
of  service  lo  the  Government  for  ten  years  after 
the  line  shall  have  been  comjileted.  And,  sir,  while 
ihe  nationsare  holdingconventions  and  resolving 
nationally  to  build  a  line  from  Europe  to  Africa 
and  thence  lo  South  America  across  the  Atlantic, 
wc,  the  Senate  of  llie  United  States,  are  higgling 
about  a  small  promise  of  fi50,000  a  year  for  ten 
years  after  the  line  shall  have  been  completed. 

Sir,  the  friends  of  this  bill  have  no  remarks  to 
make  upon  it.  No  statesman  will  oppose  it,  and 
I  am' astonished  thatany  man  re^jresenling  a  com- 
inercial  State  should  op|)ose  it.  1  am  not  surprised 
that  a  northwestern  man  should  oppose  it.  It  is 
of  very  little  interest  comparatively  lo  the  North- 
west; it  only  affects  that  great  region  in  so  far  as 
the  national  aspects  of  the  question  are  concerned. 
Sir,  the  friends  of  the  bill  ask  fora  vote  upon  it.  If 
its  enemies  see  fit  to  consume  the  time  of  this  body 
as  they  did  on  Saturday  last,  let  them  do  it  and 
take  the  responsibility.  1  give  notice  that  I  will 
antagonize  thi.s  bill  against  every  bill  that  comes 
before  the  body  until  it  is  passed.  I  care  not  what 
that  bill  may  be.  1  simply  ask  for  a  vote  on  this 
bill.    . 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  like  the  highway  manner  in 
which  the  Senator  demands  "  Your  land  and  your 
money  or  your  life"  of  this  Senate  in  behalf  of 
this  corporation.  Really,  sir,  it  would  seem  as 
if  we  had  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  pour  out  the 
public  lands  whenever  any  corporation  comes 
forward  here  and  demands  them  of  us,  as  if  we 
had  nothing  else  to  do  with  the  public  money  but 
to  answer  the  demands  of  every  corporation  that 
comes  and  claims  it  at  our  hands.  Is  that  the 
spirit  in  which  the  Senator  comes  here  and  makes 
this  demand  for  a  corporation  which  promises  lo 
be  the  most  remunerative  one  in  the  world  .'  Is  thai 
the  spirit,  sir,  in  which  he  comes  here  and  makes 
this  demand  for  a  corporation  which,  if  I  am  cor- 
rectly informed,  is  to  be  under  the  control  of  one 
that  now  monopolizes  the  telegraphic  communi- 
cation across  the  continent,  and  is  reaping  a  richer 
harvest  from  it  than  any  other  corporation  in  the 
United  States.'  Is  that  the  spirit,  sir,  in  which 
he  would  come  forward  and  make  demands  of 
that  sort  and  say  that  he  will  antagonize  it  to  all 
the  business  of  this  nation,  he  will  antagonize  it 
to  every  measure  of  national  importance,  to  the 
war,  to  the  finances,  to  everything  that  conies  up 
here  to  save  this  nation  in  the  hour  of  iis  peril.' 
This  grasping  monopoly,  this  corporation  will 
come  up  and  say,  "  Your  money  or  your  life, 
sir."  1  have  no  other  remark  to  make  as  to  this 
demand;  I  leave  it  to  the  Senate  to  determine  now 
whether  they  will  act  in  accordance  with  the  be- 
hest which  has  been  given  forth  to  them  here  this 
morning.  They,  I  suppose, understand  thcirduty, 
and  they  can  act  upon  it.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and 
nays  on  the  proposition  to  postpone  all  other  busi- 
ness and  take  up  this  bill  at  the  demand  which 
has  been  made  in  this  style  and  in  ihis  spirit. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  CEIANDLER.  I  desire  to  say  that  if  I 
could  have  this  line  as  a  war  measure  in  operation 
to-day  I  should  be  willing  to  vote  $5,000,000.  One 
single  dispatch  within  the  last  three  years  would 
have  been  worth  more  than  ten  million  dollars  to 
this  nation.  When  the  Alabama  was  in  the  Chi- 
nese seas  suppose  wc  could  have  telegraphed, 
"Keep  your  vessels  in  port,  the  Alabama  is 
around,"  how  many  millions  would  have  been 
saved  to  the  commercial  intei'ests  of  this  nation.' 
I  therefore  say  that  if  I  could  have  the  line  com- 
pleted as  a  war  measure  I  should  be  willing  to  vote, 
and  vote  itas  a  matter  of  economy,  |5, 000, 000. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  was  not  in  the  other  day 
when  this  bill  was  before  the  Senate,  and  I  regret 
that  the  bill  should  be  likely  to  suffer  any  preju- 
dice this  rnorning  in  the  impartial  and  lair  con- 
sideration of  the  Senate  by  the  remark  from  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Missouri  that  the  bill 
should  not  stand  in  the  way  of  measures  which 
arc  of  public  importance.  The  implication  from 
such  a  remark  is  very  obvious,  that  this  bill  may 
as  well  be  considered  at  some  other  lime  as  the 
present. 


Now,  I  can  hardly  conceive  that  this  bill,  when 
looked  at  ill  the  spirit  of  candor,  an  the  Senate 
will  of  course  examine  it  if  it  comes  up,  would  be 
likely  to  occupy  the  altenlion  of  the  Senate  for 
any  considerable  lengthof  time.  The  proposi- 
tion is  certainly  a  very  simple  one.  I  do  not  sup- 
pose there  is  a  Senator  who  does  not  approve  of 
the  undertaking.  I  certainly  need  not  appeal  to 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Missouri,  whose  pub- 
lic spirit  is  so  v/ell  known.  The  enterprise  of 
constructing  a  telegraph  around  the  globe  cer- 
tainly would  commend  itself,  I  think,  to  every 
intelligent  gentleman  in  the  country,  and  that  is 
this  proposition,  and  it  is  not  a  thing — and  this  is 
all  I  desire  lo  say  on  taking  the  question  up — that 
may  be  acted  upon  now  or  next  December  with- 
out prejudice  to  the  public.  It  is  a  thing  that  the 
circumstances  of  the  case  demand  should  be  acted 
upon  now  if  you  desire  to  secure  the  advantages, 
which  1  think  are  of  very  greatpublic  im|iorlance, 
which  you  may  lose  if  you  do  not  act  upon  it  at 
once.  By  the  arrangements  made  with  the  R.us- 
sian  Government  it  is  necessary  that  the  parly 
acting  for  the  American  interest  should  proceed 
to  secure  the  advantages  of  that  contract,  and  act- 
ually to  commence  the  construction  of  this  line 
upon  the  Russian  territory  prior  to  June,  1865. 
If  this  bill  is  postponed  until  December  and  then 
not  passed  till  late  in  llie  winter  of  1865,  it  will  be 
seen  at  once  that  it  will  be  entirely  impracticable 
to  enter  upon  the  construction  of  the  work  prior 
to  June,  1865,  so  as  lo  secure  absolutely  the  bene- 
fits of  this  arrangement.  1  think  that  of  itself,  if 
the  enterprise  is  considered  laudable,  desirable, 
should  induce  the  Senate  to  lake  up  this  measure 
at  the  present  momenland  give  it  its  present  con- 
sideration. 

I  hope,  therefore,  that  my  friend  from  Mis- 
souri will  not  invoke  the  judgment  of  the  Senate 
against  this  bill  in  the  first  place  as  one  of  very 
little  moment.  I  appeal  to  the  Senate  that  I  can 
hardly  conceive  of  an  object  in  its  character  more 
grand  than  the  one  contemplated.  That  it  is  one 
of  immediate,  pressing  importance  as  applicable 
to  the  passing  events  of  the  day,  I  do  not  mean 
to  argue;  but  it  is  important,  nevertheless,  on  that 
account.  I  say,  therefore,  ihat  I  hope  the  Senate 
will  not  be  prejudged  against  this  bill,  and  will 
not  refuse  to  take  it  up  on  the  statemenl  that  this 
is  a  case  which  may  be  postponed,  but  that  the 
Senate  will  be  disposed  to  allow  it  to  come  up  for 
consideration  now. 

Mr.  WADE.  I  have  said  nothing  on  this  subject; 
but  I  have  not  omitted  to  speak  upon  it  because 
I  do  not  feel  a  very  deep  interest  in  the  passage 
of  the  bill.  I  know  it  has  been  hinted  that  gentle- 
men have  been  tampered  with  on  this  subject,  but 
I  can  say  that  no  person  has  approached  me  in 
regard  to  it.  I  saw  some  years  ago  that  the  idea 
of  this  great  and  beneficial  project  of  circumscrib- 
ing the  whole  world  and  bringing  usin  telegraphic 
communication  with  the  nations  was  projected; 
I  have  watched  its  progress  with  a  great  deal  of 
interest,  and  without  the  least  doubt  that  when  it 
should  coiTie  before  the  American  Congress  for 
our  aid  and  support  ix  would  receive  it  without 
argument.  I  had  expected  that  those  engaged  in 
this  enterprise  would  ask  of  us  as  our  fair  pro- 
portion toward  it  much  more  than  they  seem  to 
desire.  The  burden  to  be  imposed  upon  us  to 
enable  us  to  participate  in  this  great  and  grand 
measure  is  very  light  indeed;  and  I  am  entirely 
unable  to  understand  why  it  is  that  the  proposition 
has  elicited  so  much  feeling  as  has  been  mani- 
fested in  the  Senate.  I  should  be  exceedingly 
loth  to  have  it  go  to  the  eastern  continent  that  the 
great  American  nation  failed  to  second  this  im- 
portant movement,  so  beneficial  to  them,  at  least 
as  much  so  as  to  any  other  people  in  the  world, 
because  they  were  so  hard  pressed  with  this  war. 
I  do  not  feel  that  to  be  so.  I  know  that  the  war 
is  a  great  burden  to  us;  but  a  great  and  proud 
nation  should  never  bow  its  head,  even  before  a 
storm  like  this,  and  show  to  the  world  that  it 
does  not  feel  competent  to  take  care  of  its  own 
concerns  in  a  direction  that  will  be  so  honorable  , 
to  it  if  it  seconds  the  movement  and  so  shameful  ^ 
if  it  refuses.  Suppose  we  refuse  to  participate  ' 
and  stop  this  great  enterprise,  how  should  any  of  ^ 
us  feel  if  we  were  to  go  to  Europe  and  the  fact 
were  mentioned  tons? 

We  are  not  asked  to  run  any  risk.  We  are 
only  called  on  for  §50,000  a  year,  and  we  are  not 
to  jiay  that  until  the  line  is  in  operation;  there  ia 


■\ 


3118 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


no  contingency  about  it.  It  must  be  in  operation 
usefully,  permanently,  befofe  we  are  to  con- 
tribute a  cxnt.  1  hope  we  shall  take  up  the  bill 
"and  pass  it  at  once.  Tlie  Senator  from  Maine 
lias  told  us  why  it  is  necessary  to  take  it  up  and 
act  upon  it  now  if  we  are  to  act  at  all.  We  can- 
not be  too  quick  about  it.  1  did  not  rise  to  argue 
the  question,  but  only  to  say  that  presuming 
there  is  a  majority  here  that  fully  understand  all 
flic  bearings  "of  the  question,  we  may  as  well  pass 
upon  it  witliout  further  argument  as  to  spend  more 
time  in  its  discussion.  One  entire  day  has  al- 
ready been  consumed  over  it,  and  I  presume  it 
was  then  discussed  in  all  its  important  bearings, 
which  are  remembered  now  and  need  not  be  re- 
peated.. I  hope,  sir,  we  shall  take  up  the  bill  at 
once  and  pass  it  without  further  discussion. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  the  Senators  who  are  the 
advocates  of  the  passage  of  this  bill  suppose  they 
are  going  to  expedite  its  passage  by  characteriz- 
ing the  conduct  of  those  who  opposed  it  upon  a 
former  occasion  as  petty  and  small  they  may  pos- 
sibly be  reckoning  without  their  host.  So  far  as 
I  am  concerned,!  opposed  the  passage  of  this  bill 
from  conscientious  motives,  and  1  propose  to  con- 
tinue to  do  so;  and  it  is  not  going  to  pass  to-day 
v/ithout  thorough  investigation  and  argument, 
such  argument  as  shall  not  only  be  heard  here, 
but  as  I  intend,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  shall 
be  heard  by  my  constituents  and  the  country. 
If  the  Senator  from  Ohio  and  the  Senator  from 
Michigan  are  so  atjxious  that  this  bill  shall  pass 
without  any  further  debate  why  do  they  rise  here 
and  expatiate  tliemselves  upon  the  merits  of  the 
proposition,  and  why  are  they  joined  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maine.'  Is  it  supposed  that  those  who 
act  from  equally  conscientious  motives  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  passage  of  the  bill  will  not  say  some- 
thing in  their  own  vindicatioti  and  to  justify  their 
own  vote,  pistify  the  conduct  they  have  hitherto 
pursued,  and  that  which  they  propose  to  pursue 
hereafter? 

The  Senator  from  Ohio  says  he  should  be 
ashamed  to  go  to  Europe  if  the  Senate  should 
higgle  upon  a  question  of  this  kind.  Why,  sir, 
there  is  not  a  man  in  this  body  Vk^ho  is  unwilling 
to  do  precisely  what  the  Briti.-jh  Government  has 
been  willing  to  do.  We  are  willing  to  grant  the 
right  of  way;  v.'eare  willing  to  give  the  lands;  we 
are  willing  that  vessels-of-v/ar  should  be  employed 
in  transporting,  if  you  please,  the  material  with 
which  tlie  construction  is  to  be  made,  and  in  lay- 
ing down  the  cable  and  making  the  surveys  and 
soundings.  What  I  object  to  is  the  subsidy, 
which  is  not  given  by  either  the  Russian  or  the 
British  Government.  Why  is  it  that  Great  Brit- 
ain is  unwilling  to  give  any  subsidy  when  this  tele- 
graphic line  is  to  connect  her  with  her  own  im- 
metiiate  possessions,  and  that  we  are  asked  to 
give  a  subsidy  when  it  is  only  going  to  connect 
us  with  our  consuls  in  Europe? 

The  Senator  from  Michigan  has  told  us  that  this 
line  would  have  been  a  saving  to  the  Government 
of  ^5,000,000  if  it  liad  only  beiui  constructed  at  the 
time  the  Alabama  was  in  the  Chinese  seas.  Will 
the  Senator  tell  me  how  far-  it  is  frorn  Behring's 
straits,  where  it  is  proposed  to  lay  down  this  tel- 
egraph line,  to  the  most  northern  port  that  the 
Alabama  touched?  Thousands  of  miles.  And 
how  could  the  Senator  have  had  any  communica- 
tion between  Behring's  straits,  or  the  mouth  of 
the  Amoor  river,  and  our  vessels-of-war  that  were 
at  that  time  in  the  Chinese  V;/aters?  No  method 
of  communication  at  all.  Then  of  what  advant- 
age would  it  have  been  ?  How  would  it  have 
saved  ^5,000,000  to  the  Government? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Does  not  the  Senator 
know  that  England  now  has  a  line  to  Calcutta? 
Mr.  GRIMES,  Calcutta  is  in  the  southern  part 
of  Asia.  England  has  communication  from  Eu- 
rope, through  Egypt,  down  to  Calcutta,  but  that 
is  thousands  and  thousands  of  miles  tVoin  where 
the  Alabama  was.  She  was  not  at  Calcutta  at  the 
lime  the  Senator  speaks  of,  and  that  is  thousands 
and  thousands  of  miles  from  Behring's  straits. 
I  am  not  going  to  be  put  in  a  false  position  in 
regard  to  this  matter.  I  do  not  intend  to  have  it 
thrown  in  my  teeth  that  I  am  o|>poscd  to  granting 
every  reasonable  facility  for  making  this  line  of 
telrgraph.  I  am  v/illing  to  do  precisely  what  other 
Governments  have  done;  1  am  willing  to  do  ex- 
actly what  is  necessary  in  order  to  secure  the  tel- 
eg,niph  itself;  but  I  know, and  1  think  every  man 
who  lias  conscientiously  investigated  the  subject 


knows,  that  this  telegraphic  line  can  be  and  will 
be  constructed  without  any  subsidy  from  us.  It 
is  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  richest  companies  on 
tfce  face  of  the  earth.  It  does  not  belong  to  Mr. 
Collins.  Whatever  right  Mr.  Collins  may  have 
derived  from  the  Britisli  Gove-nim.ent  under  what 
is  called  the  concession  (which  is  neither  more 
nor  less  than  a  letter  from  the  secretary  of  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  stating  the  terms  upon  which 
the  right  to  construct  this  telegraph  may  be  se- 
cured) he  has  transferred  to  the  Western  Union 
Telegraph  Company,  for  which  he  received  the 
sum  of  |lOO,000  down,  and  $1,000,000  in  paid-up 
stock  of  the  company,  with  a  stipulation  that  he 
should  be  permitted  to  receive  !|1,000,000  more, 
for  which  he  is  to  pay.  I  hold  in  my  hands  a  cir- 
cular issued  by  the  directors  of  the  Western 
Union  Telegraph  Company,  dated  March  24, 
1864,  and  signed^y  O.  H.  Palmer,  secretary  of 
the  company — a  circular  to  the  stockholders,  in- 
forming them  what  steps  had  been  taken  to  secure 
Mr.  Collins 's  interest,  the  amount  of  stock  they 
proposed  to  increase  after  having  secured  it,  and 
the  manner  in  which  they  proposed  to  dispose  of 
that  stock.     I  will  read  it: 

Western  Union  Telegraph  Company, 
Secretary's  Office, 
Kochester,  New  York,  March  24,  1864. 
To  the  StoclthoUlers  of  the  Western  Union  2'elegraph  Cam- 
jmny : 

The  grand  enterprise  of  uniting  Europe  and  America  by 
overland  telegraphic  coninmnicalion  by  w.iy  of  Beliring's 
straits  lias  been  inaugurated  under  the  auspices  of  this  com- 
pany. 

Not  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Collins. 

The  great  importance  of' the  undertaking,  if  successfully 
accomplished,  as  it  is  believed  it  will  be,  not  only  totliis 
cninpany,  but  to  the  commerce  and  civilization  of  the 
world,  can  hardly  be  over-estiniMed. 

For  the  last  eight  years  P(!rry  McD.  Collins,  Esq.,  Amer- 
ican commercial  agent  and  acting  consul  at  St.  Petersburg, 
Russia,  has  been  pressing  the  subject  assiduously  and  iti- 
defatigably  upon  the  attention  of  the;  Russian  Government, 
and  has  tinally  obtained  its  favorable  consideration,  and 
has  secured  from  tluU  Goveinment,  as  well  as  from  the 
British  Government,  highly  favorable  grants  and  |>rivileges. 
These  valuable  grants  and  privileges  iiave  been  made  over 
to  your  company. 

1  caiHiot  witliin  the  brief  limits  ofa  circular  give  a  de- 
tailed statement  of  the  riglits  secured  or  of  tiie  terms  of  tlie 
transfer  to  this  company. 

The  Russian  Governnient  undcrtaUes  to  construct  a  line 
from  St.  Petersburg  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor  river,  in 
eastern  Asia,  a  distance  of  about  seven  thousand  miles, 
and  it  has  already  built  the  line  as  far  as  Irkutsk,  on  Lake 
Baikal,  nearly  three  fourths  of  the  distance.  It  is  to  be 
taken  up  by  ibis  company  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor,  and 
continued  by  way  of  liehring's  straits  till  it  shall  intersect 
the  present  lines  of  the  company  at  some  point  between 
Cliicago  and  tlie  Pacific  coast.  The  action  of  the  British 
Government  in  respeci  to  Biitisli  Columbia  has  been  liberal, 
and  lionorable.  The  grantsand  concessions  from  the  Rus- 
sian Government  are  exclusive  for  thirty-thfee  years. 

Mr.  Collins  retains  the  right  to  one  tenth  part  of  the  new 
stock  created  for  the  construction  of  the  line,  free  from  call 
or  assessment,  as  paid-up  stock  ;  also  the  right  to  subscribe 
for  one  tenth  part,  upon  the  same  footing  as  otiier  subscrib- 
ers, lie  is  also  to  receive,  as  compensation  for  his  ser- 
vices and  expenses  during  the  eight  years  engaged  in  secur- 
ing the  grants,  the  sum  of$100,000,  which  will  be  a  charge 
upon  the  fund  arising  from  tlie  creation  of  tlie  new  or  ex- 
tension slock.  ^ 

Mind  you,  during  these  eight  years  he  was  the 
comrncrcial  agent  and  consul  of  the  United  States 
at  St.  Petersburg,  drawing  a  salary  from  us. 

These  terms  were  believed  by  the  board  of  directors  to 
be  as  reasonable  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Collins  as  justice  to 
liimself  would  warrant. 

It  would  seem  that  this  company  thought  this 
grant  was  of  vast  value  to  them,  and  I  apprehend 
that  at  the  time  they  gave  the  $100,000,  and  the 
111,000,000  of  paid-up  stock,  they  did  not  think 
it  would  be  necesstu-y  to  come  to  Congress  to  ob- 
tain a  subsidy  of  ijj5()0,000  to  enable  them  to  con- 
struct the  line.    Tlie  circular  goes  on: 

For  the  purpose  of  accomplishing  the  object  aimed  at  in 
the  most  speedy  and  cHicient  manner,  the  board  of  direct- 
ors, on  the  ISili  day  of  March,  instant,  as  authorized  by  the 
charter  of  the  company,  unanimously  adopted  the  follow- 
ing resolutions: 

"1.  Rcso/i-c((,  That  a  special  stock  of  this  company,  robe 
denominated  the  extension  stock,  and  to  consist  of  one 
hundred  thousand  shares  ol  jjiUU  (•ach,  be,  and  the  same  is 
hereby,  created  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  and  eonstiuct- 
ing  a  new  lelegraiih  line  from  some  convenient  point  on 
tlie  present  lines  of  this  company  (not  east  of  Chicago)  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Amoor  river  in  eastern  Asia,  and  cmi- 
neetiiig  the  telegraph  systems  of  the  eastern  and  western 
continents  by  th"e  way  of  Behring's  straits." 

Now,  mark  the  next  resolution: 
"2.  Rcsoifcd,  Tliatall  per'sons  who  shall  be  shareholders 
in  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Cumpany  at  the  close  of 
business  on  the  ICtli  day  of  May,lBGI,  ^hall  be  entitled  t" 
receive  of  the  stock  hereby  created  an  amount  eqmil  to 
fil'ty  per  cent,  of  tlie  stock  then  held  by  them  respectively 


in  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company,  (excluding, 
for  the  convenience  of  distribution  and  to  avoid  fractions, 
ail  odd  shares,)  upon  the  payment  by  them  to  this  company 
of  the  par  value  of  such  stock  as  hereinal'tcr  provided.  Tliat 
twenty  thousand  of  said  special  sliares  be  set  apart  for  Perry 
McD.  Collins,  Esq.,  in  pursuanceof  the  agreement  made  by 
this  company  witli  said  Collins,  one  lialf  of  which  is  lobe 
subject  to  no  further  payment  orcall ;  and  that  the  re.Mdue 
of  said  shares  be  distributed  to  such  piMsons  and  in  such 
amounts  as  in  the  judgment  of  this  board  shall  seem  best 
calculated  to  advaiicethe  substantial  interests  of  this  com- 
pany." 

Vv'^hat  does  this  mean  ?  They  provide  that  each 
stockholder  shall  receive  fifty  percent,  in  the  new 
stock,  and  that  two  inillion  of  the  ten  million  shall 
go  to  Perry  McDonough  Collins,  and  then  the 
"  residue,"  after  that  distribution,  shall  "  be  dis- 
tributed to  such  persons  and  in  such  amounts  as 
in  the  judgment  of  this  board  shall  seem  best  cal- 
culated to  advance  the  substantial  interests  of  this 
company." 

"3.  Resolced,  That  the  special  stock  hereby  created  shall 
be  entitled  to  no  interest  or  dividend  until  tlie  completion 
of  said  contemplated  line,  and  until  a  dividend  siiall  bo 
earned  tiiereon,  and  that  tiie'holders  of  said  stock  shall  have 
no  right  to  vote  thereon  at  any  election  of  officers  of  tliis 
company  until  the  same  shall  have  been  paid  up  in  full  or 
otherwise  declared  full  stock,  and  shall  have  been  made  and 
declared  to  be  liomogeneous  with  the  general  stock  of  tliis 
company  as  liereinaller  provided. 

'•  4.  Resolced,  Tliat  U|)on  the  completion  of  the  said  new 
line,  a  separate  and  distinct  account  shall  be  kept  of  the 
receipts  and  expenses  for  a  period  of  two  years  trom  the 
time  it  is  opened  for  tlirough  business;  and  that  as  soon 
thereafter  as  the  accounts  can  be  e.\aniiiied  and  adjusted, 
the  special  stock  hereby  created  and  the  general  stock  of 
this  company  shall,  by  resolution  of  this  board,  bo  merged 
and  united  u]ion  lli'e  basis  of  tlieir  respective  relative  net 
incomes;  and  the  said  special  stock  may  for  this  purpose 
be  increased  or  diminished  accordingly,  and  from  the  period 
of  sucli  union  all  distinction  between  tlie  several  kinds  of 
stock  sliall  cease  and  determine. 

"  5.  Resolved,  That  in  the  final  adjustment  of  the  relative 
value  of  the  extension  and  general  stock  of  this  company, 
the  extension  stock  shall  be  credited  witli  a  rebate,  of  l(nty 
per  cent,  on  the  Wi'stern  Union  tarilT,  upon  all  tlie  through 
messages  passing  over  the  contemplated  new  line;  and 
that  while  said  new  line  is  in  process  of  construction,  and 
until  the  same  is  completed,  tin;  same  rebate  upon  the  ni:'S- 
sages  passing  oversueli  portions  of  the  new  line  as  shall  be 
fiirishedshaii  be  credited  to  the  said  special  stock,  and  ac- 
counted for  to  them  as  part  of  the  revenue  of  said  new  line. 
"  6.  Resolved,  That  the  secretary  be  directed  to  give  no- 
tice by  a  printed  circular  to  the  shareholders  of  this  com- 
liaiiy.  of  the  rights  and  privileges  secured  to  them  respect- 
ively of  taking  their  proportion  of  the  said  special  slock  ; 
and  all  shareholders  who  slivU  neglect  to  give  notice  to  l!ie 
secreiarv  of  their  election  to  take  such  stock,  on  or  before 
the  16tli"day  ofMay  next, shall  be  deemed  to  have  declined 
to  take  the  same,  and  the  stock  so  declined  shall  be  and 
remain  at  the  disposition  of  this  company. 

"  7.  Resolved,  That  each  person  who  shall  be  entitled  to, 
and  who  shall  elect  to  lake  the  said  special  stock  (except 
Perry  McD.  Collins,  Esq.)  shall,  at  the-time  of  indicating 
such  electhm,  pay  to  ilie  treasurerof  this  company  live  per 
cent,  upon  the  iioininal  or  par  value  of  the  stock  assigned  to 
him,  and  shall  receive  a  certificate  for  said  special  stock, 
showing  the  number  of  shares,  the  amount  paid  thi'rcon, 
the  special  character  of  the  stock,  and  stating  that  Ihe  un- 
paid balance  of  said  share  shall  be^ubject  to  call  at  the 
pleasure  of  this  board. 

"8.  Resolved, That  in  case  any  of  the  parties  taking  such 
special  stock  shall  neglect  or  refuse  to  pay  the  said  five  per 
cent.,  or  any  subsequent  installment  that  may  hereafter  be 
called  ill,  for  a  period  of  thirty  days  after  the  same  shall 
become  due  and  payable,  this  board  shall  have  the  right  to 
declare  such  unpaid  stock  to  bo  forfeited,  with  all  previous 
payments  made  thereon,  if  any,  and  may  sell  and  dispose 
of  the  same  at  its  discretion. 

"9.  Resolved,  Tliat  the  moneys  to  be  paid  to  Perry  McD. 
Collins,  Esq.,  under  the  contract  made  with  him  by  this 
company,  for  the  transfer  of  his  grants,  be  charged  upon 
the  fund  arising  from  the  nevi' stock  hereby  created." 

I  give  the  resolutions  entire,  as  best  calculated  to  impart 
tlie  information  sought  to  be  given  by  this  circular. 

As  matter  of  interest  to  the  stockholders,  I  would  also_ 
mention  that  in  view  of  the  contein|ilated  construction  of 
tlie  overland  European  line  of  telegraph,  connecting  the 
two  heinisphcres,  the  stock  of  the  Pacific  Telegraph  Com- 
pany not  owned  by  the  Western  Union  Coinpany  has  been 
merged  into  the  stock  of  this  company,  so  ihat  we  now 
have  but  a  single  interest  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
oceans.  i 

Although  the  )6tli  of  May  is  the  time  fixed  for  determ- 
ining as  to  the  distiibntion  of  tlie  new  stock, yet  I  shall  be 
glad  to  receive  as  early  notice  of  the  election  to  take  or 
not  the  p.ut  of  the  stockholders  as  iiiav  be  praetiealile. 
Respectfully,  &c.,  O.  U.  PALAIER, 

Sccretm-y. 

1  have  read  this  communication  to  show  the 
Senate  that  Mr.  Collins  is  not  the  man  in  inti'rest. 
It  is  this  immense  monopoly  known  as  the  West- 
ern Union  Telegraph  Company  that  has  seen  fit 
to  buy  of  Mr.  Collins,  according  to  its  own  dec- 
laration, these  concessions  or  whatever  they  may 
he  (they  are  evidently  exceedingly  v:sluable  in 
its  opinion)  and  to  pay  hiin  ^100,000  in  cash,  and 
to  give  him  in  paid-up  stock  !ji;l, 000,000  and  then 
the  right  to  subscribe,  as  though  he  lilTd  been  an 
oiiijinal  stoelcholder  in  their  original  company, 
l'oi''p,000,000  more.  With  that  showing,  do  you 
.suppose  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  do  more  tlian  tlie 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIOISrAL  GLOBE. 


3119 


Bi'itisli  Goveinivient  hns  done,  more  than  the  Rus- 
■  siun  Government  has  done?  Do  you  suppose  it 
is  necessary  for  us  to  do  more  thnn  furnish  our 
Navy  to  survey  tiie  route,  to  transport  their  mate- 
rials, and  tosinic  tiieir  wire;  that  more  is  necessary 
tor  us  than  to  give  tlieni  land,  the  right  of  way, 
the  etcnuil  use,  for  such  they  get  under  the  bill  ?  If 
anybody  comes  to  that  conclusion,  he  reaches  a 
vastly  diflercnt  one  from  tiie  conclusion  atwhicli 
1  have   arrivcil. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  The  honorable  Senator  from 
Iowa  does  not  deal  with  his  usual  fairness  when 
he  nttribiiies  to  me  a  disposition  to  argue  the 
merits  of  tin's  cause  on  the  question  of  taking  up 
the  bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  only  followed  the  example 
of  the  Senator's  associate  and  himself. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  1  caution  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator not  to  follow  a  bad  example,  when  he  chooses 
to  apply  it  to  me,  for,  sir,  1  forbore  to  say  any- 
thing on  the  merits,  and  simply  invoked  the  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri  not  to  undertake  to  prejudice 
the  mind  of  ihe  Senate  against  this  bill  outside  of 
its  merits;  and  I  did  not  suppose  that  on  the 
question  of  mere  taking  up  I  should  be  allowed 
to  state  the  merits  of  the  case  very  mucii  at  large; 
and  I  do  not  purpose  to  do  so  now  further  than  1 
find  it  necessary  to  reply  to  the  argument  of  the 
Senator  from  lown.  But  before  I  reply  to  him, 
before  I  tell  the*  Senate  what  the  mare's  nest  is 
that  he  supposes  he  has  discovered  in  the  circu- 
lar which  he  lias  read,  1  want  to  say  a  word  as 
to  what  I  understood  occurred  on  a  former  oc- 
casion. Then  it  was  said  that  there  was  no  evi- 
dence before  the  Senate  that  the  American  interest 
had  secured  any  grant  from  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment or  from  the  British  Government  at  all,  and 
the  papers  not  being  at  hand  they  were  demanded. 

Now,  sir,  this  question  has  been  before  a  com- 
mittee of  the  Senate,  whose  dulyitwas  to  inform 
the  Senate  on  some  things,  to  find  some  facts,  and 
one  fact  they  did  find  was  that  the  gentleman  who 
represents  the  American  interest  had  made  a  ben- 
eficial contract  with  the  Russian  Government  by 
which  he  had  secured  an  undertaking  on  the  part 
of  ihe  Russian  Government  to  build  a  line  of  tel- 
egraph in  connection  with  the  European  lines 
down  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor  river;  and  a 
further  fact  that  the  Russian  Governmetit  had 
conferred  upon  this  American  citizen  the  right, 
the  exclusive  right,  to  extend  that  line  of  tele- 
graphic communication  to  Behring's  straits,  and 
thence  across  the  sti-aits  to  the  British  frontier; 
and  fui'ther  that  this  same  American  citizen  had 
acquired  the  right  from  the  British  Govcrimicnt 
to  construct  in  continuation  this  line  to  the  Amer- 
ican boundary.  These  ai'e  prominent  facts,  im- 
portant facts  in  the  case;  thecommittee  findthem 
and  report  them  to  the  Senate.  If  anybody  doubts 
on  that  subject,  here  are  the  documents;  here  is 
the  original  document  in  the  Russian  language, 
and  here  is  the  interpretation  of  it;  and  here  is  the 
document  from  the  Britisli  Governmetit,  showing 
in  detail  that  these  rights  have  been  secured  to 
this  American  citizen.  I  will  send  them  to  the 
Clerk's  desk  to  be  read  at  the  proper  time  if  any- 
body raises  a  question  on  that  point. 

Mr.  POMEUOY.  I  dislike  to  interrupt  the 
Senator,  but  1  think  the  rules  are  to-  very  little 
imrpose  if  we  can  discuss  the  merits  of  a  question 
on  a  niotion  to  take  it  up.  Tliis  discussion  has 
been  prolonged  to  such  an  extent  that  1  do  not 
know  but  that  it  ought  to  be  permitted  to  go  on 
now;  but  I  supposi.'d  the  question  v/as  on  taking 
up  the  bill,  and  1  submit  whether  we  can  discuss 
the  merits  of  the  bill  on  that  motion. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  understand  the  honorable 
Senator  to  be  quite  right  about  that.  I  began  by 
saying  that  it  was  not  my  intention  to  go  very 
far  into  the.merits  of  the  case,  and  1  think  I  am 
authorized  in  what  1  have  said  by  what  has  been 
said  on  the 'Other  side.  It  is  strictly  in  reply. 
^     Now,  a  word  in  answer  to  the  argument  of  my 

honorable  friend  from  Iowa,  which  is  calculated 

not  designed,!  know— to  create  a  prejudice  against 
this  measure  before  it  is  in  a  condition  to  be  con- 
sidered by  the  Senate.  That  is  the  tendency  of 
it.  He  reads  a  circular  here  which  he  tlunks 
prejudices  this  claim  at  a  time  when  it  is  not  be- 
fore ilie  Senate  to  be  considered  on  its  merits. 
•  Now,  sii-«,  .let  us  look  at  it.  What  are  the  in- 
ferences wliicli  the  honorableSenatordesires  the 
Senate  to  draw  from  the  circular  he  has  read  in 
your  hearing?     He  says  here  is  an  overgrown 


monopoly  back  of  this;  Mr.  Collins  is  the  mere 
creature  in  their  hands;  he  has  little  or  no  inter- 
est in  it.  Well,  it  is  a  monopoly  of  the  Ameri- 
can Government;  it  is  a  child  of  your  own;  if  it 
is  odious  and  hateful  it  is  your  fault.  But  is  it 
so?  In  what  sense  is  the  Western  American 
Union  Telegraph  Company  a  hateful  monopoly? 
Where  is  tlie  evidence  of  that?  That  is  all  as- 
sumption, I  submit,  with  all  respect  to  my  hon- 
orable friend.  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  the  Western 
Union  Telegraph  Company  (if  that  is  its  name) 
is  a  hateful  and  odious  monopoly,  at  the  mention 
of  whose  name  the  legislation  of  the  Senate  should 
stand  aghast.  I  content  myself  with  saying  that 
there  is  no  evidence  of  any  such  thing  before  the 
Senate. 

Mr.  BROWN.  Permit  me  to  call  the  Sena- 
tor's attention  to  the  fact  that  it  has  been  neces- 
sary for  us  here  already  at  this  session  to  legis- 
late against  the  abuses  of  that  company — legis- 
late against  their  abuses  in  selling  at  high  and 
exorbitant  rates  the  transmission  of  news  to 
single  papers  and  associations  of  papers,  exer- 
cising a  discrimination  against  others;  and  that 
it  has  won  the  hostility  of  almost  the  entire  press 
of  the  United  States  in  consequence. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  think  it  very  likely.  Tlie 
press  are  a  little  sensitive  on  a  great  many  subjects 
111  which  1  donotsymp.athize  very  much.  I  am  not 
going  into  that  controversy.  What  is  to  be  appre- 
iiendedfrom  this  monopoly  of  which  the  honorable 
Senator  sfjeaks?  What  calamity  is  to  befall  the 
American  jieople  if  tliis  monopoly  is  permitted 
to  build  this  telegraph  line,  and  so  connect  with 
those  which  are  to  complete  the  circuit  of  the 
world?  That  is  the  question.  How  is  the  pub- 
lic interest  to  be  prejudiced  or  injured  by  it?  Will 
the  honorable  Senator  be  kind  enough  to  explain 
that  to  us? 

This  line,  as  i  understand,  is  to  cost  an  outlay 
of  at  least  ^5,000,000.  The  Secretary  of  State 
tells  you  in  ins  communication  to  the  Senate  that 
probably  it  wjII  cost  an  outlay  of  i»plO, 000,000. 
How  is  that  investment  to  be  made?  Who  is  to 
make  it?  The  telegra|di  poles  are  to  be  set  up 
and  the  wires  to  be  put  u[)on  them  at  an  exp.ense 
of  from  five  to  ten  millions.  W^hoistodo  it?  The 
Government  does  not  propose  to  pay  a  dollar. 
Mr.  Collins,  with  all  the  enterprise  he  has  ex- 
hibited, and  it  is  of  the  most  commendable  char- 
acter, is  not  able  to  do  it.  Where  is  the  man  or 
the  set  of  men  that  is  to  give  to  the  American 
people  this  great  boon  of  a  telegrajih  around  the 
glolte?  Will  the  honorable  Senator  tell  me  that? 
Oil!  he  says,  it  can  all  be  done;  there  is  no  trouble 
about  it;  it  will  go  itself;  if  you  put  up  the  poles, 
the  line,  according  to  the  laws  of  gravitation  or 
some  other  great  law  not  explained,  economic  or 
otherwis(>,  will  range  along  the  poles,  and  the 
lightnings  will  begin  to  flash  some  morning  when 
the  sun  rises.  But,  sir,  telegraphs  are  not  pro- 
duced in  that  way;  they  arc  not  the  product  of 
any  such  law  that  I  ever  heard  of.  If  the  honor- 
able Senator  can  tell  me  who  will  build  this  line, 
who  will  put  in  the  five  or  the  ten  million  dollars, 
I  will  turn  my  back  on  this  hateful  company  that 
he  speaks  of,  but  until  he  can  show  me  the  man 
or  the  class  of  men  that  has  the  spirit  or  the  en- 
terprise to  undertake  to  construct  a  thousand 
miles  of  line  through  a  trackless  desert  a  portion 
of  it,  and  some  of  it  up  to  the  latitude  of  63°  north, 
until  he  can  show  me  the  man  of  spirit  and  enter- 
prise that  has  the  ca]iital  and  is  willing  to  do  it, 
1  shall  continue  to  think  it  singular  good  fortune 
that  the  American  people  have  cherished  in  their 
midst  an  institution,  if  it  be  an  institution,  or  a 
company  that  has  the  means  and  the  enterprise 
to  undertake  the  accomplishment  of  such  an  ob- 
ject as  this. 

That  is  my  judgment  in  regard  to  it;  and  instead 
of  invoking  a  prejudice  against  this  company,  I 
think  they  deserve  our  commendation  and  the 
thanks  of  the  American  people  that  they  are  will- 
ing to  come  forward  and  to  second  the  movements 
of  this  citizen  of  ours,  Mr.  Collins,  who  has  de- 
voted the  last  ten  years  of  his  life  with  singular 
assiduity,  with  wonderful  enterprise,  to  this  great 
work. 

The  honorable  Senator  informs  us  that  Mr. 
Collins  has  been  commercial  agent  of  the  United 
States  during  all  that  time.  Does  the  honorable 
Senator  know  what  salary  he  has  had?  Does  the 
honorable  Senator  know  what  pittance  he  has 
lived  on?   Docs  the  lionorable  Senator  know  that 


the  salary  paid  to  him  hns  been  merely  nominal, 
mere  nothing?  During  the  ten  years  he  has  been 
there  he  has  ])rojected  this 'great  enterprise  which 
is  to  encircle  the  globe  with  a  telegraphic  wire; 
and  he  comes  and  lays  it  down  a  boon  at  your 
feet.  He  tells  you  that  he  has  not  only  been  able 
to  obtain  the  favor  of  the  great  Power  of  Russia 
for  its  encouragement,  and  tobiing  the  line  down 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor  river,  L-ut  that  Power 
has  given  to  him,  an  American  citizen,  the  ex- 
clusive right  to  construct  the  line  to  the  east  and 
across  its  possessions;  and  thence  across  the  Brit- 
ish possessions  he  has  the  right  from  the  British 
Government. 

This  is  an  enterprise  on  which  the  honorable 
Senator  thinks  it  is  worth  his  while  to  invoke  the 
prejudice  of  the  Senate.  I  commend  Mr.  Col- 
lins for  his  enterprise,  his  public  spirit,  his  self- 
sacrificing  devotion  to  a  great  end;  fori  stand 
here  to  say  that  among  the  great  things  of  the 
last  half  century  none  will  stand  higher  in  history 
than  this,  and  I  take  especial  pride  in  the  fact  that 
an  American  citizen  has  conceived  it  and  has  ac- 
conqdished  it  thus  far.  It  needs  now,  what  ?  It 
needs  for  the  American  Government  to  say  that 
in  the  spirit  of  enterprise,  international  comity, 
and  commercial  unity,  tliey  will  coofierate  with 
the  Russian  Government  and  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, and  join  hands  in  putting  around  the 
globe  an  electric  circle.  On  that  my  honorable 
friend  from  Iowa  invokes  the  prejudice — no,  I  do 
not  know  that  I  ought  to  say  that;  but  the  argu- 
ment that  he  submits  here  is  calculated  to  excite 
the  prejudice  of  the  Senate  against  the  whole  en- 
terprise, to  postpone  its  consideration,  throw  it 
over  to  the  next  session,  when  I  have  already  ad- 
monished him  that  that  is  fatal  to  the  whole  en- 
terprise, and  that  to  postpone  is  to  defeat. 

My  honorable  friend  has  read  from  this  circu- 
lar; he  does  not  favor  us  witii  the  inferences  v,?hicli 
he  draws,  but  he  states  it  in  a  way  to  leave  us  to 
draw  the  most  unfavorable  inferences.  That  is 
what  I  complain  of.  He  says  that  this  West- 
ern Union  Telegraph  Coiripany  propose  to  issue 
ten  thousand  shares  of  special  or  extension  stock 
for  the  purpose  of  building  these  eight  thousand 
miles  of  telegrafihic  line  tVom  the  American  pos- 
sessions to  the  Russian  possessions  and  the  mouth 
.of  the  Amoor  river.  What  of  that?  Is  there 
anything  wonderful  in  that?  Is  there  anything 
that  should  excite  your  apprehensions  of  danger? 
Is  there  anything  in  that  fact  which  v/ould  ad- 
vertise the  Senate  to  be  on  their  guard  against 
cons]iiracy?  Was  any  company  ever  organized 
yet  tliat  did  not  issue  stock  in  a  similar  way? 
How  is  a  road  or  a  telegraph  ever  to  be  built  ex- 
cept upon  the  issue  of  stock  ? 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Will  the  honorable  Senator 
permit  me  to  suggest  to  him  that  we  are  now  or- 
ganizing just  such  a  company,  just  such  a  mo- 
nopoly, for  the  building  of  an  overland  Pacific 
railroad,  giving  them  a  grant  of  Ifpl00,000? 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  am  quite  obliged  to  my 
honorable  friend. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  would  suggest  also  that  itis 
not  customary,  though,  for  committees  charged 
with  that  business  to  report  against  all  rival 
routes. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  had  not  the  good  fortune 
to  hear  my  friend  from  Missouri. 

Mr.  BROWN.  1  was  answering  the  Senator 
from  California. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  The  Senator  says  his  an- 
swer was  to  me.  I  confess  I  do  not  understand 
him.  I  understood  him  to  say  that  committees 
to  whom  such  subjects  were  referred  were  not  in 
the  habit  of  making  reports  against  rival  routes. 
Am  [  right?  I  certainly  am  at  a  loss  to  know 
what  the  honorable  Senator  means. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  v/ill  explain,  with  the  per- 
mission of  the  Senator  from  Maine,  that  to  this* 
same  committee  that  has  reported  the  bill  grant- 
ing this  subsidy  to  this  line  through  California 
and  Oregon,  another  bill  was  committed  granting 
a  subsidy  to  an  overland  line  from  Idaho  across; 
that  the  committee  in  making  their  reports  have 
discriminated  against  that,  have  given  the  subsi- 
dies and  land  grants  to  this  line,  and  have  not 
only  done  so  but  have  given  it  branches  all 
through  the  Territories  of  the  United  States, 
making  it  virtually  the  largest  monopoly  in  the 
world. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  If  1  could  suppose  anybody 
on  earth  had  any  private  griefs  as  to  that  action 


3120 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21. 


of  tho  cornmiitoc,  I  liavcan  abnnilunt  niiswcr:  but 
as  I  do  uoi  su|i|j(isc  anybody  has,  and  as  it  lias 
not  tlie  slightest  coiint'crion  with  the  line  of  my 
argument,  I  be;^-  leave  tiot,  to  feply  to  it  at  the 
pi-esenl  time.  1  prefer  to  confine  myself  to  the 
argument  of  my^  ('riei\d  from  Iowa.  His  state- 
ment was  that  the  Western  Union  Telegraph 
Company  is  to  issue  ten  thousand  shares  of  this 
extension  stock.  Very  well;  that  is  the  method 
of  building  it.  Now,  who  will  lake  it."  That  is 
the  question;  who  will  take  those  ten  thousand 
shares  and  pay  the  ten  millions  of  money  and 
build  the  line.?  Tiiut  is  the  question.  Howdoes 
my  honorable  friend  explain  that?  Until  the 
shares  are  taken  the  line  is  not  built,  tliat  is  clear. 
In  order  to  build  the  line  the  shares  must  not  only 
be  issued  but  they  must  be  taken  by  somebody. 
Who  is  to  take  them  .'  My  friend  says  one  thou- 
sand shares  are  to  be  given  to  Mr.  Collins  as  a 
gratuity.  Just  think  of  that — a  millionaire  at 
once.  But  let  us  consider.  This  man  has  got  in 
his  pocket  1  assume — I  do  not  know  how  the  fact 
ia,but  to  make  the  argument  strongest  against  him 
J  assume  he  has  got  a  thousand  shares  of  this  ex- 
tension stock  ill  his  pocket.  What  is  the  par 
value  of  it.'  What  is  it  worth  to-day,  not  a  sliil- 
liiig  paid  in.?  Who  will  lake  \{;  "What  is  its 
value.'  How  will  you  estimate  it.'  There  isnot 
a  pole  up;  there  is  not  a  mile  of  line;  there  is 
nothing  butthis  general  giant  in  his  favor.  Now, 
what  is  the  value  of  his  thousand  shares.'  That 
is  all  prospective.  My  honoiable  friend  estimates 
that  they  are  worth  |,1,000,000.  But  they  are 
worth  one  penny  or  nothing  at  all  just  as  the  on- 
terprise  succeeds, and  the  enterprise  succeeds  just 
as  they  go  forward  and  pay  in  the  money,  dollar 
for  dollar;  and  if  the  enterprise  is  a  good  one,  if 
they  can  make  the  line  as  they  expect,  if  the  en- 
terprise is  feasible  and  the  route  is  as  feasible  as 
they  believe,  and  it  does  not  cost  more  than 
$10,000,000,  then  it  is  a  plain  proposition;  he  will 
have  $1,000,000,  and  he  will  thus  get  a  reward  for 
his  ten  years'  labor  and  enterprise,  and  connect 
his  name  in  future  history  with  one  of  the  grand- 
est enterprises  of  the  last  fifty  years.  That  will  be 
the  result.  Who  will  mourn  over  that.'  Seeing 
that  he  is  an  Americrn  citizen,  is  that  a  thing  to 
weep  over?  No,  it  is  a  matter  over  which  I  will 
rejoice,  and  so  will  every  patriot  in  the  land;  all 
will  rejoice,  and  none  more  so  than  my  honorable 
friend  from  Iowa. 

But  the  honorable  Senator  says  that  the  stock- 
holders of  this  company  have  really  divided 
among  themselves  fifty  percent,  of  the  additional 
extension  stock,  after  deducting  what  Mr.  Col- 
lins is  to  have.  Suppose  they  have,  what  is  that 
worth.'  Much  or  little,  dependent  on  the  suc- 
cess of  the  enterprise.  That  is,  they  agree  to 
take  so  much  of  ihe  new  stock.  To-day  it  is 
not  worth  a  shilling.  When  they  pay  in  their 
money  dollar  for  dollar  and  build  the  line,  then 
the  Slock  will  be  worth  par  if  a  success,  possibly 
more,  possibly  fourfold.  I  hope  so.  No  harm 
will  come  to  the  public,  1  trust,  if  an  American 
company  should  succeed  in  that  way.  Rut  the 
honorable  Senator  says  there  is  another  very  sig- 
nificant fact,  and  what  is  it.'  That  the  remaining 
fifty  per  cent,  is  to  be  divided  among  such  per- 
sons and  in  such  amounts  as  the  company  shall 
determine.  What  is  the  inference  to  be  drawn 
from  that.'  I  suppose  it  is  that  that  is  to  be  given 
to  the  "  lobby  "to  carry  this  bill  through.  What 
then  is  to  be  done  with  that  other  fifty  per  cent..' 
Who  has  any  of  it  in  his  pocket.'  Who  has 
been  approached  with  it.'  If  according  to  these 
inferences  I  were  to  meet  Mr.  Collins,  I  should 
expect  to  find  his  pockets  stuffed  to  repletion 
with  this  surplus  stock  for  such  persons  and  in 
such  amounts  as  would  favor  this  interest!  Is 
that  so.'  Js  that  the  interpretation  of  the  circu- 
lar.' Do  men  engaged  in  a  great  scheme  to  plun- 
der the  GovernmeiU  publish  that  kind  of  a  record 
to  the  country,  and  then  send  it  here  to  Congress 
and  put  it  into  the  possession  of  my  honorable 
friend .' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  will  permit  mc 
to  say  that  the  circular  did  not  come  to  me  from 
the  company.  It  is  addressed  to  the  stockholders; 
I  suppose  it  was  not  printed  for  public  use;  but 
1  would  inquire  of  the  Senator  what  disposition 
is  to  be  made  of  that  extra  stock.' 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  will  inform  the  honorable 
Senulor.  The  inquiry  seems  to  imply  that  I 
was  not  wrong  in  the  inference  which  I  supposed 


the  honorable  Senator  desired  Ihe  Senate  to  draw, 
that  this  iiiirplus  fil'ty  per  cent,  of  slock  was  to  be 
distributed  as  a  gratuity  to  whoever  would  help 
the  bill  along;  and  thoy,  with  that  fact  patent  on 
their  record,  iiisiruct  their  seci-etary  to  notify  the 
stockholders  of  that  fact!  It  is  not  a  private  cir- 
cular; it  is  a  thing  for  the  world,  as  their  records 
are  open  to  the  world.  Does  anybody  suppose 
that  this  fact  is  susceptible  of  any  such  inference 
as  that.'  What  is  the  honest  inference?  Here 
is  this  leli'gra|)li  company  about  to  invest  ten 
millions  of  money,  more  or  less,  in  this  exten- 
sive stock,  in  this  grand  enterprise  of  construct- 
ing eight  thousand  miles  of  telegraph  line,  the 
success  of  which  is  undetermined.  They  nat- 
urally say,  "  We  vote  to  each  of  ourselves  the 
right  to  take  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  stock  that  is 
left  after  Collins  gels  his  share,  and  agree  to  take 
that  amount.  But  what  is  to  be  done  with  the 
rest  of  it?  As  men  desirous  to  make  money, 
what  shall  we  do  with  the  other  four  millions?" 
because,  according  to  the  argument  of  my  honora- 
ble friend,  what  is  left  is  worth  four  millions.  "  If 
we  can  get  a  subsidy  from  Congress  of  half  a  mil- 
lion, we  will  give  them  four  millions!"  That  is 
file  argument.  Would  not  that  be  a  nice  specu- 
lation, to  give  away  four  millions  and  get  in  re- 
turn a  subsidy  of  half  a  million,  payable  in  in- 
stallments beginning  five  years  hence?  They 
will  never  build  the  line  if  that  is  the  class  of  men 
they  are.  But  what  is  the  rational  interpretation? 
It  is  this:  "  Having  secured  the  taking  of  fifty 
per  cent,  by  our  own  stockholders,  we  will  dis- 
tribute the  residue  in  the  Atlantic  cities  at  great 
[loints  where  we  can  secure  the  patronage  of  the 
[lublic  and  the  favor  of  the  public  over  our  line." 
To  give  it  away  ?  No,  sir,  but  to  sell  it,  to  dis- 
pose of  it  for  the  construction  of  the  line;  and  if 
it  is  that  "  big  thing"  which  my  honorable  friend 
tells  the  Senate  it  is,  you  will  find  many  a  broker, 
1  dare  say,  advertising  the  sale  of  ihis'Siock,  and 
you  will  find  men  very  solicitous  to  buy  it — not 
men  expecting  to  get  it  as  a  gift  or  a  bonus.  Now, 
I  submit  to  the  candor  of  the  Senate  and  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Senate,  looking  at  this  public  circu- 
lar, looking  at  these  facts  spread  out  on  the  rec- 
ord, whether  it  can  feel  authorized  to  draw  an 
inference  prejudicial  to  this  great  enterprise  from 
such  a  fact. 

My  honorable  friend  assumes  that  this  will  be 
a  very  lucrative  enterprise;  that  these  men  will 
make  an  immense  amount  of  money  out  ot'it;  that 
they  are  very  rich  now.  My  first  answer  to  that 
is,  that  none  but  a  company  that  was  able  could 
or  would  undertake  such  an  enterprise  or  could 
carry  it  through;  and  it  is  a  blessing  and  noi  a 
curse  that  they  are  able  to  carry  it  through.  That 
is  my  first  proposition.  The  second  is  that,  in- 
stead of  its  being  demonstrable  that  it  is  to  be  "a 
good  thing,"  there  are  no  facts  in  the  case  which 
authorize  any  such  assumption.  If  it  shall  be- 
come the  great  line  of  intercommunication  be- 
tween the  eastern  and  western  continents,  when 
there  shall  be  some  two  or  three  hundred  million 
people  on  this  continent,  and  when  telegraphic 
communication  shall  become  familiar  as  the  al- 
phabet to  the  American  people,  as  in  no  remote 
i'uture  I  trust  it  will,  then  I  can  conceive  thai  this 
will  not  only  be  one  of  the  grandest  enterprises  of 
the  century,  but  will  make  good  returns  to  the 
stockholders.  I  should  hope  so;  I  should  trust 
the  future  of  this  country  would  warraiitas  much 
as  that. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  having  done  thus  much,  I 
having  attempted  simply  to  repel  the  interences 
against  this  bill,  1  have  done  all  I  desired  to  do  at 
this  stage  of  the  case,  and  will  meet  the  question 
on  its  merits  when  the  subject  is  before  the  Senate. 
The  PRESIDENTpro  <em/)6;-e.  The  question 
is  upon  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Michigan, 
that  the  Senate  proceed  to  the  consideration  of 
the  bill  (S.  No.  302)  to  encourage  and  facilitate 
telegraphic  communication  between  the  eastern 
and  western  continents,  upon  which  the  yeas  and 
nays  have  been  ordered. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  24,  nays  15;  as  tbllows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Cliaiuller,  Collaiiior,  Coiiness,  Davis, 
Di.xoii,  Doolitlle,  Harris,  Heii(iriel<s,  Hiclis,  Howard, 
Howe,  Joliiison,  McUougall,  Muigiin,  iMorrill,  Nismiili, 
Saulsliury,  Spragiie,  Sumner,  'J'ruiiibull,  Van  VVinlvIo, 
VVaile,  VVilluiisoii,  and  Will(;y-21. 

NAYS — Messrs.  AiUliony,  Brown,  Clark,  Cowan,  Fos- 
eenden.  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Halo,  Harlan,  Lane  of  In- 
diana, Pumeroy,  Sherman,  Ten  Eyck,  and  Wilson— 15. 


ABSENT— Messrs.  Buekalcw,  Cailil.-,  Harding. Ilendor- 
son,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Powell,  Uamsey,  Uicljardsuii,  Uiddle, 
and  VVriffht— ID. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  consider- 
ation of  the  bill  was  resumed,,as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  pending 
question  is  on  an  amendment  offm-ed  by  tlie  Sen- 
ator from  Michigan  [Mr.  Chamuler]  to  the  pro- 
viso in  the  third  section,  which  the  Senator  from 
New  Jersey  [Mr.  Ten  Eyck]  moved  to  strike 
out.  The  amendment  of  the  Senator  liom  Mich- 
igan is  to  strike  out  the  word  "fifteen"  before 
"  years  "and  insert  "  ten,  "and  to  strike  out"  one 
hundred"and  insert"  fifty"before  "  thoiisand;" 
so  as  to  make  the  proviso  read : 

Prodded,  That  if,  during  any  of  the  ten  ypars  aforesaid, 
the  l)usin«ss  done  for  tiie  United  Status  under  said  con- 
tract shall,  at  the  ordinary  rate  of  charge  for  private  mes- 
sases,  exceed  tlie  sum  of  ,f 50,000,  an  account  tliereof,  duly 
autlienlicatod,  shall  be  presented  lo  the  Secretary  of  ti.e 
Treasury,  who  shall  certify  the  same  to  Congress  for  [lay- 
incnt. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator 
from  Michigan  to  allow  the  vote  to  be  taken  on 
these  two  propositions  separately.  First,  let  U3 
vote  on  reducinu;  the  lime  to  ten  years. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Very  well. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  was  going  to  suggest 
that  the  other  amendment  should  not  be  agreed 
to,  but  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  should 
only  certify  the  excess  over  $100,000. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Tiiai  S100,000  should  be 
$50,000. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Let  the  question  be  di- 
vided. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  susceptible  of  division;  and  the  first  amend- 
ment is  to  strike  out  "fifteen"  and  insert  "  ten." 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  1  inquire  of  the  Senator 
from  Michigan  whether  he  really  thinks  that  will 
answer  his  purpose.  There  are  two  portions  of 
time  to  which  this  may  a|)ply.  There  are  five 
years  given  in  which  to  complete  the  line,  and 
then  there  are  ten  years  after  it  is  completed  dur- 
ing which  the  subsidy  is  to  run;  and  that  is  the 
reason,  I  presume,  that  "fifteen  years"  was  first 
put  in  this  proviso. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     No,  sir. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  My  object  is  to  perfect 
the  bill,  and  not  to  inake  war  upon  it.  Will  not 
the  amendment,  as  the  Senator  now  has  it,  re- 
quire the  subsidy  of  $50,000  a  year  to  be  paid  for 
the  first  ten  years,  including  the  five  years  when 
the  line  is  being  constructed  ? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  No;  there  is  nothing  to 
be  paid  until  ilii'  line  is  completed. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  My  impression  is  other- 
wise.   . 

The  amend m<Mit  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  next 
amendment  is  in  line  nineteen  of  section  three,  to 
strike  out  "  one  hundred"  and  insert  "  fifty"  be- 
fore "  thousand." 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  If  I  understood  the  remarks 
made  by  the  mover  of  the  amendment,  he  in- 
tended to  reduce  the  expense  of  the  Government; 
but  I  rather  think  that  lie  has  perhaps  increased 
it  by  this  amendment.  We  are  to  give  &50,000a 
year  for  the  use  of  the  telegraph  whether  we  use 
it  or  not;  and  as  the  bill  stands  without  the  amend- 
ment, if  we  use  it  to  the  amouiitof  $100,000  then 
we  are  to  pay  extra. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  bill  as  originally 
drawn  gave  a  subsidy  of  $100,000  for  fifteen 
years.  The  committee  cut  down  the  time  from 
fifteen  to  ten  years,  and  theamount  from  $100,000 
to  §50,000.  I'hcre  was  a  clerical  error,  however, 
in  the  proviso  to  this  section,  in  not  making  that 
change. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Whether  this  is  .a  proper 
amendment  or  not,  looking  to  the  view  taken  by 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  and  the  friends  of 
the  bill,  is  one  question.  Whether  it  is  such  an 
amendment  as  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  con- 
templated making,  or  those  who  may  agree  with 
liiin,  is  quite  anotiier  thing.  I  understand  now 
that  the  bill  as  originally  drafted  gave  to  the  com- 
pany $100,000  for  ten  years,  whether  it  should 
be  used  or  not.  That  is  to  say,  we  should  have 
a  right  to  use  it  until  the  amount  should  be 
$100,000.  Now  you  have  reduced  that  to  $50,000, 
which  makes  the  gratuity  on  the  part  of  tiie  Gov- 
ernment, if  it  can  be  called  a  gratuity,  $500,001) 
instead  of  $1,000,000;  but  when  you  come  to  the 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Congrkss,  1st  Session". 


WEDNESDAY,  JUNE  22,  1864. 


proviso  you  say,  provided  this  amendment  be 
iidoplL'd,  ihat  if  we  use  it  to  an  amount  which,  ac- 
cording to  their  rates,  will  exceed  $50,000,  then  in 
addition  to  the  $50,000  we  shall  pay  for  the  ex- 
cess, whereas  the  bill  as  it  is  upon  our  table  only 
requires  us  to  pay  for  the  excess  provided  the 
excess  be  over  $100,000.  I  only  wanted  the  Sen- 
ate to  understand  what  is  the  effect  of  the  amend- 
ment, and  to  call  the  attention  of  my  friend  from 
New  Jersey  to  it  in  order  to  show  him  that  I  lliiiik 
he  has  proposed  an  amendment  wliich  is  not  at 
all  in  accordance  with  his  purpose. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  liope  the  Senator  from 
Maryland  will  not  char.2;e  me  with  the  responsi- 
bility of  having  moved  this  amendment.  I  liave 
resisted  it.  I  liave  called  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  to  the  peculiar  character  of  this  proviso, 
and  I  have  moved  to  strike  it  ail  out,  not  design- 
ing that  there  should  be  any  such  provision  in 
the  bill.  After  making  that  motion  I  stated  the 
difficulties  arising  out  of  it,  and  that  I  supposed 
the  fair  construction  of  this  proviso  would  be  not 
only  tliPt  the  company  should  receive  the  sub- 
sidy of  §50,000  a  year  for  the  period  often  years 
subsequent  to  the  time  the  Government  made  a 
contract  with  the  company  to  transmit  their  mes- 
sages, but  that  it  would  also  require  the  payment 
for  transmitting  all  tlie  intelligence  over  the  line 
which  a  faithful  and  accurate  account  would  show 
exceeded  theamountof  $100,000;  andlsupposed 
that  the  design  of  the  persons  who  were  in- 
terested in  the  bill  was  that  between  the  amount 
of  $50,000  and  $100,000  there  should  be  no  ac- 
count kept,  and  that  if  the  Government  transmit- 
ted messages  to  a  greater  amount  than  $50,000 
and  less  tiian  $100,000,  there  should  be  nothing 
paid  on  account  of  the  excess  over  the  $50,000, 
as  an  inducement  on  the  part  of  Congress  to  pass 
this  bill  and  give  this  authority.  I  stated  that  I 
was  opposed  to  any  subsidy  at  all,  and  that  I  was 
opposed  to  paying  any  amount  that  might  be 
asked  for  tcansmilting  messaH:es  amounting  to 
$100,000  in  addition  to  the  $50,000.  In  conse- 
quence of  that  difficulty,  the  Senator  from  Mich- 
igan moved  to  amend  the  proviso,  and  he  has 
got  it  in  the  present  shape  which  now  requires 
us  to  pay  for  all  the  messages  transmitted;  and 
that  being  so,  I  see  no  occasion  for  putting  in 
"  $50,000,"  unless  it  is  to  require  the  Government 
to  pay  that  amount  anyhow.  That  will  be  the 
effect  of  it.  If  we  do  not  transmit  a  message  or 
properly  make  ourselves  liable  to  one  dollar's 
expense  during  the  whole  period,  according  to 
the  provision  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Mich- 
igan we  are  to  pay  the  $50,000  a  year  by  way  of 
subsidy,  and  if  we  transmit  messages  to  a  greater 
amount  than  that  we  are  to  pay  just  like  private 
individuals. 

Mr.  CBANDLER.  Allow  me  to  suggest  that 
I  liave  drawn  this  proviso  to  satisfy  the  Senator's 
doubts: 

Provided,  That  no  payment  slinll  be  made  to  said  com- 
pany unii!  tlic  line  is  buiit  am!  in  working  order. 

Mr.TEN  EYCK.  I  do  not  object  to  the  Sena- 
tor proposing  any  amendment  that  he  sees  fit,  but 
I  am  opposed  to  the  whole  proviso.  Of  course  my 
motion  to  strike  out  must  give  way  to  his  efforts 
to  perfect  the  proviso  and  put  it  in  the  shape  that 
he  thinks  proper  and  right  to  effect  his  object. 
After  he  shall  have  accomplished  thati  shall  still 
insist  upon  having  the  proviso  stricken  out,  be- 
cause I  think  the  appropriation  of  $50,000  a  year 
is  under  the  circumstances  improper. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  shall  not  offer  the  pi-o- 
yiso  wh icli^  1  just  suggested,  for  I  think  the  clause 
is  now  sufficiently  guarded. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have  no  objection  to  this 
bill.  I  should  like  veiy  much  to  see  the  enter- 
prise carried  out.  The  only  question  is  what 
amount  of  disbursement  we  should  incur.  As  it 
stands  now  we  are  to  give  in  annual  payments  for 
ten  years  $500,000,  and  for  that  we  are  to  have  the 
privilege  of  using  the  telegraph  at  the  rates  which 
thecornpanyhiay  charge,  but  only  until  by  our  use 
of  the  line  according  to  those  rates  we  shall  have 
used  it  to  the  extent  of  $50,000  a  year. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.     The  honorable  Senator 

196 


from  Maryland  will  excuse  me  for  interrupting 
him.  Theamendment  which  I  proposed  the  other 
day  and  which  lies  upon  his  table  printed  has  ref- 
erence to  this  matter  of  the  rates,  and  proposes  to 
restrict  the  rates  so  that  they  shall  not  be  at  the 
option  of  the  company. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  was  not  speaking  of  the 
rates.  I  referred  to  the  rates,  not  for  the  purpose 
the  Senator  supposes,  but  for  a  different  pur- 
pose. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  understood  the  honoi-- 
ablc  Senator  to  say  that  the  rates  would  beat  the 
control  of  the  company. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  did  not  say  so;  but  I  said 
that  no  matter  what  the  rates  might  be,  without 
inquiring  into  what  they  might  be  or  what  we 
may  direct  that  they  shall  be,  whenever  we  do 
use  the  line,  and  the  rates  charged  to  us  shall  ex- 
ceed $50,000  a  year,  then  we  are  to  pay  for  every 
dispatch  that  we  send  in  excess  of  that  amount. 
Now  it  seems  to  me  to  be  a  very  good  bargain  on 
the  part  of  the  company,  and  not  unreasonable 
on  the  part  of  the  Government,  to  ask  that  if  we 
are  willing  to  advance,  whether  we  use  it  or  not, 
$500,000,  we  should  not  be  compelled  to  pay  for 
every  excess  that  may  be  caused  by  our  use  of 
the  lines.  I  supposed,  therefore,  that  the  bill,  as 
it  was  printed  and  as  it  was  placed  up.on  our  ta- 
ble, had  met  with  the  concurrence  of  the  com- 
mittee, that  the  $100,000  mentioned  in  the  last 
proviso  of  the  third  section  was  not  an  error,  but 
that  the  committee  thought  we  should  be  at  lib- 
erty to  go  on  to  the  extent  of  $100,000  in  conse- 
quence of  our  agreeing  to  give,  whether  we  use  it 
or  not,  $500,000.  If  the  Senate  should  be  of  a 
different  impression,  it  may  be  that  we  shall  have 
to  pay  for  each  one  of  these  ten  years  $100,000, 
when  we  could  by  properly  sustaining  the  com- 
pany make  a  bargain  which  would  authorize  us 
to  use  the  line  to  the  extent  of  $100,000,  paying 
only  $50,000. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  It  is  plain  enough  what 'the 
intent  of  the  framers  of  the  bill  was.  As  it  stood 
originally,  it  pledged  the  Government  to  pay 
$100,000  a  year  for  fifteen  years,  and  gave  them 
the  privilege  of  using  the  telegraph  to  that  amount; 
provided,  however,  that  if  they  used  it  to  a  larger 
amount  than  that  they  should  pay  for  the  ex- 
cess. The  committee  amended  the  bill  by  redu- 
cing the  sum  to  be  paid  to  $50,000,  and  the  time 
to  ten  years,  so  that  the  Government  by  the  bill 
now  stand  pledged  to  pay  $50,000  a  year  for  ten 
years  with  the  privilege  of  using  the  telegraph 
for  those  ten  years;  provided,  that  if  they  shall 
use  it  to  a  larger  amount  than  $100,000  they  shall 
pay  the  overplus.  The  mistake  was  in  not  re- 
ducing the$100,000in  the  proviso  to  the  $50,000 
as  in  the  sum  granted.  That  was  an  oversight 
on  the  part  of  the  committee,  and  now  to  make 
the  bill  symmetrical  and  harmonious  with  its  ori- 
ginal purpose,  the  $100,000  in  the  .proviso  should 
be  reduced  to  $50,000,  and  then  the  Government 
would  be  on  that  siiowing  pledged  to  pay  $50,000 
for  ten  years,  and'  as  much  more  during  the  ten 
years  as  the  Government  use  of  the  telegraph 
ttiay  amount  to.  If  the  Senate  think  the  Gov- 
ernment ought  to  have  the  entire  use  of  it  as  pro- 
vided in  the  bill  for  ten  years  for  the  $50,000  a 
year,  then  the  proviso  ought  to  be  stricken  out 
entirely,  and  the  motion  of  my  honorable  friend 
from  New  Jersey  should  carry.  Otherwise  I 
hope  that  the  proviso  will  be  made  to  correspond 
with  the  sum  granted.  I  am  quite  indiffereni 
about  it  myself. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  <cm;}ore.  The  question 
now  recurs  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from 
New  Jersey  to  strike  out  the  proviso  as  amended. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Let  the  proviso  be  read  as 
it  now  stands. 

The  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

Provided,  Tliat  if  during  any  of  tlie  ten  years  aforesaid, 
the  business  done  for  tlie  United  States  under  said  contract 
shall,  at  the  ordinary  rate  of  charges  for  private  messages, 
exceed  the  sum  of  $50,000,  an  account  thereof,  duly  au- 
thenticated, shall  be  presented  to  the  Secretary  of  tlie 
Treasury,  who  shall  certify- the  same  to  Congress  for  pay- 
ment. 


New  Series No.  196. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  hope  that  proviso  will 
not  be  stricken  out. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  do  not  wish  to  prolong 
the  discussion  lest  I  should  come  under  the  cen- 
sure of  our  friends  who  seem  to  think  that  there 
is  a  desire  here  by  faction  to  kill  the  bill.  I  am 
in  favor  of  the  general  principles  and  provisions 
of  the  bill,  and  liave  said  so  from  the  beginning; 
but  I  do  not  wish  the  Government,  under  all  the 
circumstances  that  have  been  stated,  to  undertake 
to  bind  itself  to  pay  a  subsidy.  I  prefer  that 
there  should  be  no  such  obligation.  1  think  it  is 
unnecessary.  I  think  theGovernment  ought  not 
to  undertake  that  burden  now.  I  am  not  sure 
whether  the  striking  out  of  this  proviso  will  have 
any  very  great  effect  or  not;  but  as  I  understand 
the  third  section,  which  has  been  retained  in  the 
bill  by  a  tie  vote  of  the  Senate,  if  this  line  be  con- 
structed the  Government  can  contract  with  the 
telegraph  company  for  the  use  of  the  line  for  a 
period  of  ten  years  at  the  rate  of  $50,000  a  year; 
and  that  will  be  the  contract,  as  1  understand,  if 
the  section  stands  without  tiie  proviso.  Whether 
the  Government  transmits  messages  to  the  amount 
of  $100,000  or  to  the  amount  of  $5,000  only,  the 
payment  is  to  be  $50,000  a  year  for  the  use  of 
the  line,  if  the  proviso  be  stricken  out.  I  think, 
under  the  circumstances,  this  proviso  should  be 
stricken  out,  because  I  should  be  opposed  to  the 
Government  undertaking  to  pay  $50,000  a  year 
anyhow,  and  then  $50,000  more  if  it  should  turn 
out  by  reason  of  the  use  of  the  line  that  that 
should  be  required,  after  havinggiven  to  thccom- 
paiiy  the  use  of  the  Army  and  Navy  for  the  pur- 
poses stated  in  the  bill,  and  public  lands  to  the 
amount  of  thousands  if  not  millions  of  acres. 

Mr.  HOWE.  I  want  to  say  a  word.  The  re- 
ception that  this  bill  has  met  with  in  the  Senate 
has  astonished  mea  little.  I  do  not  think  wo  meet 
it  with  the  welcome  that  it  is  entitled  to.  I  have 
never  seen  Mr.  Perry  McDonough  Collins;  I 
have  never  seen  the  Western  Union  Telegraph 
Company;  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  saw  a  nuui 
who  belongs  to  the  Western  Union  Telegraph 
Company  or  has  any  stock  in  it;  and  I  have  not 
got  any  myself.  The  minister  of  one  of  the  for- 
eign Powers  resident  here  called  my  attention  to 
this  measure  not  long  since,  and  I  was  half  mor- 
tified and  half  gratified  that  a  measure  of  this 
magnitude  that  jM-oinises  such  immense  results  to 
tb€  world  should  have  first  been  brought  to  my 
notice  by  tlie  subject  of  a  foreign  Power.  I  did 
think  thata  man  born  in  New  England  and  domi- 
ciled in  the  Northwest  ought  to  be  up  with  the 
times;  but  I  found  myself  behind  time  on  that 
occasion.  A  gratifying  fact,  however,  which  goes 
in  some  way  to  offset  this  is  that  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  appointed  some  years  since  com- 
mercial agent  to  reside  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amoor 
river,  instead  of  taking  the  usual  track  to  his  place 
of  destination,  took  it  into  his  liead,actingin  the 
spirit  which  actuates  the  American  people,  if  not 
the  American  Government,  to  traverse  the  Russian 
empire  and  finally  brought  up — I  think  the  first 
American  citizen  who  made  that  journey — at  the 
mouthofthe  Amoor  river.  Not  satisfied  with  that, 
afterexamining  the  country  and  its  resources  and 
its  capabilities,  he  proposed  to  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernmentand  then  to  theGovernment  of  Great  Brit- 
ain the  project  of  building  a. telegragh  line  to  con- 
nect these  two  continents.  He  secured  readily,  it 
appears,  promptly,  the  cooperation  of  those  two 
great  Powers,  and  now  comes  to  his  own  people 
and  to  his  own  Government  and  asks  us  for  our 
cooperation ;  and  we  object.  And  what  are  the  ob- 
jections.' First,  that  iVir.  Collins  is  likely  to  make 
something  out  of  the  enterprise.  I  trust  he  will. 
I  think  he  ought  to  do  so.  Secondly,  that  some- 
body else  will  do  it  for  less,  and  that  the  Govern- 
ment need  not  subject  itself  to  the  expenditure 
which  this  bill  suggests.  What  is  the  evidence 
that  somebody  else  will  do  it  for  less.''  These 
two  continents  have  lain  for  several  years  just  as 
they  are  now;  this  route  has  been  open  to  the 
world,  if  it  pleased  to  occupy  it,  ever  since  my 
remembrance, and  perhaps  sometime  before  that; 
and  none  of  your  other  telegraph  companies,  and 


3122 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


none  of  your  otlier  enterprising  citizens  have  ever 
proposed  the  idea  of  connecting  these  two  conti- 
nents by  telegraph;  and  now,  when  the  route  is 
surveyed  and  the  capabilities  of  the  countries 
througlitwhich  it  passes  made  known  to  you,  you 
fancy  that  somebody  else,  if  permitted  to  step  in 
and  take  hold  of  these  discoveries,  may  do  the 
work  for  less  than  it  is  offered  to  be  done  for  here. 
1  want  to  see  theguarantee.  The  one  fact,  I  Icnow, 
is  that  here  is  a  proposition  to  build  the  line 
v^ithout  a  dollar's  cost  ora  dollar's  risk  to  the  na- 
tion; and  only  when  it  is  built,  without  a  dollar's 
cost  or  a  dollar's  risk  to  the  nation,  then  you  are 
to  commence  to  pay  for  the  use  of  it,  and  you  do 
promise  to  pay  absolutely,  whether  you  use  the 
line  or  not,  the  sum  of  |50,000  a  year. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Suppose  the  line  does  for  us 
^60,000  v/orth  of  work? 

Mr.  HOWE.  The  bill  provides  that  if  it  does 
$60,000  worth  of  work  for  you  you  shall  pay 
^60,000,  and  I  think  the  American  Government 
ought  to  pay  for  all  the  work  that  is  done  for  it, 
and  I  believe  it  is  willing  to  do  it.  There  was  a 
proposition  in  this  bill  to  give  to  this  company 
the  use  of  a  quarter  section  of  land  once  in  fifteen 
miles  for  the  use  of  their  agents  and  stations.  I 
believe  it  has  been  reduced  to  forty  acres.  The 
Senate  was  startled  at  it  as  a  prodigal  flinging 
away  of  the  public  domain.  Mr.  President, 
you  have  already  announced  to  the  world  that 
you  consider  a  single  settler  on  any  osie  of  your 
quarter  sections  of  land  Vi/orth  the  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres,  and  you  offer  it  as  a  free  gift;  and 
here  when  a  company  proposing  an  enterprise 
like  this  ask  you  to  be  furnished  for  use,  and  not 
to  sell  a  quarter  section  of  land,  you  want  to  cut 
it  down  to  ten  acres. 

But  getting  over  that  obstacle,  circumscribing 
them  to  the  occupation  of  forty  acres  once  in  fif- 
teen miles,  you  come  next  to  the  proposition 
whether  you  are  willing  to  pay  $50,000  per  annum 
for  ten  years  to  have  the  use  of  this  telegraph.  You 
tell  us  we  are  at  war;  we  have  great  need  of  money. 
I  know  the  fact:  I  am  not  prepared  to  dispute  that. 
Fifty  thousand  ('nllar?;  is  a  good  deal  of  money, 
unquestionably;  §5SJ,(iOO,  if  it  be  levied  per  capita 
upon  a  population  of  twenty  millions,  and  I  sup- 
pose ours  equals  that  and  will  equal  it  after  the 
war  is  concluded,  amounts  to  two  and  a  half  mills 
per  head.  The  gross  payment  for  ten  years  would 
be  two  ar)d  a  half  cents  to  each  individual.  Now, 
enormous  as  that  may  be,  and  hard  up  as  1  am, 
1  want  to  say  by  way  of  encouraging  this  enter- 
prise that  1  am  willing  to  stand  it.  And  more  than 
all  that,  if  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company 
can  change  a  five  cent  note  I  am  willing  to  pay  my 
two  and  a  half  cents  in  advance,  the  whole  of  it, 
and  take  the  risk  of  the  completion  of  the  line. 

Sir,  the  single  question  for  us  to  determine,  it 
seems  to  me,  is  whether  we  think  it  is  worth  to 
the  American  peo[)le  and  the  American  Govern- 
ment §50,000  to  have  the  capacity  furnished  to 
US  of  communicating  daily  with  all  the  courts  of 
the  eastern  continent.  Facts  transpire  here  every 
few  months,  the  communication  of  a  siogle  one 
of  v/hich  to  thediffercntcourts  in  Europe,  1  think, 
would  be  worth  $50,000  in  cash.  The  prompt 
communication  of  a  single  fact,  as  we  know  from 
"the  history  of  Governments,  may  often  save  a 
war.  This  much  I  say  in  reference  to  the  polit- 
ical importance  of  this  measure.  Its  commercial 
importance  perhaps  outweighs  this  vastly.  lam 
almost  prepared  to  say  that  if  1  knew  the  Gov- 
ernment would  not  want  to  use  this  line  for  a  sin- 
gle message  during  the  first  ten  years,  I  should 
be  willingand  I  should  be  proud  to  have  the  Gov- 
ernment make  this  utterly  insignificant  expendi- 
ture to  achieve  this  vast  enterprise. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  without  saying  more,  lam 
prepared  to  vole  against  the  motion  to  strike 
out  the  proviso.  Is  it  not  astonishing  that  in  the 
Senate  itshould  be  objected  to  that  the  originators 
of  an  enterprise  like  this,  if  they  should  do  more 
work  for  the  Government  than  the  §50,000  calls 
for,  should  be  paid  the  excess  by  the  Government .' 
Is  not  the  laborer  worthy  of  his  hire  even  if  he 
does  labor  for  the  Government,  and  even  if  he 
originates  the  field  of  his  labor  in  tracks  which 
you  never  dreamed  of  occupying  until  within  a 
very  few  months? 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  take  it,  Mr.  President,  that 
we  are  all  interested  in  having  this  telegraph  line 
built,  and  I  suppose  we  are  willing  that  the  Gov- 
ernment should  make  a  reasonable  contribution 


toward  its  construction,  but  in  giving  this  aid 
we  are  desirous  to  protect  the  Governmentasfar 
ais  possible.  It  happens  that  whenever  such  ques- 
tions are  presented  there  are  different  parties  in 
the  country,  and  some  men  propose  to  do  what 
is  required  to  be  done  cheaper  than  others;  and  j 
there  is  an  opinion  in  the  country  that  sucli,  meas- 
ures are  sometimes  carried  through  Congress 
under  corrupt  influences.  My  experience  here 
teaches  me  that  there  is  very  little  of  corruption 
in  any  of  these  measures  that  go  through  Con- 
gress; but  it  is  plain  to  any  man  who  has  been 
here  that  Congress  is  often  overreached  by  able 
and  sagacious  businessmen  that  know  more  about 
these  matters  than  we  do.  I  think  that  when  any 
proposition  of  this  kind  comeri  before  us  we 
should  give  the  subject  a  fair  consideration  and 
we  should  endeavor  to  protect  the  Government 
in  all  respects. 

A  few  years  ago  we  all  desired  the  construction 
of  a  telegraph  to  the  Pacific;  it  had  the  sentiment 
of  the  v/hole  country  in  its  favor.  The  Senate 
passed  a  bill  granting  the  company  certain  privi- 
leges and  a  certain  amount  of  money.  The  bill 
went  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  a 
practical  business  man  of  that  House  took  the 
matterinto  consideration;  his  committee  referred 
it  to  him.  It  v/as  represented  that  it  would  cost 
§750,000  to  construct  a  telegraph  line  to  the  Pa- 
cific ocean.  He  went  into  an  examination  of  the 
subject  and  demonstrated  that  it  would  cost  less 
than  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  he  had 
an  amendment  made  to  that  bill  which  saved 
money  to  the  Government.  The  line  has  been 
built,  I  understand,  for  less  than  four  hundred 
thousand  dollars;  and  its  business  is  such  that  its 
stock  is  worth  one  hundred  percent,  advance  at 
this  time.  I  am  glad  they  have  made  money;  and 
I  hope  the  parties  who  embark  in  this  enterprise 
will  make  money.  I  hope  the  stock  will  begood; 
I  care  not  how  many  per  cent,  it  advances. 

I  have  made  up  my  mind  to  vote  for  this  bill; 
I  shall  vote  for  it  on  general  principles,  because  I 
believe  it  will  accomplish  great  results;  and  as  the 
representative  especially  of  a  manufacturing  and 
commercial  section  of  the  country,  1  have  noth- 
ing else  to  do  but  support  a  bill  of  this  kind  if  it 
is  well  and  carefully  prepared.  We  have  made 
several  amendments  to  this  bill  which  i  think 
have  improved  it,  and  therefore  1  shall  vote  for  it. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  As  i  mean  to  move  to  strike 
out  the  whole  of  the  third  section  when  the  bill 
comes  into  the  Senate,  and  shall  then  state  in  a 
few  words  my  reasons  for  so  doing,  I  shall  ab- 
stain from  discussing  the  matter  now. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.PoMERoy 
in  the  chair.)  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of 
the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  to  strike  out  the 
proviso  to  tiie  third  section. 

The  motion  v/as  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  now  present,  with  the 
leave  of  the  chairman  of  the  Co^'imittee  on  Com- 
merce, the  amendment  of  which  1  gave  notice 
yesterday.     It  is  to  insert  as  a  new  section: 

Sec. -7-.  Jind  be  it  further  enacted,  Tliat  tlie  rate  of 
charges  for  public  or  private  ines^ages  shall  not  exceed  on 
said  line  the  average  usual  rates  in  Europe  and  America 
for  the  same  service,  or  such  rates  as  shall  be  ascertained 
and  fixed  by  a  convention  between  the  United  States,  Rus- 
sia, and  Greit  Britain. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  have  no  objection  to 
'.he  atiiendment  with  the  latter  clause.  The  line 
goes  through  an  inhospitable  region,  and  a  little 
higher  charge  may  be  necessary;  but  the  latter 
clause  allowing  the  rates  to  be  fixed  by  a  conven- 
tion of  the  three  Powers  saves  it. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  It  is  to  go  through  the 
territory  of  the  United  States,  of  Great  Bi'itain, 
and  of  Russia,  and  the  provision  is  that  those 
three  Powers  may  by  convention  fix  and  regulate 
the  rates,  so  that  the  company  cannot  oppress 
the  people  of  either  country. 

Mr.  BROWN.  1  i-eally  cannot  see  the  force 
of  the  amendment  which  the  Senator  from  Wis- 
consin has  offered.  I  think  it  is  the  veriest  sham 
that  was  ever  put  upon  a  bill.  I  should  like  to 
know  what  the  "  usual  rates"  are.  I  should  like 
to  know  from  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  how 
they  are  to  be  ascertained.  I  should  like  to  know 
how  they  are  to  be  enforced  when  they  are  ascer- 
tained. And  furthermore,  I  should  like  to  know 
how  they  are  going  to  continue  as  they  now  are 
if  we  give  a  monopoly  of  all  the  telegraphing  in 
the  United  States  to  this  one  company. 


Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  It  seems  to  me  so  clear 
that  I  shall  not  stop  to  go  into  an  argument.  If 
we  were  to  authorize  the  construction  of  a  new 
railroad  and 'ihou Id  say  thatthecompany  in  charg- 
ing its  ralets  of  freight  and  fare  should  not  exceed 
the  usual  rates  in  Europe  and  America,  I  think 
the  fact  could  be  ascertained.  But  lest  there  might 
be  any  difficulty  on  thatsubject,]estthecompany 
should  establish  any  rates  oppressive  upon  the 
people  either  of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain, 
or  Russia,  it  is  provided  that  the  three  countries 
by  a  convention  can  fix  the  rates  and  this  com- 
pany has  got  to  comply. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  think  the  amendment  is  in 
excellent  accord  with  the  principle  of  the  bill.  If 
gives  to  the  agents  that  may  be  appointed  by  the 
British  and  Russian  Governments  the  power  to 
determine  how  much  this  Government  shall  pay. 
That  is  the  effect  of  it. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     It  is  the  same  to  all. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  do  not  see  any^such  provision 
in  the  Russian  concession.  V^Tedo  not  know  what 
arrangements  may  be  made  with  this  company 
for  the  transmission  of  telegraphic  dispatches 
through  British  America  or  through  Russia;  but 
so  far  as  we  are  concerned,  this  amendment  puts 
the  payment  that  we  are  to  make  completely  into 
the  hands  of  men  a  majority  of  whonti  are  for- 
eigners. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Does  my  friend  from  Iowa 
think  we  can  fix  the  rates  of  charge  of  a  line  in 
Russia  or  in  Great  Britain?  This  line  runs 
through  Russia  further  than  it  does  through  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  both.  As  a 
matter  of  course,  therefore,  Russia,  Gi-eat  Britain, 
and  the  United  States  should  be  consulted  ;  and 
they  together  by  a  joint  convention  Jslvould  fix  tlse 
rates  of  messages  over  this  line  that  runs  through 
the  three  counties. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  offered  an  amendment  on 
Saturday  last,  which  was  adopted,  requiring  tiiat 
there  should  be  no  discrimination  by  this  com- 
pany against  particular  newspapers  orassocialed 
agents  of  the  press,  or  against  other  telegrapli 
companies.  I  now  offer  an  amendment  to  en- 
force that  provision,  to  come  in  inimediately 
after  the  amendment  which  was  added  to  the  third 
section  on  my  motion: 

And  upon  proof  of  any  refusal  to  comply  wltli  the  provis- 
ions of  this  act,  it  shall  be  the  dtity  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  suspend  all  payments  that  maybe  due  or  com- 
ing to  said  parties  or  their  assigns,  and  any  person  injured 
by  such  non-compliance  may  sue  in  any  court  of  the  United 
States  having  jurisdiction  and  recover  for  the  damages  so  • 
sustained. 

Mr.  MORRILL.    There  is  no  objection  to  that. 
The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  desire  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri  a  question  in  relation  to  an 
amendment  which  he  proposed  on  Saturday,  and 
which  I  believe  was  adopted.  His  amendment, 
if  I  recollect  aright,  made  a  direction  as  to  whom 
the  answers  to  messages  should  be  delivered,  i 
desire  to  suggest  that  the  provision  should  be 
that  the  answers  to  dispatches  should  be  delivered 
to  such  parties  or  persons  as  may  be  directed  by 
the  persons  sending  the  dispatches  to  receive 
them.  Perhaps,  however,  it  would  be  more  proper 
for  me  to  reserve  the  matter  until  the  bill  comes 
into  the  Senate.  I  shall  theii  offer  an  amendment 
such  as  I  have  indicated. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill  by 
striking  out  after  the  word  "  America,"  in  line 
nine  of  section  one,  the  words  "  with  such  branch 
lines  as  may  be  needed  to  open  communication 
with  the  various  mining  districts  and  other  set- 
tlements in  said  Territories."  1  desire  by  this 
amendment  to  strike  off  from  thiscompany,  which 
it  is  proposed  here  to  subsidize  so  largely,  the 
power  of  monopolizing  all  the  telegraphing  in  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States.  I  have  ali-eady 
called  attention  to  the  attempt  of  other  telegraph 
companies  to  get  authority  to  construct  lines  to 
these  mining  regions  and  across  the  northern 
portion  of  the  continent  on  the  same  terms  that 
were  originally  granted  to  the  Western  Telegraph 
Company  that  it  seems  is  going  to  control  tl)i.s 
overland  line.  That  has  been  refused  by  the 
Committee  on  Commerce. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     No,  sir. 

Mr.  BROWN.  It  has  been  refused  in  the  shape 
in  which  it  was  presented  with  a  provision  for  a 
subsidy.     The  committee  have  stricken  out  all 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


312a 


subsidy  fromall  enterprises  of  that  character;  but 
)iow  it  is  proposed  to  subsidize  aline  whicli  shall 
have  authority  to  construct  the  same  branches, 
and  to  give  this  company  the  right  to  cover  all 
the  Territories  with  branches  and  to  monopolize, 
virtually,  all  the  telegraphing  and  dispatching  of 
the  Governmentof  the  United  States.  If  itis  ab- 
solutely necessary  that  this  line  shall  be  con- 
structed asa  circuit  around  the  world,  let  us  con- 
fine it  to  that  express  business,  and  not  give  these 
extensive  additional  privileges,  because  I  am 
frank  to  say  that  1  am  interested  as  far  as  possi- 
ble in  breaking  up  the  monopolies  of  these  tele- 
graph companies.  It  is  becoming  the  v/orst sys- 
tem in  the  United  States  for  the  transmission  of 
news.  It  affords  us  the  poorest,  the  most  un- 
reliable of  all  modes  of  transmission.  It  is  be- 
coming the  most  remunerative  to  its  owners  and 
the  most  undesirable  to  the  public  that  can  pos- 
sibly be  imagined,  and  all  as  I  believe  from  the 
process  which  is  now  going  on,  of  consolidating 
in  one  or  two  hands  all  the  telegraph  lines  of  the 
United  Stales.  I,  for  one,  am  desirous  of  distrib- 
uting and  breaking  that  up  as  far  as  possible.  I 
am  solicitous,  therefore,  thai  this  amendment  shall 
be  adopted  which  will  deprive  them  of  this  right. 
Mr.  CONNESS.  O.ie  word  as  to  this  amend- 
ment. 1  liope  it  will  nolbeadopled.  The  Sena- 
tor says  his  object  is  if  this  line  shall  be  subsidized 
by  the  Government  to  confine  it  to  dispatches  be- 
tween certain  points  distant  from  each  other,  and 
not  to  give  the  company  the  right  to  control  and 
monopolize,  as  he  calls  it,  the  telegraphing  in  the 
interior  of  the  country. 

Now,  sir,  let  us  see.  The  lines  of  the  overland 
Telegraph  Company  who  are  to  enter  upon  the 
construction  of  this  line  as  proposed  under  this 
bill,  at  present  extend  to  Salt  Lake  only.  From 
the  Pacific  to  Salt  Lake  it  is  a  California  line,  a 
California  company.  Tlie  two  lines  there  meet, 
and  by  a  division  of  receipts  they  arrange  for  the 
transmission  from  the  East  to  the  West  of  tele- 
graph dispatches.  It  is  not  proposed  under  this 
bill  to  authorize  what  is  called  the  Western  Com- 
pany to  go  to  California,  and  I  do  not  understand 
that  they  contemplate  going  to  California.  They 
intend,  perhaps,  and  in  all  probability  will  strike 
off  from  Suit  Lake  directly  westward  to  the  north- 
ern Pacific,  to  the  Territory  of  Washington,  or 
to  the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  Oregon,  per- 
haps through  Idaho,  perhaps  through  Montana, 
and  thus  shorten  their  line  to  the  Russian  Pos- 
sessions. 

Now  shall  we  adopt  an  amendment  which  will 
prevent  the  company,  after  passing  through  Mon- 
tana or  Idaho  Territory,  from  running  up  or  down 
and  connectingthemselves  with  thetowns  and  lo- 
calitiesalong  the  route?  What  monopoly,  I  pray, 
is  there  in  a  company  who  propose  to  build  aline 
across  the  continent  and  then  to  make  lateral  lines 
wherever  there  is  business  enough  to  pay  for  their 
employment  and  use?  If  the  Senator  desires  to 
prevent  an  abuse  of  the  use  of  this  privilege  and 
of  the  use  of  tlieir  lines,  let  him  suggest  amend- 
ments that  will  compel  tlie  company  to  receive 
from  all  parties  in  the  order  in  wliicli  dispatches 
are  offered  such  dispatches  as  are  offered  and  at 
equal  rates  to  all  parties,  and  let  him  accompany 
these  amendments  with  either  penal  provisions  or 
specific  rights  to  whoever  is  refused  to  sue  and  col- 
lect from  the  parties  in  management  so  refusing. 
Let  us  have  safeguards  of  that  kind  if  necessary. 
1  apprehend  the  parties  who  desire  the  passage  of 
this  bill  vi/ill  not  object  to  that.  I  am  in  favor  of 
such  provisions. 

But  there  is  another  bill  that  has  been  referred 
to  here  in  the  discussion  of  ihi.s  measure.  It  is  a 
bill  that  authorizes  a  company  connected  with 
what  is  called  the  Independent  line  of  telegraph  to 
build  a  line  to  the  Pacific.  '1  believe  that  it  was 
introduced  by  the  honorable  Senator  who  now 
fills  the  chair,  (Mr.  PoMEROY,]  and  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Commerce,  and  reported  back. 
I  am  in  favor  of  that  bill.  Let  it  be  passed.  They 
say,  in  a  communication  laid  on  Senators'  desks 
this  morning,  that  they  are  able  and  willing  to 
build  the  line  to  the  Pacific  if  you  give  them  the 
right  of  way.  Very  well;  give  them  the  right  of 
way:  you  will  certainly  not  offer  them  more  than 
tliey  ask  for;  but  when  you  propose  giving  them 
the  right  of  way,  are  you  going  to  amend  their 
act  so  as  to  deprive  them  of  the  right  of  building 
lateral  lines  where  they  shall  choose  to  build 
them,  or  where  the  business  of  the  country  de- 


mands their  being  built?  Certainly  not.  But 
we  are  told  that  you  propose  to  subsidize  the  line 
proposed  by  the  bill  under  consideration;  and 
those  people  are  willing  to  build  a  line  without 
subsidy.  Now,  let  me  see  v/hether  the  cases  are 
parallel.  1  undertake  to  say  that  they  are  not. 
The  company  whose  circular  I  hold  in  my  hand 
propose  simply  to  build  an  independent  line  to 
the  Pacific.  There  they  stop.  Do  they  propose 
building  a  line  through  Russia?  Do  tliey  pro- 
pose connecting  with  the  British  or  Russian  lines? 
Certainly  not.  Do  they  say  they  have  any  con- 
cession from  either  of  those  Governments,  or 
any  right  to  make  any  such  connections?  Cer- 
tainly not.  If  they  had  1  would  as  freely  vote 
for  and  advocate  the  passage  of  a  bill  to  author- 
ize them  to  enjoy  these  privileges  and  rights  as  to 
any  other  party.  But  the  privileges  that  they 
ask  for  I,  for  one,  am  willing  to  concede  with- 
out restriction  upon  them  as  to  collateral  lines. 
Why  shall  we  propose  a  restriction  or  vote  to 
impose  a  restriction  upon  this  company  as  to 
lateral  lines?  If  they  start  off  from  Salt  Lake  or 
that  vicinity  through  Utah  or  Idaho  to  the  Pa- 
cific ocean,  we  wish  in  California  to  have  the 
privilege  of  letting  them  run  a  line  to  our  State, 
so  as  to  give  us  tiie  benefit  of  all  their  extensive 
ramifications  by  their  system  of  telegraphing. 

I  make  these  remarks  to  show  that  I  think 
there  is  no  proper  room  for  jealousy  as  between 
these  companies  or  between  the  privileges  de- 
manded by  eitherof  them.  I  hope  ihattliis  meas- 
ure will  pass  withouta  restriction  of  tlie  kind  now 
proposed,  and  that  then  we  shall  take  up  llie 
other  bill  and  pass  that  too.  Let  them  send  intelli- 
gence wherever  they  will  and  establish  the  means 
for  its  communication.  I  do  not  entirely  agree 
with  my  friend  from  Missouri,  that  the  telegraph 
is  the  most  unsafe  and  unreliable  means  of  com- 
munication. I  know  thatit  isattended  with  great 
difliculties;  but  without  it  where  should  we  be 
to-day?  If  it  were  possible  that  anything  should 
happen  that  would  deprive  us  of  the  means  of 
communication  by  telegraph  to-day  it  would 
come  upon  the  world  like  midnight.  We  do  not 
know  and  cannot  estimate  what  the  loss  would 
be  until  we  should  again  experience  it  and  lapse 
into  our  former  condition. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  desire  to  call  the  attention 
of  my  honorable  friend  from  Missouri  to  one 
clause  of  this  bill  which  I  think  relieves  it  of  the 
odiousness  of  that  feature  which  he  ascribes  to  it. 
It  will  be  seen  that  all  these  branches  contem- 
plated are  in  the  unsettled  portion  of  the  coun- 
try and  are  to  connect  with  the  mining  districts 
and  such  settlements  as  it  may  be  desirable  to 
connectwith, almost  entirely  now  an  uninhabited 
portion  of  the  country.  Now,  I  assume  tiiat  it 
is  desirable  that  such  communication  should  be 
made,  that  somebody  should  make  it.  This  is 
the  only  company  that  propose  to  do  it.  What 
is  the  objection  to  their  having  permission  to  do 
it?  It  may  be  said  that  you  grant  them  the  privi- 
lege and  they  will  complete  the  lines  when  they 
please.  The  bill  came  to  us  originally  in  that 
form,  but  if  my  friend  will  look  at  the  last  clause 
of  this  section  he  will  see  that  a  contingency  of 
that  sort  is  provided  against;  that  unless  all  the 
branches  contemplated  by  this  bill  are  constructed 
within  five  years  the  power  to  construct  them  is 
null  and  void;  so  that  they  cannot  cover  over  that 
whole  territory  again,st  everybody.  If  they  do 
not  perform  what  is  contemplated  by  this  bill 
within  five  years,  then  their  right  to  do  it  ceases 
forever.  Now,  I  take  it  it  would  be  a  boon  to 
the  American  people  if  they  would  do  it  within 
five  years;  and  as  nobody  else  proposes  to  do  it, 
why  should  there  be  objection  to  their  doing  it? 
I  do  not  see,  therefore,  the  importance  of  the 
proposition. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  There  is  another  argument 
against  this  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Mis- 
souri. I  understand  it  to  be  a  fact — I  have  it 
from  those  who  know — that  if  a  dispatch  is  sent 
over  any  other  line  than  the  Western  line  or  the 
American  line  which  is  connected  with  it,  to  Salt 
Lake,  and  it  reaches  the  commencement  of  the 
Pacific  line,  it  will  not  be  sent  thence  to  Califor- 
nia. You  cannot  send  a  dispatch  through  over 
the  Independent  line,  or  in  sending  a  dispatch 
from  the  Pacific,  it  will  not  be  sent  over  the  In- 
dependent line,  although  that  may  be  the  only 
branch  that  will  reach  you  wherever  you  may  be. 
If  that  is  the  method  in  which  this  Western  Union 


Company  conduct  business, andyoudo  notallov/ 
them  to  build  these  various  lines  through  t!ic 
Territories,  the  result  v/ill  be  virtually  to  cut  .iff 
all  these  Territories  from  telegraphic  communi- 
cation, because  it  will  be  impossible  for  them  to 
have  communication  with  the  outsida  world,  ex- 
cept over  the  lines  of  this  Pacific  or  Western 
Telegraph  Company.  I  think,  therefore,  the 
Senator  from  Missouri  will  do  a  great  injury  to 
the  people  of  these  Territories  if-,  in  consequence 
of  the  refusal  of  this  Western  Union  Telegraph 
Company  to  transmit  dispatches  coming  over 
other  lines,  he  should  deprive  the  people  of  all 
opportunity  to  telegraph,  which  they  so  much 
desire. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,(Mr.  Pomeroy.) 
The  question  is  on  concurring  in  the  amendments 
made  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  desire  to  except  an  amend- 
ment which  was  adopted  on  the  motion  of  the 
Senator  from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Brown,]  relative 
to  the  persons  to  whom  ansv;ers  to  dispatches 
shall  be  delivered. 

The  other  amendments  were  concurred  in. 

I'he  excepted  amendment  was  read,  as  follows: 

After  tlie  word  "public"  in  lino  fifteen  of  section  four 
in:>ert: 

And  to  any  other  telegrnpli  company  upon  payment  o( 
the  regular  cliargcs  for  transmission  of  dispalclics,  and  all 
such  dispatches  sliall  be  transmitted  in  the  order  of  tliuir 
reception,  and  the  answers  thereto  shall  be  delivered  to 
said  companies  for  transmission  overtlieir  lines  to  the  office 
whence  tlie  original  message  was  sent. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  move  to  amend  the 
amendment  by  striking  out  the  last  clause,  begin- 
ing  "and  the  answers,"  and  inserting  "and  the 
answers  to  said  dispatches  shall  be  delivered  to 
such  parties  as  may  be  directed  by  the  sender." 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed 
to,  and  the  amendment,  as  amended,  was  con- 
curred in. 

Mr.  TENEYCK.  I  now  move  to  strike  out 
the  whole  of  the  third  section  which  relates  to 
the  subsidy,  in  accordance  with  the  notice  1  gave 
when  we  were  upon  the  proviso,  and  as  it  is  thor- 
oughly understood  it  is  hardly  worth  while  that 
it  should  be  read  by  the  clerk  again.  It  is  the 
section  which  appropriates  §50,000  a  year  for  ten 
years,  with  an  additional  payment  for  service 
rendered  the  Government  in  the  transmission  of 
messages,  and  providing  for  keeping  an  account 
if  that  service  shall  exceed  the  sum  of  ^50,000  a 
year. 

1  make  the  motion  and  will  submit  an  obser- 
vation or  two,  for  two  purposes:  one  is  that  I 
have  a  little  personal  feeling  about  this  matter; 
it  is  rather  a  matter  of  personal  interest  to  put 
myself  right  on  this  question;  and  the  other  is 
a  much  more  important  one,  to  save  if  I  can  the 
Treasury  from  a  needless  subsidy. 

It  has  been  said  by  Senators  in  speaking  on 
this  subject  that  those  who  have  opposed  this  bill 
in  some  of  its  features  are  opposed  to  the  bill  itself, 
and  I  had  the  vanity  to  suppose  that  the  Senator 
from  Michigan  alluded  to  me  this  mornincj  when 
he  expressed  his  surprise  that  a  Senator  from  a 
coiTimercial  State  should  oppose  the  bill,  though 
he  was  not  surprised  at  Senators  from  the  North- 
west doing  so.  Sir,  I  do  not  oppose  this  bill;  I 
am  a  warm,  enthusiastic  friend  of  the  bill.  No 
man  can  glory  more  than  I  do  in  the  credit  and 
renown  which  this  country  and  this  Government 
will  gain  by  being  instrumental  in  establishing 
so  great  and  magnificenta  work  as  this  line  of  in- 
tercommunication which  is  to  surround  the  globe. 
Sir,  I  have  been  an  ardent  friend  of  every  species 
of  public  improvement  from  the  time  I  could  un- 
derstand what  that  ntieant.  It  is  one  of  the  car- 
dinal principles  and  doctrines  of  my  creed.  But 
the  question  is  not  here  whether  this  work  is  to 
be  built  or  not;  the  question  is,  how  is  it  to  be 
built,  and  under  what  circumstances?  and  that  is 
the  sole  question. 

I  shall  not  take  up  the  time  of  the  Senate  in  re- 
capitulating the  ability  and  strength  and  power 
and  exclusive  privileges  which  have  been  conferred 
upon  the  gentlemen  comprising  this  company; 
that  has  been  so  fully  ventilated  before  the  Senate 
as  to  attract  the  eyes  of  all  men  in  this  counti,-y 
to  tlieir  power,  their  influence,  and  their  interest.^ 
But  the  question  is  whether  the  Governmen|t,i)f 
the  United  States  shall  give  a  suDsiuy  of  I^H.-OuO 


3124 


THE  OOJSTGRESSIOATAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


a  year  certainly  for  ten  years,  and  perhaps  f  50, 000 
a  year  ill  addition,  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill. 
I  admit  that  the  Government  should  pay  like  an 
individual  for  tlie  service  which  is  performed  for 
it.  The  Senator  from  Wisconsin  [Mr.  Howe] 
seemed  to  express  ^ome  surprise  that  Congress 
should  be  indisposed  to  pay  in  behalf  of  the 
Government  for  the  labor  and  service  that  might 
bo  rendered  for  it  by  this  company.  I  do  not 
occupy  that  position  here.  He  asks  whether,  if 
the  transmission  of  the  Government  messages 
should  amount  to  more  than  |50,000  a  year,  the 
G()vernm(;nt  oufjht  not  to  pay  for  transmitting 
them.  [  say  certainly  it  ought,  standing  alone 
as  a  single  question;  but  why  should  the  Gov- 
ernment pay  1,50,000  if  messages  are  transmitted 
for  it  amounting  to  only  p,000  or  ^5,000  in  a  year? 
By  tiiat  rule,  the  Senator's  logic  does  not  hold 
good.  But  he  says  this  subsidy  is  to  encourage 
this  great  national  project.  Does  it  need  tiiis  en- 
couragement? He  asked,  with  tones  of  surprise 
and  rather  of  indignation,  shall  this  Government 
be  so  mean  as  to  withhold  a  helping  hand  to  aid 
in  this  great  project?  Why,  sir,  if  I  understand 
the  genera!  provisions  of  iliis  bill,  the  Govern- 
ment is  not  to  withhold  its  hand;  neither  is  Con- 
gress close,  mean,  or  stingy  in  the  assistance  it 
proposes  to  give  to  this  company  in  the  construc- 
tion of  this  worlc.  I  need  but  simply  recapitu- 
late that  we  give  them  the  use  of  a  quarter  sec- 
tion of  land  for  every  fifteen  miles  along  the  route 
of  these  telegraph  lines,  several  thousand  miles 
in  length,  with  tiie  wood  and  timber  necessary 
for  their  purposes.  We  authorize  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  detail  a  national  vessel  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  tlie  surveys  and  soundings,  and 
carrying  the  very  material  with  which  this  line 
is  to  be  constructed.  We  also  put  at  the  disposal 
of  this  company  a  part  of  the  Army  of  the  coun- 
try to  protect  them  in  this  work,  and  to  protect 
the  vi'ork  after  it  is  completed.  [  think,  then, 
the  Government  is  not  parsimonious,  the  Gov- 
ernment is  not  close,  the  Government  does  not 
throw  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  accomplish- 
ment of  this  great  undertaking. 

The  Senator  from  Wisconsin  asked  why  vi^e 
sliould  not  act  with  the  liberality  of  the  Govern- 
ments of  Russia  and  Great  Britain.  Sir,  if  we 
refuse  this  subsidy  of  $500,000  we  shall  then, 
under  tliis  bill,  afford  this  company  much  greater 
advantages  and  privileges  than  have  been  con- 
ferred on  them  either  by  the  Russian  or  the  Brit- 
ish Government.  1  beg  leave  to  refer  for  one  mo- 
ment to  these  papers  which  have  been  called 
contracts.  They  may,  according  to  the  faith  of 
kings,  amount  to  contracts, although  I  have  heard 
it  said  you  should  not  put  your  trust  in  princes. 
What  does  the  Government  of  Russia  undertake 
to  do  by  its  officer.  Lieutenant  General  of  Engi- 
neers MelnikofF?  It  gives  no  portion  of  the  army 
to  maintain  the  work  in  its  erection  or  to  secure 
it  after  it  is  erected.  It  details  no  portion  of  its 
navy  for  the  purpose  of  soundings,  surveys,  or 
carrying  materials  thousands  of  miles.  It  gives 
no  subsidy;  not  a  dollar.  It,  however,  enjoins 
it  upon  the  company  that  they  shall  employ  Rus- 
sians for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  work,  and 
it  insists  upon  it,  too,  that  tliey  siiall  be  married 
men,  men  of  families,  who  are  to  be  taken  with 
their  families  and  established  along  the  line  in  a 
district  of  country  that  never  had  any  settlements, 
for  the  purpose  of  increasing  its  powerand  popu- 
lating the  district  of  country  through  which  the 
line  shall  pass,  having  an  eye  to  the  increase  of 
its  strength  and  its  power,  and  the  extension  of 
its  population  in  that  section  of  country.   And 

"According  totlie  opinion  of  the  same  olRcpr,  acting  as 
governor  general  of  Eastern  Siberia,  all  workmen,  and  a 
portion  of  tlic  servants  on  duty  along  tlic  projected  tele- 
graph line,  should  be  Russian  subjects;  and  as  many  as 
possible  ought  to  be  married  men,  with  their  families.  Tliis 
will  likewise  be  important  to  the  company  in  an  economi- 
cal point  oC  view,  as  well  as  in  regard  to  its  relations  with 
the  Russian  Government." 

Then,  again,  it  requires  by  an  express  stipula- 
tion that  the  Government  of  Russia  shall  not  in 
any  way  be  liable  to  pay  these  men  who  are  thus 
taketi  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  and  protecting 
this  line,  if  I  read  it  aright.  Then,  again,  we  give 
here  a  free,  uninterrupted,  and  unrestricted  priv- 
ilege for  all  time.  By  this  Russian  contract  it  is 
stipulated  that  the  work  shall  be  commenced, and 
five  years  allowed  to  establish  the  telegrapii.and 
thirty-three  years  for  exclusive  privilege: 

"The  term  solicited  by  tlie  conipany,  viz:  five  yeata  In 


which  to  establish  the  telegraph,  and  thirty-three  years  for 
exclusive  privilege  of  the  same,  can  be  granted  under  con- 
dition that  if,  in  the  course  of  thetirst  two  years,  no  begin- 
ning should  be  made,  or  if,  after  the  expiration  of  five  years, 
the  wholeline  should  not  be  achieved  and  putin  operation, 
then  the  privilege  is  to  cease." 

You  will  observe  that  by  this  boasted  contract 
of  the  Russian  Government  which  is  held  up  in 
such  flaming  contrast  to  the  proposition  we  now 
make  in  our  bill,  this  company  are  restricted  in 
their  exclusive  tise  and  privilege  of  this  line  to 
the  period  of  thirty-three  years,  whereas  this  mo- 
nopoly which  is  now  sought  to  be  conferred  on  this 
company  is  to  last  for  all  time,  and  it  is  to  have 
power  to  run  out  its  lines  to  mineral  lands  in  all 
directions,  like  fingers  running  from  a  man's  arm. 

Sir,  I  think  that  witli  what  Congress  now  pro- 
poses to  do  under  this  bill  if  we  shall  not  grant 
the  subsidy  of  ^50,000  we  may  compare  the  lib- 
erality of  our  Government  fairly  and  favorably 
with  the  conduct  of  the  Russian  and  British  Gov- 
ernments. The  British  Government  give  no  sub- 
sidy, as  will  be  found  by  an  investigation  of  this 
contract  or  privilege  which  the  secretary  of  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  has  conferred  upon  the  gen- 
tleman who  has  been  so  distinguished  in  his  ef- 
forts to  procure  the  concessions  from  these  differ- 
ent Governments. 

The  Senator  from  Wisconsin,  who,  I  am  sorry 
to  see,  is  not  here,  called  this  a  mere  pittance  on 
our  part.  Well,  sir,  in  view  of  what  we  under- 
take to  do  it  is  no  pittance.  He  says  who  will 
undertake  to  do  it  tor  less?  Without  going  to 
anybody  else,  I  say  this  company  will  do  it  for 
less;  and  I  am  authorized  in  so  saying  because  I 
know  that  they  first  asked,  when  they  introduced 
their  bill,  only  §40,000  a  year  instead  of  jJSO.OOO; 
and  that  would  be  a  saving  of  ^J50,000  in  ten 
years,  which  is  no  small  matter  in  these  times, 
when  we  are  racking  our  brain  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  money  to  carry  on  this  war.  They 
will  not  only  do  it  for  ^40,000,  but  they  v.'ill  do 
it  and  can  aiiord  to  do  it  without  a  dollar  of  sub- 
sidy, and  ought  to  do  it  under  the  great  advan- 
tages we  offer  them  for  the  purpose  of  enabling 
them  to  carry  out  this  work  and  to  have  the  sole 
control  of  a  corporation  v/hose  capital  has  risen 
within  the  short  period  of  fifteen  months,  if  I  am 
correctly  informed.from  §3,000,000  to  $12,000,000, 
and,  as  i  believe,  it  v/ill  be  worth,  if  this  bill 
should  be  passed  tlirough  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress, the  snug  little  sum  of  $20,000,000.  Oh, 
but,  says  the  Senator  from  California,  [Mr.  Con- 
NEss,]  in  reply  to  an  objection  raised  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Brown,]  that  another 
project  of  a  similar  kind  cannot  receive  the  fos- 
tering hand  of  Congress,  he  is  perfectly  willing 
to  vote  for  that  bill;  he  is  perfectly  willing  to 
grant  the  right  of  way  to  the  new  line  which  it  is 
proposed  to  start  from  the  Missouri  river  and  run 
to  San  Francisco.  He  says  that  bill  has  been  re- 
ported, as  he  believes,  without  any  largess  or  sub- 
sidy being  offered  on  the  part  of  Congress. 

When  that  bill  was  introduced  by  yourself,  sir, 
[Mr.  PoMEUOY  in  the  chair,]  into  this  Senate,  it 
proposed  that  Congress  should  extend  to  the 
United  States Telegrapli  Company,  in  addition  to 
granting  them  the  right  of  v./ay,  a  subsidy  of 
$20,000  a  year.  I  may  mention  the  fact,  because 
it  appears  upon  the  records  of  the  Senate  that  one 
bill,  this  huge  bill,  was  reported  back  from  the 
Committee  on  Commerce,  of  which  1  happen  to 
bean  humble  member,  wit^i  the  subsidy  of  $50, 000 
allowed,  and  the  subsidy  of  $20,000  asked  for  in 
the  other  case  was  stricken  out;  from  which  I  feel 
myself  justified  in  saying  that  lionorable  influ- 
ences, (not  corrupt  but  honorable  influences,)  the 
weight  of  character  of  men  of  ability,  and  skill, 
and  wealth,  and  their  persuasions  and  their  argu- 
ments, have  been  able  to  satisfy  the  committee  and 
the  Senate  that  a  subsidy  should  be  allowed  in  the 
one  case  and  not  granted  in  the  other.  I  myself 
am  not  able  to  see  the  distinction  between  the  two. 

Now,  sir,  having  just  made  this  plain,  unvar- 
nished statement  of  the  facts  of  the  case  as  they 
stand  before  us  on  this  bill,  I  submit  most  re- 
spectfully that  at  this  time,  a  time  of  war,  when 
we  are  in  a  death-struggle  to  maintain  our  armies 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  when  we  are  un- 
dergoing such  a  trial  as  no  nation  under  heaven 
did  through  its  public  agents  and  officers  to  keep 
the  public  Treasury  in  a  position  to  meet  tiie 
public  demands  and  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
our  Army  and  our  Navy,  we  should  not  be  hasty 
in  pressing  this  subsidy  of  $500,000,  when,  ac- 


cording to  my  humble  judgment,  and  I  think  the 
facts  of  the  case  will  sustain  me,  this  telegraph 
line  can  be  built  without  any  detriment  To  the 
persons  interested  in  it,  without  the  grant  of  a 
single  dollar  for  that  purpose.  With  these  com- 
ments I  trust  1  have  discharged  my  duty  and  have 
done  with  the  discussion  of  this  matter. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  My  honorable  friend  has 
stated  one  fact  or  alluded  to  a  fact  which  renders 
it  necessary  that  I  should  say  a  word.  It  is  true 
the  record  discloses  what  he  states,  that  one  bill 
coiTies  from  the  Committee  on  Commerce  with  a 
subsidy,  and  another  bill,  proposing  a  subsidy, 
with  that  subsidy  denied;  but  I  think  my  honor- 
able friend  undertakes  to  draw  an  inference  from 
it  which  would  be  prejudicial  to  the  favor  of  the 
Senate  toward  this  bill  for  that  reason;  and  he 
forgot  to  say  what  he  will  remember  when  I  re- 
peat it,  that  there  was  an  obvious  and  distinct  rea- 
son why  the  subsidy  was  denied  in  the  case  re- 
ferred to,  and  the  reason  is  as  patent  on  the  records 
of  the  Senate  as  the  fact  referred  to.  It  will  be 
remembered  by  the  Senate  that  some  two  or  three 
years  ago  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
granted  a  subsidy  of  $40,000  a  year,  I  think,  for 
the  construction  of  a  line  from  the  Missouri  rivcu- 
to  Saij  Francisco.  Having  one  subsidized  line, 
I  think  the  Senate  will  understand  why  the  com- 
mittee should  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
hardly  worth  while  for  the  Government  to  subsi- 
dize another  line  in  the  same  direction  and  on  al- 
most the  same  route.  I  hope  that  is  an  answer 
to  any  inference  which  might  be  drawn  from  the 
fact  alluded  toby  my  honorable  friend  from  New 
Jersey. 

While  I  am  up  I  want  to  say  another  word 
about  the  estimate  which  is  put  upon  the  value  of 
this  enterprise  by  my  honorable  friend  from  New 
Jersey.  Fie  says  it  gives  a  snug  little  fortune  of 
$20,000,000  to  somebody.  If  it  shall  so  turn  out 
1  shall  never  weep  over  it.  If  we  secure  the  en- 
terprise it  will  never  be  a  matter  of  regret  to  me 
that  the  enterprising  men  who  engaged  in  it  and 
gave  it  to  the  country  and  to  the  world  for  all  time 
have  made  fortunes,  ifyou  please,  outof  it;  but  that 
is  a  speculation,  that  is  a  thing  to  be  tried;  that  is 
a  thing  there  are  no  facts  to  demonstrate.  At  the 
present  moment  it  is  all  speculation.  The  fact 
may  be  so  eventually,  or  it  may  not. 

Whenever  any  propositions  come  up  for  rail- 
roads, telegraphs,  or  what  not,  somebody  who 
has  got  a  counter-project,  or  somebody  who  does 
not  believe  in  the  thing  itself,  rises  and  says, 
"Now  only  give  that  thing  to  me  and  I  will  do 
the  public  great  credit  and  make  a  very  good  thing 
out  of  it  myself."  Have  we  forgotten  what  a 
struggle  it  was  to  get  a  horse  railroad  chartered 
along  Pennsylvania  avenue  between  Georgetown 
and  the  Capitol?  V/hen  one  party  proposed  it 
som.e  one  who  did  not  want  him  to  have  it  would 
come  in  and  offer  to  make  a  great  deal  better  terms 
for  the  public,  and  we  were  told  that  in  it  there 
were  immense  fortunes  for  many  people.  Well, 
we  granted  a  charter;  the  enterprise  wentforward; 
everybody  admits  it  is  a  great  blessing  to  the  city; 
the  public  has  been  accommodated,  and  besides 
that  it  is  said  those  parties  have  made  money.  I 
hope  they  have;  I  may  venture  to  say  they  have; 
but  what  is  the  result?  You  are  having  railroads 
all  over  the  city;  you  have  got  the  thing  started; 
the  people  see  the  utility  of  it,  and  now  we  are 
making  rail  road  son  streets  parallel  to  it  and  at  right 
angles  to  it,  and  when  that  is  done  what  is  to  be- 
come of  the  fortunes  of  these  men  ?  They  will  not 
lose,  I  hope;  but  that  which  is  a  monopoly  will 
be  rendered  entirely  powei<less  and  entirely  harm- 
less, and  will  be  only  a  benefaction  forever  to  the 
people  in  the  power  Congress  has  over  all  such 
subjects  to  allow  competition  whenever  competi- 
tion is  demanded.  Whenever  there  are  others 
equally  enterprising  who  will  undertake  similar 
enterprises  the  dividends  of  the  existing  com- 
panies will  to  a  great  extent  disappear.  1  think 
this  is  a  sufficient  answer  to  what  has  been  said 
by  rtny  honorable  friend  on  that  point. 

It  is  said  that  we  propose  to  give  this  company 
$500,000,  $50,000  a  year  for  ten  years,  if  they 
will  go  forward  with  this  enterprise.  What  do 
we  secure  to  ourselves  in  the  mean  time?  We  se- 
cure to  ourselves  over  this  telegraph  the  oppor- 
tunity for  all  the  Departments  of  this  Govern- 
ment, executive  and  legislative,  the  Navy  and  the 
War  Departments,  to  have  free  intercourse  with 
all  sections  of  the  eastern  world.     Is  that  notii- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8125 


in"?  If  the  value  of  that  intercourse  shall  be 
$50,000  fi  year  it  will  turn  out  that  we  do  not 
^ive  the  company  anything.  But  in  the  adviincc 
of  a  grcutenterpri.se  of  this  kind,  a  subsidy  i.s  of 
value  inasniucli  as  it  gives  credit  and  character 
to  it  and  enables  the  parties  to  go  forward.  I 
submit  whellier  we  should  stand  here  and  make 
an  argttmentas  to  our  making  a  penny  more  or 
less  by  giving  this  subsidy  if  we  are  satisfied  that 
the  subsidy  will  stimulate  the  enterprise  and  en- 
able these  men  to  accomplish  the  result.  Sup- 
pose the  cost  of  our  governmental  intercommuni- 
cation with  the  other  parts  of  the  world  comes  to 
a  little  less  than  )|50,000  each  year,  to  $30,000  or 
jJ40,000,  who  will  ever  regret  that.? 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  I  rise  just  as  the  Senator 
from  Maine  did,  simply  to  correct  a  statement. 
The  Senator  says  that  1  did  not  state  all  that  ap- 
plied to  the  difference  between  this  line  and  the 
other  one  to  which  I  referred.  He  says  that  the 
reason  why  a  subsidy  is  allowed  in  the  one  case 
and  not  in  the  other  is  that  this  is  on  a  new  route 
and  requires  a  subsidy,  while  the  other  is  on  a 
line  already  occupied  and  therefore  not  entitled 
to  a  subsidy;  and  he  seemed  to  say  to  me,  al- 
though he  did  not  use  the  quotation,  "  Mark  how 
plain  a  tale  shall  put  him  down."  Now,  Mr. 
President,  the  fact  turns  out  to  be,  if  I  am  not 
incorrectly  informed,  that  the  Senator  is  mistaken 
in  relation  to  that  matter;  that  the  new  line  pro- 
posed to  be  established  by  the  bill  which  you, 
sir,  [Mr.  Pomeroy  in  the  chair,]  introduced  in 
the  Senate  was  not  over  a  beaten  track,  but  through 
an  unoccupied  territory,  and  a  portion  of  it  the 
very  territory  which  it  is  sought  to  cover  by  the 
additional  provisions  to  be  given  to  this  Western 
Telegraph  Company  to  extend  their  lateral  lines 
to  the  mineral  lands.  By  the  second  section  of 
that  bill  it  was  provided: 

"  That  the  said  United  States  Telegraph  Company,  under 
the  direction  of  tlie  President  ol'the  United  States,  is  hereby 
authorized  to  erect  a  line  of  telegraph  from  Fort  Hall,  by 
Walla-  Walla  and  the  Dalles  and  San  Francisco  to  Portland, 
in  the  State  of  Oregon,  and  from  Fort  Hall  to  Bannock  and 
VirginiaCity,  in  the  Territory  of  Idaho,  with  tliesamepriv- 
ileges  as  to  the  right  of  way,  and  so  forth,  as  is  provided  in 
the  first  section  of  tliis  act;  the  TTnitcd  States  to  liave 
priority  in  the  use  of  said  lines  of  telegraph  to  Oregon  and 
Idaho, and  for  such  use  the  United  States  Telegraph  Com- 
pany shall  receive  for  the  term  often  years  from  the  time  of 
its  completion,  anjiually,  the  sum  of  $20,000,  which  sliall 
be  in  full  payment  for  all  messages  transmitted." 

That  was  through  a  new  and  unexplored  coun- 
try.   This  company  asked  tliis  subsidy  of  ^20, 000 
to  be  given  to  them  as  an  encouragement,  for 
which  they  undertook  to  transmit  all  Government 
messages.     That  was  stricken  out,  but  the  sub- 
sidy was  retained  in  this  bill,  and  with  this  dis- 
tinction: as  the  bill  stood  originally — it  is  not  so 
now — ^50,000  were  to  be  given  for  the  transmis- 
sion of  all  messages,  unless  they  should  amount 
to  more  than  §100,000,  and  then  payments  for  the 
excess  of  that  jipl00,000;  but  now,  by  the  provis- 
ions of  the  bill  as  it  has  been  amended,  we  are  re- 
quired to  pay  jf50,000  a  year  for  ten  years  whether 
we  do  business  over  the  amount  of  ^100, 000 or  not, 
1  and  to  pay  for  all  the  excess,  if  any ,  over  $100,000. 
I  I  can  myself  see  a  very  material  difference  be- 
j  tween  the  two,  and  much  less  reason,  in  my  judg- 
ment, for  the  allowance  of  the  subsidy  in  the  case 
i  of  the  Great  Western  Telegraph  Company  than 
!;  in  the  case  to  which  1  have  referred. 
i      Mr.  CHANDLER.  If  the  Senator  will  pardon 
i'  me,  both  Senators  are  mistaken  as  to  the  original 
I  proposition.   The  original  proposition  was  to  pay 
the  same  sum  to  the  new  company  as  was  paid 
to  the  old.    That  was  the  original  proposition, 
which  we  rejected,  and  then  they  came  in  with 
another  proposition. 

Mr.  TEN  EYCK.  Why  not  keep  an  account 
and  let  the  Government  pay  for  all  messages  that 
it  transmits.' 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Fifty  thousand  dollars  is  the 
amount  we  agree  to  pay  this  company  for  the  use 
annually  ofthis  line  when  it  is  built.  When  built, 
it  will  connect  us  with  all  Europe.all  Asia,  with  the 
lines  that  are  building  with  Australasia,  with  the 
East  Indies,  and  all  the  civilized  world  and  the 
semi-civilized  world.  Suppose  there  a^e  three 
hundred  working  days  in  a  year,  and  that  the  dis- 
patches which  would  be  sent  on  an  average  would 
cost  three  dollars  apiece,  which  is  a  low  estimate, 
and  1^50,000  would  be  at  the  rate  of  about  fifty  or 
sixty  messages  per  day  between  this  Govern- 
ment and  all  our  ministers  in  Europe,  all  our  con- 
suls and  consular  agents  in  Europe,  in  Asia,  in 


East  India,  and  in  Aiistralasia,  all  the  orders  that 
are  to  be  issued  by  the  Navy  Department  to  our 
vessels,  and  the  messages  that  will  be  received 
from  those  vessels  at  every  landing  in  the  v/hole 
world.  In  my  judgment,  men  never  made  so 
great  a  mistake  in  tiie  world  as  when  they  sup- 
pose that  the  use  of  this  line  to  this  Government 
will  not  amount  to  this  sunn  on  this  very  low  esti- 
mate upon  these  messages  of  three  dollars  apiece 
for  a  single  message.  It  is  more  likely  to  be  more 
than  $100,000  than  anything  else,  in  my  opinion. 
We  are  not  agreeing  to  pay  any  subsidy,  but 
simply  agreeing  that  we  will  pay  this  amount  for 
the  use  ofthis  telegraphic  communication. 

Mr.  CON  NESS.  Let  me  say  to  the  Senator 
what  he  cannot  be  aware  of,  which  strengthens 
his  position  much,  that  his  estimate  of  three  dol- 
lars a  message  will  not  do  at  all.  They  charge 
now,  from  Chicago  to  San  Francisco,  forty-five 
cents  a  word,  and  a  message  of  ten  words  to  that 
place  from  this  city  costs  between  six  and  seven 
dollars,  and  it  is  the  cheapest  telegraphing  in  pro- 
portion to  the  distance  in  the  world. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Mr.  President,  by  the 
amendment  which  was  adopted  some  time  ago  to 
prevent  this  telegraph  company  through  this  coun- 
try from  oppressing  either  the  public  or  private 
individuals,  it  is  provided  that  the  Governmentof 
the  United  States  and  Russia  can  at  any  time  by  a 
convention  between  them  put  dovi^n  the  rates  to 
just  what  they  think  is  right,  because  itisagreat 
international  affair. 

Mr.  President,  I  introduced  this  petition  in  be- 
half of  Mr.  Collins,  and  it  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Commerce.  It  is  said  here  that  the 
men  who  are  interested  in  this  work,  the  West- 
ern Telegraph  Company,  have  made  themselves 
wealthy  in  consequence  of  the  building  and  con- 
nection of  these  various  lines.  I  grant  it;  there 
is  no  doubt  of  it;  but  it  is  a  wealth  whii^h  has 
grown  out  of  a  new  creation.  They  pressed  for 
an  opportunity  to  build  this  telegraph  line  when 
men  thought  it  was  a  humbug  and  could  never  be 
sustained  ;  but  by  their  perseverance,  and  energy, 
and  industry  they  have  achieved  for  this  country 
and  for  the  world  a  new  creation  of  wealth.  If 
they  are  rich  enough  to  build  this  line  now  through 
the  country  where  it  is  proposed  to  be  built, 
through  that  portion  of  Russia,  of  the  British 
possessions,  and  a  portion  of  the  United  States 
now  almost  entirely  uninhabited  except  by  In- 
dians, 1  rejoice  at  the  fact  that  the  company  is 
rich  and  able  to  carry  through  the  enterprise,  and 
if  it  should  succeed  in  the  creation  of  still  ad- 
ditional wealth  to  them,  to  that  I  have  no  objec- 
tion, provided  while  they  are  accomplishing  wealth 
for  themselves  they  are  accomplishing  a  blessing 
to  us  and  to  inankind. 

Senators  have  spoken  of  our  granting  land  to 
this  company.  We  grant  them  the  use  of  forty 
acres  of  land  every  fifteen  miles  for  a  station.  If 
they  build  the  line  and  have  their  stations  in 
these  uninhabited  regions  of  our  Territories,  by 
giving  them  the  use  of  this  land  we  confer  a  greater 
benefit  upon  ourselves  than  we  do  upon  them. 
The  fact  that  they  shall  maintain  a  station  at  every 
fifteen  miles  is  a  blessing  to  us  in  point  of  wealth, 
in  developing  the  value  of  these  very  Territories 
through  which  the  line  passes. 

Senators  object  that  we  are  to  employ  vessels 
in  surveys  along  the  coast  to  aid  this  enterprise. 
That  is  the  very  business  in  which  we  are  now 
employing  some  of  our  vessels,  in  making  coast 
surveys,  and  taking  the  soundings,  and  under- 
standing the  geography  of  the  whole  earth. 

Mr.  GRIiVlES.  But  our  naval  vessels  do  not 
carry  telegraph  wire. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  say  so  far  as  this  is 
concerned  it  is  not  doing  any  injury  to  us. 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  wish  to  take  up  any 
time.  What  I  desire  is  that  we  may  confie  to  a 
vote  on  this  bill,  and  I  shall  now  give  way,  al- 
though there  were  some  two  or  three  other  con- 
siderations which  have  been  thrown  out  in  the 
course  of  the  debate  which  I  thought  of  noticing, 
but  I  shall  forbear  to  do  so. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  desire  to  ask  the 
Senator  from  Wisconsin  a  question.  This  bill  is 
to  take  the  balance  of  the  session,  as  I  understand. 

Mr.  CPIANDLER,  Oh,  no,  sir;  we  shall  be 
through  with  it  in  a  very  short  time. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  I  ask  the  friends  of 
the  bill  whether  the  project  will  be  interfered  with 
by  postponing  it  until  the  next  eession. 


That  will  postpone  it  for- 
We  propose  to  come  to  a 


Mr.  CHANDLER, 
ever. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE. 
vote  now. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  In  my  opinion  we  have 
just  commenced  the  discussion  of  this  question. 
I  move  that  this  bill  be  postponed  until  the  first 
Monday  in  December  next,  in  order  that  we  may 
get  rid  of  it  and  go  to  the  general  business  of  the 
country. 

Mr.  BPtOWN.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
upon  that  motion. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  14,  nays  27;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthopy,  Brown, Clark, Collamer, Cow- 
an, Fessenden,  Foot,  I''oster,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Lauc 
of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  and  Ten  Eyck — 14. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Chandler,  Conness, 
Davis,  Dixon,  Doolittle,  Harris,  Hicks,  Howe,  McDonsall, 
Morgan,  Morrill,  Nesniitli,  Pomeroy,  Powell,  Uicliardson, 
Saulshurv,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Trumbull,  Van 
Winkle,  "VVade,  Wilkinson,  Willcv,  and  Wilson— 27. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks, 
Howard,  Johnson,  Ramsey,  Riddle,  and  Wright— 8. 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  PRESlDENT;)ro  tempore.  The  qijcstion 
nov/  is  on  the  ametidment  moved  by  the  Senator 
from  New  Jersey,  [iVlr.TENEYCic,]  to  strikeout 
the  third  section  of  thu  bill. 

Mr.  GPiIMES  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  desire  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  Senate  to  the  fact  that  the  advocates  of 
this  measure  have  constantly  endeavored  to  con- 
found the  idea  of  the  necessity  of  a  great  conti- 
nental telegraph  with  the  idea  of  the  necessity 
for  this  subsidy.  There  has  been  no  evidence 
adduced  before  the  Senate  that  this  subsidy  is 
necessary  in  order  to  enable  this  company  or  its 
assigns  to  construct  this  telegraph.  On  the  con- 
trary all  the  evidence  we  have  had  here  to-day 
has  gone  directly  to  show  that  it  is  one  of  the 
wealthiest  associations  of  men  in  the  nation,  that 
it  has  made  that  wealth  out  of  similar  enterprises 
constructed  in  the  same  manner,  and  that  there- 
fore the  enterprises  thennselves  are  the  most  prof- 
itable known  in  the  country;  that  this  amounts 
really  to  a  monopoly  of  the  transmission  of  all 
messages  not  only  over  the  route  through  Russia, 
but  also  across  through  California;  that  its  stock 
has  gone  up,  I  believe  one  Senator  stated,  from 
$3,000,000  to  $12,000,000,  and  the  probabilities 
are- that  it  will  be  put  up  to  §20,000,000  if  this 
bill  be  passed  as  it  now  stands.  And  yet,  sir,  in 
the  ftice  of  these  facts,  we  are  called  upon  at  this 
time,  when  the  nation  is  being  taxed  almost  to  the 
verge  of  resistance,  to  vote  another  §500,000  out 
of  the  Treasury  as  a  subsidj'^  to  this  company, 
and  when  we  ask  why,  we  are  retorted  with  the 
question.  Why  not.'  Why  will  you  not  aid  this 
great  enterprise.'  Why  will  you  not  give  as- 
sistance to  this  great  enterprise  that  is  going  to 
connect  the  world  in  a  telegraphic  circle.'  1  say 
it  becomes  them  to  show  that  there  is  a  necessity 
for  this  donation,  for  it  is  virtually  a  donation 
from  the  publicTrcasury. 

But  furthermore  I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  Senate  to  another  fact,  that  the  operation  of 
this  subsidy,  so  to  speak,  commits  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  use  of  this  line  as  its  telegraphicagent, 
and  in  so  far  prevents  all  competition  against  it. 
That  is  one  of  the  worst  features  connected  with 
it.  It  has  a  tendency  to  discourage  all  other  con- 
structions of  the  same  kind  that  might  compete 
with  it  successfully  across  the  plains  to  Califor- 
nia and  Oregon,  and  through  the  mineral  regions 
of  the  interior  Territories. 

It  has  been  said, in  reply  to  one  of  the  sugges- 
tions that  has  been  made  here,  that  the  commit- 
tee which  has  reported  this  bill  and  reported  it 
with  a  substitute  in  it  refused  to  report  another 
bill  for  a  line  to  go  across  another  part  of  the 
country  with  subsidies,  that  it  was  because  they 
would  not  bring  in  a  rival  line.  When  it  is  knov/n 
that  this  is  owned  by  the  Western  Telegraph 
Company,  as  has  been  shown  by  the  paper  which 
was  read  here  by  the  Senator  from  California,  and 
when  the  committee  which  reports  this  bill  for 
their  benefit,  giving  them  these  subsidies,  refuses 
to  report  a  bill  for  a  rival  company  with  the  same 
subsidy,  I  ask  if  it  isnotadiscrimination  against 
them .'  So  far  from  inviting  competition  the  whole 
tendency  of  this  legislation  is  to  monopolize  and 
to  center  in  a  single  hand  the  telegraphing  of  the 
nation,  and  giving  them  the  exclusive  privilege  of 


3126 


THE  CON^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


telegraphing  to  these  mineral  lands  which  they 
vefnse  to  others. 

Sir,  I,  for  one,  nni  not  content  to  vote  for  this 
bill  ill  its  present  shape.  1  have  no  objection  to 
giving  to  this  company  or  to  any  other  company 
a  right  of  way  through  the  public  domain  for  tel- 
egraphic purposes,  and  to  give  them,  if  necessary, 
a  certain  amount  of  public  lands  for  stations;  but 
1  will  not  voluntarily  throw  §500,000  into  their 
coffers  when  there  is  no  earthly  need  for  so  doing. 
I  trust  that  the  amendment  moved  by  the  Senator 
from  New  Jersey  will  prevail,  and  that  we  will 
ut  least,  in  our  haste  to  heap  benefits  upon  this 
company,  save  to  the  Government  $500,000  that 
are  needed  now  for  our  Army. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  would  not  have  said  a 
word  on  this  bill  but  for  the  remarks  that  were 
made  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan  and  the  Sen- 
'ator  from  Maine  in  reference  to  the  bill  which  I 
had  the  honor  ofintroducing,  which  has  been  be- 
fore the  Committee  on  Commerce,  and  reported 
upon  favorably  by  them  with  an  amendment. 
The  remark  has  been  made  that  the  subsidy  was 
stricken  out  of  that  bill  because  it  proposed  to 
build  a  line  over  a  route  that  had  already  been 
built  upon  under  the  patronage  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  for  which  the  Government  had  paid 
5^60,000  a  year.  So  far  from  that  being  true,  there 
is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  it.  By  the  bill  which  I 
introduced,  and  which  1  hold  in  my  hand,  the 
United  States  Telegraph  Company  ask  for  the 
right  of  way  to  build  a  telegraph  line  from  the 
Missouri  river  to  the  city  of  San  Francisco,  in  the 
State  of  California,  on  such  route  as  they  might 
select  to  connect  with  the  lines  now  constructed. 
For  this  purpose  the  company  ask  the  use  of' 
such  unoccupied  land  of  the  United  States  as 
might  be  necessary  for  the  right  of  way  and  for 
stations,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  for  every  fifteen  miles.  The  company  ask 
for  the  use  of  such  unoccupied  land  as  may  be 
necessary  for  the  right  of  way  and  materials,  and 
for  the  establishing  of  stations  along  the  line  for 
repairs.   They  ask  for  no  subsidy,  for  no  money. 

In  the  second  section  of  that  bill  the  company 
propose  to  build,  under  the  direction  of  the  IPres- 
ident  of  the  United  States,  a  telegraph  line  from 
tliis  main  line  to  California  up  to  Oregon  by  the 
way  of  Fort  Hall  to  Walla- Walla  and  also  to 
Ban  nock  and  Virginia  Cities  in  Idaho,  and  for  that 
purpose  they  ask  a  subsidy.  They  never  asked, 
nor  was  there  any  provision  in  the  bill  giving 
them  a  subsidy  for  building  a  line  where  we  had 
already  a  line  constructed,  but  only  in  those  un- 
occupied Territories  where  we  had  no  line. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  If  the  Senator  v/ill  par- 
don me  for  interrupting  him  for  a  single  moment, 
I  wish  to  call  hisattention  to  the  original  bill  that 
he  introduced.  He  is  under  a  misapprehension 
on  this  subject.  The  first  section  of  the  first  bill 
introduced  by  him  contained  this  clause: 

Ami  said  telegraph  company  shall  receive  annually  fur 
doing  the  Government  business  as  is  now  or  may  be  hcre- 
jifterpaid  to  the  lines  coiisuucted  under  the  act  of  Con- 
gress of  .lune  16,  1860. 

They  asked  in  their  original  bill  the  same  sub- 
sidy that  is  paid  to  this  other  line  for  a  telegraph 
to  San  Francisco. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  The  Senator  is  aware  that 
another  bill  which  I  hold  in  my  hand  was  intro- 
duced by  myself  as  a  substitute  for  that,  and  upon 
that  bill  we  neverasked  any  subsidy  at  all.  The 
bill  which  I  hold  in  my  hand  was  introduced  by 
mc  as  a  substitute  for  that  bill. 

Ml-.  CHANDLER.    That  is  true. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Upon  this  bill  we  never 
asked  any  subsidy  for  a  line  over  a  road  already 
built  upon,  but  only  in  that  portion  of  the  coun- 
try where  we  had  no  line,  in  Idaho,  Oi-egon,  and 
those  western  Territories,  and  I  say  the  subsidy 
was  stricken  out  of  this  bill  when  asked  for  that 
portion  of  the  line  to  cover  territory  unoccupied 
by  telegraph  companies.  I  do  not  complain  of 
it  particularly.  I  simply  desire  that  the  state- 
ment of  the  fact  shall  be  before  the  Senate,  as  it 
shows  that  the  committee  have  given  a  subsidy 
to  one  company  for  building  over  the  very  same 
route  that  the  subsidy  was  stricken  out  for  an- 
other company,  that  is  all.  But,  sir,  this  com- 
pany will  be  very  glad  to  have  this  bill  passed 
without  any  subsidy.  They  will  be  very  willing 
and  very  glad  to  accept  of  the  bill  without  the 
Hubsidy  of  $20,000,  and  they  will  undertake  to 
build  the  Inie  without  the  subsidy.,    I  only  Bav 


that  if  we  give  a  subsidy  to  any  line  over  unoc- 
cupied territory,  there  is  no  reason  why  it  should 
not  be  given  to  this  United  States  Telegraph  Com- 
pany as  well  as  to  any  other.  They  do  not  ask 
it,  and  the  bill  does  not  provide  for  it  over  any 
portion  of  territory  where  we  already  have  a  line. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays  on 
the  amend  men  t  of  Mr.  Ten  Eyck,  resulted — yeas 
21,  nays  16;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Buckalew,  Carlile, 
Clark,  Collamer,  Cowan,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes, 
Harlan,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Pomeroy,  Powell,  Ramsey,  Sanls- 
burv,  Sherman,  Ten  Eyck,  Van  Winkle,  and  VVilley— 21. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  (.'handler,  Conness,  Dixon,  Doollttle, 
Harris,  Hicks,  Hovi'ard,  Howe,  McDougall,  Morgan,  Mor- 
rill, Nesmitli,  Sumner,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and  Wilkinson 
—18. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Davis,  Hale,  Harding,  Henderson, 
Hendricks.  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Richardson,  Riddle, 
Spiaj;ue,  Wilson,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  amendnnent  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  now  move  to  lay  the  bill 
and  the  amendments  on  the  table.  It  has  been 
killed  in  the  Senate,  and  we  might  as  well  get  rid 
of  it. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  hope  not.  I  hope  the  Sen- 
ator will  withdraw  his  motion. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  The  bill  is  good  for  noth- 
ing nov/. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  If  the  motion  is  with- 
drawn I  shall  renew  it. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  On  that  I  ask  for  the 
yeas  and  nays.  ["Oh,  no!"]  I  will  withdraw 
the  call. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  and  was  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  36,  nays  3;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Buckalew,  Carlile, 
Clark,  Collamer,  Conness,  Cowan,  Dixon,  Doolittle,  Fes- 
senden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlan,  Harris,  H  icks,  Howe, 
Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougall,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Nesmitli, 
Pomeroy,  Powell,  Richardson,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Sum- 
ner, Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,"Wade,  Wilkinson, 
Willey,  and  Wilson — 36. 

NAYS  —  P/Iessrs.  Chandler,  H(/ward,  and  Lane  of  In- 
diana— 3. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Davis,  Hale,  Harding,  Henderson, 
Hendricks,  Johnson,  Ramsey,  Riddle,  Sprague,  and  Wright 
—10. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPherson,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  Elouse  of  Representatives  had  passed  the  fol- 
lowing bill  and  joint  resolutions;  in  which  it  re- 
quested the  concurrence  of  the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  542)  to  regulate  the  pay  of  paymas- 
ters and  military  storekeepers  of  ordnance; 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  102)  for  the  relief  of 
Captain  M.  M.  Hawes;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  107)  for  the  relief  of 
Major  Morris  S.  Miller,  of  the  quartermaster's 
department. 

HOUSE  BILLS  REFERRED. 

The  following  bills  and  joint  resolutions,  re- 
ceived from  the  House  of  Representatives,  were 
severally  read  twice  by  their  titles,  and  referred  as 
indicated  below: 

A  bill  (No.  527)  making  appropriations  for  sun- 
dry civil  expensesof  the  Government  for  the  year 
ending  30th  June,  1865 — to  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance. 

A  bill  (No.  542)  to  regulate  the  pay  of  pay- 
masters and  military  storekeepers  of  ordnance — 
to  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  and  the 
Militia. 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  101)  to  provide  for  the 
publication  of  a  full  Army  Register — to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Printing. 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  102)  for  the  relief  of 
Captain  M.  M.  Hawes — to  the  Committee  on 
Claims. 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  107)  for  the  relief  of 
Major  Morris  S.  Miller,  of  the  quartermaster's 
department — to  the  Committee  on  Military  Af- 
fairs and  the  Militia. 

EXAMINATION  OF  ARMY  OFFICERS. 
The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  amend- 
metits  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  bill 


of  the  Senate  (No.  85)  to  provide  for  the  exam- 
ination of  certain  officers  of  the  Army,  and,  on 
motion  of  Mr.  WiLso>f,  they  were  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  and  the  Militia. 

EDUCATION  IN  WASHINGTON  COUNTY. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  At  an  early  part  of  the  ses- 
sion, the  Senate  passed  a  bill  (No.  26)  to  pro- 
vide for  the  public  instruction  of  youth  in  the 
county  of  Washington  and  District  of  Columbia. 
The  House  of  Representatives  have  passed  the 
bill  with  an  amendment  in  the  nature  of  a  substi- 
tute, substantially  the  same  in  every  particular  as 
the  original  bill,  except  that  they  have  incorpo- 
rated into  it  the  clause  which  the  Senate  struck 
out  on  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Maryland, 
[Mr.  Johnson,]  allowingtothecommissionersor 
trustees  four  dollars  per  day.  Under  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Senate  given  to  us  at  the  time  the  bill 
was  under  consideration,  the  Committee  on  the 
District  of  Columbia,  to  whom  the  amendment  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  was  referred,  have 
directed  me  to  report  that  they  recommend  that  the 
Senate  concur  in  the  amendment  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  with  an  amendment  striking  out 
that  clause.     I  therefore  make  that  motion. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment  proposed  by 
the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  which 
was  to  strike  out  the  following  clause: 

8.  Each  commissioner  shall  be  entitled  to  receive  four 
dollars  per  day  for  every  day  he  shall  auend  a  meeting  of 
the  board,  and  not  absent  himself  without  permission,  and 
four  dollars  per  day  for  every  day  he  shall  serve  on  a  com- 
mittee; and  all  disbursements  shall  be  made  through  tlio 
treasurer  of  the  school  fund  on  the  draft  of  the  president 
and  clerk  of  said  board,  drawn  by  order  of  said  board. 

Theamendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     The  question 
now  is  on  concurring  in  the  amendment  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  as  amended. 
The  amendment,  as  amended,  was  concurred  in. 

REPORTS  FROM  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  WILSON,  from  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  the  subject 
was  referi-ed,  reported  a  bill  (S.  No.  320)  supple- 
mentary to  the  several  acts  for  enrolling  and  call- 
ing out  the  national  forces,  and  other  purposes; 
which  was  read,  and  passed  to  a  second  reading. 

Mr.  IV10RGAN,from  the  Committee  on  Mil-. 
itary  Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  was  re- 
committed the  bill  (S.  No.  286)  to  prohibit  the 
discharge  of  persons  from  liability  to  military 
duty  by  reason  of  the  payment  of  money,  re- 
ported it  without  amendment. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPherson,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  House  of  Repi-esentatives  had  agreed  to  the 
report  of  the  committee  of  conference  on  the  dis- 
agreeing votes  of  the  two  Houses  on  the  bill  (H. 
R.  No.  192)  making  appropriations  for  the  legis- 
lative, executive,  and  judicial  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  30th  June,  1865. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
of  Representatives  had  passed  the  following  bills 
and  joint  resolution;  in  which  it  requested  the 
concurrence  of  the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  121)  for  the  relief  of  Lieutenant 
William  P.  Richner,  seventy-seventh  regiment 
Ohio  volunteer  infantry; 

A  bill  (No.  543)  to  increase  the  efficacy  of  the 
medical  corps  of  the  Army;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  103)  for  the  relief  of 
Mary  Kellogg. 

REPEALOF  FUGITIVE  SL.\VE  LAWS. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  now  move  that  the  Senate 
proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  512)  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1850,_ 
and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  for  the  rendition  of 
fugitive  slaves. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Mr.  President,  I  suppose 
every  Senator  desires  an  early  adjournment  if 
possible.  It  has  been  hoped  that  we  should  be 
able  to  adjourn  by  the  first  part,  or  at  the  furthest 
by  the  middle  of  next  week,  and  of  coui-se  there 
are  a  great  many  bills  of  importance  that  ought 
to  be  considered  in  the  mean  time.  I  think  when 
the  session  is  approaching  its  close  that  each  class 
of  business  should  have  to  some  extent  its  turn, 
if  i  may  so  express  myself.  The  interest  rep- 
resented by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  I 
think  in  all  reason,  has  had  enough  of  the  time 
of  this  sesaion.    For  some  months  during  I'le 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3127 


first  part  of  the  session  scarcely  a  bill  was  con- 
sidered at  ail  that  did  not  have  some  connection 
with  the  colored  race.  The  very  measure  tijat 
the  Senator  now  asks  to  be  considered  by  the 
Senate  has  once  been  considered,!  think  has  oc- 
cupied nearly  one  week  of  tlie  time  of  the  Sen- 
ate, and  tlie  judgment  of  the  Senate  upon  the 
dift'erent  questions  has  been  distinctly  pronounced 
to  the  effect  that  the  Senate  was  willing  to  repeal 
the  law  of  1850,  but  unwilling  to  repeal  the  law 
of  1793.  Is  it  just  to  the  other  interests  of  the 
country,  is  it  just  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  is 
it  just  to  the  farmers  at  home  that  everything 
relating  to  their  interests  shall  give  way  for  the 
consideration  of  this  bill  which  has  once  been 
considered  by  the  Senate  at  great  length  .5 

If  Senators  think  that  this  race  demands  the 
attention  of  the  body  to  the  exclusion  of  every 
other  interest  of  the  country,  then  let  us  say  at 
once  that  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  shall 
have  all  the  balance  of  the  session  for  his  partic- 
ular measure.  His  Freedmen's  Bureau  bill  has 
been  pressed  upon  the  Senate,  and  1  supposed 
when  he  was  calling  for  the  attention  of  the  Sen- 
ate that  it  was  to  press  the  immediate  considera- 
tion of  that  bill.  It  has  been  partly  debated,  and 
I  can  see  that  it  is  but  fair  to  give  the  Senator  the 
opportunity  to  close  the  discussion  upon  that  bill, 
and  to  come  to  a  vote.  I  should  not  oppose  it, 
because  to  some  extent  the  Senate  has  considered 
it;  and  1  am  in  favor,  when  we  consider  a  bill,  of 
prosecuting  that  examination  until  we  come  to  a 
result. 

But  now  the  Senatorlays  that  bill  aside,  know- 
ing it  has  some  claim  upon  the  Senate,  and  that 
it  can  be  claimed  as  soon  as  this  is  disposed  of, 
with  a  view  of  taking  up  this  bill,  which  in  my 
judgment  has  no  claim  upon  the  Senate.  Of  what 
practical  consideration  is  the  bill  that  the  Senator 
now  proposes  to  take  up.'  Will  the  Senator  say 
to  the  Senate  that  there  is  a  single  fugitive  slave 
now  being  returned.'  Will  the  Senator  say  that 
any  law  upon  that  subject  is  now  being  enforced, 
or  that  there  has,  under  the  fugitive  slave  law  of 
1850  or  1793,  been  a  single  slave  returned  to  his 
master  within  the  last  six  months.'  I  undertake 
to  say,  from  my  observation  and  reading,  that 
Jiot  a  single  slave  has  been  returned  upon  the  de- 
mand of  a  claimant  since  this  Congress  met,  and 
probably  there  would  not  be  one  within  the  coming 
year.  The  condition  of  the  country  precludes  it. 
1  find  no  fault  with  the  Administration  for  not  ex- 
ecuting these  laws  in  the  present  condition  of  the 
country.  It  is  practically  impossible  to  do  it; 
but  the  fact  that  the  laws  are  for  the  time  being 
a  dead  letter  upon  the  statute-book  is  a  reason 
why  the  Senator  shall  not  crowd  out  other  busi- 
ness, why  the  Senate  need  not  prolong  the  ses- 
sion to  take  up  a  bill  of  no  pressing  practical  im- 
portance. The  bill  that  the  Senate  passed  is 
before  the  House  of  Representatives.  I  am  not 
aware  that  it  has  received  the  consideration  of  the 
House.  The  Senator  cannot  say  that  upon  any 
vote  of  the  House  that  body  has  declined  to  con- 
cur in  the  views  expressed  by  the  Senate,  so  far 
as  I  have  observed  the  action  of  the  House.  Then 
may  we  not  well  wait  until  the  House  shall  con- 
sider our  bill,  which  was  sent  to  that  body,  as  I 
understand,  before  this  bill  came  to  this  body.' 
Am  I  wrong  in  that.' 

Mr.SUiViNER.  The  Senator  is  wrong.  Our 
bill  has  never  been  finally  acted  upon. 
Mr.  HENDRICKS.  In  this  body.' 
Mr.  SUMNER.  In  this  body. 
Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Then,  Mr.  President,  I 
shall  not  object  to  the  Senator  calling  up  the  Sen- 
ate bill.  I  was  absent  necessarily  for  a  few  days 
during  the  session,  and  1  understood  from  the 
reading  of  the  proceedings  of  Congress  that  that 
bill  had  been  finally  disposed  of,  and  had  gone  to 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Butif  I  am  wrong 
in  that,  then  we  ought  to  take  up  that  bill.  The 
Senate  Ras  expressed  its  views  upon  the  contested 
questions  involved  in  it,  and  we  know  just  where 
we  stand  upon  it,  and  cap  certainly  come  to  a 
vote  at^a  very  early  hour."  But  if  we  have  got  to 
go  over  the  whole  subject,  then  this  bill  must  oc- 
cupy a  very  considerable  portion  of  this  week. 
Then  will  come  up  the  Senator's  bureau  bill  for 
the  benefit  of  the  freed  men,  or,  as  the  Senator 
from  West  Virginia  [Mr.  Willet]  says,  for  the 
purpose  of  reenslaving  the'  colored  people  who 
have  become  free  by  the  fortunes  of  war;  and  thus 
all  the  time  that  Senators  in  their  mind  have  al- 


lowed for  the  continuance  of  the  session  has  to 
be  taken  up  by  the  peculiar  measures  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts. 

1  have  not  pressed,  before  this  time,  an  objec- 
tion to  the  consideration  of  these  questions.  If 
the  Senator's  party  can  well  stand  the  exclusion 
of  every  other  business  for  the  consideration  of 
that  which  relates  to  the  colored  people,  I  think 
I  can  try  and  endure  it.  I  must  confess  that  there 
are  some  subjects  that  would  be  more  gratifying 
to  ray  tastes;  but  in  a  political  point  of  view! 
shall  try  to  endure  it.  But  I  think  now,  as  we 
have  all  come  to  the  conclusion  that  v;e  shall  ad- 
journ during  the  early  part  of  next  week,  we 
ought  to  take  up  such  measures  as  are  important 
for  the  machinery  of  the  Government,  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  Army,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Navy,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  civil  Departments  of  the  Go  vern- 
mcnt,  pass  them  through,  and  let  us  go  home. 

The  merits  of  every  other  question  that  the  Sen- 
ator has  peculiarly  in  charge  have  been  consid- 
ered. He  cannot  say  that  the  Senate  has  refused 
to  consider  his  bills  when  he  has  urged  them. 
The  Senator  has  so  much  determination  of  pur- 
pose about  him  that  it  cannot  be  avoided  thathis 
bills  shall  be  considered.  Sometimes  I  have 
agreed  to  consider  them  rather  than  fight  his  de- 
termined demand.  Beingzealous  in  his  cause  of 
course  is  a  merit,  if  his  cause  is  right,  which  I  do 
not  choose  to  discuss  just  now;  but  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  we  have  a  bill  on  this  subject  to  a  very 
considerableextent  matured  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Senate,  and  in  view  of  the  further  fact 
that  this  question  has  no  practical  importance, 
there  being  no  slaves  returned  to  bondage,  I  in- 
sist that  the  Senate  ought  not  to  take  up  that 
bill. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  The  bill  which  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  desires  to  have  taken  up  has 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  effect 
of  it,  as  I  understand,  is  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave 
act-of  1793,  and  also  the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1850. 
The  Flouse  of  Representatives  have  considered 
this  subject  of  sufficient  importance  to  justify 
them  in  spending  a  considerable  time  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  it,  and  in  finally  passing  this  bill ;  and 
yet,  sir,  we  are  blessed  with  the  superior  judg- 
ment of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  who  informs 
us  that  this  bill  is  not  worthy  of  our  considera- 
tion at  this  time.  That  seems  to  be  his  opinion; 
and  in  order  to  convince  the  rest  of  us  that  it  is 
thus  unworthy  he  spends  considerable  time  in 
making  a  very  interesting  speech  to  us.  I  lliink 
differently.  I  think  it  is  high  time  that  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  should  take  this  subject  un- 
der their  consideration  and  should  pass  upon  the 
great  questions  which  have  so  long  agitated  the 
people  of  the  United  States  connected  with  the 
rendition  of  fugitive  slaves.  I  do  not  say,  I  will 
not  pretend,  that  it  is  the  greatest  or  the  most 
weighty  measure  that  can  be  presented  to  our  con- 
sideration; but  I  say  this,  that  it  is  worthy  of  our 
immediate  consideration  and  attention,  and  I  hope 
the  Senate  will  take  it  up,  especially  as  the  House 
of  Representatives  have  seen  fit  to  send  it  to  us 
for  our  consideration. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Mr.  President,  this  is  a 
very  practical  question  indeed  The  motion,  I 
believe,  is  to  take  up  for  consideration  the  bill 
which  proposes  to  repeal  the  several  fugitive  slave 
acts. 

[At  this  point  Mr.  Morgan,  by  unanimous 
consent,  reported  a  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  com- 
mutation clause,  to  be  found  in  another  portion 
of  the  proceedings.] 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  With  the  leave  of  the 
Senator  from  Delaware  I  desire  to  make  amotion. 
I  believe  the  Senate  perfectly  understands  the  bill 
just  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  by  the  Senator  from  New  York  repeal- 
ing the  commutation  clause,  and  as  it  is  not  ne- 
cessary to  enter  into  a  discussion  upon  it,  I  pre- 
sume  we  can   take  it  up  now  and  vote  upon  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  There  is  another  question 
pending. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  can  only 
be  done  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Then,  with  the  leave  of 
the  Senator  from  Delaware,  I  will  move  to  amend 
the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
by  dividing  it. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  That  is  not 
in  order. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.    What  is  the  motion? 


The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  To  postpone 
all  piior  orders  and  take  up  the  bill  indicated  by 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  will  move  that  that 
motion  lie  upon  thetal)le  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
up  the  bill  i  have  indicated. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  hope  there  will  not  be  un 
effiirt  made  to  antugnnize  these  two  bills. 

The  VRESIDKNT  pro  tempore.  Sucha  motion 
is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  was  about  to  remark 
that  the  motion,  as  I  understood,  was  to  take  up 
for  consideration  a  bill  from  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives to  repeal  the  several  fugitive  slave  acts. 
Of  course,  under  a  motion  of  this  kind  we  cannot 
enter  into  a  general  discussion  as  to  the  propriety 
of  the  repeal;  but  it  is  allowable,  I  believe,  to  as- 
sign some  reasons  briefly  why  the  bill  should  not 
be  taken  up  for  consideration,  and  1  think  there 
are  various  reasons. 

The  first  reason  I  shall  assign  why  this  bill 
should  not  be  taken  up  for  consideration  is  the 
fact  that  no  practical  good  can  result  from  it. 
Everybody  in  this  country  who  knows  anything 
knows  that  the  interest  of  no  persons  in  any  of  the 
Slates  can  be  aflffected-  by  it,  except  persons  resid- 
ing in  three  or  four  border  States.  It  is  known 
to  everybody  that  there  is  not  a  slave  in  any  of 
those  States  who  is  not  perfectly  free  to  go  where 
he  pleases.  The  military  power  of  this  Govern- 
ment is  now  extended  over  those  States,  and  at 
every  cross-roads  there  is  one  of  theoe  sentinels 
of  modern  freedom  stationed  to  see  thatifa  negro 
wants  to  escape  from  his  master  he  can  escape. 
No  one,  1  apprehend,  has  an  idea  that  if  a  negro 
was  to  escape  to  the  delightful  garden  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, or  New  England,  or  any  of  the  free 
States,  that  he  could  possibly  under  any  circum- 
stances be  recaptured,  notwithstanding  the  ex- 
istence of  the  fugitive  slave  act.  What  earthly 
good  then  can  result  to  the  slave  from  taking  up 
this  bill  for  consideration  and  occupying  the  time 
of  the  Senate  with  it.'  I  presume  it  is  perfectly 
allowable  to  discuss  it  in  this  shape,  because  three 
fourths  of  all  the  labors  of  this  body  during  the 
present  session  have  been  devoted  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  interests  of  the  negro  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  the  real  interests  of  the  white  man. 

Then,  sir,  if  it  were  true  that  there  was  a  slave 
in  any  of  these  border  States  that  could  be  recap- 
tured if  he  was  to  run  away,  this  bill  should  not 
be  taken  up  for  consideration  to  repeal  the  act, 
becausb  his  escape  and  the  prevention  of  his  re- 
capture would  be  an  injury  to  the  slave.  What 
has  this  modern  philanthropy  done  for  the  negro 
slaves?  Taken  them  from  happy  and  comfort- 
able homes,  reduced  them  to  wuntand  starvation, 
and  brought  them  down  to  the  grave  by  hundreds 
and  thousands.  And  now,  sir,  wherever  they 
have  an  opportunity  to  return  they  are  returning 
in  flocks,  as  I  have  been  informed  by  gentlemen 
acquainted  with  the  subject. 

If  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  take  this  bill 
up  for  consideration  it  must  be  simply  for  pur- 
pose of  agitation,  simply  forthe  purpose  of  mak- 
ing their  legislation  during  this  session  a  little 
more  symmetrical  by  showing  that  the  paramount 
interests  which  they  have  at  heart  are  the  sup- 
posed interests  of  the  negro  race.  Are  we  to  be 
kept  here  during  the  entire  month  of  July  to  con- 
sider questions  of  this  character  and  to  act  upon 
bills  of  this  nature?  Is  it  to  be  supposed  that  a 
bill  which  ignores  all  the  lessons  of  the  past, 
which  repudiates  all  the  examples  of  the  past, 
is  to  be  passed  through  this  Senate  in  a  moment 
or  in  a  day?  Is  it  supposed  that  if  you  take  itup 
for  consideration  there  will  not  be  discussion  upon 
it?  Have  we  become  so  mucli  wiser  than  our 
fathers  who  enacted  the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1793, 
that  we  who  believe  they  acted  wisely  for  the 
good  both  of  the  white  and  black  races  are  to 
be  expected  to  sit  here  quietly  and  allow  the 
repeal  of  that  law  without  discussing  its  merits? 
If  gentlemen  so  suppose  they  are  very  much  mis- 
taken. Sir,  we  should  be  untrue  to  the  men  of 
the  past,  to  the  men  who  shaped  our  institutions, 
the  men  who  made  the  Constitution  of  the  coun- 
try and  afterwards  put  that  Constitution  into  op- 
eration, if  we  were  to  allow  without  a  protest  the 
wiseacres  of  the  present  day  to  declare  that  their 
acts  were  founded  in  injustice  and  wrong.  When 
I  use  that  term  I  do  not  apply  it  to  any  member 
of  this  body,  because  that  would  not  only  be  dis- 
courteous but  it  is  v/hat  I  do  not  mean.     I  speak 


3128 


THE  CONGKESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


of  this  sickly  sentimentality  and  its  advocates  in 
the  country. 

But,  Mr.  President,  it  is  hardly  v/orth  while 
for  me  to  detain  the  Senate.  I  presume  their 
minds  are  made  up  and  they  will  act  according 
to  their  own  judgment. 

Mr.  pOOLlTTLE.  It  is  now  four  o'clock. 
There  is  no  sort  of  possibility  or  probability  in 
the  course  of  human  events  that  this  bill  can  be 
acted  on  to-day;  to-morrow  we  shall  have  up 
other  questions  of  actual  pressing  importance  that 
must  be  acted  upon;  and  at  this  late  hour  in  the 
day  it  seems  to  me  entirely  unnecessary  to  talce 
It  up  and  go  into  a  discussion  which  will  not 
come  to  any  result.  Therefore, as  there  is  some 
business  in  executive  session  which  is  necessary 
to  be  done,  or  proper  to  be  done  at  least,  1  will 
move  that  we  go  into  executive  session, 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  hope  not.  I  liope  that  the 
Senate  will  proceed  to  tlie  consideration  of  the 
bill  which  has  come  from  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, to  sweep  from  the  statute-book  all 
statutes  or  parts  of  statutes  for  the  rendition  of 
fugitive  slaves.  I  know  of  nobody  who  proposes 
to  discuss  it,  unless  it  is  the  Senator  from  Wis- 
consin himself,  if  he  proposes  to  make  a  plea  for 
slave-hunting.  I  know  of  no  person  hereon  our 
side  who  proposes  to  undertake  any  such  plea,  to 
occupy  the  time  of  the  Senate  in  any  way  for  or 
against  it.     All  that  I  ask  is  a  vote. 

Mr.  DAVIS  obtained  the  floor. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  The  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts puts  a  question  to  me,  and  says  he 
does  not 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
recognizes  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  have  merely  a  remark  to  make, 
and  I  will  give  way  in  a  moment. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  hope  the  Senator  will 
allow  me  to  answer  the  present  question. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  will  make  my  remark  first. 
I  tell  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  that  I  have, 
as  I  said  some  days  ago,  the  sequel  of  the  story 
of  slavery  in  iiis  State  to  tell,  and  I  expect  to  tell 
it  upon  this  bill.  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  be  very 
edifying  to  the  honorable  Senator.  Probably  he 
is  not  a  very  good  historian.  I  recollect  that 
sometime  during  the  last  session  when  the  prop- 
osition was  made  in  the  Senate  to  employ  Indians 
in  this  war,  I  adverted  to  the  manner  in  which 
such  a  proposition  had  been  received  in  the  Brit- 
ish Pailiament,  and  to  the  very  indignant  and  elo- 
quent defense  of  that  measure  by  Colonel  Barre. 
The  honorable  Senator  depreciated  Colonel  Barre 
very  much  by  saying  that  that  was  the  only 
speech  that  he  had  ever  made,  and  that  he  took 
a  similar  cognomen  to  single-speech  Hamilton. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.      I   rise  to  a  question  of 
order,  to  know  if,  on  a  motion  to  go  into  execu- 
tive session,  the  history  of  Massachusetts  is  in 
order? 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  am  not  giving  the  history  of 
Massachusetts. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Well,  the  history  of  Col- 
onel Barre. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     My  history. 

Mr.  DAVIS.     I  am  just  stating 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tetnpore.  Does  the  Sen- 
ator from  Illinois  insist  on  his  point  of  order.' 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  will  not  insist  upon  it 
after  calling  the  attention  of  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky to  it. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  should  have  been  through  by 
this  time  if  I  hail  not  been  interrupted. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  is  giving  us  an 
interesting  account  of  Colonel  Barre,  and  I  hope 
he  will  be  allowed  to  go  on. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  shall  be  through  in  one  mo- 
ment. Colonel  Barre  was  a  frequent  and  most 
eloquent  debater  in  the  British  Parliament  during 
our  revolutionary  troubles.  Lord  North  himself, 
at  the  instance  of  George  III,  tendered  to  him  the 
position  of  Secretary  of  War,  and  he  had  the  prin- 
ciple and  the  firmness  to  resist  it.  Now,  I  am 
going  to  refresh  the  Senator's  knowledge  of  the 
history  of  his  own  State  when  this  measure  comes 
up. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Very  well,  sir. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  Mr.  President,  on  this  mo- 
tion to  go  into  executive  session  the  honorable 
Senator  appeals  personally  to  me,  saying  that  he 
presumes  there  is  to  be  no  discussion  on  this  ques- 
tion, unless  his  friend  from  Wisconsin  wants  to 
make  a  "  plea  for  slave-hunting. "     Sir,  the  Sen- 


ator from  Wisconsin  bows  to  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts.  He  is  learned,  learned  beyond 
comparison.  I  sometimes  almost  fear  that  he  is 
so  learned  he  has  lost  all  practical  sense.  When 
the  Senator  from  Delaware  expressly  declares  to 
the  Senate  that  this  question  must  be  discussed  and 
shall  be  discussed,  that  it  cannot  pass  in  an  hour 
nor  in  a  day,  and  v/hen  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, with  whom  he  ought  certainly  to  beso^ie- 
what  acquainted,  and  to  have  some  practical  sense 
of  his  powers  of  endurance  when  he  comes  to  dis- 
cuss this  question  of  repealing  the  fugitive. slave 
law,  I  think  the  honorable  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts does  great  injustice  in  turning  upon  me 
and  asking  if  1  want  to  make  a  "  plea  for  slave- 
hunting,"  and  that  there  will  be  no  speaking  un- 
less it  is  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Wiscon- 
sin. Sir,  I  have  more  practical  knowledge  of  the 
state  of  affairs  in  this  body,  it  seems  to  me,  than 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  al- 
though I  confess  I  have  not  one  half  the  learning 
on  these  subjects. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  this  is  the  state  of  affairs: 
it  is  now,  as  I  have  stated,  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon;  the  Senator  from  Delaware  distinctly 
advises  us  that  if  this  matter  is  taken  up  he  is 
going  to  discuss  it;  others  around  him  are  to  dis- 
cuss it;  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  says  if  it  is 
taken  up  he  shall  discuss  it;  and  I  say  to  my  hon- 
orable friend  from  Massacliusetts  that  there  are 
some  gentlemen  upon  our  side  of  the  Chamber, 
although  I  am  not  one  among  them,  who  may 
desire  to  say  something  upon  it.  So  far  as  my 
own  personal  convictions  are  concerned;  I  am  of 
th«  opinion  that  upon  the  Constitution  as  it  origin- 
ally stood,  independent  of  the  construction  made 
by  courts  and  others,  it  did  not  belong  to  Con- 
gress at  all  to  pass  any  laws  upon  this  subject; 
but  there  are  a  great  many  gentlemen  on  this  side 
of  the  Chamber  who  believe  that  under  the  Con- 
stitution as  it  stands,  and  by  the  decisions  of  the 
courts  as  they  are  made,  they  are  under  obliga- 
tions and  the  obligations  of  their  oaths,  that  there 
should  be  some  kind  of  law  to  enforce  that  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
Does  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  as  a  friend 
of  those  gentlemen,  associated  with  them  politi- 
cally, desire  to  press  them  to  the  point  of  either 
voting  what  upon  their  oaths  they  have  sworn 
they  will  not  do,  or  to  break  with  him?  I  think 
it  is  too  late  in  the  day,  to-day  at  least,  to  begin 
the  ^discussion  of  this  question,  and  I  therefore 
move  that  we  now  proceed  to  the  consideration 
of  executive  business. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  speech  of  the  Senator 
belongs  to  the  class  of  what  may  be  called  dila- 
tory motions,  or  a  speech  to  sustain  a  dilatory 
motion.  He  announces  to  us  that  there  is  to  be 
an  opposition  to  this  bill,  and  mentions  several 
Senators  who  menace  speeches.  If  those  speeches 
are  to  come,  I  say  let  us  hear  them  and  be  done 
with  them,  because  that  bill  from  the  House  must 
be  passed  by  Congress  during  this  session.  The 
Senator  wishes  to  have  it  postponed;  he  wishes 
to  set  aside  what  the  House  has  done;  and  he 
thinks  that  those  who  press  the  bill  which  now 
has  the  sanction  of  the  House  want  practical 
sense.  Sir,  permit  me  to  say  to  that  Senator  it 
is  himself  who  wants  practical  sense.  Fie  fails 
to  see  the  requirements  of  his  country  at  this 
hour;  he  fails  to  see  what  is  due  to  the  civiliza- 
tion of  the  age;  and  in  that  respect  he  shows  a 
watit  of  practical  sense  in  the  highest  degree. 
Sir,  I  do  not  wish  to  say  anything  personal  to 
that  Senator;  but  when  he  makes  the  suggestion 
that  any  one  on  this  floor  wants  practical  sense, 
I  throw  it  back  upon  him  when  he  stands  up  here 
to  arrest  a  bill  that  has  already  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  sweep  from  the  statute- 
book  of  the  land  a  system  of  legislation  which  at 
this  moment  is  an  infamy.  If  there  is  anything 
which  now  brings  upon  ourcause  in  foreign  lands 
discredit,  and  makes  it  a  burden  to  our  friends,  it 
is  this  very  act  which  at  this  moment  receives  in- 
directly the  support  of  the  Senator  from  Wiscon- 
sin; and  yet  he  rises  here  to  taunt  us  for  the  want 
of  practical  sense.  Sir,  when  he  seeks  to  uphold 
even  indirectly  this  act  he  wants  practical  patriot- 
ism as  well  as  practical  sense. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  The  bill  which  hast  just 
been  reported  by  the  Senator  from  New  York, 
which  is  a  continuation  of  the  bill  we  had  under 
discussion  yesterd*y  relative  to  drafting  soldiers 
into  the  Army,  is  a  practical  measure, and  will 


undoubtedly  be  called  up  at  the  very  earliest  mo- 
ment. I  think  it  mustcomcup  to-morrow  morn- 
ing atleast;  at  all  events  it  ought  to  come  up;foi 
if  there  be  one  practical  thing  which  this  country 
now  demands,  it  is  that  we  take  care  of  our  Army 
which  is  fighting  the  battles  of  our  country. 
When  the  word  comes  to  us,  though  it  is  not 
spoken  on  official  authority,  but  comes  from  the 
mouths  of  wounded  and  bleeding  men  who  are 
coming  to  us  by  hundreds  telling  us  of  our  friends 
our  brothers  and  our  sons  who  are  fighting  this 
battle  for  the  country,  practical  sense  says  to 
every  Senator  that  to  take  care  of  this  Army,  to 
fill  up  this  Army,  to  sustain  the  Army  is  the 
practical  question. 

The  Senator  charges  me  with  opposition  to  hia 
measure.  He  says  that  I  desire  to  postpone  it 
for  the  session,  or  to  prevent  all  action  upon  it.  I 
have  not  said  any  such  thing  nor  done  any  such 
thing;  but  I  say  if  we  do  not  wish  to  waste  the 
rest  of  this  day  in  a  discussion  which  will  come 
to  no  result  let  this  measure  go  by,  and  let  us  take 
up  some  measure  which  has  practical  importance 
before  the  body. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  am  against  taking  up  both  these 
motions.  I  am  against  taking  up  the  fugitive  slave 
bill,  and  I  am  against  going  into  executive  ses- 
sion, and  the  reason  is  this:  during  the  whole  of 
this  session  I  believe  I  have  had  but  one  single 
day  to  the  interests  of  the  Navy.  There  are  sev- 
eral very  important  bills  relating  to  the  Navy  on 
the  Calendar, and  I  havereceived  urgentand  press- 
ing letters  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  call 
the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  them.  I  gave  notice 
a  day  or  two  since  that  to-morrow  at  one  o'clock 
I  should  ask  the  indulgence  of  the  Senate  to  de- 
vote that  day  to  the  consideration  of  our  naval 
affairs.  I  appreciate,  I  hope  as  highly  as  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Wisconsin,  what  is  due  to 
the  Army;  but,  sir,  what  would  your  Army  be 
without  a  navy  ?  Is  it  not  the  Navy  that  has  been 
the  right  arm  of  the  nation  in  all  this  war?  Its 
demands  are  pressing,  and  it  is  suffering  from  the 
modesty  of 'the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs  of  the  Senate.  I  have  overcome  it 
so  far  that  to-morrow  I  shall  urge  against  Army 
bills,  against  fugitive  slave  bills,  and  against  all 
other  bills  in  the  world  that  the  Senate  shall  give 
some  attention  to  the  consideration  of  those  bills 
which  are  from  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     We  can  finish  this  to-night, 

Mr.  HALE.  You  may  finish  it  at  any  time; 
but  to-morrow  I  shall,  in  season  and  outof  season, 
every  time  I  get  tiie  floor,  urge  upon  the  Senate 
what  I  think  is  due  to  the  Navy. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  am  opposed  to  all  the  mo- 
tions indicated.  I  have  been  trying  for  months 
to  get  up  a  bill  to  secure  the  freedom  of  elections 
to  the  people  of  this  once  free  but  now  enslaved 
country;  and  I  now  notify  the  Senate  that  every 
time  I  can  get  the  floor,  in  the  morning  hour  or 
after  the  morning  hour  has  expired,  to  the  end  of 
this  session,  I  intend  to  move  to  take  up  that  bill. 
All  I  want  is,  if  the  Senate  will  take  it  up,  to  vote 
upon  it  without  saying  one  word  upon  it.  I  do 
not  believe  I  shall  ever  get  the  floor  when  any- 
body else  wants  it  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up 
a  bill;  I  am  confident  of  that  fact;  but  if  they 
ever  take  up  a  bill  I  shall  instantly  move  that  that 
bill  and  all  prior  orders  be  postponed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  up  my  bill.  I  shall  do  it  in  the 
morning  hour  and  every  other  time  I  can  get.  I 
tried^and  I  thought  I  was  entitled  to  the  floor  be- 
fore the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  made  his 
motion,  but  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  not  to  be 
recognized — to  make  the  motion  this  evening.  I 
think  the  Senate  owe  it  to  themselves  to  take  up 
this  bill,  which  has  been  debated  some  four  days, 
and  vote  upon  it.  I  do  not  see  what  good  armies 
or  navies  are  going  to  do  us  if  our  people  have 
no  freedom  of  elections;  and  I  do  know  that  in 
many  parts  of  the  country  they  have  not  had  it. 
I  hope  that  all  these  motions  will  be  vote'd  down, 
and  then — I  know  it  is  not  in  order  now — I  shall 
move  to  postpone  everything  in  order  to  take  up 
the  bill  that  1  have  indicated. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin 
to  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive  busi- 
ness. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  hope  not. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  want  to  say  in  a  single  word 
why  I  am  not  willing  logo  into  executive  session. 
It  is  this:  1  am  notready  to  proceed  with  the  con- 


1864. 


THE  CON^GEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3129 


sideration  of  tlie  urjfinished  business  wliich  was 
under  considciaiion  in  executive  session  when  we 
adjourned  yesterday. 

Mr.  WILSON.  We  liave  got  but  very  little 
business  in  executive  session  to  attend  to,  and  I 
hope  we  sliall  take  up  tlie  measure  indicated  by 
my  colleague. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to;  there  being,  on 
0  division — ayes  14,  noes  20. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  call  for  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

,  Mr.  SUMNER.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator  to 
take  tlie  yeas  and  nays  on  my  proposition. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  am  afraid  the  proposi- 
tion will  carry. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;)ro  tempore.    Is  the  call  for 
the  yeas  and  nays  withdrawn.' 
Mr.  HENDRICKS.     Yes,  sir. 
Mr.  CONNESS.     I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 
The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 
Mr.  HENDRICKS.     Is  it  in  order  to  move  to 
adjourn  ? 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  In  the  opinion 
of  the  Chair  it  is. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Then  I  move  that  the 
Senate  adjourn.  ["No!"  "No!"]  I  withdraw 
the  motion. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  It  is  manifest  that  we  can 
accomplish  but  very  little  in  ten  minutes,  and  I 
therefore  move  that  the  Senate  now  take  a  recess 
until  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  hope  not.  I  hope  we  shall 
take  the  yeas  and  nays  on  the questionnow pend- 
ing before  the  Senate. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  will 
suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Illinois  that  the  Sen- 
ate yesterday  ordered  a  recess  to-day  from  half 
past  four  until  seven  o'clock. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  But  may  we  not  take  it 
before.?  By  a  mere  vote  of  the  Senate  we  fixed 
upon  half  past  four  o'clock. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  the  opinion  that  the  motion  may  be  put. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  ask  if  it  is  in  order  while 
the  call  for  tlie  yeas  and  nays  is  pending  on  an- 
other question. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  We  have  not  commenced 
the  call. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  know  that.  I  ask  that  ques- 
tion of  the  Chair. 

The  PRESl  DENT  pro  <e?n/)ore.  The  Chair,  on 
reflection,  is  of  opinion  that  the  motion  is  not  in 
order.  A  motion  to  take  a  recess  is  not  like  a 
motion  to  adjourn.  The  question  is  on  the  mo- 
tion of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.     I  want  to  suggest  to  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  that  I  presume  there 
will  be  no  objection  to  liis  taking  up  the  Senate 
bill  which  has  been  to  a  very  large  extent  matured 
according  to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  and  1 
think  that  is  all  at  this  stage  of  the  session  he 
ought  to  ask  of  the  Senate.     The  Senate  has  de- 
cided upon  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio 
to  repeal  the  law  of  1850  but  not  the  act  of  1793. 
That  is  the  judgment  of  the  Senate.     The  Flouse 
of  Representatives  sends  to  us  a  bill  repealing  both 
laws.     That  brings  up  the  whole  discussion,  and 
before  we  reach  the  point  to  which  the  Senate  has 
arrived  upon  the  other  bill  much  of  valuable  time 
has  to  be  occupied.     Can  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts say  that  Senators  after  a  full  debate 
have  given  a  vote  which  they  are  ready  to  take 
back.'    To  say  that  is  not  respectful  to  the  Sen- 
ate.    He  has  no  right  to  presume  that  after  a  full 
discussion  the  Senate  is  going  to  take  back  a  de- 
cision nriade  a  week  ago.     Then  it  is  due  to  the 
Senate,  in  my  judgment,  for  the  Senator  to  insist 
upon  the  completion  of  the  bill  which  he  insisted 
the  Senate  should  consider  a  week  or  two  ago.    I 
suggest  to  tlie  Senator  as  a  fair  thing  to  the  Sen- 
ate, as  fair  to  the  rest  of  us,  as  due  to  the  body  in 
view  of  the  approach  of  the  adjournment,  th^t  we 
take  up  the  bill  which  he  has  already  demanded 
the  attention  of  the  Senate  upon,  and   to  that  I 
presume  there  will  be  no  hostility,  but  to  take  up 
this  new  bill,  to  go  through  with  the  discussion 
again,  I  think  to  that  proposition  he  will  find  hos- 
tility all  the  time.  , 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted— yeas  25,  nays  17;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Cliandler,  Ulark,  Con- 
ncss,  Dixon,  Fossoiiden,  Foot,  Giimcs,  Hale,  Harlan,  Har- 
ris, Howard,  Howe,  Liiiie  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  MorriJI, 


I'omeroy,  Itamspy,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Ton  Eyck,  Wade, 
Wilkinson,  and  Wilson — 2.'>. 

NAVS— Messrs.  Buckahiw,  Carlile, Cowan,  Davis,  Doo- 
little,  Hendricks,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Nesmitli, 
Powell,  Uichaidson,  Riddle,  Sanlsburv,  Sherman,  Trum- 
bull, Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 17. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Collamer,  Foster,  Harding,  Hender- 
son, Hicks,  McDougall,  and  Wright — 7. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tonpore.  The  motion 
prevails;  the  bill  is  before  the  Senate  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  and  will  be  read. 

Mr.  POWELL.  1  move  to  postpone  the  pend- 
ing and  all  prior  orders  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
up  Senate  bill  No.  37. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  1  rise  to  a  question  of  order, 
whether  that  motion  of  the  Senator  is  in  order 
until  the  motion  th^t  has  already  been  acted  on 
by  the  Senate  has  been  staled  from  the  Chair  and 
the  bill  read. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
is  of  the  opinion  that  the  motion  is  in  order  to 
postpone  it  and  take  up  something  else. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  But  as  I  understand,  the 
Senate  ordered  the  taking  up  of  this  bill,  and  the 
Chair  directed  the  Secretary  to  read  the  bSl.  My 
point  of  order  is,  can  there  be  any  interruption  to 
the  reading  of  the  bill .'    Must  not  that  be  finished.' 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
is  of  the  opinion  that  the  pointof  order  is  not  well 
taken;  that  before  the  bill  is  read  the  motion  may 
be  made. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  my  motion. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  Seci-etary  proceeded  to  call  the  roll,  but 
before  concludin";  it  was  interrupted  by 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  time 
having  arrived  at  which  the  Senate  ordered  a  re- 
cess, it  becomes  necessary  for  the  Chair  to  in- 
terrupt the  call  of  the  roll  and  to  announce  that 
the  Senate  will  now  take  a  recess  until  seven 
o'clock. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Before  the  Chair  makes 
the  announcement,  I  wish  to  inquire  whether 
there  is  a  special  order  for  to-night. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  There  is:  the 
business  relating  to  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  knows  perfectly 
well  that  the  unfinished  business  takes  precedence. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  That  is  the  very  ques- 
tion I  desire  the  Chair  to  decide,  whether  the 
order  made  for  to-night  does  not  exclude  every- 
thing else. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  decide  that  question  of  order  when  it  arises. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  rise  to  a  question  of 
order,  if  any  business  can  be  interposed  during 
the  call  of  the  roll. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
has  announced  the  recess. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  ask  unanimous  consent 


The  PRESIDENT  ;)ro  tempore.     The  Senate 
is  not  in  session. 


EVENING  SESSION. 
The  Senate  reassembled  at  seven  o'clock  p.  ni. 

LIMITATION  OF  DEBATi:. 
Mr.  WADE.  I  wish  to  give  notice  that  I  shall 
move  the  following  as  an  additional  rule  of  the 
Senate  on  Thursday  next: 

Resoh-cd,  That  during  the  remainder  of  the  present  ses- 
sion of  Congress  no  Senator  shall  speak  mure  than  onee 
on  any  one  question  before  the  Senate,  nor  shall  such 
speech  e.\cped  ten  minutes,  vvitliout  leave  of  the  Senate 
expiessly  given,  and  when  such  leave  is  asked  it  shall  be 
decided  by  the  Senate  without  debate,  and  it  sliall  be  the 
duty  of  the  President  to  see  that  this  rule  is  strictly  en- 
forced. 

SUSPENSION  OF  26TH  KULE. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  offer  the  following  resolution, 
not  for  the  purpose  of  action  now: 

Resolved,  That  the  26th  rule  of  the  Senate  be  suspended 
during  the  present  session  of  Congress,  except  so  much 
thereof  as  provides  that  "  a  motion  to  suspend  or  concur 
in  a  joint  resolution  of  the  House  to  suspend  the  16th  and 
17th  joint  rules  or  either  of  them  shall  always  be  in  order, 
be  immediately  considered,  and  be  decided  without  de- 
bate." 

ORDER  01?  BUSINESS. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  move  that  the  Senate  pro- 
ceed to  the  consideration  of  House  bill  No.  255. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senate 
had  under  consideration  a  motion  of  the  Senator 
from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Powell]  to  take  up  Senate 
bill  No.  37,  upon  which  the  yeas  and  nays  were 
being  taken  when  the  recess  was  announced. 


Mr.  GRIMES.  I  move  to  suspend  all  prior 
orders  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up  the  bill  I  have 
indicated. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Must  not  the  call  be  pro- 
ceeded with  .'  1  submit  v/hether  that  motion  is  in 
order  while  the  call  is  being  proceeded  with. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  the  opinion  that  the  motion  can  only  be  enter- 
tained by  unanimous  consent,  the  Senate  being 
in  the  execution  of  the  order  for  the  call  of  the 
yeas  and  nays.  If  there  be  no  objection,  the  mo- 
tion of  the  Senator  from  Iowa  will  be  entertained. 

Mr.  HOWARD.     1  object. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-otonpore.  Objection  is 
made,  and  the  call  will  proceed. 

Mr.  POWELL.  If  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
wishes  to  proceed  with  District  business  I  will 
withdraw  the  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  if  I  have 
the  power  to  do  so. 

Mr.  BROWN.  What  are  the  yeas  and  nays  on 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  On  the  mo- 
tion of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. 

Mr.  POWELL.  On  my  motion  to  take  up 
the  bill  to  prevent  military  interference  with  elec- 
tions; but  I  will  withdraw  the  call  in  order  to 
allow  the  Senator  from  Iowa  to  proceed  with  the 
District  of  Columbia  business. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  understood  that  we  were 
taking  the  yeas  and  nays  on  the  motion  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Oh,  no;  1  beg  your  pardon; 
it  was  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. 
Let  me  explain  to  my  friend.  My  motion  had 
been  carried,  and  the  Secretary  at  the  desk  was 
about  reading  the  bill  when  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  interposed  another  motion  to  proceed 
with  another  bill,  and  on  that  he  asked  for  the 
yeas  and  nays;  and  if  that  is  withdrawn,  I  take 
it,  it  leaves  the  question  of  the  fugitive  slave  bill 
as  the  unfinished  business. 

The  PRESlDENTpro  tempore.  It  would  leave 
that  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  It  would  leave  that  bill  be- 
fore the  Senate. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  motion 
of  the  Senator  from  Iowa  is  to  postpone  all  prior 
business  and  proceed  with  the  bill  indicated  by 
him. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     So  I  understand. 

Mr.  WILKINSON.  What  was  the  unfin- 
ished business.' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  motion  of  tlie  Senator 
from  Kentucky  to  take  up  the  bill  in  regard  to 
military  interference  with  elections.  The  Sena- 
tor from  Kentucky  has  withdrawn  that  motion, 
and  now  I  suppose  it  is  proper  for  me  to  make  a 
motion  to  suspend  all  prior  orders. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  If  there  be 
no  objection,  the  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays  can 
be  withdrawn.  The  Chair  hears  none.  Does 
the  Chair  understand  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
as  withdrawing  his  motion  at  the  same  time.' 

Mr.  POWELL.     Yes,  sir. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Then  the 
question  will  be  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from 
Iowa. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  On  that  I  wish  merely  to 
remark  that  I  am  aware  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
has  come  here  to-night  prepared  to  proceed  with 
several  bills  in  regard  to  which  he  has  let  us  know 
in  advance  his  purpose,  and  I  know  the  import- 
ance ofsomeof  them  at  least  to  this  District.  I 
do  not  wish  to  interfere  with  his  arrangements, 
although  he  will  understand  that  I  cannot  let  slip 
the  opportunity  of  pressing  the  bill  under  con- 
sideration except  with  great  reluctance  and  with 
the  understanding  that  it  shall  be  proceeded  with 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment;  if  possible,  that 
it  shall  be  taken  up  again  this  evening. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  wish  to  make  one  single 
remark.  The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  spoke 
of  having  an  understanding  that  we  should  take 
up  his  bill  next.  1  wish  it  to  be  understood  that 
we  are  no  parties  to  anything  of  that  kind.  This 
evening  was  set  apart  for  the  Senator  from  Iowa. 
He  gave  notice  yesterday  that  he  desired  to  call 
up  the  business  relating  to  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia this  evening.  I  do  not  wish  to  encroach  upon 
his  time,  and  with  that  view  I  withdrew  my  mo- 
tion on  which  I  had  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

GUARDIAN  SOCIETY. 

The  motion  of  Mr.  Guimes  was  agreed  to;  and 
the  Senate,  as  in  Cominittee  of  the  Whole,  pro- 


3130 


THE  CONGRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


ceeded  to  consider  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  255)  grant- 
ing!; certain  privileges  to  the  Guardian  Society  of 
the  District  of  Columbia.  It  proposes  to  grant  the 
use  and  occupancy  of  all  that  part  of  reservation 
numbered  seventeen,  in  the  city  of  Washington, 
lying  west  of  Second  street  and  east  of  the  east- 
erly line  of  New  Jersey  avenue,  in  perpetuity  to 
the  Guardian  Society  of  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, a  corporation  duly  established  by  act  of  Con- 
gress approved  July  1,  1862;  but  those  premises 
are  to  be  used  and  occupied  exclusively  for  the 
proper  and  legitimate  purposes  and  objects  of  said 
Guardian  Society;  and  the  Guardian  Society  are 
within  three  years  from  and  after  the  approval  of 
this  act  to  expend  in  the  erection  of  buildings  upon 
the  premises,  suitable  for  a  house  of  industry  and 
a  widows'  and  orphans'  home,  the  sum  of  §20,000 
or  more. 

All  permanent  buildings  and  structures  upon 
the  premises  arc  to  be  erected  and  made  in  ac- 
cordance with  plans  and  specifications  approved 
in  writing  and  subscribed  by  the  Commissioner 
of  Public  Buildings. 

The  rates  of  expenses  which  are  or  shall  here- 
after be  adopted  by  the  Guardian  Society,  or  the 
trustee.s  thereof,  for  the  support  and  maintenance 
of  the  several  classes  of  persons  described  in  the 
eleventh  section  of  their  act  of  incorporation,  are 
to  be  approved  in  writing  and  subscribed  by  a 
majority  of  the  justices  of  the  supreme  court  of 
the  Distric;t  of  Columbia. 

So  much  of  the  fixtures  and  materials  in  the 
temporary  military  erections  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, being  no  longer  in  use  and  needful  for 
military  purposes,  are  granted  to  the  Guardian 
Society,  subject  to  the  approval  and  upon  the  or- 
der of  the  Secretary  of  War,  for  such  temporary 
erections  upon  the  grounds  as  may  be  needful 
while  permanent  buildings  and  fences  are  being 
erected. 

The  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia  re- 
ported thebillwith amendments.  Thefirstamend- 
ment  was  in  section  one,  lines  six  and  seven,  to 
Btrikeoutthowords"in  perpetuity, "and  to  insert, 
"for  the  period  of  thirty-three  years." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  at  the  end  of  the 
first  section  to  insert  "  otherwise  the  said  use  be 
forfeited  to  the  United  States;"  so  that  it  will 
read: 

^nd  provided  further,  Thnt  said  Guardian  Society  shall, 
within  tliree  years  from  ami  after  tlie  approval  of  this  act, 
expend  in  the  erection  of  buildings  upon  said  promises, 
suitable  for  a  house  of  industry  and  a  widows'  and  orphans' 
home,  the  sum  of  $20,000,  or  more,  otherwise  the  said  use 
be  forfeited  to  the  United  States. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  v/as  to  strike  out  the 
fourth  section  of  the  Ijill,, as  follows: 

Sec.  4.  ^nd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  so  much  of  the 
fixtures  and  materials  in  the  temporary  military  erections 
in  the  city  of  VVasliington,  being  no  longer  in  use  and 
needful  for  military  purposes,  are  hereby  granted  to  said 
Guardian  Society,  subject  to  the  approval  and  upon  the 
order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  for  such  temporary  erec- 
tions upon  said  grounds  as  may  be  needful  while  perma- 
nent buildings  and  fences  are  being  erected. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended ; 
and  the  amendments  were  concurred  in  and  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed,  and  the  bill  to  be  read  a 
third  time.  It  was  read  the  third  time,  and 
passed. 

orphans'  court  processes. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIMES,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  434)  to  authorize  the  bailiff 
of  the  orphans'  court,  in  thecounty  of  Washing- 
ton and  District  of  Columbia,  to  serve  processes 
issued  by  said  court,  and  for  other  purposes.  It 
provides  that  the  bailiff  of  the  orphans'  court,  in 
the  county  of  Washington  and  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, or  such  person  as  may  be  deputed  by  the 
register  of  wills  in  the  county,  shall  have  author- 
ity to  serve  all  processes  issued  by  the  court,  and 
shall  be  entitled  to  a  fee  of  fifty  cents  for  serving 
citations,  and  a  fee  of  one  dollar  for  serving  at- 
tachments and  making  returns  of  the  same  to  the 
court;  and  there  is  to  be  paid  to  the  register  of 
wills  for  the  county,  for  rAiording  wills  and  other 
instruments,  fifteen  cents  per  folio  of  one  hundred 
words. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  read  the 
third  time,  and  passed. 


WASHINGTON  AND  GEORGETOWN  RAILROAD. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIMES,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  522)  to  amend  the  charter  of 
the  Washington  and  Georgetown  Railroad  Com- 
pany. It  provides  that  the  Washington  and 
Georgetown  Railroad  Company  shall  have  the 
right  to  construct  a  horse  railway  on  any  public 
highv/ay  in  the  county  of  Washington,  commen- 
cing at  the  present  terminus  of  either  of  their  roads, 
first  having  obtained  the  consent  of  the  levy  court 
therefor;  and  may  charge  a  fare  not  exceeding  ten 
cents  for  each  and  every  passenger  conveyed  upon 
any  road  constructed  in  the  county  of  Washing- 
ton outside  of  the  limits  of  the  cities  of  Washing- 
ton and  Georgetown ;  but  nothing  herein  contained 
is  to  be  construed  so  as  to  prevent  Congress  from 
regulating  the  fare  on  either  of  the  roads,  or  al- 
tering or  amending  the  original  charter  of  the 
company,  or  this  amendment  thereto,  according 
to  the  provisions  of  the  original  charter. 

The  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia 
reported  the  bill  with  amendments.  The  amend- 
ments were  in  line  four,  to  strike  out  the  words 
"construct  a"  and  to  insert  "  extend  their;"  in 
line  six,  after  the  word  "  roads,"  to  insert  "  ex- 
tending north  from  Seventh  and  Fourteenth 
streets,  and  from  the  Capitol  square  to  Maryland 
avenue,  and  extending  north  from  the  eastern 
extremity  of  that  avenue;"  and  in  line  eight  to 
strike  out  the  words  "a  fare  not  exceeding  ten 
cents,"  and  to  insert  "  an  additional  fare  of  five 
cents  for  every  three  miles  on  each  branch  so  ex- 
tended;" so  that  the  bill  will  read: 

Beit  enacted,  S{c.,  That  the  Washington  and  Georgetown 
Railroad  Company  shall  have  the  right  to  extend  their  horse 
railway  on  any  public  highway  in  the  county  of  Washing- 
ton, commencing  at  the  present  terminusof  either  of  their 
roads,  extending  north  from  Seventh  and  Fourteenth 
streets,  and  from  the  Capitol  square  to  Maryland  avenue, 
and  extending  north  from  the  eastern  extremity  of  that 
avenue,  first  having  obtained  the  consent  of  the  levy  court 
therefor;  and  may  charge  an  additional  fare  of  five  cents 
for  every  three  miles  on  each  branch  so  extended  for  each 
and  every  passenger  conveyed  upon  any  road  constructed 
in  said  county  of  Washington  outside  of  the  limits  of  the 
cities  of  Washington  and  Georgetown,  &.e. 

The  amendments  were  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendments  were  concurred  in,  and  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed,  and  the  bill  to  be  read  a 
third  time.  It  was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

COLLECTION  OF  DIRECT  TAX.' 

Mr.  GRIMES  asked,  and  by  unanimous  con- 
sent obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No. 
321)  to  authorize  the  corporation  of  Washington 
to  levy  and  collect  the  direct  tax  imposed  by  the 
act  approved  August  5,  18G1;  which  was  read 
twice  by  its  title. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  Senate  to  proceed  with  the  consideration 
of  the  bill  nov/. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill.  It  proposes  to  authorize  the  corporation 
of  the  city  of  Washington  to  assess  and  collect  a 
tax  not  exceeding  the  rate  of  fifteen  cents  on  every 
jJlOO  of  the  value  of  all  real  and  personal  property 
in  the  city,  and  on  any  and  all  subjects  of  taxa- 
tion as  made  and  returned  by  the  board  of  assess- 
ors of  the  city,  to  enable  the  corporation  to  pay 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  the  tax 
imposed  by  the  act  approved  August  5,  1861. 
Any  surplus  that  may  accrue  from  the  imposi- 
tion of  this  tax  is  to  be  deposited  and  applied  to 
the  use  of  the  general  fund  of  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Perhaps  I  ought  to  say  in 
apology  for  asking  the  Senate  to  consider  a  bill 
that  has  not  been  under  the  consideration  of  any 
committee  of  the  Senate,  that  this  bill  was  brought 
to  me  by  the  committeeappointedby  the  city  au- 
thorities to  attend  to  the  District  of  Columbia 
business  since  the  Senate  convened  in  the  morn- 
ing. They  also  brought  with  them  the  report 
made  by  the  committee  on  finance  of  one  branch 
of  the  city  authorities,  and  aresolution  instructing 
the  committee  to  attempt  to  procure  the  passage 
of  the  bill.  It  only  provides  that  the  city  author- 
ities may  have  power  to  levy  and  collect  money 
enough  to  discharge  the  direct  tax  that  was  levied 
by  Congress  upon  the  different  States  and  Ter- 
ritories and  the  District  by  the  act  of  1861,  and 
if  there  shall  be  any  surplus  over  and  above  that 


collected  under  this  bill  it  shall  go  into  the  com- 
mon treasury  of  the  city. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  should  like  to  know  where  is 
the  necessity  for  this  bill.  The  Govornnnent  has 
provided  its  own  machinery  for  collecting  the 
taxes  assessed  by  it  in  all  other  cities, and  where 
is  the  necessity  of  devolving  on  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington the  authority  to  collect  this  United  States 
tax.'  Why  can  they  not  collect  it  as  they  do  in 
Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  other  cities? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  think  in  every  State  in  the 
Union,  probably,  the  State  has  assumed  the  di^x 
rect  tax.  It  is  much  cheaper  to  the  States  to  col- 
lect the  tax  themselves  through  their  own  regular 
tax-gatherers  than  it  is  to  have  any  United  States 
officials  appointed  for  that  purpose.  This  is 
simply  to  authorize  the  city  authorities  of  the 
city  of  Washington  to  do  what  is  done  in  Massa- 
chusetts, New  Hampshire,  Iowa,  and  elsewhere. 
They  have  not  paid  this  tax.  It  is  due  from  them 
to  the  Government.  As  the  amount  they  are  now 
authorized  to  levy  and  collect  is  limited,  this  bill 
gives  them  authority  to  levy  an  additional  tax  in 
order  to  discharge  their  obligations  to  the  Federal 
Government.  1  think  the  bill  ought  to  pass,  and 
I  have  the  authority  of  the  city  council  who  have 
passed  resolutions  and  instructed  their  committee 
to  apply  to  Congress  to  procure  its  passage. 

Mr.  POWELL.  If  I  understood  the  reading 
of  the  bill  from  the  desk,  I  think  it  authorizes 
the  city  authorites  to  levy  this  tax  upon  the  land. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Oh,  no;  "all  subjects  of  tax- 
ation." 

Mr.  POWELL.  Then  I  have  no  objection  to 
it.     1  thought  it  was  only  upon  the  land. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

WASHINGTON  AND  GEORGETOWN  RAILROAD. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIMES,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  495)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  amend  the  charter  of  the  Washington 
and  Georgetown  Railroad  Company."  The  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia  reported  the 
bill  with  various  amendments.  The  first  amend- 
ment was  in  section  one,  line  eleven,  after  the 
word"  shalP'toinsertthe  words"  be  permitted;" 
so  that  the  section  will  read: 

That  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act  the  Wasli- 
ington  and  Georgetovv^n  Railroad  Company  shall,  during 
all  sessions  of  Congress,  run  one  car  each  way  every  two 
minutes  between  the  hours  of  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning 
and  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  on  their  main  line  of  rail- 
way from  the  eastern  front  of  the  Capitol  and  from  Sev- 
enteentii  street,  passing  between  said  points  at  a  rate  of 
speed  not  exceeding  seven  and  not  less  than  five  miles  per 
hour:  Provided,  Tliat  on  Sundays  the  said  companyshall 
be  permitted  to  run  cars  at  the  same  intervals  of  time  as 
prescribed  in  the  original  law  for  the  other  days  of  the  week. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  of  the  committee  was  to 
strike  out  the  second  section,  as  follows: 
•  Sec.  2.  And  beit  further  enacted,  That  the  said  railroad 
company  shall  keep  in  good  repair  and  in  blean  condition 
the  flagstones  or  crosswalks  leading  to,  upon,  and  over  their 
tracks  at  the  crossings  of  the  several  streets  which  inter- 
sect their  railroad,  removing  therefrom  snow  and  ice,  as 
well  as  mud,  dirt,  or  other  annoyance;  and  shall  further,' 
whenever  necessary  to  render  such  crossings  dry  and  con- 
venient, raise  or  elevate  the  same  sufficiently  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  sliall  adjust  the  adjoining  pavement  so  as  to 
make  it  convenient  for  carriages  to  pass  said  crossings. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  am  authorized  by  a  majority 
of  the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia  to 
say  that  their  views  have  undergone  a  change  in 
regard  to  the  propriety  of  striking  out  that  sec- 
tion since  the  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate.  If 
it  remains  the  provisions  of  this  bill  will  stand 
uniform  with  the  provisionsof  the  other  bills  that 
have  been  passed.  It  simply  requires  the  com- 
pany to  keep  the  walks  at  the  intersections  of  the 
streets  clean,  so  that  a  person  can  go  from  the 
sidewalks  to  the  car  without  getting  muddy.  I 
therefore  hope  that  the  Senate  will  not  concur  in 
the  r'ecommendation  of  the  committee  to  strike 
outthat  section. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  strike  out  the  fifth 
section,  as  follows: 

Sec.  5.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  route  of  said 
railroad  from  the  east  front  of  the  Capitol  square  to  Penu- 
sylvunia  avenue  east  shall  be  in  lieu  of  tlie  route  prescribed 
by  the  act  of  incorporation  as  follows,  viz:  commencing 
at  the  west  front  of  the  Capitol  square,  and  running  thence 
in  a  northeasterly  direction  across  the  public  space  to  the 
intersection  of  B  street  with  New  Jersey  avenue,  at  which 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3131 


point  one  branch  of  tlio  road  shall  go  down  New  Jersey 
avenue  to  the  south  side  of  C  street,  wliere  it  sliall  term- 
inate, wl)ile  the  mahi  road  shall  pass  along  13  street  to  Cap- 
itol street  north,  thence  along  that  street  to  A  street  north, 
thence  along  A  street  north  to  First  street  east,  thenee  along 
First  street  east  to  Pennsylvania  avenue  east,  there  inter- 
secting with  the  road  as  it  now  runs.  And  the  track  now 
running  thnnightthe  eastern  park  of  the  Capitol  and  along 
A  street  south  shall  be  taken  np  and  discontinued  hy  the 
Istdayof  May, 1865;  and  when  such  change  is  being  made 
in  said  route,  and  after  the  same  shall  be  completed,  the  cars 
required  by  this  act  to  be  run  between  Seventeenth  street 
and  the  east  front  of  the  Capitol  shall  run  from  Seven- 
teenth street  to  the  aforesaid  intersection  of  Delaware  ave- 
nue and  A  street  north. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE.  I  am  tiot  in  favor  of  that 
cliangeof  the  route  of  the  road. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  committee  propose  to 
Ktrilceout  the  section  and  let  the  route  stand  as  itis. 

Tlie  amendment  v/as  agreed  to. 

The  next  amendment  was  to  strike  out  tlie 
sixth  section,  as  follows: 

SEq.  6.  -dnd  be  it  further  enacted,  Tiiat  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  said  company,  within  twenty  days  from  and  after 
the  passage  of  this  act,  to  have  prepared  tickets  for  pas- 
sage on  theircars,  and  to  keep  them  at  their  otBce  for  sale 
by  the  package  of  twenty-five,  or  over,  at  the  rate  of 
tweny-five  for  the  dollar,  each  of  which  tickets  shall  en- 
title the  holder  to  one  passage  in  any  car  of  the  company 
for  any  distance  upon  their  main  line  of  railway,  or  upon 
either  of  the  branches  thereof  or  between  the  termini  of 
either  of  the  said  branches  to  any  point  upon  said  railway 
or  branches. 

The  atTiendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  It  seems  to  me  a  very  idle 
and  very  foolish  thing  to  require  this  company  to 
make  such  a  report  as  is  required  by  the  fourth 
section  of  this  bill.  I  never  saw  such  a  report, 
and  never  heard  of  such  a  report  being  made  by 
a  railroad  or  any  other  kind  of  company.  It  re- 
quires them  to  make  a  report  upon  thirty-one 
diffei'ent  items,  showing  among  other  things  the 
"  number  and  cost  of  cars" — you  might  as  well 
have  said  of  each  car — the  "  number  of  horses 
or  mules  used  in  the  service  of  the  road  and  cost;" 
"cost  of  harnesses  and  other  appointments;" 
"cost  of  tools  and  fixtures,  including  furniture 
of  offices,"  and  so  on.  I  will  ask  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  what  is  the  object  of  that  section. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  This  'is  a  House  bill;  it  was 
sent  to  us  from  the  other  branch  of  Congress; 
and  I  understand  that  fourth  section  is  a  tran- 
script of  the  provision  of  the  Revised  Statutes 
of  New  York.  I  cattnot  say  that  it  is  so,  for  I 
have  never  examined  the  subject,  but  I  under- 
stand that  to  be  the  fact. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  They  are  also  required  to 
report  the  atnount  of  salaries  paid  to  officers,  the 
amount  paid  to  employes,  the  amount  paid  for 
reconstruction  of  and  repairs  to  track,  the  amount 
paid  for  taxes,  &c.  It  seems  to  ine  it  is  perfectly 
idle,  a  piece  of  folly,  to  require  a  little  corpora- 
tion like  this,  a  street  railroad,  to  make  such  a 
report.  This  is  an  unreasonable  requirement. 
They  are  required  now  by  their  charter  to  make 
a  detailed  report  of  all  that  is  material.  1  move 
to  strike  out  the  fourth  section  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  is  very  possible  that  the 
advantages  of  making  such  a  detailed  report  may 
not  be  perceived  at  this  time,  but  the  experience 
of  other  Stales,  I  think,  has  demonstrated  the 
propriety  of  having  such  reports  made.  We  have 
the  entire  legislation  on  the  subject  of  this  com- 
pany.. We  have  reserved  the  power  to  change, 
alter,  modify,  or  repeal  their  charter,  and  if  such 
a  report  as  is  required  by  this  bill  shall  be  prop- 
erly made  to  us  it  may  enlighten  the  understand- 
ing of  future  Congresses  as  to  what  their  duty 
may  be.  It  can  be  of  no  particular  harm  to  the 
company,  for  they  are  required  to  show  nothing 
other  than  what  their  books,  if  properly  kept, 
will  show;  and  I  think,  even  if  it  be  in  relation  to 
a  small  company  here,  it  is  well  for  us  to  set  a 
good  example  to  the  other  States  in  their  legisla- 
tion in  regard  to  corporations  of  this  desci-iption. 
I  understand,  however,  that  in  this  case  the  ex- 
ample was  set  to  us  by  the  State  of  New  York, 
and  this  section  was  introduced  by  a  gentleman 
from  New  York,  a  member  of  the  Committee  for 
the  District  of  Columbia  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  who,  I  underotand,  is  rather  in- 
timately connected  with  these  railroads. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  IftheSenator  really  thinks 
it  is  worth  while  for  this  corporation  to  make 
such  a  report  as  is  here  indicated  I  have  no  ob- 
jection. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  can  say  furthermore  that 
the  president  of  this  company  was  before  us  with 


the  bill  as  it  now  stands,  and  he  interposed  not 
the  slightest  objection  to  this  se'ction. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Does  the  Sen- 
ator froiTi  Ohio  withdraw  his  motion.' 

Mr.  SHERMAN.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  beg  leave  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment to  come  in  at  the  end  of  the  first  section : 

^itd  provided  furtlier,  That  there  shall  be  no  exclusion 
of  any  person  from  any  car  on  account  of  color. 

I  will  merely  make  one  remark.  Congress  lias 
already  adopted  this  proviso  with  regard  to  the 
two  other  railroads  in  the  District,  one  running 
through  F  street,  and  the  other  between  here  and 
Alexandria.  It  ought  to  make  the  roads  equal 
in  this  respect  if  there  were  no  other  reason  in 
favor  of  the  provision;  but  I  borrow  an  idea  from 
my  friend  the  Senator  from  Iowa,  who  has  just 
told  the  Senate  that  it  is  important  in  bills  here 
that  we  should  set  a  good  example  to  the  whole 
country;  and  I  think  in  this  provision  we  shall 
set  a  good  example  to  every  city  throughout  the 
country  v/here  there  are  horse  railroads. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  saw  an  illustration  the 
other  day  of  this  "  no  exclusion  from  the  cars  on 
account  of  color."  It  is  not  often  that  I  ride  in 
them;  but  it  happened  the  other  morning  in  com- 
ing to  the  Senate  I  took  a  seat  in  one  of  them. 
Thenar  was  very  much  crowded.  Stopping  at 
a  erasing  some  ladies  came  into  the  car.  1  got 
up  and  gave  my  seat  to  a  lady.  Half  a  dozen 
other  gentlemen  got  up  and  gave  their  seats  to 
ladies.  Bat  in  one  corner  sat  one  of  these  beau- 
tiful free  men  of  African  descent,  the  only  negro 
in  tiie  car,  too  dignified  to  get  up  and  give  his 
seat  to  a  white  lady.  That  is  one  of  the  beautiful 
advantages  resulting  from  this  doctrine  of  "no 
exclusion  on  account  of  color,"  a  practical  illus- 
tration of  their  fitness  to  ride  in  cars  with  white 
people.  I  think  such  an  example  ought  certainly 
to  influence  the  Senate  to  vote  against  any  exclu- 
sion on  account  of  color. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Is  it  in  order  to  amend  the 
amendment? 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Pomeroy 
in  the  chair.)     It  is  in  order. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  I  do  not  know  that  what  I 
desire  to  propose  is  proper  as  an  amendment  to 
the  amendment  or  not.  I  propose  to  strike  out 
the  proviso  to  that  section  as  it  now  stands  en- 
tirely.    It  reads: 

Provided,  That  on  Sundays  the  said  company  shall  be 
permitted  to  run  cars  at  the  same  intervals  of  time  as  pre- 
scribed in  the  original  lavi^  for  the  other  days  of  the  week. 

If  it  is  proper  to  r^ove  as  an  amendment  to  the 
amendment  to  strike  out  that  proviso  I  will  make 
that  motion. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  Chair  will 
inform  the  Senator  that  that  is  not  now  in  order, 
as  it  is  not  properly  an  amendment  to  the  amend- 
ment moved  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 
The  question  will  first  be  taken  on  the  amend- 
ment moved  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
after  which  the  amendment  suggested  by  the  Sen- 
ator will  be  in  order  as  an  independent  proposi- 
tion. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  suggest  to  the  Chair 
that  the  motion  made  by  the  Senator  from  West 
Vii'ginia  is  in  order,  but  the  vote  would  have  to 
be  taken  first  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  and  then  on  the  motion  to 
strike  out. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  As  the  amend- 
ment suggested  by  the  Senator  from  West  Vir- 
ginia does  not  affect  in  any  way  the  amendment 
proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  the 
question  will  first  be  taken  on  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  had  occasion  to  express 
my  views  on  this  subject  to  the  Senate  some  tiine 
ago,  and  I  do  not  intend  to  allude  to  them  again. 
Tliey  are  now  legislating  in  respect  to  a  corpora- 
tion already  in  existence,  that  corporation  having 
constructed  its  work  by  the  expenditure  of  its 
money.  There  is  reserved  in  the  original  act  of 
incorporation  the  right  to  amend,  but  of  course 
the  results  that  weie  contemplated  by  that  pro- 
vision are  such  as  will  make  the  work  a  more 
successful  one  and  will  not  materially  take  away 
from  the  value  of  the  property  that  has  been  in- 
vested in  it. 

The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  says  that  this 
provision  is  to  be  found  in  the  charters  of  the  other 
two  companies  within  this  District,  and  therefore 
we  ought  to  make  them  all  equal.     When  per- 


sons took  stock  in  the  new  companies  they  knew 
of  this  provision  and  they  invested  their  money 
with  a  viev/  to  it;  but  the  men  who  have  invested 
in  this  corporation  and  whose  money  is  now  in 
the  rails,  cars,  and  horses  did  not  do  it  with  the 
view  and  expectation  of  legislation  on  the  ptirtof 
Congress  that  would  depreciate  the  value  of  the 
property.  I  thinlf  there  is  no  question  that  Ihi.s 
legislation  will  make  this  property  of  less  value; 
and  I  do  not  think  it  ought  to  be  adopted  upon 
general  principles.  I  do  not  think  in  amending 
a  charter  that  we  ought  materially  to  depreciate 
the  investments  men  have  made  upon  the  faith  of 
former  legislation. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  will  simply  remark  that  I 
think  the  value  of  the  stock  cannot  be  affected  at 
all;  but  even  suppose  it  were  the  fact,  the  Sen- 
ator will  see  that  it  \v\l\  only  be  on  an  equality 
with  the  other  roads. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  am  told  that  we  have 
clogged  the  other  roads  so  that  substantially  the 
persons  who  proposed  to  build  them  will  not  now 
build  them.  That  is  the  trouble  with  all  these 
roads.  It  seems  to  me  we  ought  to  encourage  the 
building  of  as  many  roads  in  Washington  as  pos- 
sible by  granting  them  liberal  charters.  Eveiy 
one  is  willing  to  pay  five  cents  to  go  anywhere. 
We  ought  to  encourage  them  by  liberal  charters, 
without  inserting  in  them  provisions  that  will  ex- 
cite public  clamor  or  public  hostility.  This  thing 
of  tinkering  constantly  with  these  little  charters, 
simply  because  somebody  is  dissatisfied  and  has 
not  had  his  way  about  it,  is  one  of  the  most  dis- 
gusting kinds  of  legislation.  If  the  people  who 
have  embarked  in  this  enterprise  make  money  out 
of  it  they  are  entitled  to  it;  if  they  suffer  losses 
we  never  pass  appropriations  to  make  them  good; 
and  therefore  when  we  pass  a  charter,  although 
we  reserve  the  power  to  change  it  at  our  pleasure, 
we  do  it  for  the  public  good.  It  is  not  for  the 
purpose  of  restraining  them,  limiting  tliem,  or 
depriving  them  of  that  which  they  believe  to  be 
their  property,  or  of  embarrassing  them  in  their 
operations,  but  uimply  that  we  may  have  it  in 
our  power  to  control  them,  prevent  them  doing 
any  great  public  wrong.  Therefore  1  am  and 
always  have  been  opposed  to  any  change  or  mod- 
ification of  charters  unless  a  company  attempts  to 
do  that  which  is  not  fairly  justified  or  within  the 
purview  of  its  powers.  1  think,  therefore,  that  all 
these  provisions,  especially  the  fourth  section  of 
this  bill,  requiring  a  report  upon  thirty-one  dif- 
ferent items,  and  this  amendment  offered  by  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts,  all  tend  to  embar- 
rass the  owners  of  this  property.  I  think  the 
amendment  ought  not  to  be  adopted. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  agree  substantially  with 
what  the  Senator  has  said;  but  he  very  aptly  re- 
marks that  we  are  to  consult  the  public  good. 
Now,  I  submit  the  public  good  is  consulted  by 
removing  all  restrictions  from  the  use  of  the  road. 
If  the  Senator  wants  more  passengers  why  im- 
pose a  restriction? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  That  is  the  very  question; 
is  there  any  restriction  in  the  charter? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  No;  but  practically  they 
make  a  restriction.  We  know  that,  for  we  have 
had  this  question  up  before. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  company  will  not 
make  a  restriction  against  their  interest.  That 
is  the  question  made  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  do  not  know  that.  Human 
prejudice  is  very  powerful,  the  Senator  knows 
weil,  and  they  act  according  to  the  prejudices  of 
this  place.  I  do  not  wish,  however,  to  be  be- 
trayed into  any  discussion  on  that  question.  It 
is  perfectly  understood. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  I  shall  vote  against  this  amend-J 
ment,  and  I  desire  to  state  very  succinctly  the 
grounds.  This  is  a  matter  that  we  cannot  regu- 
late by  law,  practically.  It  is  a  matter  to  be  reg- 
ulated by  the  interests  of  the  company,  the  con- 
venience of  the  people,  and  especially  the  tastes 
of  the  people. 

But,  sir,  that  ia  not  the  principal  ground  upon 
which  I  shall  vote  against  this  amendment.  There 
was  an  inquiry  introduced  in  the  earlier  part  of 
the  session  on  this  very  topic,  and  it  was  referred 
to  the  Coinmittee  on  the  District  of  Columbia. 
The  committee  after  due  deliberation  reported 
that  the  law  as  it  now  stands  does  not  make  any 
distinction  against  persons  on  account  of  their 
color;  that  they  have  the  same  right  under  the 
original  charter  of  the  company  to  go  into  any 


3132 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


car  as  white  persons;  that  there  was  no  distinc- 
tion in  their  right  to  ride  in  the  cars  and  enjoy 
all  the  privileges  of  that  mode  of  passage  and  to 
all  the  remedies  for  refusal.  Senators  deliber- 
ately decided  that  such  was  the  true  interpretation 
of  the  original  charter;  and  now  after  a  vote  of 
the  Senate,  after  a  decision  of  the  question,  upon 
examination  in  the  full  form  by  reference  to  a 
committee  and  report  and  discussion  and  vote, 
why  is  it  necessary  to  be  tacking  on  to  bills  an 
amendment  that  simply  amounts  to  nothing  atall, 
a  provision  that  lias  been  decided  by  the  Senate 
not  to  be  necessary  ?  Upon  that  ground,  that  the 
Senate  may  not  stultify  itself,  I  shall  vote  against 
this  amendment. 

Mr.  SUIMNER.  The  Senator  from  "West  Vir- 
ginia forgets  that  after  the  report  of  the  commit- 
tee to  which  he  refers  the  Senate  did  fasten  upon 
a  bill  this  very  provision,  and  therefore,  according 
to  the  assertion  of  the  Senator,  did  stultify  itself. 
I  presume  the  Senator  voted  against  the  proposi- 
tion, for  he  would  not  have  acted  naturally  if  he 
had  not;  and  I  presume  he  will  now  vote  against 
this  proposition,  for  he  would  not  act  naturally 
if  he  did  not. 

But  the  Senator  argues  that  now  in  point  of 
law  colored  persons  may  enter  into  any  car.  He 
knows  that  in  point  of  fact  they  are  excluded. 
It  is  not  enough  tosny  they  have  a  remedy  at  law. 
They  are  poor;  they  are  humble;  they  have  not 
the  means  to  obtain  it;  and  it  belongs  to  us,  as 
Senators,  it  belongs  to  the  Senator  from  West 
Virginia  who  has  the  privilege  of  a  seat  on  this 
floor,  and  who  from  his  own  observation  must 
know  that  tiiey  are  excluded  from  the  cars,  when , 
as  he  says,  in  point  of  law  they  ought  not  to  be 
excluded — I  say  it  belongs  to  us  all,  and  it  be- 
longs to  that  Senator  especially,  to  aid  in  secur- 
ring  to  them  their  rights.  Those  rights  cannot  be 
effectually  secured  to  them  except  by  such  a  pro- 
vision as  I  now  move. 

Mr.  W  ILLEY.  I  do  not  know  whether  I  am 
acting  more  "  naturally  "in  voting  against  a  prop- 
osition of  this  character:  I  do  not  know  that  I 
have  any  "natural"  inclination  to  ride  in  cars 
witli  negroes.  I  suppose  that  is  the  "natural" 
inclination  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts. If  it  is,  he  has  a  perfect  privilege,  as 
this  Senate  has  decided,  to  indulge  the  inclina- 
tion of  his  nature  under  the  law  as  it  now  exists. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  world  to  prevent  it.  He 
may  follow  out  his  natural  instincts  in  that  re- 
spect and  I  can  follow  mine  under  the  law  as 
It  now  is.  He  can  ride  with  negroes  if  lie  sees 
proper;  so  may  I ;  but  if  I  see  proper  not  to  do  so 
1  shall  follow  my  natural  instincts  while  he  fol- 
lows his.  • 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  shall  vote  for  this  amend- 
ment, and  my  own  observation  in  these  cars  con- 
vinces me  that  justice,  not  to  say  decency,  re- 
quires that  I  should  do  so.  Some  weeks  ago  I 
rode  to  the  Capitol  in  one  of  these  cars.  On  the 
front  part  of  the  car,  standing  with  the  driver, 
were,  I  think,  five  clergymen  of  tlie  Methodist 
Episcopal  church,  dressed  like  gentlemen  and  be- 
having like  gentlemen.  These  clergymen  were 
riding  with  the  driver  on  the  front  platform,  and 
inside  the  car  were  two  drunken  loafers  conduct- 
ing and  behaving  themselves  so  badly  that  the 
conductor  threatened  to  turn  them  out.  I  thought 
that  sight  was  a  fair  illustration  of  this  exclusion 
of  colored  persons  from  the  railway  cars.  These 
were  men  of  intelligence  and  of  character,  riding 
on  the  outside  of  the  car,  and  a  couple  of  ragged, 
drunken  loafers  inside,  cursing  and  swearing,  and 
the  conductor  threatening  to  turn  them  out  of  the 
car.  You  may  often  see  in  these  cars  every  sort 
of  person  beside  you,  and  well  dressed  colored 
people,  women  too,  and  on  cold  and  rainy  days, 
thrust  out  on  the  front  platform  with  the  driver. 

We  are  told  that  this  company  has  no  right  to 
make  this  distinction.  We  do  not  believe  they 
have  any  such  right;  but  still,  in  defiance  of  the 
law  and  in  defnaiice  of  decency,  they  persevere 
ill  this  jiructice.  1  rode  down  with  some  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  last  night  in  a  car,  and  out  on 
the  front  part  with  the  driver  were  respectable, 
well-dressed  colored  persons,  of  both  sexes.  1 
shall  therefore  vote  for  this  amendment,  and  let 
this  company  understand  that  they  are  acting  not 
only  in  defiance  of  their  charter,  but  in  defiance 
of  the  will  of  Congress. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  recollect  some  years  ago 
when  southern  influences  prevailed  in  this  Cham- 


ber, and  the  legislation  of  the  country  was  in  favor 
of  slavery,  and  what  is  called  the  slave  power 
dominated  here,  that  they  sometimes  passed  laws 
and  put  into  them  provisions  that  were  offensive, 
for  the  very  p.urpose,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  of  of- 
fending the  people  of  the  North  who  did  not  be- 
lieve in  thedivinity  of  slavery  or  in  the  propriety 
of  its  spread.  1  recollect  the  fugitive  slave  law 
of  1850  seemed  to  have  been  drawn  ■in  that  spirit, 
as  if  it  was' drawn  by  a  person  not  simply  to  se- 
cure the  return  of  slaves  who  escaped  from  their 
masters,  but  to  make  it  as  odious  as  it  was  pos- 
sible to  make  it  to  every  anti-slavery  man  in  the 
country.  1  thought  that  that  legislation  was 
wicked;  that  it  was  calculated  to  alienate  one  por- 
tion of  the  people  from  another,  to  alienate  differ- 
ent sections  of  the  country,  and  produce  bad  feel- 
ing. I  believe  it  did  have  that  effect.  I  recollect 
that  one  of  the  provisions  of  that  odious  law,  as 
1  regarded  it,  was  tiiat  it  should  be  the  duty  of 
every  man  to  assist  in  catching  fugitive  slaves, 
imposing  it  as  a  duty  on  every  man  to  hunt  after 
sldves  and  return  them  to  their  masters — the  im- 
position ofanactuponan  anti-sluvery  man  which 
the  slave-masters  would  not  do  in  the  South. 
Slave-masters  would  not  be  guilty  of  going  out 
and  hunting  after  runaway  negroes;  and  yet  that 
law  had  that  odious  feature  in  it,  making  it  the 
duty  of  every  man  in  a  free  State,  who  want^tl  to 
have  nothing  to  do  with  slavery,  to  be  active  and 
vigilant  in  catching  the  runaway  negroes.  There 
was  no  efficacy  in  that  provision.  Although  the 
law  said  it  should  be  the  duty  of  every  man  to 
aid  in  recapturing  slaves,  no  penalty  was  attached 
to  the  requirement;  if  a  man  did  not  exert  him- 
self to  catch  a  runaway  slave  he  was  subjected  to 
no  penalties,  and  the  provision  could  only  have 
been  inserted  in  the  law  because  it  was  distaste- 
ful to  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  country. 

Now;,  sir,  another  party  is  in  power.  1  am  glad 
that  a  party  is  in  power  which  does  not  believe 
in  the  divinity  of  slavery.  But,  sir,  let  us  not 
fall  into  the  same  error  that  the  advocates  of  sla- 
very fell  into.  It  is  admitted  here  by  the  Sena- 
tor who  moves  this  amendment  that  the  law  now 
is  that  there  can  be  no  distinction  as  to  color  in 
regard  to  passengers.  It  is  admitted  that  the  law 
now  IS  that  this  company  has  no  authority  to 
exclude  a  person  on  account  of  color.  The  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts  admits  that  to  be  the 
law. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  think  so. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Then  why  do  you  want 
to  repeat  it?  So  as  to  make  it  offensive  to  some- 
body ?     So  as  to  make  it  distasteful  to  somebody .' 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Because  in  point  of  fact 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Because  they  will  not 
obey  the  law.  Will  they  obey  it  any  more  when 
you  put  it  into  the  charter?    Does  that  alter  it? 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Yes. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Not  at  all  in  a  legal  point 
of  view.  Need  1  say  to  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts that  the  legal  rights  of  the  colored  man 
are  no  greater  when  this  provision  is  adopted  than 
if  it  is  left  out?  He  has  his  same  remedy  with  the 
provision  out  as  he  has  with  it  in.  Why  put  it 
there?  It  is  offensive  to  some  persons,  offensive 
to  a  great  many,  i  myself  have  seen  within  ten 
days  the  very  state  of  things  stated  here  to-night 
by  the  Senator  from  Delaware.  1  was  in  one  of 
the  cars  which  was  tolerably  full,  and  among 
others  sat  a  negro  upon  one  of  the  seats.  A  num- 
ber of  ladies  came  in.  1  for  one  got  up  and  gave 
my  seat  to  a  lady;  but  that  negro  sat  there  and 
held  his  seat  when  man  after  man  got  up  and  gave 
their  seats  to  the  ladies  that  came  in.  1  am  not 
complaining  that  that  was  so.  He  liad  just  as 
good  a  right  to  retain  his  seat  as  anybody  else, 
just  as  good  aright,  I  admit,  as  the  Senator  from 
Massach  usetts 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Why  refer  to  it? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  refer  to  it  so  that  you 
may  know  that  negroes  do  ride  in  the  cars.  It 
may  have  been  agreeable  to  the  tastes  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Massachusetts,  he  may  have  liked  to 
see  it;  but  I  confess  I  should  have  preferred  to 
see  the  negro  give  his  seat  to  some  of  those  ladies. 
It  may  have  suited  him  better  that  he  should  not; 
he  had  a  right  to  retain  his  seat  and  he  did  retain  it. 

This  provision  proposed  to  be  put  into  this  bill 
can  only  be  put  in  because  it  is  distasteful  to 
somebody  to  enact  it  into  a  law.  I  am  willing  to 
go  for  any  measure  that  can  accomplish  good; 
but  the  right  of  the  negro  to  ride  in  the  cars  upon 


this  city  railroad  is  not  affected  in  the  least  by 
the  provision  offered  by  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts; and  he  knows  it,  he  admits  it.  Hia 
right  is  as  perfect  and  complete  without  it  as  with 
it,  just  as  complete  as  was  the  right  of  the  slave-  - 
owner  to  reclaim  his  slave  without  putting  in  the 
law  that  odious  feature  declaring  it  to  be  the  duty 
of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  and  myself  to 
aid  and  be  vigilant  in  recapturing  the  negro  slave 
who  was  escaping  from  his  master.  That  did 
not  give  any  additional  strength  to  that  law;  it 
was  an  odious  feature;  it  ought  never  to  have 
been  inserted  in  it.  This  provision  can  give  no 
additional  right  to  the  negro.  It  is  not  to  remove 
a  restriction. 

Sir,  the  country  is  being  misled  by  these  pro- 
visions. Senators  speak  of  them  as  removing  a 
restriction.  I  want  it  to  be  known  that  there  is 
no  restriction;  i  want  it  to  be  understood  by  the 
Senate  and  the  country  that  under  the  law  as  it 
is  the  negro  has  the  same  right  to  ride  in  these 
cars  as  the  white  man,  and  this  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  has  no  binding  effi- 
cacy whatever;  it  is  only  out  of  the  abundance 
of  his  zeal  to  put  upon  the  law  a  provision  with- 
out a  meaning  that  he  offers  it  here  and  presses 
it  time  and  again  upon  the  Senate.  I  call  upon 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  to  tell  me  any 
right  secured  to  the  colored  man  by  this  provision 
that  he  does  not  have  without  it.  1  deny  that 
there  is  any. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Mr.  President,  the  Senator 
from  Illinois  in  former  days  was  a  sincere,  intel- 
ligent, devoted  supporter  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 
As  I  understand  that  proviso  it  was  simply  a  pro- 
hibition of  slavery  in  the  Territories.  Now,  I 
know  not  whether  the  Senator  held,  asl  did,  that 
even  without  that  proviso,  by  a  strict  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  slavery  could  not  go  into 
the  Territories.  I  presume  he  did;  most  of  us 
did;  for  myself,  I  held  it  resolutely  and  sincerely. 
1  always  regarded  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  if  the 
Constitution  were  properly  interpreted,  as  mere 
surplusage,  as  a  mere  work  of  supererogation; 
and  yet  1  never  hesitated,  in  season  and  out  of 
season,  to  vindicate  it;  and  I  believe  the  Senator 
never  hesitated  in  season  and  out  of  season  to  do 
the  same.  I  remember  that  my  earliest  admira- 
tion of  that  Senator  was  founded  on  his  brave 
and  able  vindication  of  that  very  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  the  Territories.  He  was  not  then  de- 
terred from  supporting  a  humane  provision  be- 
cause without  it,  according  to  his  interpretation 
of  the  Constitution,  slavery  could  not  enter  the 
Territories.  Nor  was  he  deterred  because  the 
provision  might  be  offensive  to  certain  persons 
of  weak  nerves.  No,  sir;  bravely  he  maintained 
the  principle  that  slavery  must  be  prohibited. 
And  on  the  same  principle  (if  I  may  pass  from 
great  things  to  things  which  are  smaller,  I  admit, 
but  yet  which  are  not  small)  I  insist  that  this 
proviso  also  should  be  adopted. 

Our  experience  shows  that  even  if  the  law  is  as 
the  Senator  from  Illinois  now  expounds  it,  it  is 
not  so  accepted  by  this  railroad  corporation.  The 
Senator  knows  as  well  as  1  do  that  colored  per- 
sons are  daily  excluded  from  the  cars.  Some  of 
the  victims  of  this  outrage  will  compare  in  re- 
spectability of  conduct  with  any  whom  I  now 
have  the  honor  of  addressing.  My  colleague  al- 
luded to  colored  clergymen  that  he  saw  thrust  out 
only  the  other  day.  We  know  of  an  officer  of 
the  United  States,  wearing  the  national  uniform, 
thrust  out,  and  the  Senator  from  Illinois  will  allow 
all  these  things  to  be  done  and  not  interfere  to  pro- 
hibit it.  He  tells  us  that  it  is  contrary  to  law,  and 
yet  he  allows  it  to  proceed  under  the  very  eyes  of 
the  Senate.  Sir,  I  insist  that  the  Senate  when  such 
abuses  occur  shall  show  that  it  has  power  and  is 
willing  to  exercise  it  on  the  side  of  justice. 

But  the  Senator  i-eminds  us  that  in  old  times 
the  fugitive  slave  act  was  passed  here  and  made 
especially  offensive,  and  he  pleads  with  us  now 
not  to  imitate  that  bad  example  by  introducing 
anything  that  may  be  offensive.  I  do  not  like  the 
comparison  of  the  Senator.  Does  he  not  know 
well  that  everything  introduced  into  the  fugitive 
slave  bill  was  in  the  interest  of  slavery  and  con- 
trary to  every  sentiment-of  humanity,  and  that  it 
was  intended  to  give  offense?  The  proposition 
now  moved  is  just  in  the  opposite  sense;  it  is  to 
sustain  the  principles  of  humanity,  to  uphold  hu- 
man rights,  and  human  equality,  and  with  no  pur- 
pose of  offense.    The  illustration  of  the  Senator, 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3133 


therefore,  is  entirely  out  of  place.  True  it  ia  that 
in  those  old  days  we  were  offended,  and  it  was 
a  part  of  the  hardships  to  which  we  were  exposed. 
As  in  the  days  which  preceded  our  Revolution 
the  British  officers  said  they  would  cram  the 
stamps  down  the  throats  of  the  American  people, 
so  in  the  same  malignant  spirit  slavery  was  in 
those  days  crammed  down  the  throats  of  the  Sen- 
ate and  of  the  country.  There  was  nothing  but 
brutality  then.  Slavery  is  bad  in  all  its  features, 
but  one  of  its  odious  features  is  the  revolting  in- 
sensibility to  every  sentiment  of  delicacy  and  hu- 
manity which  it  created  in  its  supporters. 

But,  sir,  the  Senator  from  Illinois  knows  very 
well  that  it  is  in  a  very  different  spirit  that  prop- 
ositions like  the  present  are  now  brought  for- 
ward. It  is  always  in  the  interestof  human  rights; 
and  I  need  not  say  to  that  Senator,  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  with  no  other  purpose  except  that 
which  is  apparent  in  the  proposition  itself;  with 
noideaofoffendingany  human  being;  on  thecon- 
trary,  with  a  desire  to  avoid  offense  to  every  per- 
son if  I  possibly  can.  Sir,  it  is  in  that  spirit  that 
1  wish  to  do  my  duty  on  this  floor.  I  would 
never  give  offense  to  any  one  here  if  I  knew  how 
to  avoid  it,  and  I  never  would  give  offense  to  any 
one  abroad  if  I  knew  how  to  avoid  it,  while  I 
faithfully  discharged  my  public  duty. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  shall  occupy  but  a  mo- 
ment. It  will  be  observed  that  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  has  not  met  the  view  which  I  sug- 
gested. He  does  not  profess  to  meet  the  point 
of  my  statement,  which  was  that  his  proposition 
does  not  alter  the  law  at  all.  He  does  not  con- 
tend that  it  alters  the  law,  that  the  colored  person 
will  have  any  right  under  his  amendment  if  it 
shall  be  adopted  which  he  has  not  without  that 
amendment.  But  he  says  his  amendments  are 
offered  in  the  interests  of  freedom.  Sir,  I  do  not 
pretend  to  impugn  the  Senator's  motives.  He  is 
zealous  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  He  has  reason 
to  be  so.  I  am  glad  that  he  is  so.  It  is  a  holy 
cause;  it  is  entitled  to  the  zeal  of  us  all.  But  even 
i«  a  good  cause,  and  in  a  holy  cause,  if  you  can 
accomplish  your  object  without  doing  anything 
that  shall  excite  the  hostility  or  enmity  of  those 
who  disagree  with  you,  that  is  surely  the  better 
way  to  do  it.  Let  us  win  if  we  can  these  devo- 
tees of  slavery.'  If  there  is  a  prejudice  here  in 
regard  to  color  let  us  not  make  angry  those  who 
have  that  prejudice  unless  we  can  gain  something 
to  freedom  by  It.  That  is  the  point.  Inasmuch 
as  there  is  no  restriction  to  be  removed  by  the 
amendment,  no  object  to  be  accomplished  by  it, 
inasmuch  as  the  right  of  the  colored  person  is  the 
same  with  orwithout  it,  I  would  not  insist  upon 
it,  and  I  shall  therefore  with  the  view  whicli  I 
entertain  vote  against  it  for  the  reason  that  it  is 
wholly  inoperative  and  does  not  alter  in  the  least 
the  right  of  the  colored  person. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  certainly  have  no  objection 
to  the  Senator  from  Illinois  voting  against  this 
amendment;  but  I  do  object  to  his  argument  made 
in  support  of  his  vote.  That  Senator  rises  and 
reminds  the  Senate  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
slave-masters  conducted  themselves  during  the 
years  when  they  were  pressing  their  aggressive 
policy  on  the  country,  and  he  then  turns  round 
and  charges  some  of  us  with  pursuing  the  same 
offensive  course.  I  do  not  like  the  comparison, 
and  I  do  not  thank  him  for  making  it.  It  is  a 
strange  thing  to  hear  that  Senator,  in  this  Cham- 
ber, make  such  an  odiouscomparison.  For  thirty 
years  the  legislation  of  the  country  was  controlled 
by  the  men  who  are  now  in  rebellion,  and  by 
word  and  by  deed  they  offended  the  sentiments  of 
our  common  humanity;  and  now  the  Senator  from 
Illinois  rises  in  his  place  to-night  and  refers  to 
their  words  and  their  acts,  and  then  makes  a  com- 
parison—a  comparison  which,  if  there  is  any- 
thing in  it,  is  a  censure  of  some  of  us  who  believe 
it  right  always  to  protect  and  defend  the  helpless. 
The  Senator  tells  us  that  the  colored  people 
have  a  legal  right  to  ride  in  these  cars  now.  We 
know  it;  nobody  doubts  it;  but  this  company 
into  which  we  breathed  the  breath  of  life  outrages 
the  rights  of  twenty-five  thousand  colored  people 
in  this  District  in  our  presence  in  defiance  of  our 
opinions.  They  may  act  according  to  their  pre- 
judices; and  I  would  not  offend  their  prejudices 
unless  it  were  necessary  to  protect  the  rights  of 
^  others.  I  tell  the  Senator  from  Illinois  that  I 
*  care  far  more  for  the  rights  of  the  humblest  black 
child  that  treads  the  soil  of  the  District  of  Colum- 


bia than  I  do  for  the  prejudices  of  this  corpora- 
tion and  its  friends  and  patrons.  The  rights  of 
the  humblest  colored  man  in  the  capital  of  this 
Christian  nation  are  dearer  to  me  than  the  com- 
mendations or  the  thanks  of  all  persons  in  the 
city  of  Washington  who  sanction  this  violation 
of  the  rights  of  a  race.  I  give  this  vote  not  to 
offend  this  corporation,  not  to  offend  anybody  in 
the  Districtof  Columbia,  but  to  protect  the  rights 
of  the  poorand  the  lowly,  trodden  under  the  heel 
of  power.  In  giving  this  vote  I  must  confess  that 
I  do  not  like  to  be  compared  to  the  bold,  arro- 
gant, domineering  slave-masters  who  ruled  this 
country  for  thirty  years  and  are  now  endeavor- 
ing to  destroy  it,  men  whose  every  voice  and 
every  vote  was  ever  against  human  rights,  against 
liberal  legislation,  and  against  their  country. 

I  have  seen  the  time,  and  so  have  you,  sir, 
[Mr.  PoMEROY  in  the  chair,]  for  you  were  then 
a  citizen  of  my  State,  when  railroad  corporations 
undertook  to  have  what  we  called  a  Jim  Crow 
car,  and  to  put  colored  men  into  it,  and  to  ex- 
clude them  from  riding  in  other  cars.  The 
aroused  and  enlightened  public  sentiment  of  our 
State  righted  that  wrong.  You  and  I,  sir,  have 
seen  the  time  when  colored  children  were  at- 
tempted to  be  excluded  from  some  of  the  com- 
mon schools,  where  they  had  as  much  right  by 
law  as  your  child  or  mine.  They  appealed  to 
the  courts  and  appealed  to  the  Legislature,  and 
the  Legislatuie  vindicated  their  rights,  and  those 
rights  are  now  acknowledged  and  undisputed .  We 
had  to  fight  that. battle,  and  we  had  the  same  cau- 
tion then  against  encountering  the  prejudices  of 
certain  persons.  Sir,  I  do  not  desire  to  go  against 
prejudices;  certainly  1  do  not  desire  to  do  it  when 
I  have  to  encounter  the  current  of  public  senti- 
ment as  we  have  here  in  this  case,  and  generally 
have  in  the  country  on  this  and  kindred  ques- 
tions, but  rights  are  to  be  protected  and  defended. 
I  trust  we  shall  protect  rights,  if  we  do  it  over 
prejudices  and  over  interests,  until  every  man  in 
this  country  is  fully  protected  in  all  the  rights 
that  belong  to  beings  made  in  the  image  of  God. 
Let  the  free  man  of  this  race  be  permitted  to  run 
the  race  of  life,  to  make  of  himself  all  that  God 
intended  he  should  make  when  He  breathed  into 
him  the  breath  of  life. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  from  Massachu- 
setts [Mr.  V/ilson]  has  told  us  very  truly  of  the 
changes  that  have  been  going  on  in  the  condition 
of  colored  persons  in  his  own  section  of  the  coun- 
try and  in  others,  so  that  they  have  finally  got 
that  they  are  now  permitted  to  enjoy  the  advant- 
ages of  education  in  common  schools  and  to  be 
transported  in  railroad  cars  as  white  people  are. 
Now,  Mr.  President,  so  far  as  this  railroad  is 
concerned  that  is  now  under  consideration  they 
have  all  these  advantages.  It  is  not  denied  that 
a  colored  man  can  ride  in  the  cars;  he  has  the 
same  le^ral  riffht  to  ride  in  one  of  these  cars  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  that  he  has  to  ride  in  a  car 
in  Massachusetts.  So  says  the  chairman  of  our  Ju- 
diciary Committee,  [Mr.  Trumbull;]  so  says  the 
Senator  from  Maryland,  [Mr.  Johnson;]  so  says 
the  Senator  from  West  Virginia,  [Mr.  VVilley;] 
such  was  the  unanimous  decision  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  District  of  Columbia.  Now,  whatdoes 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Sumner] 
propose  to  do.'  Reenact  simply  what  is  already 
the  law;  what  he  himself  admits  to  be  the  law.' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Which  is  drawn  into  doubt 
by  the  conduct  of  the  corporation. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  -Is  drawn  into  doubt  by  the 
conduct  of  nobody,  so  far  as  I  know.  I  can  tell 
the  Senator  that  I  have  seen  colored  men  riding 
in  colored  cars,  and  I  have  seen  them  riding  in 
cars  devoted  ostensibly  to  white  people,  and  I 
have  ridden  in  each  with  them. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  I  rode  up  to-night  beside  a 
black  woman  in  a  white  car. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  depends  very  much  on  the 
character  of  the  conductors.  I  have  been  insulted 
by  some  of  these  conductors  myself.  The  com- 
pany is  unfortuoate  sometimes  in  selecting  a  brute 
as  a  conductor.  But  now  I  want  to  know  this: 
are  we,  every  time  that  there  shall  be  a  bill  intro- 
duced into  the  Senate  in  relation  to  the  George- 
town and  Washington  Railroad  Company,  to 
have  this  amendment  repeated,  and  must  we  re- 
enact  every  session  such  a  provision  as  this.' 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Justdoitnow.  This  is  the 
last  one,  as  I  understand.  We  have  done  it  in 
regard  to  the  F  street  road;  we  have  done  it  in 


regard  to  the  road  between  here  and  Alexandria. 
It  only  remains  to  do  it  on  this  line,  and  then  the 
work  will  be  finished.  The  Senator  need  not  be 
afraid;  do  not  be  anxious. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  it  is  here  now,  as  it  is  ad- 
mitted that  it  is,  if  such  is  the  law  to-night,  what 
is  the  necessity  for  repeating  it.'  At  the  time  we 
passed  the  bill  in  relation  to  the  Alexandria  rail- 
road and  the  F  street  road,  it  may  have  been  im- 
portant to  include  such  a  provision,  because  the 
other  provisions  of  those  bills  may  not  have  en- 
titled colored  men  to  ride.  I  do  not  remember 
at  this  moment  ^hat  were  the  provisionsof  either 
of  those  bills,  but  it  may  be  possible  that  in  order 
to  confer  this  privilege  on  colored  people  it  v/as 
necessary  to  ailopt  the  amendment  which  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  proposed  to  tho.se 
bills.  But  the  Senator  does  not  claim  that  it  is 
necessary  to  do  it  now  to  give  any  legal  validity 
to  the  rights  of  colored  men;  and  if  it  is  neces- 
sary to-day  to  repeat  what  is  already  in  the  law, 
why  will  it  not  be  necessary  to  do  it  every  time 
any  bill  shall  come  up  in  relation  to  this  subject? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  simple  answer  to  the 
Senator  is,  that  their  rights  now,  in  the  absence 
of  any  express  provision,  are  merely  a  matter  of 
inference,  a  deduction  from  what  I  regard  as  un- 
questionable principles  of  law;  but  it  seems  that 
this  corporation  chooses  to  outrage  the  commu- 
nity and  the  Senate,  which  has  so  often  declared 
its  opinion  on  this  question  of  law,  by  the  exclu- 
sion of  colored  persons.  I  know  that  there  are 
cars  in  which  colored  persons  are  admitted;  and 
the  Senator  from  Connecticut  announces  that  he 
had  the  satisfaction  of  riding  in  one  of  them  to- 
night. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  I  did  not  say  the  "satisfac- 
tion."    [Laughter.] 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Very  well,  he  did  so;  it  was 
in  that  way  that  he  came  to  the  Senate  to-night. 
But  then  one  example  does  not  prove  a  rule,  the 
Senator  from  Iowa  knows  very  well;  "  one  rose 
does  not  make  a  summer;"  and  we  all  know  that 
there  are  cars  from  which  they  are  excluded,  and 
the  Senator  must  be  too  familiar  with  the  feelings 
and  the  sentiments  of  that  oppressed  race  in  thi.s 
District  not  to  know  that  they  feel  it  keenly.  Sev- 
eral of  them  have  called  upon  me  to  explain  the 
grievance  as  they  feel  it.  1  have  told  them  that 
they  might  have  a  legal  remedy;  they  have  said 
that  it  was  vain  for  them  to  attempt  to  get  it; 
some  of  them  had  not  the  means  to  employ  law- 
yers; and  the  Senator  knows  very  well  that  a 
legal  remedy  is  indefinitely  postponed. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  should  like  to  have  the  Sen- 
ator answer  me  one  question.  Suppose  we  pass 
this  amendment,  and  put  it  into  the  law,  and  the 
company  goes  on  and  does  exactly  as  it  has 
been  doing,  excluding  these  men,  what  are  these 
colored  men  going  to  do?  Have  they  not  got  to 
go  to  law  then?  Will  they  not  be  compelled  to 
enforce  their  rights  in  court?  Will  they  not  be 
compelled  to  employ  lawyers?  If  that  be  so, 
what  advarUage  will  it  be  to  them  to  adopt  this 
amendment  under  the  present  condition  of  things? 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  will  answer  right  there. 
Because  the  company  will  not  dare  to  continue 
this  outrage  in  the  face  and  eyes  of  a  positive 
provision  of  statute.     That  is  the  answer. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  is  just  as  positive  now  as 
it  will  be  after  this  amendment  shall  be  adopted. 
There  is  not  any  man  within  the  sound  of  my 
voice  who  doubts  the  perfect  right  of  these  colored 
men  to  ride  in  the  cars.  As  to  whether  the  com- 
pany outrages  the  public  sentiment  of  the  people 
of  this  District,  that  is  a  question  about  which 
there  probably  would  be  a  diversity  of  sentiment. 
But  so  far  as  it  affects  the  rights  of  the  colored 
men,  everybody  admits  that  there  is  no  necessity 
forany  such  provision.  Now  let  me  tell  the  Senate 
how  I  think  the  colored  men  are  more  outraged 
than  in  any  other  way ;  and  that  is  by  the  interfer- 
ence of  white  men  with  the  cars  devoted  to  the  ex- 
clusive use  of  colored  people.  1  do  not  believe  that 
the  colored  people  are  desirous — I  speak  now  of  the 
most  intelligent  and  of  the  best  of  them — I  do  not 
believe  that  at  this  time,  situated  as  they  are, 
mixed  upand  mingled,  as  the  most  intelligent  and 
best  educated  and  worthiest  of  them  are,  with  tlie 
contrabands  and  those  who  have  recently  been 
freed,  they  think  it  is  to  their  interest  that  they 
should  be  indiscriminately  permitted  to  ride  in 
these. cars;  but  they  should  be  permitted  to  occupy 
undisturbed  the  cars  which  the  company  have 


3134 


THE  COJSTGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


dedicated  to  their  use,  and  that  right  they  are  not 
permitted  to  enjoy  which  they  ought  to  be  per- 
mitted to  enjoy,  and  the  company  ought,  I  think, 
to  exclude  entirely  white  people  from  these  cars 
and  not  force  the  colored  people  out  of  the  cars 
that  are  set  apart  for  them. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Mr.  President,  there  is 
nothing  so  important  in  legislation  as  symmetry. 
I  always  like  to  see  the  symmetry  of  legislation 
preserved.  The  other  day  there  was  a  bill  before 
the  Senate  to  establish  a  Freedmen's  Bureau;  I 
offered  an  amendment  to  that  bill,  the  words  of 
which  were  the  words  of  the  Constitution,  which 
is  the  charter  of  the  liberties  of  the  people  of  this 
country.  Objection  was  raised  to  my  amendment 
by  those  representing  the  majority  in  this  body, 
that  it  was  simply  a  reaffirmance  of  that  which 
alreadyexistedin  the  Constitution,  and  they  voted 
it  down  because  it  was  useless  legislation.  They 
said  that  the  people  of  this  country  had  the  right 
already  to  be  free  in  their  persons  and  property, 
and  free  from  arrest  without  due  process  of  law, 
and  that  my  amendment,  therefore,  was  useless. 
It  was  further  said  that  if  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  or  those  intrusted  with  the  admin- 
istration of  affairs,  violated  those  constitutional 
rights  now,  they  would  violate  them  after  we  af- 
firmed them  by  law.  I  asked  the  Senate,  notwith- 
standing that  was  true,  to  reaffirm  them;  and  I 
find  my  own  argument  repeated  here  to-night.  I 
held  then  that  if  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
.affirmed  them  by  act  of  Congress,  it  would  be  a 
notification  to  the  President  that  he  must  not  in- 
fract those  rights  in  the  future.  It  was  ^11  treated 
.as  naught;  my  amendment  was  voted  down.  Nov/, 
sir,  let  there  be  a  little  consistency  in  legislation. 
We  are  told  by  the  Senators  who  favor  this  amend- 
ment to  this  charter  that  the  negroes  have  a  right 
to  ride  in  the  cars  already,  and  yet  some  of  them 
say,  "Place  it  in  the  charter  over  again."  "  It 
is  there  already,"  they  say;  but  still  they  insist 
that  it  shall  go  in  the  charter  again;  and  we  shall 
see,  i  am  apprehensive,  a  beautiful  specimen  of 
consistency  in  this  Chamber  by  voting  down  a 
reaffirmance  of  the  rights  of  white  men  and  reaf- 
ifirraing  in  this  charter  what  they  say  are  the  rights 
of  negroes.  Poor,  helpless,  and  despised  inferior 
race  of  white  men,  you  have  very  little  interest 
in  this  Government;  you  are  not  worth  consider- 
ation in  the  legislation  of  the  country;  but  let 
your  superior.  Sambo's  interests  come  in  ques- 
tion, and  you  will  find  the  most  tender  solicitude 
in  hi.s  behalf.  It  is  good  sometimes  to  stir  up 
men's  pure  minds  by  way  of  remembrance;  and 
1  have  referred  to  the  action  of  the  Senate  the 
other  day  in  reference  to  my  amendment  which 
they  voted  down  upon  the  very  ground  that  the 
rights  which  it  sought  to  affirm  were  secured  al- 
ready by  national  charter,  by  the  Constitution, 
tiiat  they  may  see  the  consistency  of  their  action 
when  they  vote  now  to  reaffirm  what  they  say  is 
the  right  of  the  negro  already.  What  a  pity  it 
is  there  is  not  somebody  to  lampblack  white  men 
so  that  their  rights  could  be  secured. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  did  not  design  to  say 
another  word  on  this  question  and  would  not  ex- 
cept for  the  fact  that  it  seems  to  be  assumed  by 
many  Senators  that  it  cannot  be  that  a  railroad 
company  can  make  a  regulation  like  that  which 
has  been  adopted  by  this  corporation.  I  under- 
stand this  corporation  to  have  decided,  and  car- 
ried out  that  decision,  to  provide  cars  for  white 
persona  and  other  cars  for  colored  persons.  I 
•understand  Senators  to  say  that  a  regulation  of 
that  kind  is  not  consistent  with  the  charter;  that 
such  a  regulation  cannot  legally  be  made.  In  that 
opinion  1  am  unable  to  concur.  I  think  it  is  such 
a  regulation  as  a  corporation  may  make,  and  I 
ihin.k  the  power  to  make  such  a  regulation  is  very 
fully  sustained  by  numerous  decisions  of  courts 
of  high  respectability.  How  freight  shall  be 
carried,  how  passengers  shall  be  carried,  upon 
what  terms,  and  in  what  cars,  and  upon  what 
trains,  must  be  decided  by  the  corporation  itself. 
Of  course  the  power  Xo  make  these  regulations  is 
limited  by  the  public  interest;  a  corporation  must 
make  its  police  regulations  in  accordance  with 
what  is  fairly  the  public  interest  and  the  public 
wants.  The  courts  of  course  would  decide,  when 
any  one  regulation  becomes  involved,  whether 
that  regulation  is  fairly  within  the  powers  of  the 
corporation  in  view  of  the  public  interest.  In 
some  localities  I  can  conceive  that  a  company 
.cannot  well  make  areguUiUon  of  this  sort;  M/Jiere 


there  are  but  very  few  colored  persons,  never 
enough  to  fill  a  car,  it  would  be  very  difficult 
there  to  make  a  regulation  of  the  kind,  assigning 
some  cars  to  colored  persons  and  the  rest  to  white 
persons;  but  in  the  city  of  Washington  it  is  very 
different;  the  negro  population  here  is  very  large. 
The  negro  population,  contrabands  and  all,  I  sup- 
pose is  nearly  as  large  now  as  the  v/hite  popula- 
tion; and  it  is  very  convenient  for  the  company  to 
provide  a  ?et  of  cars  for  the  colored  people  and 
another  set  of  cars  for  the  white  people.  Who 
shall  complain  of  this  .-'  Let  the  cars  that  arc  given 
to  the  colored  people,  as  is  now  the  regulation, 
be  exclusively  for  them  without  the  right  on  the 
part  of  the  white  people  to  crowd  them  out;  and 
on  the  other  hand  let  the  white  people  have  their 
cars  for  their  own  exclusive  accommodation. 
Shall  a  white  man  or  white  lady  complain  that 
they  are  not  allowed  to  ride  in  the  colored  peo- 
ple's cars,  that  they  are  not  allowed  to  exclude  the 
colored  people  by  crowding  them  from  their  own 
cars.'  Everybody  would  say  that  a  white  per- 
son would  not  make  that  complaint.  On  the  other 
hand,  then,  shall  the  colored  person  complain  that 
he  is  not  allowed  to  crowd  white  men  and  white 
women  out  of  the  cars  that  according  to  a  reason- 
able regulation  have  been  assigned  to  the  white 
people.'  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  courts  would 
hold  that  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  view  of 
the  character  of  the  population  in  this  city,  such 
a  regulation  is  a  wise  one  and  within  the  scope 
of  the  power  given  to  the  corporation  by  the  char- 
ter. Is  not  this  a  good  regulation  for  the  colored 
people?  If  there  are  cars  given  to  the  colored 
people  sufficient  for  their  accommodation,  they 
ought  to  be  content.  None  but  an  impudent  ne- 
gro, after  that,  would  wish  to  crowd  into  the 
white  men's  car.  A  sensitive  negro,  such  as  has 
been  described  by  the  Senator  from  Massachu- 
setts,well  dressed  and  behavinghimself  well,  with 
gentlemanly  feelings,  would  want  to  be  among 
his  ov/n  people,  would  not  want  to  come  into  a 
car  where  he  was  not  desired.  It  seems  to  me 
this  regulation  is  a  proper  one  and  such  as  under 
the  law  the  corporation  might  establish.  1  do  not 
desire  to  occupy  any  time  about  this,  but  would 
like  to  have  a  vote  once  more  on  it  and  see  what 
is  the  view  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  argument  of  the  Senator 
from  Indiana  is  a  complete  answer  to  the  Senator 
from  Illinois  and  to  the  Senator  from  Iowa.  Both 
of  those  Senators  have  very  ably  insisted  that  the 
proposition  now  introduced  is  unnecessary.  The 
Senator  from  Indiana  shows  that  in  his  opinion 
it  is  necessary.  According  to  his  able  statement, 
in  the  absence  of  any  such  amendment  as  that  i 
now  propose  the  colored  people  here  in  Wash- 
ington will  have  no  right  in  the  cars.  That  is 
the  argument  of  the  able  Senator  from  Indiana. 
He,  in  my  opinion,  is  not  correct  in  law;  but 
then  I  give  it  only  as  my  opinion;  other  Senators 
may  give  it  as  their  opinion:  the  opinion  of  the 
Senator  from  Indiana  is  entitled  to  as  much  con- 
sideration as  that  of  any  of  us;  therefore  there  is 
a  doubt  on  the  question;  it  is  to  meet  that  doubt 
and  to  place  the  rights  of  these  people  beyond 
all  question  that  I  make  this  proposition. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  had  not  intended  to  say  a 
word  upon  this  subject;  but  it  strikes  me  that  the 
legislation  now  proposed  is  most  singular.  I  do 
not  suppose  there  is  a  Senator  in  this  Chamber 
who  does  not  know  that  persons  without  regard 
to  color  have  a  legal  right  to  ride  in  the  coaches 
of  this  railway  company.  Why  then  the  neces- 
sity of  the  amendment  offered  by  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts.''  He  might  just  as  well  [)ro- 
pose  to  put  into  the  bill  that  persons  shall  not  be 
excluded  because  they  are  white,  or  because  they 
are  yellow,  because  they  are  Indians  as  because 
they  are  black.  I  have  listened  to  the  Senator  a 
great  deal  on  this  subject  of  the  negro;  and  the 
speech  he  has  made  to-night  discloses  to  me  one 
fact,  and  that  is  that  he  is  not  so  very  specially 
regardful  of  the  interests  of  the  poor  negro,  and 
I  will  state  the  reason  by  and  by  why  I  think  so. 

1  was  about  to  remark  that  the  law  as  it  now 
stands  provides  for  all  classes  of  people;  but  I 
agree  with  the  Senator  from  Indiana  that  it  is 
within  the  power, and  1  believe  it  to  be  the  duty, 
of  the  managers  of  this  railway  to  set  apart  cer- 
tain cars  for  the  accommodation  of  certain  classes 
of  people.  For  instance,  I  believe  it  would  be 
perfectly  legitimate  for  this  railway  company  to 
set  lipart  and  dedicate  certain  cars  for  the  use  of 


Iadies,and  gentlemen  who  escort  ladies, and  to  keep 
gentlemen  who  have  no  ladies  in  charge  from 
those  cars.  I  think  it  would  be  perfectly  proper 
for  them  to  set  apart  certain  cars  for  colored  per- 
sons and  keep  white  men  from  them.  The  com- 
pany are  not  compelled  to  let  every  man  ride  in 
every  railway  coach.  All  that  the  company  as 
common  carriers  by  law  are  bound  to  do  is  to 
furnish  accommodations  on  their  line  to  thofee 
who  present  themselves  as  travelers.  Every  one 
of  us,  I  dare  seiy,  has  often  been  met  on  attempt- 
ing to  entera  particular  coach  on  a  railway  train, 
by  some  ofTlcial  who  says  "  You  cannot  enter 
here,  sir,  unless  you  have  ladies  in  charge,"  and 
if  you  have  no  ladies  with  you  you  are  shown 
into  another  coach.  What  man  of  sense  ever 
complained  of  that  regulation.'  But  gentlemen 
say  they  have  seen  rowdies  and  ruffians,  drunk- 
ards and  loafers  inside  of  these  cars,  while  a  negro 
was  on  the  outside.  The  conductor  of  such  a 
car,  if  he  had  done  his  duty,  should  have  put 
such  people  out  of  the  car.  Drunken  loafers 
ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  ride  in  the  cars  v/here 
orderly  and  sober  well-behaved  people  are.  Every 
man  is  bound  to  behave  himself  when  he  entera 
a  public  vehicle.  1  think  it  would  be  wise  and 
proper  for  this  corporation  to  set  apart  cars  for 
different  classes  of  persons.  If  they  choose  to  do 
it,  I  can  see  no  harm  in  it  to  anybody,  but  it 
would  be  really  an  accommodation  for  all.  But, 
sir,  it  is  proposed  to  provide  that  they  shall  not 
exclude  a  man  from  a  car  because  he  is  black. 
It  would  be  just  as  sensible  to  put  in  an  amend- 
ment that  there  shall  be  no  privileges  denied  to  a 
man  because  he  is  white.  I  think  the  remarks 
vi'hich  have  been  made  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
and  the  Senator  from  Iowa  fully  meet  the  case. 

But,  sir,  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  tells 
us  that  his  object  is  to  prevent  a  down-trodden 
race  from  being  oppressed.  I  suppose  every  man 
in  the  Senate  Chamber  understands  the  motive  of 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts.  He  told  us  a 
moment  ago  that  some  of  these  persons  came  to 
him  and  advised  him  about  this  matter,  and  he 
said  to  them  that  the  courts  were  open,  and  they 
told  him  they  were  too  poor  to  prosecute  lawsuits. 
Now,  sir,  if  the  Senator  is  such  a  vehement  friend 
of  this  down-trodden  race,  as  he  is  a  lawyer,  why 
did  he  not  undertake  their  case,  and  propose  lu 
argue  it  for  them  before  the  courts.'  That  would 
have  indicated  that  lie  really  felt  for  the  negro. 
No,  sir,  he  does  not  do  that,  but  he  comes  here 
and  tries  to  put  amendments  on  bills  that  give  the 
negroes  not  a  whit  more  privilege  than  they  have 
now.  The  Senator  shows  his  devotion  to  this 
down-trodden  race  here  and  only  in  words.  Really 
if  a  down-trodden  man  of  my  race  came  to  me 
with  such  a  case  and  I  had  made  half  the  clamor 
for  my  race  that  the  Senator  has  made  for  the 
negro,  I  would  have  said  to  him,  "My  dear  sir, 
I  will  see  that  you  have  redress  in  the  courts;  my 
profession's  tiiat  of  the  law;  and  without  fee  or 
reward,  except  that  consciousness  which  a  man 
always  feels  in  rendering  a  good  action,  I  will  ad- 
vocate your  rights,  I  will  prosecute  your  case." 
If  the  Senator  liad  done  that  he  could  have  an  ad- 
judication of  the  courts  on  the  question,  which 
would  have  settled  the  right.  He  does  not  do 
that,  however,  and  he  comes  here  with  his  amend- 
ments. 

Sir,  we  here  all  understand  this  matter.  We 
are  all  politicians  or  have  been.  Tlie  Senator's 
staple  is  this  fanatical  idea.  He  wants  this  little 
hobby  to  ride  through  Massachusetts  on,  and  to 
feed  a  fanatical  flame  there.  He  can  fool  nobody 
here  with  this  kind  of  thing.  Take  the  negro  oQt 
of  the  Senator's  vocabulary,  and  rich  as  it  is  it 
would  be  exceedingly  barren.  Take  that  staple 
from  him  and  he  would  have  nothing  for  the 
next  canvass.  I  hope  he  will  retire  with  the  lau- 
rels he  has  won  in  this  field.  He  has  assisted  bad 
men  in  other  quarters  to  bring  about  a  revolution 
that  has  drenched  the  whole  land  in  blood,  and 
clothed  millions  of  our  people  in  mourning.  He 
ought  to  be  satisfied  with  the  results  of  his  labors 
without  still  trying  to  fan  the  flame  further. 
When  one  of  those  down-trodden  persons  of 
whom  the  Senator  speaks  with  such  sympathy 
is  encroached  upon  in  his  rights,  let  him  tell  him 
that  he  will  be  his  champion  in  the  courts  witli- 
out  any  reward  if  he  has  not  the  means  to  pay. 
That  would  look  as  if  he  was  in  earnest. 

Suppose  you  put  this  amendment  in  tht;  bill,* 
and  a  negro  after  that  should  be  excluded;  as  liie 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


31*^^^ 


50 


Senator  from  Iowa  says,  he  would  have  to  go  to 
the  courts.  Why  does  not  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts the  next  time  one  of  his  Ethiopian 
friends  comes  to  complain  to  him  on  this  subject 
that  he  has  been  wronged  and  outraged,  volun- 
teer to  bring  an  action  in  the  courts  and  teach 
this  heartless  corporation  that  they  must  treat 
these  persons  properly,  and  not  deny  them  any 
of  their  legal  rights? 

The  Senator  seems  to  think  that  it  is  an  exceed- 
ing gratification  and  satisfaction  to  have  the  priv- 
ilege of  riding  in  a  car  with  a  negro.  He  spoke 
oflhe  remark  of  my  friend  from  Connecticut  as 
if  it  was  a  matter  of  exceeding  satisfaction  that 
he  had  been  riding  in  a  railway  coach  with  a  ne- 
gro this  evening.  Why,  sir,  to-day  I  have  ridden 
between  the  Capitol  and  Eighth  street  three  dif- 
ferent times,  and  one  car  had  three  negroes  in, 
and  another  had  two  negroes,  and  the  third  had 
one;  but  I  did  not  feel  any  great  satisfaction  in 
it.  I  felt  no  very  great  repugnance  about  it.  The 
negroes  behaved  themselves;  I  did  not  molest 
them,  and  they  did  not  molest  me.  I  am  v/illing, 
however,  to  do  one  thing,  and  as  I  suppose  the 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  has  accomplished 
all  he  desires — he  has  made  a  display  here  to 
gratify  the  fanatical  feeling  of  his  constituents  at 
home — 1  am  willing  to  provide  that  he  shall  not 
be  excluded  from  associating  with  the  negroes  in 
railv/ay  cars  or  elsewhere.  1  thought  at  one  time 
of  moving  such  an  amendment,  but  on  reflection 
I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  look  as  if 
tt  were  personal,  and  therefore  I  shall  not  offer 
it;  but  if  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  will 
draw  up  an  amendment  providing  that  this  rail- 
road company  shall  pass  no  rule  or  regulation 
that  will  prohibit  him  from  riding  in  the  cars  set 
apart  for  colored  persons,  I  will  vote  for  it  with 
a  great  .dea!  of  pleasure,  if  it  will  afford  him  any 
satisfaction;  but  I  do  not  think  he  ought  to  re- 
quire other  people  to  have  negroes  thrust  in  on 
them,  provided  the  railroad  coKipany  chooses  to 
set  apart  other  cars  for  them. 

I  have  never  made  any  fuss  about  this  matter. 
When  I  take  my  place  in  a  public  conveyance,  I 
abide  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  company. 
If  they  have  certain  coaches  into  which  I  cannot 
ftiitet-  because  I  have  not  a  lady  with  me,  I  say 
nothing  about  it.  I  go  to  the  place  assigned  to  me, 
and  there  1  try  to  behave  myselfas  becomes  a  mod- 
estgentleoian.  If  theyadgptsucharegulation  here, 
and  have  cars  marked  "For  colored  people,"  1 
should  not  put  my  foot  in  them,  and  1  never  have 
done  so,  because  1  sliould  feel  as  if  I  were  poach- 
ing on  the  manor  of  the  negro.  If  they  had  a  car 
marked  "  Exclusively  for  ladies  and  gentlemen  ac- 
companying them,"  1  would  not  put  my  foot  in 
it  unless  i  was  escorting  a  lady.  [  am  satisfied 
to  take  that  coach  v/hich  the  company  has  set 
apart  for  me.  I  think  that  is  all  you  ought  to  re- 
quire of  any  of  these  companies,  and  if  as  common 
carriers  they  do  not  do  their  duty,  every  person 
aggrieved  has  his  right  of  action  against  them. 

1  think  the  Senate  ought  to  vote  down  this 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 
I  suppose  he  has  derived  all  the  benefit  from  it 
that  he  wanted.  He  has  indicated  to  his  fanatical 
brethren,  those  people  who  meet  in  free-love  so- 
cieties, the  old  ladies,  and  the  sensation  preach- 
ers, and  those  who  live  on  fanaticism,  that  he 
has  offered  it.  As  he  has  accomplished  that  pur- 
pose, let  us  now  legislate  as  becomes  sensible 
Senators,  and  let  us  make  a  law  that  excludes 
nobody  and  that  raenlions  nobody  in  particular. 
The  Senator  might  just  as  well,  if  a  bill  were 
pending  to  fix  a  penalty  for  an  infraction  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  propose  to  amend  it 
by  saying  that  nobody  should  be  excluded  from 
the  penalty  unless  he  were  a  white  man,  or  a 
black  man,  or  a  red  man.  It  would  be  just  as 
sensible.  I  want  the  laws  general.  I  am  not  in 
favor  of  legislating  exclusively  for  one  man  over 
another,  if  i  were  to  do  it,  1  confess  that  the 
pride  I  have  in  my  race,  believing  them  to  be  su- 
perior to  the  black  race,  would  induce  me  to  legis- 
late in  favor  of  my  own  race  and  color;  but  this 
bill  as  it  now  stands  gives  preference  to  none, 
and  I  see  no  reason  why  we  should  take  up  the 
time  of  the  Senate  eternally  with  squabbling  over 
the  Senator's  amendments  introducing  the  ne<To 
into  every  wood-pile  that  comes  along. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-o  fejnpore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts. 


Mr.  SUMNER  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays; 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  14,  nays  16;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark,  Col- 
lainer,  Conness,  Dixon,  Foot,  Howard,  Morgan,  Poineroy, 
Sumner,  Wade,  and  Wilson— 11.  ' 

NAYS — Mf-'ssrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Cowan, Davis,  Fos- 
ter, Grimes,  Hendricks,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Powell, 
Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  and 
Willev— 16. 

ABSENT- Messrs.  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Hale,  Hardinj;, 
Harlan,  Harris,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
McDou!,'all,Morrill,Nesmilh,Ranisey,  Richardson, Sprague, 
Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 19. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  I  move  to  amend  the  first 
section  of  the  bill  by  striking  out  the  following 
proviso: 

Provided,  That  on  Sundays  the  said  company  shall  be 
permitted  to  run  cars  at  the  same  intervals  of  time  as  pre- 
scribed in  the  original  law  for  the  other  days  of  the  week. 

I  suppose, 'sir,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  have 
such  a  provision  in  the  bill  even  for  those  who 
desire  to  have  the  cars  running  on  the  Sabbath 
day.  I  noticed  that  on  the  last  Sabbath  the  cars 
were  running  on  the  road  quite  regularly  all  day. 
It  is  apparent,  therefore,  that  there  must  be  no 
authority  to  prohibit  them  from  running  now  un- 
der the  laws  as  they  exist.  The  bill  as  it  came 
from  the  House  of  .Representatives  made  it  ob- 
ligatory on  the  company  to  do  so,  whether  they 
desire  to  do  so  or  not.  The  Senate  committee 
reported  an  amendment  giving  the  company  the 
privilege  of  running  the  cars  on  the  Sabbath  day 
if  they  see  proper  to  do  so.  Now,  I  hope  that  if 
the  company  run  the  cars  on  the  Sabbath  day 
they  will  do  so  of  their  own  mere  motion,  with- 
out the  authority  of  Congress.  There  seems  to 
me  to  be  no  public  necessity,  that  is  no  national 
necessity  or  very  general  necessity,  for  the  service 
of  these  cars  on  the  Sabbath  day.  They  carry 
no  mails;  they  render  no  service  to  the  Govern- 
ment. If  they  are  of  any  use  on  the  Sabbath 
day  they  are  simply  of  private  utility. 

1  believe  that  this  provision  is  against  the  Chris- 
tian sentiment  of  the  city;  I  believe  it  is  against 
the  Christian  sentiment  of  the  country.  I  know 
it  is  directly  in  the  face  of  the  express  word  of 
God.  And  inasmuch  as  the  cars  may  run  upon 
the  Sabbath  day  without  any  legislation,  v/ith- 
out  any  sanction  direct  or  indirect  on  the  part 
of  Congress,  I  do  not  wish  to  see  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  placing  themselves  in  a  posi- 
tion that  will  be  in  direct  violation  of  the  plain 
mandates  of  the  Scriptures,  and,  as  i  think,  will 
be  contrary  to  the  Christian  sentiment  of  the  coun- 
try, and  will,  in  point  of  fact,  accomplish  no  result 
whatever.  The  cars  now  run  without  permis- 
sion of  Congress;  they  run  without  any  mandate 
of  the  law.  Why,  then,  should  we  do  a  thing  so 
unnecessary  and  to  me  so  abhorrent  to  the  spirit 
of  the  age,  to  Christianity,  to  the  Bible,  and  1  be- 
lieve to  the  Christian  sentiment  of  the  city.' 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  bill  as  it  was  passed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  contained  the  word 
"required"  in  this  proviso  where  tRe  word"  per- 
mitted" now  stands;  in  other  words,  the  company 
was  required  to  run  the  carson  Sunday.  The  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia  proposed  to 
strike  out  the  word  "required"  and  to  substitute 
therefor  the  word  "  permitted,"  and  that  amend- 
ment has  been  agreed  to.  I  think  the  Senator  from 
West  Virginia  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the 
company  has  the  authority  to  run  cars  on  Sunday 
unless  by  some  permission  granted  by  Congress 
or  else  in  consequence  of  some  change  that  has 
recently  been  made  in  a  city  ordinance.  1  am  not 
very  well  informed  upon  the  subject,  but  i  have 
understood  that  when  the  company  was  organ- 
ized it  desired  and  sought  an  occasion  to  run  the 
cars  on  Sunday,  but  was  restrained  by  the  city 
authorities  from  doing  so.  They  commenced  run- 
ning last  Sunday  in  anticipation  of  the  passage  of 
this  law,  after  the  bill  was  passed  by  the  House 
of  Representatives;  and  it  may  be  possible  that 
the  city  authorities  have  changed  their  ordinance 
on  the  subject  within  a  short  time;  but  I  know 
that  the  president  of  the  company  told  me  at  the 
commencement  of  the  winter  that  the  reason  he 
did  not  run  the  cars  on  Sunday  was  because  he 
was  restrained  by  the  city  authorities. 

While  I  am  up  1  will  state  the  reasons  for  this 
permission.  By  another  bill  which  we  have 
passed  we  have  authorized  this  Company  to  con- 
struct a  suburban  railroad  running  out  as  far  as 
the  limits  of  the  District  of  Columbia  extend.    If 


this  city  grows,  as  every  man  who  is  familiar 
with  the  country  around  us  and  with  the  condi- 
tion of  public  affairs,  1  think,  expects  that  it  must 
continue  to  grow,  a  large  population  will  in  a 
short  time  gather  out  on  the  lines  of  the  various 
railroads.  They  will  be  removed  from  church. 
It  is  exceedingly  d*;sirable  that  they  should  have 
some  facilities  for  getting  to  church.  It  is  even 
found  necessary,  1  believe,  in  what  some  people 
call  the  puritanical  city  of  Boston,  to  run  the  cars 
on  Sunday  to  enable  the  population  to  go  to 
church.  I  am  told  that  is  the  reason  which  is  as- 
signed. It  was  thought  by  those  who  secured  the 
passage  of  this  bill  in  the  other  House,  as  I  under- 
stand, that  as  the  population  extended  it  would 
be  desirable  that  the  people  should  have  the  fa- 
cilities of  coming  to  the  tov/n,  to  get  into  it  and 
out  of  it. 

I  confess  for  myself  that  I  am  not  one  of  those 
who  would  exclude  the  working  man  of  the  city 
from  the  privilege  of  getting  into  a  street  car  and 
going  out  where  he  can  see  green  fields  and  green 
trees  on  the  Sabbath  day.  I  believe  that  a  large 
portion  of  the  community  might  worship  their 
Maker  quite  as  acceptably  in  positions  of  that 
kind — in  recreations,  if  you  see  fit  to  call  them 
so,  relaxations  I  would  call  them  from  the  la- 
bors of  the  week — as  they  would  be  being  cooped 
up  here  on  the  hot  pavements  of  the  city.  As  a 
sanitary  measure  I  should  be  willing  to  permit 
this  company,  if  they  believe  it  to  be  their  inter- 
est and  the  community  demand  it,  to  run  their 
cars  on  Sunday. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  A  portion  of  the  argument 
mentioned  by  the  honorable  member  from  Went 
Virginia,  if  v/el!  founded,  would  with  me  and 
with  the  Senate  no  doubt  be  conclusive;  and  thnU, 
is  that  such  a  permission  as  we  propose  to  give  lo 
thiscompany  is  against  the  law  of  God.  \  do  not 
exactly  know  what  part  of  she  law  of  God  as  re- 
vealed to  us  the  honorable  member  refers  to.  He 
has  cited  no  particular  passage  either  from  the 
Old  or  the  New  Testament.  But  one  thing  I 
know,  or  at  least  I  think  I  know,  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  every  man  to  go  to  church  and  worship 
God  according  to  his  own  conscience;  and  if  ii> 
the  particular  locality  in  which  he  happens  to  be 
he  cannot  get  to  church  without  extraneous  help, 
there  ought  to  be  some  mode  in  which  he  would 
be  able  to  get  to  church.  My  friend  from  West 
Virginia,  1  presume,  has  lived  in  the  country  n 
great  part  of  his  life,  as  I  have  during  a  portion 
of  mine;  and  in  the  part  of  Maryland  v/here  i 
lived  perhaps  the  churches  were  more  numer- 
ous than  in  the  portion  of  Virginia  where  he 
lived  ;butin  Maryland  in  the  country  the  churches 
are  sometimes  five,  six,  or  seven  utiles  away  from 
the  residence  ofagreat  many  of  the  worshipers,and 
they  get  to  church  by  calling  upon  their  grooms 
to  bring  out  their  horses,  harness  them,  puttheu^ 
in  their  coaches,  and  making  their  drivers  drive 
them  to  church.  That,  I  suppose,  is  not  against 
the  law  of  God;  and  yet  the  coachman  is  made  to 
labor  in  one  sense  on  the  Sabbath;  the  beasts  are 
made  to  labor  on  the  Sabbath;  everybody  who  is 
concerned  in  enabling  the  party  to  get  to  church 
labors  on  the  Sabbath;  but  I  never  heard  it  inti- 
mated by  anybody,  not  even  by  a  clergyman, 
that  there  was  anything  inconsistent  with  any 
prohibition  or  any  principle  to  be  found  in  the 
Old  or  New  Testament  in  a  practice  of  this  de- 
scription; on  thecontrary,!  have  alwaysseen  that 
the  clergyman  liked  to  have  his  church  as  full  as 
he  could  get  it,  without  reference  to  the  manner 
in  v/hich  the  people  got  there. 

Now,  in  this  city,  which  was  called  in  former 
times,  and  is  still,  a  city  of  magnificent  distances, 
the  churches  are  almost  as  far  apart  as  they  are 
in  the  country;  and  if  the  weather  is  very  hot  or 
very  cold,  if  it  rains  or  if  it  snows,  no  man  or 
woman  can  get  to  church  without  some  extra- 
neous aid;  to  walk  might  be  impossible.  I  sub- 
mit, therefore,  that  my  friend  from  West  Virginia 
is  perhaps  placing  too  literal  an  interpretation 
upon  some  text  in  Scripture,  perhaps  inconsist- 
ent with  the  spirit.  It  is  difficult  for  us  to  under- 
stand always  these  scriptural  injunctions.  We 
may  catch  and  comprehend  their  general  spirit, 
and  make  our  conduct  conform  to  such  spirit, 
but  a  literal  construction  of  many  of  the  injunc- 
tions which  are  to  be  found  in  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments,  as  I  am  sure  everybody  will  admit, 
v/ould  be  inconsistent  with  the  purpose  which 
the  Maker  of  the  world  intended  to  effect;  and, 


3136 


THE  OOiSrGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21. 


with  the  Senator  from  Iowa,  (although  I  am  per- 
haps just  as  much  religiously  inclined  as  he  is,) 
I  confess  that  1  do  not  believe — and  1  hope  that 
my  want  of  belief  is  justifiable — there  is  any 
scriptural  injunction  which  compels  the  laboring 
man,  who  sweats  his  twelve  or  fourteen  hours  a 
day  at  hard  .work  to  support  his  wife  and  his 
children,  from  being  with  his  wife  and  his  chil- 
dren permitted  to  go  out  where  he  can  breathe  the 
free  and  wholesome  air  of  heaven  unaffected  by 
the  noise  and  the  dirt,  and  where  he  can  worship 
his  God  in  that  tabernacle  which  He  has  fur- 
nished— the  earth  and  the  sky  which  covers  the 
earth — forgetting  the  cares  of  the  week,  meditat- 
ing upon  the  duties  which  he  owes  to  his  Maker, 
and  determining  as  far  as  he  may  be  able  to  resist 
the  temptations  which  the  life  of  the  week  pre- 
sents. And  it  is  not  only  good  for  his  health  in 
that  particular,  his  moral  and  his  religious  liealtii, 
it  is  good  for  his  physical  condition.  I  speak, 
Mr.  President,  perhaps  with  some  experience, 
although  not  a  laboring  man  in  one  sense,  but  in 
another  sense  in  past  years  a  very  hard  and  in- 
cessant laboring  man.  I  have  found  when  Sat- 
urday night  came,  and  I  had  the  promi.se  of  a 
Sunday  with  the  privilege  of  going  out  unaffected 
by  the  cares  of  office  and  the  engagements  of  my 
profession,  I  was  the  belter  physically  as  well  as 
inorally.  If  it  can  be  done  without  violating  any 
of  the  injunctions  of  Scripture,  as  1  think  it  can 
with  due  deference  to  the  more  complete  knowl- 
edge that  my  friend  from  West  Virginia  may 
have  on  the  subject,  I  want  that  the  laboring  men 
of  this  city  who  are  far  apart  from  each  other 
may  be  afforded  an  opportunity  of  enjoying  social 
intercourse  with  each  other  if  they  think  proper 
to  be  in  the  city  on  Sunday;  and  they  cannot  do 
it  in  a  city  of  these  distances  without  some  such 
aid  as  this;  and  I  want  them  to  be  permitted  to 
enjoy  the  pleasures  of  the  country,  the  green  fields 
of  which  the  honorable  member  from  Iowa  has 
spoken,  the  silence  which  is  found  to  reign  there, 
an  opportunity  to  turn  their  thoughts  inward  and 
to  vow  that  thereafter,  if  they  have  failed  in  the 
past,  they  will  devote  themselves  to  the  duty  which 
they  owe  to  their  fellow-men  and  to  their  God. 

Mr.  HALE.  Mr.  President,  I  did  not  have 
the  privilege  of  hearing  the  theological  part  of  the 
argument  of  the  Senator  from  Mary  land;  it  seemed 
to  be  addressed  to  iny  friend  from  West  Virginia, 
and  I  do  not  know  what  impression  or  what  con- 
viction it  worked  on  his  mind.  The  physical 
part  of  the  argument  seemed  to  be  addressed  to 
this  side  of  the  House,  and  I  heard  as  much  of 
that  as  i  could.  Now,  Mr.  President,  it  was 
poetical  al.so.  The  "green  fields"  I  think  have 
done  their  full  share  in  the  argument  for  the  legis- 
lation that  is  asked  for,  and  the  "meditation" 
that  is  induced  in  these  Sunday  rides  and  the  in- 
ward contemplation  "  turning  the  thoughts  in- 
ward "  I  think  would  have  been  more  in  conform- 
ity to  the  truth  if  the  Senator  had  said  it  was 
devoted  to  turning  lager  beer,  instead  of  thoughts, 
inwardly  [laughter]  on  that  day. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  will  tell  you  just  exactly 
where  I  think  this  matter  ought  to  be  left.  It 
ought  to  be  with  the  people  of  this  city.  We  are 
the  legislators  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  1 
understand  that  the  cars  are  or  have  been  hereto- 
fore restrained  from  running  on  Sunday  by  the 
regulations  of  the  city  authorities.     Am  1  right? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  applied  to  the  mayor 
since  this  debate  to  learn  what  the  facts  are  in  re- 
gard to  it.  He  tells  me  that  he  decided  that  some 
old  ordinance  which  declared  that  vehicles  should 
not  be  permitted  to  run  on  the  Sabbath  for  hire 
included  the  cars. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  same  authority  which  made 
that  ordinance  can  repeal  it,  and  if  that  city  ordi- 
nance is  in  force  the  railroad  cars  refrain  from 
running  on  Sunday  in  Washington  because  the 
city  authorities,  the  rep''esentatives  of  that  class 
who  go  out  on  Sunday  iiiL^  the  green  fields  for  such 
reflection  as  the  Senator  from  Maryland  has  so 
poetically  set  forth,  have  detennined  that  it  is 
improper  and  inexpedient. 

Sir,  I  appeal  now  to  my  New  England  friends, 
men  who, -it  they  have  no  religion,  have  some 
pretense  to  it,  [laughter,]  and  1  ask  them  how 
they  will  fitand  at  home  if  they  go  home  and  say 
that  the  city  of  Washington,  outside  of  the  Puri- 
tan influences  of  New  England,  with  only  such 
grace  as  they  could  attain  to  under  the  teachings 
they  had  liad,  had  prohibited  the  cars  from  run- 


ning on  Sunday,  and  the  Puritans  of  New  Eng- 
land had  come  here  and  compelled  them  to  allow 
traveling  upon  their  railroads  on  Sunday.  For 
one,  I  am  not  willing  to  occupy  that  position.  I 
am  willing  to  leave  this  matter  wliere  it  has  been 
l€ft,  and  where  I  think  it  ought  to  be,  and  that  is, 
with  the  city  authorities. 

Mr.  President,  while  I  am  up  let  me  say  that 
1  think  our  whole  legislative  action  in  regard  to 
this  District  is  wrong.  We  treat  it  more  like  a 
conquered  province  than  like  a  community  of 
freemen  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  the  American 
Constitution;  and  one  of  the  special  objects  of 
partisan  plunder  for  every  Administration  that 
comes  into  power  here  is  to  bestow  the  local  offices 
of  this  city  upon  their  own  favorites.  We  upset 
the  judiciary  here  since  we  have  been  in  power 
and  established  a  new  set  of  judges,  and  where 
did  they  come  from  .'  The  gentlemen  who  were 
appointed  were  warm  personal  and  political  friends 
of  mine,  men  whom  I  highly  esteem.  Judge 
01in,ofTroy,  New  York,  Judge  Cartter,  of  Ohio, 
&c.  The  Presid_cnt  went  to  Ohio  and  New  York 
to  get  judges  for  the  District  of  Columbia.  There 
are  no  gentlemen  in  the  world  whom  I  esteem 
higher  tiian  i  do  them;  but  if  I  had  been  present 
— I  was  not;  I  was  absent  from  sickness — I  should 
have  voted  against  their  confirmation,  because  I 
thought  it  was  based  upon  a  wrong  principle; 
and  so  it  has  been  throughout.  The  President 
came  here  and  brought  his  marshal  for  the  Dis- 
trict from  Illinois,  and  a  pretty  bird  he  proved, 
too;  and  the  Vice  President  brought  with  him  a 
Navy  agent,  a  very  respectable  gentleman;  and 
so  it  is  constantly.  Why  not  act  on  the  princi- 
ple that  the  city  of  Washington  is  composed  of 
men  that  understand  their  own  interests,  and  cer- 
tainly on  these  local  matters.? 

For  that  reason  I  am  for  striking  out  this  pro- 
viso; and,  sir,  I  tiiank  the  Senator  from  West 
Virginia  for  the  speech  that  he  has  made.  I  think 
it  is  the  first  speech  I  ever  heard  made  in  the 
many  that  I  have  heard  in  the  Senate  by  a  man 
who  openly,  boldly,  without  equivocation  or 
apology,  recognized  the  law  of  God  and  the  ob- 
ligations of  Christian  morality  as  binding  upon 
him  iti  his  legislative  capacity.  We  may  have 
all  felt  it  very  deeply  and  keenly,  but  we  have 
been  so  mode.^t  and  so  sensitive  upon  it  that  I  de- 
clare the  avowal  of  the  Senator  from  West  Vir- 
ginia is  the  first  time  I  ever  recollect  to  have  heard 
on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  the  declaration  of  the 
obligation  of  the  law  of  God  and  of  Christian 
morality  as  binding  upon  a  man  in  his  legislative 
capacity.  I  liope,  sir,  that  the  proviso  will  be 
stricken  out. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  Mr  President,  I  am  exceed- 
ingly indebted  to  my  friend  from  New  Hamp- 
shire for  answering  the  poetical  part  of  the  argu- 
ment of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Maryland; 
but  the  honorable  Senator  from  Maryland  seemed 
to  question  whether  my  recollection  of  the  good 
Book  was  not  a  little  at  fault,  and  he  seemed  to 
think  that  it  might  be  hard  to  find  within  it  any 
express  injunction  requiring  us  to  observe  the 
Sabbath  day.  Well,  sir,  it  has  been  a  good  while 
since  I  learned  my  catechism,  and  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Maryland,  with  the  distinction  of 
years  upon  his  head,  has  been  longer  away  from 
it,  I  suppose,  than  I  have.  And  yet,  sir,  I  trusted 
that  even  down  to  the  utmost  span  of  man's  life, 
to  threescore  years  and  ten,  no  one  in  this  Chris- 
tian country  would  ever  forget  the  lesson  his 
mother  taught  him  when  he  repeated  after  her, 
"Remember  the  Sabbath  day  to  keep  it  holy," 
and  not  merely  that  general  injunction,  but  speci- 
fying that  no  man-servant  or  maid-servant,  or 
any  person  or  thing  within  the  control  of  the  in- 
dividual, should  be  allowed  to  labor  on  that  day. 

But  then  it  is  necessary  in  the  estimation  of 
the  honorable  Senator  that  we  should  have  these 
cars  on  the  streets  upon  the  Sabbath  day  in  order 
to  get  to  church.  That  is  to  say,  in  order  to 
obey  one  injunction  of  the  Scriptures,  hardly  as 
plainly  taught,  I  think,  in  the  Bible,  we  are  re- 
quired to  ignore  another;  in  order  toget  to  church 
we  must  have  two  horses  and  a  railroad  car,  with 
a  driver  and  a  conductor,  rattling  along  the  pub- 
lic highway;  and  not  only  that,  but  socager  seems 
the  lionorable  Senator,  as  well  as  my  friend  from 
Iowa,  to  go  to  church  on  the  Sabbath  day,  that 
they  must  go  every  five  minutes  in  the  day  from 
sunrise  to  sundown,  for  that  is  the  requisition  of 
this  bill. 


Mr.  GRIMES.  Not  "requisition;"  the  Sen- 
ator uses  a  wrong  word. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  The  bill  requires  the  cars  to 
run  as  often  on  Sunday  as  is  prescribed  in  the 
original  law  for  the  other  days  of  the  week. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Not  "  requisition;"  they  are 
permitted  to  do  that. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  If  the  Senator  will  modify 
this  proviso  so  that  the  cars  shall  only  run  about 
church  hours,  I  shall  make  no  objection  to  it.  If 
he  will  modify  it  so  as  to  keep  from  the  cars  per- 
sons who  have  no  church-going  propensities 
whatever  I  shall  not  object. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Perhaps  the  Senator  would 
want  it  modified  so  as  to  have  the  people  go  to 
his  particular  church.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  WILLEY.  No,  sir;  1  should  be  very  glad 
if  the  honorable  Senator  would  attend  any  church 
at  all,  no  matter  what.  [Laughter.]  But,  Mr. 
President,  it  is  seen,  it  is  apparent,  it  is  evident 
that  the  objectof  keeping  these  cars  on  the  streets 
has  no  reference  whatever  to  the  accommodation 
of  people  going  to  church,  and  that  the  practical 
result  of  keeping  them  upon  the  streets  on  the 
Sabbath  day  will  be  to  encourage  vice,  to  en- 
courage dissipation,  to  encourage  drunkenness, 
to  encourage  the  support  of  the  lager  beer  sa- 
loons, as  has  been  intimated  here  to-night,  with- 
out accomplishing  any  practical  benefit,  for  there 
is  no  transportation  on  that  day  of  parties  to  their 
business  or  anything  of  that  kind;  it  is  simply 
for  pleasure;  and  nine  tenths  of  those  who  use 
them  will  seek  their  pleasure,  not  in  those  intel- 
lectual, poetical,  sublimated  enjoyments  so  beau- 
tifully described  by  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Maryland,  by  going  to  the  end  of  the  railroad 
and  then  seeking  the  shade  of  the  forest  where 
they  may  be  alone,  but  in  places  of  dissipation 
and  vice  and  carousal  and  folly.  1  hope  it  will 
be  left  to  the  proper  authorities  of  this  city  to  de- 
termine whether  they  shall  have  these  cars  run- 
ning or  not.  1  hope  at  any  rate  that  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  will  not  give  even  a  quasi 
assent  or  authority  to  what  it  seems  to  me  is  a 
palpable  violation  of  the  spirit  of  Christianity  as 
well  as  the  very  letter  of  the  Bible. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Mr.  President,  there  are 
two  very  good  documents  which  have  been  re- 
ferred to  in  this  debate,  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  the  Bible,  which  I  think  it  is 
hardly  necessary  to  refer  to  in  a  debate  arising  in 
this  body.  We  have  so  persistently  and  con- 
tinuously violated  the  former,  the  Constitution, 
that  if  its  authors  were  alive  they  certainly  would 
not  suppoNe  we  had  much  regard  for  it,  and  I  do 
not  apprehend  that  we  shall  respect  the  Author 
of  the  Bible  by  simply  striking  out  this  proviso. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  I  shall  vote  for  striking  out 
this  proviso,  having,  I  hope,  as  much  regard  for 
the  interests  of  the  laboring  men  as  those  who 
insist  that  to  have  it  in  will  be  a  benefit  to  them. 
Why,  sir,  look  at  the  very  large  class  of  laboring 
men  connected  with  these  cars.  There  is  a  driver 
and  a  conductor  on  each  car.  There  are  a  large 
number  of  persons  employed  at  the  stables  where 
the  horses  are  kept  to  attend  to  them,  and  at  vari- 
ous points  along  the  road  where  there  are  eleva- 
tions of  the  surface,  where  it  is  necessary  to  have 
additional  power,  there  are  men  or  boys  stationed 
with  additional  horses  to  put  them  on.  Under 
these  circumstances  we  see  that  there  are,  to  speak 
within  bounds,  some  hundreds  of  men  and  boy.f 
connected  with  these  cars.  The  number  may 
possibly  reach  even  to  a  thousand.  I  do  not  know 
how  many  there  are,  but  certainly  a  very  large 
number. 

Now,  sir,  ought  we  not  to  have  some  reference 
to  letting  these  men  have  a  Sunday,  a  day  of  rest.* 
Why  are  they  not  entitled  to  one  day's  rest  in  a 
week  us  well  as  other  men?  If  we  allow  these 
cars  to  run,  the  consequence  is  that  not  one  of 
these  men,  not  one  of  these  boys  can  have  any 
more  Sunday  than  the  heathen  have.  They  work 
on  from  early  morning  until  late  at  night,  for  al- 
most by  daylight  some  of  these  cars  begin  to  run 
and  they  run  until  after  midnight,  and  this  with- 
out intermission  day  or  night  continuously.  Now, 
sir,  I  say  that  as  legislators  it  is  our  duty  to  do 
something  for  the  benefit  of  these  men,  to  give 
them  at  least  one  day's  ro.U  in  seven,  and  we 
ought  not  out  of  any  fancifui  regard  to  somebody 
else  to  say  that  we  will  compel  these  men  to  go 
on  and  labor  without  repose  and  without  rest. 

It  may  be  said  we  do  not  compel- them  to  do 


GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PFtOOEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  J'OHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


-4^ 


Thuitt-Eightii  Congress,  1st  Session. 


WEDNESDAY,  JUNE  22,  18G4. 


it;  but  do  we  not,  sir?  Tliese  men  are  employed 
by  this  corporation,  nnd  it  is  not  going  to  em- 
ploy two  sets  of  hands.  If  they  are  employed 
they  will  have  to  labor  dny  after  day  without  in- 
termission. But  even  if  that  were  not  so,  and 
other  men  were  employed  on  Sunday,  who  would 
those  other  men  be?  Laboring  men;  men  who  have 
labored  six  days  atsome  other  employment, and 
they  would  have  no  Sabbath.  So  it  comes  to  the 
same  thing.  The  amount  of  it  is  that  we  compel 
hundreds  of  men  to  labor  without  interruption 
for  some  fancied  good  to  somebody  else. 

A  word  also  in  regard  to  the  animals  ought 
not,  I  think,  to  be  entirely  superfluous.  "The 
merciful  man  is  merciful  to  his  beast."  Why 
ought  the  poor  animals  that  drag  these  cars  be 
compelled  to  labor  without  one  day,  one  night  of 
rest?  I  say  it  is  but  fair,  it  is  but  liberal,  it  is  but 
just  to  allow  these  men  and  these  animals  one  day's 
rest  in  seven.  More  can  be  accomplished,  as  it  is 
believed,  by  men  and  by  animals,  even  men  and 
animals  who  labor,  by  giving  them  their  appro- 
priate rest.  The  Sabbath,  although  a  divine  in- 
stitution, is  made  for  man,  and  man  can  accom- 
plish most  by  observing  it — most  of  all  kinds  of 
labor.  We  gain  nothing  in  mental  or  in  physical 
labor  by  going  on  incessantly — we  lose  by  it. 
It  is  a  merciful  institution  that  we  rest  at  least 
one  seventh  of  the  time.  I  trust, Mr.  President, 
that  the  proviso  will  be  stricken  out, 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Mr.  President,  this  bill 
came  to  the  Committee  on  the  Dislrictof  Colum- 
bia of  the  Senate  with  a  provision  requiring  the 
corporation  to  run  the  cars  on  the  Sabbath.  It 
has  been  modified  by  the  committee  so  as  to 
permit  them  to  run  on  the  Sabbath.  Now  it  is 
said  that  this  is  a  breach  of  the  law  of  God,  that 
it  violates  the  commandment  requiring  us  to  re- 
gard the  Sabbath  day.  Suppose  we  carry  that 
principle  a  little  further:  shall  we  carry  it  so  far 
as  to  say  that  all  locomotion  on  Sunday  is  a  vio- 
lation of  the  law  of  God?  May  not  a  man  walk 
for  any  other  purpose  or  in  any  other  direction 
than  to  a  church?  If  he  may  walk  to  a  church, 
may  he  not  ride  to  a  church,  and  if  he  may  ride, 
how  ?  M&y  he  not  ride  as  well  in  a  car  as  in  a 
carriage  ?  Sir,  is  all  locom.otion  or  travel  either 
orrfoot  or  in  carriages  absolutely  a  violation  of 
the  law  of  God  for  any  other  purpose  than  to  go 
to  church,  and  will  anybody  hold  tliat  his  heav- 
enly Father  may  not  be  as  well  worshiped  in 
traveling  in  some  other  direction  thaVi  to  church? 
I  suppose  that  in  the  abstract  we  would  none  of 
us  adopt  such  a  conclusion.  It  is  lawful,  I  sup- 
pose, according  to  the  good  Book,  to  go  to  church 
on  foot  or  in  a  carriage,  or  otherwise,  as  may  be 
most  convenient;  and  I  do  not  know  any  dogma 
anywhere  now  of  the  Christian  church  which  pro- 
hibits persons  from  all  sorts  of  innocent  exercise 
in  the  open  air  on  tiie  Sabbath,  either  riding  or 
walking. 

Now,  how  is  it  with  this  mode  of  communica- 
tion, so  common  in  the  large  cities?  The  street 
cars  have  become  now  almost  the  universal  mode 
of  traveling  for  the  great  bulk  of  the  people  in  the 
cities.  My  honorable  friend  from  New  Hamp- 
shire starts  the  question  that  some  of  us  may  iiad 
that  we  are  extremely  unpopular  when  we  go 
North  and  are  told  that  we  have  voted  to  permit 
the  people  of  Washington  to  run  these  cars  on 
the  Sabbath.  Puritan  New  England,  he  thinks, 
will  be  reproached  by  an  example  of  that  sort. 
Does  not  my  honorable  friend  know  that  the  cars 
run  very  constantly  in  the  city  of  Boston  on  the 
Sabbath  day?  I  happened  to  spend  a  Sabbath 
there  a  short  time  since,  and  it  was  the  busiest 
day  almost,  so  far  as  the  cars  were  concerned, 
that  I  saw;  but  there  was  perfect  order;- there, 
were  less  carriages,  less  hacks,  less  coaches,  but 
a  thousand  fold  more  people  enjoying  the  Sab- 
bath, going  to  church  and  coming  from  it  in  that 
way  than  1  had  noticed  before.  It  is  tolerated 
there;  so  it  is  in  the  city  of  Portland,  and  in  the 
cityof  New  York,  and  in  the  city  of  Brooklyn; 
so  that  I  do  not  see^anj^  danger  of  violating  the 
public  sense  by  what  we  propose  to  permit,  not 
require,  here. 

197 


My  honorable  friend  from  New  Hampshire 
suggests  the  propriety  of  leaving  this  matter  to 
the  corporationists  in  the  District.  How  will 
that  work  ?  This  road  extends  from  Georgetown 
on  the  west  beyond  the  navy-yard,  running 
through,  I  believe,  the  limits  of  three  municipal 
jurisdictions.  Suppose  the  people  of  Georgetown 
say,"  You  may  run  the  cars  on  the  Sabbath,"  ahd 
on  the  east  end  the  people  say  the  same  thing, 
but  the  people  of  Washington  say  "  No;"  how 
then?  You  must  have  a  concurrent  vote  of  the 
three  jurisdictions;  so  that  there  seelns  to  be  a 
necessity  far  Congress  to  settle  the  question.  I 
suggest,  therefore,  that  a  reference  to  the  people 
of  these  cities  is  not  quite  practicable.  The  com- 
mittee did  not  suppose  they  were  doing  more  than 
following  v/hnt  has  come  to  be  very  common  now 
in  almost  all  the  cities.  The  Christian  sense  of 
the  most  Cliristian  communities  in  the  land  has 
come  to  believe  that  there-is  no  more  harm  in  peo- 
ple riding  in  streetcars  on  the  Sabbath  than  riding 
in  the  public  or  private  coaches,  which  are  of 
course  unrestricted.  I  shall  therefore  vote  with 
the  committee  to  retain  the  clause  in  the  bill. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  believe  the  Senator  from 
Maine  is  not  right  when  he  implies  that  you  may 
ride  in  a  carriage  here  on  the  Sabbath  day.  You 
cannot  do  that  under  the  city  ordinances,  I  be- 
lieve, except  it  be  to  attend  a  funeral.  Being  in 
vvant  of  a  carriage  one  day  1  made  that  discovery. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  hardly  know  what  the  or- 
dir>ances  are.     1  know  what  the  fact  is. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  suppose  the  ordinances 
are  about  as  irregularly  observed  as  the  streets 
are  cleansed.  1  hope  this  amendment  will  not  be 
adopted.  I  think  it  is  too  late  in  the  day  to  en- 
force pious  practices,  such  as  those  recommended 
by  the  honorable  Senator  from  New  Plampshire. 
I  hjid  the  privilege  of  sitting  directly  under  the 
Senator  while  he  was  exhorting  the  Senate,  and 
I  was  very  glad  to  find  that  he  liad'such  a  degree 
of  regard  and  respect  for  the  Scripturesj  and  for 
the  acknowledgment  of  the  Deity.  I  did  not, 
however,  see  the  appositeness  of  his  aigument. 
I  see  no  rule  proper  to  be  observed  violated  by 
permitting  these  vehicles  (I  will  call  them  such) 
to  be  run  on  the  Sabbath  day  or  on  Sunday.  1 
hope  it  will  be  ordered  to  be  done  by  this  bill.  I 
think  it  would  be  a  step  backwards  to  have  it 
otherwise.  They  are  certainly  the  most  accept- 
able part  of  the  city's  accommodations,  if- 1  am 
competent  to  judge.  I  hope  the  amendment  will 
not  be  sustained. 

Mr.  WILLEY  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  15,  nays  14;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Clnrlt,  Collamer,  Dixon,  Foot,. 
Foster,  HalUjLaiieof  Kanstis,  Morsan,  Poirieroy,  Ramsey, 
Spiague,  Ten  Eycli,  Willey,  and  VVil.son — 15. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Buckalevv,  Cartile,  Conness, 
Cowan,  Grinic^s,  Joliiison,  MOirill,  Powell,  Riddle,  Slier- 
i)ian,  Sinnner,  Truiiiliull,  and  Wadn— 14.    . 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Cliaudler,  Davis,  Doolittle,  Fe.ssfin- 
den,  l-jarding,  .Harlan,  Harris,  Henderson,  Heiidiiclis, 
Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana,  MpI)onn;all,  Nes- 
niitli,  Rieliardsou  Saulsl)Ury,  Van  VViiilcle,  Willtinson,  and 
VVrigllt-20.  ■!-!-:!'>!ii       -,'I 

■  So  the  amendment  Was  agreed  to.      '•  '         '-;' 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
fourth  section  of  the  bill  which  requires  the  com- 
pany annually  on  and  after  January,  1865,  to 
make  a  return  embracing  a  very  large  number  of 
items. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  will  inform  the  Senator  that 
all  the  items  set  forth  in  that  section  were  thor- 
oughly examined  by  the  pi-esident  and  superin- 
tendent of  the  company,  and  are  entirely  satisfac- 
tory to  them,  and  the  committee  sec  no  reason 
why  they  should  not  render  this  account. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  honorable  member  says 
it  is  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  company.  Does 
he  know  that  positively? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  president  and  superin. 
tendent  of  the  company  were  before  the  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senatecan  judge  whether 
it  is  a  compulsory  satisfaction  or  a  satisfaction 
independent  of  any  compulsion.  There  are  thirty- 
five  items  which  are  made  the  subjects  of  this 


New  Series No.  197. 

report.  One  of  them — it  is  but  an  example — the 
seventeenth,  is  "costof  tools  and  fixHures,  includ- 
ing furniture  of  offices;"  and  another,  the  twenty- 
eighth,  is  "  amount  paid  for  reconstruction  of  and 
repairs  to  track,  turnouts,  and  other  structures;" 
and  another,  the  twenty-sixth,  "  amount  paid  to 
employes,  with  the  number  eacli  of  clerks,  con- 
ductors, drivers,  station-keepers,  and  laborers." 
What  is  all  that  for?  I  never  knew  such  an  ex- 
action to  be  made  of  any  company.  I  do  not  see 
any  good  to  come  from  it.  I  move  to  strike  out 
the  section. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  trust  that  will  not  be  done; 
no  public  interest  will  be  promoted  by  it. 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended. 

The  PRESIDENT  jn-o  tempore.  The  question 
is,  "Will  the  Senate  concur  in  the  amendments 
made  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole?" 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  I  ask  for  a  separate  vote 
on  the  amendment  striking  out  the  clause  permit- 
ting the  cars  to  run  on  Sunday. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  That  amend- 
ment will  be  excepted. 

The  other  amendments  were  concurred  in.   - 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
now  is  on  concurring  in  the  amendment  excepted 
at  the  request  of  the  Senator  from  Pennsylvania, 
the  amendment  striking  out  the  proviso  relative 
to  running  the  cars  on  Sunday. 

Mr.  HALE  called  for  the  yeas  and  liays,  and 
they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted — 
yeas  16,  nays  14;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Brown,  Clark,  Dixon,  Doolillle,  Foot, 
Foster,  Hale,  Harlan,  Lane  of' Kansas,  Morgan,  romeroy, 
Kainsey,  Spiague,  Ten  Eyck,  Willey,  and  Wihrni — 10, 

NAYri — Messrs.  BUckalew,  Conness,  Cowan,  Grimes,' 
Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Morrill,  Powell,  liiddle,  SauISr 
bury,  Slierman,  Sumner,  Trumhnil,  and  Wade — 14. 

ABSIiNT— fliessrs.  Anthony,  Carlile,  Chandler,  Colla- 
mer, Davis,  Fesscnden,  Harding,  Harris,  Henderson,  Hen- 
dricks, Hieks,  Howard,  Howe,  McDousall,  Nesmitli,  Ricli- 
ardson.  Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  VVrifjlit — 19. 

So  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 
Mr.  SUMNER.    I  now  move  again  the  amend- 
ment which  I  offered  in  committee: 

Provided,  That  there  shall  he  no  e.tclusion  ofany  person 
from  any  car  on  account  of  color. 

I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 
The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  17,  nays  16;  as  follows: 

YEAS^Messrs,  Brown,  Clark,  Conness,  Dixon,  Foot, 
Hale,  Harlan,  Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill, 
Ponieroy,  Ramsey,  Sprague,  Siftnner,  VVade,  and  Wilson 
—17. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Buckalevv,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Doolittle, 
Foster,  Grimes,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Powell,  Rid- 
dle, Saulshury,  Sherman,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Van  Win- 
kle, and  Willey — Iti- 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Anthony,Chandler,CollanH;r,  Davis, 
Fessenden,  Harding,  Harris,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Micks, 
Howard,McDougail,Nesmith,  Richardson,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wright— 16. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  amendments  were  ordered  to  be  engrossed, 
and  the  bill  to  be  read  the  third  time.  The  bill 
was  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  passage  of  the  bill,  and  they  were  ordered. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  intend  to  vote  against 
this  bill  simply  on  account  of  the  amendment 
just  adopted. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted— yeas  23,  nays  8;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs,  Brown,  Clark,  Dixon,  Doolittle,  Foot, 
Foster,'  Grimes,  Harlan,  Howe,  Jolmson,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
Morgan,  Morrill,  Pomeroy,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  Sprague, 
Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson 
—23. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Biickalew,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Hale,  Lane 
of  Indiana,  Powell,  Riddle,  and  Saulsbury — 8. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Anthony,  Chandler,"  Collamer,  Con- 
ness, Davis,  Fessenden,  Harding,  Harris,  Henderson,  Hen- 
dricks, Hicks,  Howard,  McDouaall,  Nesniith,  Richardson, 
Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 18. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

HOUR  OF  MEKXING. 

Mr.  DIXON  submitted  the  following  resolu- 
tion for  consideration: 

Resolved.  That,  until  otherwise  ordered,  ihc  daily  liour 
of  meeting  of  the  Senate  slin II  l>e  eleven  o'elock  a.  m. 


3138 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21. 


BILL  RECOMMITTED. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  I  move  to  recommit  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Pensions  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  314)  for 
the  relief  of  Harriet  and  Emily  W.  Morris,  un- 
married sisters  of  the  late  Commodore  Henry  W. 
Morris,  with  the  report  in  the  case.  I  understand 
that  the  parties  wish  to  present  additional  evi- 
dence. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

LEVY  COURT. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  MORRILL,  the  bill  (S.  No. 
115)  for  the  proper  organization  of  the  levy  court 
of  the  county  of  Washington,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  was  considered  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  the  pending  question  being  on  the  amend- 
ment reported  by  the  Committee  on  the  District 
of  Columbia,  to  strike  out  all  after  the  enacting 
clause  of  the  bill  and  insert  the  following: 
.  That  the  first  clause  of  the  third  section  of  the  act  of 
Congress  entitled  "An  act  to  define  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  levy  court  of  the  county  of  Washington,  District  of 
Columbia,  in  regard  to  roads  and  for  other  purposes,"  be, 
and  the  same  is  liereby,  amended  so  as  to  read  as  follows : 
"That  the  said  court  shall  have  the  care  and  charge  of  and 
the  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  all  the  public  roads  and 
bridges  in  said  county,  except  such  roads  and  bridges  as 
belong  to  and  are  under  the  care  of  the  United  States,  and 
except  such  roads  and  bridges  as  shall  have  been  or  may 
hereaftitr  be  specially  provided  for  by  Congress.  And  the 
said  court  shall  have  power  and  it  shall  betheirduty." 

Sec.  a.  Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  the  tenth  section 
of  the  said  act  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  amended  by 
striking  out  the  words  "  tiiirty-first"  and  inserting  the 
word  "thirtieth." 

Sec.  3.  Jind  he  it  further  enacted,  That  all  cemeteries  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  outside  of  the  cities  of  Washing- 
ton and  Georgetown,  the  owners  of  wlrich  sell  lots  or  burial 
rights  therein  indiscriminately  to  those  applying  therefor, 
shall  be  assessed  and  taxed  as  other  property  in  the  same 
parts  of  the  said  District:  Provided,  however,  That  all  lots 
In  said  cemeteries,  when  actually  sold  for  burial  purposes, 
and  any  cemetery  held  and  owned  by  a  religious  society, 
having  a  regular  and  Icnown  place  of  worship,  shall  be  ex- 
empt from  taxation. 

Sec.  4.  ^Ind  be  it  further  enacted.  That  hereafter  the 
said  court  shall  have  power,  and  it  shall  be  their  duty,  to 
appoint  the  county  surveyor  of  said  county  of  Washing- 
ton, to  define  his  duties,  from  time  to  time,  to  fix  his  com- 
pensation, and  to  remove  him  whenever  they  shall  deem  it 
proper  so  to  do. 

Sec.  5.  ^nd  be  it  further  enacted.  That  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  collector  of  taxes  for  said  county  whenever  the 
owner  or  keeper  of  any  dog  or  dogs  shall  neglect  or  refuse 
to  pay  tlie  tax  thereon  to  kill  or  cause  to  be  killed  every 
and  all  such  dogs. 

Sec.  6.  AndUe  it  further  enacted,  That  the  time  specified 
by  the  act  of  February  21, 1863,  within  which  certain  roads 
in  said  county  shall  be  surveyed,  platted,  and  recorded  is 
hereby  extended  to  three  years  from  the  1st  day  of  July, 
1865. 

Sec.  1.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  said  court 
shall  have  power  to  issue,  classify,  and  tax  licenses  for 
taverns,  hotels,  and  restaurants,  and  for  retailing  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise  in  said  county,  in  proportion  to 
the  amoinit  of  business  the  person  applying  for  a  license 
is  likely  to  do.  The  maximum  stun  to  be  charged  for  any 
one  license  not  to  exceed  $250,  and  the  minimum  to  be  so 
charged  not  to  be  less  than  two  dollars. 

Sec.  8,  Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  all  laws  and 
parts  of  laws  inconsistent  with  this  act  are  liereby  re- 
pealed. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  offer  this  amendment  as 
an  additional  section: 

Jlnd  be  it  further  enacted.  That  the  notice  required  to  be 
given  by  the  eighth  section  of  the  act  of  which  this  is  an 
amendment  need  not  be  given  when  all  the  parties  inter- 
ested are  agreed;  and  all  roads  laid  out  under  such  agree- 
ment without  such  notice  being  given  are  hereby  declared 
lawful  highways. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed.  Its 
title  was  amended  to  read;  A  bill  to  amend  an  act 
entitled  "An  act  to  define  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  levy  court  of  the  county  of  Washington, 
District  of  Columbia." 

POTOMAC  FERRY  COMPANY. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  MORRILL,  the  bill  (S.  No. 
298)  to  incorporate  the  Potomac  Ferry  Company 
was  considered  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 
It  proposes  to  create  and  constitute  Henry  D. 
Cooke,  John  B.Hutchinson,  H.  C.  Fahnestock, 
Thomas  Clyde,  and  William  B.  Hatch,  and  their 
associtttesand  successors,  or  a  majority  of  them, 
a  body  politic  and  corporate  by" the  name  and 
style  of  "The  Potomac  Ferry  Company."  The 
capital  stock  is  not  to  be  less  than  ^100,000  nor 
more  than  $500,000,  to  be  divided  into  shares  of 
$100  each.  The  company  is  to  establish  and  run 
a  line  or  liiiew  of  vessels,  propelled  by  steum  or 


other  power,  between  the  cities  of  Alexandria 
and  -Washington,  and  other  ports  in  the  State  of 
Virgiiiia,  on  the  Potomac  river,  Chesapeake  bay, 
or  the  tributaries  of  the  same.  The  affairs  of  the 
company  are  to  be  managed  by  such  officers  as 
the  stockholders  in  general  meeting  shall  elect, 
and  such  agents  as  may  be  appointed  by  the  board 
of  directors.  The  persons  named,  or  a  majority 
of  them,  may  call  a  meeting  of  the  stockholders 
for  the  purpose  of  organizing  the  company  at  such 
a  time  and  place  as  they  may  determine  upon, 
after  advertising  the  time  and  place  of  such  meet- 
ing for  ten  days  in  one  or  more  newspapers  pub- 
lished in  the  city  of  Washington.  The  officers 
of  ihe  company  once  elected  are  to  hold  their  offices 
until  their  successors  are  chosen.  Each  stock- 
holder is  to  be  individually  liable  for  all  claims 
against  the  company  to  the  amount  of  the  stock 
held  by  him  at  the  time  such  claims  accrue. 

Mr.  HALE.  It  seems  to  me  that  if  this  bill 
is  to  pass  it  is  defective  in  several  particulars.  It 
is  defective  in  not  giving  to  any  future  Congress 
the  right  to  repeal,  amend,  or  alter  this  act  as  the 
public  good  may  require;  and  it  has  another  very 
objectionable  feature  in  it,  to  my  mind,  which  is 
that  the  officers  when  once  elected  hold  their 
places  in  perpetuity,  and  no  provision  is  made 
for  any  annual  or  periodical  meeting  of  the  cor- 
poration. But  I  have  a  more  solid  objection, 
though  I  think  either  of  these  is  bad  enough.  I 
do  not  see  any  necessity  for  incorporating  a  mere 
coasting  company.  It  is  calledaferry  company, 
but  it  is  not  a  ferry  company.  It  is  a  mere  com- 
pany to  transport  passengers  and  freight  from 
Washington  to  Alexandria.  There  is  no  earthly 
necessity  for  any  such  act  of  incorporation,  and 
it  is  not  proper  to  grant  one.  I  hope  the  bill  will 
not  pass;  it  certainly  should  not  pass  until  it  is 
materially  amended.  We  are  going  vastly  too 
far  in  creating  corporations.  There  is  no  neces- 
sity for  any  act  of  incorporation  to  enable  these 
men  to  run  packets  from  here  to  Alexandria  or 
any  other  place  in  the  world.  It  is  notcommon, 
I  think,  in  Maine  or  anywhere  else  to  incorporate 
coasters.  I  think  it  is  better  to  leave  this  matter 
of  freighting  where  it  belongs,  to  private  enter- 
prise. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator  from 
Maine  to  let  the  bill  be  laid  aside  for  the  present, 
as  there  is  opposition  to  it,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  up  other  business  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  If  I  were  to  give  way  now 
it  would  be  forever.  I  think  the  bill  may  be  open 
to  the  objection  that  there  is  no  provision  in  it  that 
Congress  may  amend  or  repeal  it.  I  have  no  ob- 
jection to  a  section  of  that  kind  being  added.  In 
my  State  these  corporations  are  very  common  in- 
deed. There  are  several  that  I  could  name,  from 
Kennebec  to  Boston,  from  Portland  to  Boston, 
from  Penobscot  to  Boston,  and  from  Penobscot 
along  the  coast.  I  do  not  think  there  is  anything 
unusual  in  this  bill.  Itis  simply  associating  men 
together  to  do  what  an  individual  could  hardly 
be  expected  to  do.  The  power  of  association, 
the  right  of  association  by  corporate  act,  is  one  of 
the  most  common  things  in  the  country,  certainly 
in  the  North .  All  that  it  is  is  the  act  of  associating 
individuals  together  to  act  by  the  power  of  asso- 
ciation as  an  individual  man  might  act.  I  cannot 
for  my  life  conceive  how  any  harm  is  to  come  of 
it.  There  is  no  extraordinary  power  to  be  exer- 
cised by  it.  It  is  simply  to  run  vessels  up  and 
down  the  Potomac  river  and  Chesapeake  bay. 
The  bill  is  pi'etty  well  guarded,  for  it  will  be  seen 
that  it  provides  that  each  stockholder  shall  be 
individually  liable  for  all  claims  against  the  cor- 
poration up  to  the  amount  of  stock  held  by  him 
at  the  time  the  claims  arise.  I  think  if  the  Sen- 
ator from  New  Hampshire  will  examine  this  bill 
carefully  he  will  see  that  it  is  in  conformity  with 
bills  of  this  character,  and  that  it  is  not  open  to 
any  particular  objection.  I  have  no  objection  to 
its  being  amended  in  the  particular  he  suggests  by 
reserving  to  Congress  the  power  to  alter  and 
amend  it,  if  there  is  any  doubt  about  that. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill  by  add- 
ing as  an  additional  section: 

Jlnd  be  it  further  enacted,  That  Congress  may  at  anytime 
hereafter  alter,  amend,  or  repeal  this  act. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HALE.  In  the  sixth  section,  after  the 
word  "  same,"  in  the  sixth  line,  I  move  to  strike 
out  all  the  rest  of  the  section,    The  words  to  be 


stricken  out  are,  "  to  the  amount  of  the  stock 
held  by  him  at  the  time  such  claims  accrue,  "so  as 
to  make  the  clause  read,  "  and  each  stockholder 
in  said  company  shall  be  individually  liable  for 
all  claims  against  the  same." 

Mr.  MORRILL.  That  is  manifestly  improper. 
Men  should  not  be  held  after  the  transfer  of  their 
stock  for  debts  that  did  not  accrue  while  they 
were  members  of  the  company. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  will  modify  the  amendment, 
then,  and  move  to  strike  out  the  words  "  to  the 
amount  of  the  stock  held  by  him." 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Put  it  at  twice  or  three 
times  the  amount  of  stock  held  by  him. 

Mr.  HALE.  The  Senator  from  Maine  says 
that  this  bill  is  simply  togive  corporate  privileges 
to  individuals  to  enable  them  to  do  business  more 
conveniently  than  they  could  without  an  act  of 
incorpoi-ation.  If  that  is  so  I  think  they  should 
be  individually  liable,  just  as  if  they  did  not  have 
an  act  of  incorporation.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
words  "  to  the  amount  of  the  stock  held  by  him." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendments  were  concurred  in.  The 
bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  read- 
ing, was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

INSURANCE  COMPANY. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  move  to  take  up  the  bill  (S. 
No.  167)  to  incorporate  an  insurance  company  in 
the  city  of  Washington. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  That  is  a  long  bill;  it  will 
be  impossible  to  complete  it  to-night.  I  move 
that  the  Senate  adjourn. 

Mr.  HALE.  Will  the  Senator  from  Kansas 
withdraw  that  motion  to  enable  me  to  say  a  word.' 

Mr.  POMEROY.     I  withdraw  it. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  understand  this  is  a  pretty  long 
bill,  and  it  may  take  some  time.  By  adjourning 
with  it  up,  it  will  be  the  special  order  at  one 
o'clock  to-morrow.  I  want  not  to  be  embar- 
rassed by  any  such  proceeding  as  that.  I  move 
to  lay  the  bill  aside  for  the  purpose  of  taking  up 
Senate  bill  No.  292,  to  provide  for  the  efficiency 
of  the  Navy. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  hope  that  the  Senate  will 
not  take  up  that  bill,  but  will  proceed  with  the 
consideration  of  the  bill  to  repeal  the  fugitive 
slave  act. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  move  that  the  Senate  adjourn 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate 
adjourned. 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Tuesday,  Jxme  21,  1864. 

The  House  met  at  twelve  o'clock,  m.  Prayer 
by  Rev.  J.  I.  Ferrie. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  the  read- 
ing of  the  Journal  was  dispensed  with. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMUNICATION. 
The  SPEAKER,  by  unanimous  consent,  laid 
before  the  House  a  communication  from  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  transmitting,  in  compliance 
with  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  6th  instant,  a  list  of  United  States 
steam  vessels  suitable  for  carrying  the  mails  to 
and  from  foreign  ports,  &c.;  which  was  ordered 
to  be  printed,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
the  Post  Office  and  Post  Roads. 

MILITARY  BUSINESS. 
The  SPEAKER.     By  iwianimous  consent  this 
day  has  been  assigned  to  the  consideration  of  re- 
ports from  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 

PAY  OF  SOLDIERS. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  am  instructed  by  the  Com- 
mittee-on  Military  Affairs  to  report  back  sundry 
petitions  relating  to  the  increaseof  pay  of  soldiers 
in  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  The  subject 
having  been  disposed  of  by  legislation  on  the  sub- 
ject, 1  move  that  the  committee  be  discharged 
from  the  further  consideration  of  the  petitions, 
and  that  the  same  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ARMY  REGISTER. 
Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  a  joint  resolution  to  pro- 
vide for  the  publication  of  a  full  Army  Register; 
which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time  by  its 
title. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3139 


The  resolution  requires  the  Secretary  of  War, 
in  connection  with  the  Army  Register  for  the  year 
1864,  to  cause  to  be  printed  and  published  a  full 
roll  of  all  field,  line,  and  staff  officers  of  volun- 
teers who  have  been  in  the  Army  of  the  United 
States  since  the  beginning  of  the  present  rebel- 
lion, showing  whether  they  are  yet  in  the  service 
or  have  been  discharged  therefrom,  and  giving 
casualties  and  other  explanationsproper  for  such 
a  Register.  It  also  provides  that  in  order  to  de- 
fray, in  whole  or  in  part,  the  expenses  of  this 
publication  an  edition  of  fifty  thousand  copies  of 
such  enlarged  Register  shall  be  published ,  and  may 
be  sold  to  officers,  soldiers,  or  citizens  at  a  price 
which  shall  not  more  than  cover  the  actual  cost 
of  paper,  printing,  and  binding,  and  shall  not  in 
any  case  exceed  one  dollar  per  volume. 

The  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed 
and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was 
accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  resolution  was  passed;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

AMBULANCE  CORPS. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  am  directed  by  the  com- 
mittee to  report  back  the  memorials  of  sundry 
citizens  of  New  York  praying  for  the  establish- 
ment of  an  ambulance  corps.  A  bill  in  reference 
to  that  matter  has  passed  both  Houses  and  become 
a  law,  and  I  therefore  move  that  the  committee 
be  discharged  from  the  further  consideration  of 
the  petitions,  and  that  the  same  be  laid  on  the 
table. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

FUEL  AND  SUBSISTENCE. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  same  committee, 
reported  adversely  upon  a  bill  and  sundry  peti- 
tions a:sking  that  citizens  of  Washington  may  be 
allowed  to  purchase  fuel  and  subsistence  from  the 
commissary  and  quartermaster's  stores  in  this 
city;  which  bill  and  petitions  werelaid  on  the  table. 

VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  same  committee, 
reported  back,  with  a  recommendation  that  it  do 
not  pass,  a  bill  (H.  R.  No.  112)  to  provide  for  the 
payment  of  certain  volunteer  companies  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States  in  the  war  with 
Mexico  and  in  the  suppression  of  Indian  dis- 
turbances in  New  Mexico;  and  moved  that  the 
same  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CAPTAIN  M.  M.  HA  WES. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  same  committee,' 
reported  a  joint  resolution  for  the  relief  of  Cap- 
•tam  M.  M.  Hawes;  which  was  read  a  first  and 
second  time  by  its  title. 

The  resolution  directs  the  proper  accounting 
officers  of  the  Treasury  to  credit  Captain  M.  M. 
Hawes,  assistant  quartermaster,  with  the  sum  of 
$1,050  42  upon  his  cash  account  with  the  (Quarter- 
master General's  department,  and  that  Hawes  be 
relieved  from  any  further  responsibility  for  said 
sum  of  money,  the  same  being  for  moneys  stolen 
from  him  without  any  negligence  or  fault  upon 
his  part. 

The  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and 
read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was 
accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  resolution  was  passed;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 
CITIZEN  PRISONERS. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  same  committee, 
reported  adversely  on  the  petition  of  citizen  pris- 
oners confined  in  southern  prisons;  which  was 
laid  on  the  table. 

B.  C.  FERNALD. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  also,  from  the  same  commit- 
tee, reported  adversely  on  the  petition  of  B.  C. 
Fernald,  executor  of  William  Richardson,  for  the 
bounty  to  which  said  Richardson  was  entitled; 
and  the  same  was  laid  on  the  table. 

'      "       PAY  OF  ARMY  OFFICERS. 
Mr.  SCHENCK  also,  from  the  same  commit- 
tee, reported  adversely  on  the  petition  of  certain 


officers  of  the  Army  for  increase  of  pay;  which 
was  laid  on  the  table. 

MAIL  FACILITIES. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  SCHENCK,"  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs  was  discharged  from  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  petition  of  sundry  citi- 
zens of  Philadelphia  for  increased  mail  facilities 
between  Washington  and  New  York;  and  the 
same  was  referred  to  the  select  committee  on  rail- 
roads from  New  York  to  Washington. 

METROPOLITAN  RAILROAD  COMPANY. 

Mr.  WHEELER  moved  that  the  House  insist 
on  its  amendments  to  the  Metropolitan  railroad 
bill,  and  agree  to  the  conference  asked  by  the 
Senate  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses 
on  said  bill. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Speaker 
appointed  Messrs.  Wheeler,  Blaine,  and  Pat- 
terson the  committee  of  conference  on  the  part 
of  the  House. 

MARY  KELLOGG. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  a  joint  resolution  for  the 
relief  of  Mary  Kellogg;  which  was  read  a  first 
and  second  time. 

The  joint  resolution  provides  that  the  name  of 
Spencer  Kellogg  be  entered  upon  the  rolls  of  the 
Navy  Department  with  the  rank  of  fourth  mas- 
ter, to  date  from  June,  1862, and  thatMary  Kel- 
logg, his  widow,  be  put  upon  the  pension  roll 
with  the  pension  incident  to  the  rank  of  her  de- 
ceased husband,  and  authorizes  and  directs  the 
proper  accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury  to  set- 
tle and  adjust  the  accounts  of  the  said  Spencer 
Kellogg  as  first  lieutenant  of  infantry  from  the 
14th  of  September,  1861,  to  the  20ih  of  October, 
1861,  and  his  accounts  as  fourth  master  in  the 
Navy  from  the  1st  day  of  August,  1862,  to  the 
25th  of  September,  1863,  the  date  of  the  execu- 
tion of  said  Kellogg  at  Richmond,  Virginia,  by 
the  rebels,  and  to  pay  any  money  due  him  to  his 
widow. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed 
and  read  a  third  time;  and  beingengrossed,itwas 
accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on 
the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PAY  OF  TROOPS  NOT  MUSTERED  IN. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  SCHENCK,  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs  was  discharged  from  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  a  resolution  of  the  House 
instructing  said  committee  to  inquire  into  the  ex- 
pediency of  reporting  a  bill  to  pay  officers  and 
soldiers  in  the  service  who  have  not  been  mus- 
tered in,  and  the  same  was  laid  on  the  table. 

CHARLES  K.  DEAN. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  SCHENCK,  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs  was  discharged  from  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  memorial  of  Charles  K. 
Dean  for  relief,  and  the  same  was  laid  on  the 
table. 

EXAMINATION  OF  ARMY  OFFICERS. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  back,  with  sundry  amend- 
ments, bill  of  the  Senate  No.  85,  to  provide  for 
the  examination  of  certain  officers  of  the  Army. 

The  amendments  were  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  then  ordered  to  a  third  reading; 
and  it  was  accordingly  read  the  thii'd  time,  and 
passed. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  passed,  and  also  moved  to 
lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PAY  OF  PAYMASTERS,  ETC. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  same  committee,  re- 
ported a  bill  to  regulate  the  pay  of  paymasters 
and  military  storekeepers  of  ordnance,  which 
was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

The  bill  provides  that  paymasters  and  military 
storekeepers  of  ordnance  shall  have  the  rank, 
pay,  and  emoluments  of  a  captain  of  ordnance, 
but  without  command. 

Mr.  PARNSWORTH.  I  wish  to  inquire  of 
the  gentleman  from  Ohio  how  much  this  bill  will 
increase  the  pay  of  storekeepers  of  ordnance, 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Very  slightly.  Paymasters 


in  the  Army  have  the  rank  of  major.  These 
men  handle  millions  of  dollars  of  money,  and  it 
is  proposed  that  they  shall  only  rank  as  captains. 
They  havegiven  bonds, and  this  will  only  increase 
their  pay  about  four  dollars  a  month. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  read 
a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was  accord- 
ingly read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  f 
lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

BARDSTOWN  TURNPIKE  COMPANY. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  a  bill  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Louisville  and  Bardstown  Turnpike  Company; 
which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

The  bill  was  read  at  length. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  do  not  desire  to  raise  a 
question  of  order  upon  this  bill,  but  I  desire  to 
know  what  is  the  amount  of  this  claim.  I  did  not 
understand  that  there  was  any  amount  stated. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  The  amount  of  the  claim 
is  among  tlie  papers  and  will  be  found  in  a  mo- 
ment. It  is  for  two  bridges  over  Salt  river  and 
Floyd's  fork,  which  were  destroyed  by  order  of 
General  Nelson,  then  in  command  of  the  United 
States  troops  in  that  district. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  From  the  reading  of  the  bill 
there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  limitation  upon  the 
amount  except  the  discretion  of  the  Q,uarter- 
master  General. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  raise  the 
question  of  order  that  this  bill  makes  an  appro- 
priation, and  must  be  first  considered  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  avsk  the  gentleman  from_ 
Illinois  if  he  will  not  withhold  liuit  question  of 
order  until  1  can  make  a  brief  explanation. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  will  hear 
the  gentleman's  explanation  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole  where  I  can  reply  to  him. 

Mr.  MALLORY  If  the  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois will  withdraw  his  question  of  order  until  he 
can  hear  an  explanation,  1  can  assure  him  lliat  he 
will  have  no  doubt  of  its  justice  and  p;o|.ii.'ty. 
Perhaps,  however,  that  is  the  reason  why  he  do^'s 
not  want  to  hear  it. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  It  is  certainly  a  very  pe- 
culiar case,  and  one  which  commends  itself  espe- 
cially to  tlie  judgment  of  the  H(juse. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  sustains  the  ques- 
tion oforder,  and  the  bill  is  tlierel'oro  in  Committee 
of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

EFFICIENCY  OF  THE  MEDICAL  COUPS. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  a  bill  to  increase  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  medical  corps  of  the  Army;  which 
was  read  a  first  and  second  time. 

The  bill  was  read.  It  provides  that  the  medi- 
cal director  of  an  army  in  the  field  consisting  of 
two  Army  corps  or  more,  or  of  a  medical  depot 
in  which  there  is  a  United  States  general  hospital 
having  four  thousand  beds  or  more,  shall  have  the 
rank  and  pay  of  a  colonel  of  cavalry.  Also,  that 
medical  directors  of  United  States  general  hos- 
pitals of  less  than  four  thousand  beds  shall  have 
the  rank  and  pay  of  a  lieutenant  colonel  of  cav- 
alry. These  appointments  to  be  made,  two  thirds 
of  them  from  the  surgeons  and  assistant  surgeons 
of  volunteers,  and  to  continue  in  such  rank  and  re- 
ceive such  pay  only  while  holding  such  positions. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed,  and  read 
a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  it  was  accord- 
ingly read  the  third  time  and  passed. 

Mr.  SCHENCK  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  t« 
lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  will  state  that  there  are 
other  matters  of  in»portance  which  I  desire  to  re- 
port from  the  Military  Committee.  I,  however, 
at  the  request  of  my  colleague  [Mr.  Garfield] 
will  yield  to  him,  hoping  thathe  will  not  wander 
off  so  as  to  consume  too  much  of  the  day. 
WILLIAM  ROLLMAN. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  am  instructed  by  the 
Military  Committee  to  report  back  the  petition 
of  William Rollman,  of  Baltimore,  Maryland, for 
compensation  for  property  destroyed  by  United 
States  troops.  The  committee  do  not  report  upon 
the  merits  of  the  case  for  or  against  it.     They  are 


8140 


THE  CONGRESSIOIS^AL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


of  the  opinion  that  in  the  present  condition  of  the 
country  they  cannot  pay  claims  of  this  character. 
I  move  that  the  petition  be  laid  on  the  tabic,  and 
the  committee  discharged  from  its  further  con- 
sideration. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

BERKS  COUNTY  ENROLLMENT. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  am  instructed  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs  to  report  back  the  pe- 
tition of  citizens  of  Berks  county,  Pennsylvania, 
asking  compensation  for  the  enrolling  officers  and 
their  clerks  for  their  services  in  that  county.  The 
substantive  matter  of  the  petition  has  been  at- 
tended to  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  petitioners.  I 
move  to  lay  it  on  the  table,  and  that  the  committee 
be  discharged  from  its  further  consideration. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ISAAC  HALLEN. 
;,  Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  am  instructed  also  by  the 
committee  to  report  back  the  petition  of  Isaac 
Hallen,  sergeant  major  of  the  Fourteenth  Illinois 
cavalry,  asking  further  compensation.  I  move  that 
it  be  laid  on  the  table  and  the  committee  dis- 
charged from  its  further  consideration. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

THOMAS  F.  BAYLEY. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  The  committee  also  in- 
struct me  to  report  back  the  memorial  of  Colonel 
Tliomae  Bayley,  of  the  United  States  volunteers, 
with  the  recommendation  that  it  be  laid  on  the 
table  and  tiie  committee  discharged  from  its  fur- 
ther consideration. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ENROLLMENT  ACT. 
Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  am  instructed  also  by  the 
committee  to  report  back  the  joint  resolutions  of 
the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Michigan  asking 
an  amendment  in  the  enrollment  act.  The  matter 
of  the  resolutions  having  been  acted  on  in  the 
enrollment  aot,  I  move  that  they  be  laid  on  the 
table  and  the  committee  discharged  from  their 
further  consideration. 

VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  am  also  instructed  to  re- 
port adversely  upon  the  petition  of  Ohio  volun- 
teers in  the  Mexican  war,  asking  for  compensa- 
tion. 1  move  that  the  papers  in  the  case  be  laid  on 
the  table,  and  the  accompanying  report  be  printed. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to.  , 

NATHAN  S.  BRINTON. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  am  also  instructed  to  re- 
port a  joint  resolution  for  the  relief  of  Major  Na- 
than S.  Brinton,a  paymaster.  I  will  state  briefly 
the  circumstances  on  which  the  resolution  is 
based.  This  paymaster  sailed,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  in 
the  steamer  Ruth,  with  $2,600,000  in  his  posses- 
sion. The  steamer  was  burned  eight  miles  below 
Cairo,  Illinois.  Tlie  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
sent  a  special  agent  to  the  scene  of  the  disaster; 
the  wreck  was  carefully  examined;  all  the  frag- 
ments of  notes  that  could  possibly  be  found  were 
obtained  by  the  means  of  divers;  a  guard  was 
placed  there  until  the  wreck  was  thoroughly 
searched;  and  finally,  to  make  the  destruction 
complete,  the  hull  was  blown  up.  The  te.stimony 
is  complete  and  satisfactory,  as  appears  in  the  pa- 
pers submitted  to  the  Committee  on  Military  Af- 
fairs, that  the  money  was  actually  destroyed.  No 
injury  will  accrue  to  the  Government  by  the  pas- 
sage of  this  resolution,  for  this  money  was  en- 
tirely destroyed. 

There  were  several  iron  safes  on  board  the 
steamer  when  she  sank.  The  money  in  those 
safes  was  not  entirely  destroyed,  but  it  belonged 
to  other  parties.  The  money  which  Paymaster 
Brinton  had  in  his  possession  was  contained  in 
three  wooden  boxes  which  were  placed  upon  the 
cabin  deck,  and  when  the  steamer  was  burned; 
thpy  fell  through  upon  the  coal  and  vvere  entirely 
and  completely  destroyed. 

The  evidence  on  all  of  these  points  is  clear  and 
satisfactory.  This  paymaster  is  charged  with 
the  money,  and  the  pending  joint  resolution  is 
submitted  by  the  Military  Committee  and  asked 
to  be  acted  on  for  the  purpose  of  placing  the 
amount  destroyed  to  his  credit.  A  report  was 
made  to  the  War  Department  on  the  subject,  and 
wpproved  by  the  Secretary,  relieving  this  pa-y- 
rptislur  from  all  blunie. 


Mr.  LE  BLOND.  I  do  hot  think  that  this 
joint  resolution  ought  to  pass  at  this  time,  and  I 
therefore  move  that  it  be  laid  on  the  table. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  do  not  yield  for  that  mo- 
tion. If  there  be  any  question  in  regard  to  the 
facts  I  will  be  glad  to  answer  it. 

Mr.  BOUT  WELL.  As  I  understand  the  joint 
resolution,  it  merely  proposes  to  credit  this  pay- 
master with  this  amount  of  money  which  is 
charged  against  him,  and  which  ithas  been  proved 
has  been  entirely  destroyed.  If  there  is  no  impu- 
tation against  his  honesty  I  do  not  see  why  that 
should  not  be  done. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  know  that  the  Department 
would  willingly  credit  this  amount  to  this  pay- 
master, but  they  have  not  the  power  to  do  so. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Wasnotsome 
of  this  money  recovered.' 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  Some  iron  safes,  were  upon 
the  steamer  belonging  to  other  parties,  and  some  of 
their  contents  were  recovered.  The  money  which 
was  in  wooden  box,es  belonged  to  Brinton.  They 
and  their  contents  were  destroyed. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Did  the  court 
of  inquiry,  of  which  Major  General  Hnnterwas 
president,  report  that  this  money  was  destroyed? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  It  did.  The  report  of  the 
special  agent  also  shows  that  it  was  destroyed. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  What  will 
be  the  eifect? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  MajorBrinton  has  receipted 
for  and  is  charged  with  $2,600,000,  and  this  joint 
resolution  simply  proposes  to  put  this  amount  to 
his  credit,  as  it  has  been  entirely  destroyed. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  Has  the  evidence  in  the 
case  been  reported .' 

Mr.  GARFIELD, 
to  the  comnnittee. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE. 

Mr.  GARFIELD. 


It  has  been  fully  presented 


Has  it  been  printed  ? 
The  report  of  the  court  of 
inquiry  has  been  printed,  and  in  the  report  of 
that  court,  of  which  Major  General  Hunter  was 
president,  this  paymaster  is  fully  relieved  from 
all  blame. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE.  Has  that  been  reported  to 
the  House? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  have  just  now  submit- 
ted it. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  At  v/hat  time  does  the  testi- 
mony show  that  this  fire  occurred  ? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  Before  light,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  5th  of  August. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  Does  the  testimony  show  that 
any  person  or  persons  were  in  charge  of  these 
boxes  when  the  fire  occurred? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  There  was  a  guard  of 
thirty  soldiers  over  the  safes  and  boxes  all  the 
time.     Five  soldiers  were  burned. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Was,.  Major  Brinton  on 
board? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  He  was,  and  barely  escaped 
with  his  life.  An  effort  was  made  to  save  these 
boxes,  and  four  or  five  soldiers  were  so  badly 
burned  that  they  afterwards  died.  The  fire  was 
not  discovered  until  it  had  made  great  headway 
and  burst  out  through  the  cabin  where  the  boxes 
were.  The  fire  enveloped  the  boxes  so  rapidly 
that  they  could  not  be  got  out,  and. five  soldiers 
lost  their  lives  in  the  attempt  to  do  so. 

Mr.  LE  BLOND,  l^  my  colleague  will  yield 
to  me,  1.  will  make  a  motion,  to  postpone  this  bill 
until  the  next  session. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  cannot  yield  for  syich  a 
motion.  .     ..     .   i     .   ,    " 

.  Mr.  LE  BLOND.  I  do  it  fair  this  rea^onf  the. 
evidence  has  not  been  printed,  and  we  do  hot 
understand  the  facts  connected  with  this  case 
fully,  as  has  been  disclosed  upon  the  examinatio.n 
made  by  the  military  authorities.  Under  such 
circumstances  we  cannot  understandingly  vote 
upon  the  proposition.  While  we  do  not  wish  to 
kdl  the  bill,  wc  do  not  wish  to  vote  to  cancel  that 
large  claim  against  this  individual  if  it  is  nut 
]5roper  that  it  should  be  done.  If  it  is  proper  it 
should  be  done  then  we  will  vote  for  the  bill 
when  the  proper  time  comes,  and  we  have  an  op- 
portunity to  examine  it.  I'  think  the  course  i 
propose  would  be  the  prudent  and  wise  one  to 
pursue  in  this  matter.  If  my  colleague  will  yield  to 
me  I  will  move  for  a  postponement  for  that  rea- 
son alone;  otherwise  1  shall  move  at  the  proper 
time  to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  If  there  was  any  reasonable 
doubt  of  the  justness  of  this  case  in  the  mind  of 


any  person  who  has  examined  it,  I  would  agree 
to  the  request  of  my  colleague.  But  there  is  not; 
and  I  am  sure,  if  my.coileague  would  read  the  re- 
port, all  doubt  would  be  removed  from  his  mind. 
I  demand  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  NOBLE.  I  desire  to  ask  my  colleague  a 
question. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  There  are  three  other  gen- 
tlemen asking  the  same  thing,  and  I  cannotyield. 

Mr.  NOBLE.  I  appeal  to  my  colleague  to  al- 
low me  to  ask  a  question  in  reference  to  the  evi- 
dence. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  We  have  so  many  other 
things  on  hand  that  I  cannot  yield. 

Mr.  NOBLE.     We  are  voting  in  the  dark. 

Mr.  STEVENS  called  for  tellers  on  seconding 
the  previous  question. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Mr.  Garfield  and 
Mr.  Le  Blond  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  45,  noes  62. 

So  the  House  refused  to  second  the  previous 
question. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  to  postpone  the  bill 
until  the  second  Tuesday  of  December,  and  that 
in  the  mean  time  the  testimony  of  the  court-mar- 
tial be  printed  with  the  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  post- 
poned. It  ought  not  to  be  postponed,  because  in 
the  mean  time  this  charge  embarrasses  the  officer. 
Fie  has  held  over  him  a  charge  on  the  books  of 
the  Department  to  the  amount  of  $2,600,000, 
when  the  clear  statement  of  the  commission  sent 
on  by  the  Department  shows  that  this  property 
was  on  board  at  the  time  of  the  burning,  and  was 
entirely  destroyed. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
Debate  is  not  in  order. 

The  SPEAKER.     The  Clerk  vyill.  read  from 
Barclay's  Digest,  page  134. 
•The  Clerk  read,  as  foUovvs: 

"  The  niotimi  to  postpone,  under  the  practice,  admits  of 
but  a  very  liaiitetl  debate." 

The  SPEAKER.  The  debate  must  be  con- 
fined to  the  propriety  of  postponing,  and  must 
not  extend  to  the  nierits  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Will  it  be  in  order  to  move 
to  refer  the  bill  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House  upon  the  Private  Calendar? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  motion  to  postpone 
takes  precedence  of  a  motion  to  refer. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  propose  to  make  the  motion 
so  that  the  report  may  be  printed,  and  we  may 
reach  the  case  this  session. 

The  SPEAKER.  That  motion  will  be  reserved 
until  the  motion  to  postpone  is  decided. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  On  the  motion  to  postpone 
I  have  a  word  to  say.  Here  is  a  man  against 
whom  there  is  not  the  least  whisperof  suspicion, 
and  yet  he  stands  charged  on  the  books  of  the ' 
Department  with  $2,600,000  on  account  of  an  acci- 
dent or  casualty  from  which  he  narrowly  escaped 
with  his  life.  The  property  has  all  been  destroyed 
and  yet  it  stands  charged  against  him.  That  em- 
barrasses him  and  renders  it  impossible  for  him 
to  settle  his  accounts,  while  it  is  necessary  for  him 
to  proceed  with  his  duties,  if  he  remains  in  tho 
service  at  all.  If  he  is  not  entitled  to  this  allow- 
ance, say  so.  If  he  is  entitled  to  it  give  him  the 
relief  at  this  time.  I  trust  this  great  injustice  will 
not  be  done  to  this  very  honest  man. 

Mr.  ARNOLD.  I  desire  simply  to  say  that  if 
we  had  all  had  the  opportunity  which  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania  has  had  of  examining 
this  case,  we  might  have  come  to  the  same  Con- 
clu.'=!ioii.  But  this  is  a  large  sum  of  money — 
5^2,600,000 — and  what  I  desire  is  that  the  evi- 
dence which  has  brought  the  gentleman  to  the 
conclusion  at  which  he  has  arrived  shall  be 
printed,  so  that  we  may  all  see  it  and  vote  intelli- 
gently, lam  unwilling  to  vote  to  credit  any  man 
with  $2,600,000  without  having  an  opportunity 
to  examine  the  evidence.  I  am,  therefore,  in 
favor  of  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa, 
[Mr.  Wilson,]  not  to  postpone  this  bill  until 
next  session,  but  to  refer  it  to  the  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  so  that  the  evidence  can  be  printed 
and  examined,  and  then  wecan  actupon  itatthis 
session. 

iMr.  STEVENS.  If  the  gentleman  will  look 
at  the  papers  in  this  case  he  will  find  that  the 
printing  will  be  a  very  laborious  and  voluminous 
thing.  A  commission  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment has  thoroughly  examined  the  case  ana  vo- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE; 


3141 


luminously  reported  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  destruction  of  this  money,  and  a  military  com- 
mission has  reported  that  this  officer  was  in  no 
way  to  bUime.     What  more  can  anybody  want  ? 

Mr.  FIOLMAN  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  motion  to  postpone  and  print. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided 
in  the  affirmative— yeas  69,  nays  66,  not  voting 
47;  as  follows: 

YEAS  — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen, 
Blair,  Bliss,  James  S.  Brown,  William  G.  Brown,  Clianler, 
Ambrose  W.Clark,  Freeman  Cliuke,  CoflVotli,  Cox,  Cra- 
vens, Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Eng- 
lish, Finck,  Ganson,  Grider,  Harding,  Harrington,  Benja- 
min G.  Harris,  Herrick,  Holman,  llotclikiss,  Hutcliins, 
Pliilip  Jolmson,  William  Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Law,  La- 
zear,  Le  Blond,  Mallory,  Marcy,  McDowell,  McKinney, 
M^ddleton,  William  H.  Miller,  James  R.  Morris,  Morrison, 
Nelson,  Noble,  John  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Price, 
Pruyn,  Radford.  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Robinson,  Rogers, 
B,oss,  John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles,  Stuart, 
Sweat,  Thomas,  Van  Valkenburgh,  Wadsworth,  Elihii  B. 
Washburne,Webster,  Whaley,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White, 
Joseph  W.  White,  and  Winfield— G9. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Allison,  Ames,  Anderson,  Arriold,  Ash- 
ley, Baily,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Bax- 
ter, Bean)an,  Blow,  Boutwell,  Boyd,  Broomall,  Cobb,  Cole, 
Thomas  T.  Davis,  Da:wes,r)eming,  Dixon,  Donnelly  ,Driggs, 
Eckley,  Eliot,  FarnsworthJ  Garfield,  Goocli,  John  U.Hub- 
bard,Hulburd,  Ingersoll,  Julian,  Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg, 
Knapp,  Kimx,  Loan,  Marvin,  MeBride,  McClurg,  Samuel 
F.  SHIler,  Moorhcad,  Daniel  IMorris,  Amos  Myers,  Leonard 
Myers,  Norton,  Charles  O'Neill,  Perhani,  Pike,  Pomeroy, 
Alexander  H.  P,ice,  John  M.  Rice,  Edward  H.  Rollins, 
James  S.  Rollins,  Schenek,  Scofiejd,  Shannon,  Sloan, 
Smithers,Stevens/niayer, Upson,  William  B.Washburn, 
Williams,  Wilder,  Wilson,  and  VVindoni — 66. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Alley,  Ancnna,  Blaine,  Bran- 
degee.  Brooks,  Clay,  Creswell,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Du- 
mont,  Fenton,  Frank,  Grinnell,  Griswold,  Hale,  Hall, 
Charles  M.  Harris,  Higby,  Hooper,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard, 
jenckes,  Kasson,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Kernan,  King,  Little- 
john,  Long,  Longyear,  McAllister,  Mclndoe,  Morrill,  Odell, 
Orth,  Patterson,  William  H.  Raniiall,  Scott,  Smith,  Spald- 
ing, Starr,  Stebbins,  Strcmse,  Tracy,  Voorhees,  Ward, 
Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridge,  and  Yea- 
man — i7. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 
:    Mr.  HOLMAN  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
•iby  which  tiie  motion  was  adopted;  and  also  moved 
Ko  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

LEGISLATIVE  APPROPRIATION  BILL. 

Mr.  PENDLETON.  1  rise  to  a  privileged 
question.  I  desire  to  make  a  report  from  the 
committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes 
of  the  two  Houses  on  the  bill  of  the  House  (No. 
192)  making  appropriations  for  the  legislative, 
executive,  and  judicial  expenses  of  the  Govern- 
ment for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865  The 
House  will  remember  that  a  report  was  made  by 
this  committee  some  days  ago,  and  that  that  re- 
port was  rejected.  But  the  House  concurretl  in 
all  the  recommendations  of  the  report  so  far  as 
action  by  the  House  was  concerned,  except  upon 
one  point.  The  Senate  have  already  receded  from 
.their  ninety-fourth  amendment  fixing  the  salary 
of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  which  the 
House  objected,  and  have  concurred  with  the  ac- 
tion of  the  House  in  all  other  particulars.  This 
report,  therefore,  recommends  no  action  by  the 
House. 

The  report  was  read,  as  follows: 

The  committee  of  conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of 
the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments  to  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
192)  making  appropriations  for  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judicial  expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1855,  and  for  other  purposes,  having  met,  after 
full  and  free  conference  have  agreed  to  recommend  and  do 
recommend  to  their  respective  Houses  as  follows  : 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  nintli  and  ninety- 
fourth  amendment. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  twenty-fifth  amendment 
ot  the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  Senate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  thirty-fourth  amendment 
of  the  Senate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That  the  Spnate  recede  from  their  disagreement  to  the 
amendment  of  the  House  to  the  ninetieth  amendment  of  the 
iSetiate,  and  agree  to  the  same. 

That'the  Senate  agree  to  tlfe  amendments  recommended 
_by  the  report  of  the  previous  conference  committee  to  the 
ninety-filth  amendment  of  the  Senate,  agreed  to  by  the 
■House. 

.  That  the  Senate  agree  to  the  amendments  of  the  House 
to  the  ninety-sixtil  amendment  of  the  Seriate  as  modified 
by  the  recommendation  of  the  previous  committee  ofoon- 
ference,  and  agreed  to  by  the  House. 

JOHN  SHERMAN, 
GARRETT  DAVIS, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 
GEORGE  H.  PENDLETON, 
WILLIAM  WINDOM, 
ORLANDO  KELLOGG, 
s  J^anagera  on  the  part  of  the  House, 


The  report  of  the  committee  of  conference  was 
agreed  to. 

Mr.  PENDLETON  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  report  of  the  committee  of  con- 
ference was  agreed  to;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the 
motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  rnotion  was  agreed  to. 

LIEUTENANT  WILLIAM  P.  RICUNER. 

Mr.  GARFIELD,  from  theCommittee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  back,  with  a  recommenda- 
tion that  it  do  pass,  bill  of  the  House  No.  121, 
for  the  relief  of  Lieutenant  William  P.  Richner, 
seventyrseventh  regiment  Ohio  volunteer  in- 
fantry. 

The  bill  directs  the  Secretary  of  War  to  cause 
to  be  paid  to  William  P.  Richner  the  pay  and 
emoluments  of  a  first  lieutenant  from  the  31st  of 
December,  1861,  to  the  31st  of  August,  1862. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  This  bill  passed  the  House 
at  the  last  session,  but  failed  in  the  Senate  for 
want  of  time.  The  case  is  briefly  this:  this  offi- 
cer was  appointed  by  the  Goyernor  of  Ohio  on 
the  31st  of  December,  1861,  as  a  lieutenant.  In 
conseOjUence  of  orders  from  the  War  Department 
thatany  person  who  had  resigned  his  commission 
should  not  be  eligible  to  be  mustered  in  and  re- 
commissioned  until  such  disability  was  removed, 
he  was  not  nnustercd  and  commissioned  until  the 
following  August.  But  he  performed  his  duties, 
and  actually  led  hiscompany  in  battle.  He  con- 
tinued to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office  until 
his  disabilities  were  removed,  and  he  was  mus- 
tered in.  The  Department  acknowledged  the 
justice  of  the  claim,  but  lacked  the  power  to  pay. 
I  referred  these  papers  to  the  War  Department, 
and  received  that  response.  It  is  a  perfectly  clear 
case,  and  I  hope  the  bill  will  pass. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

A  message  was  received  from  the  President  of 
the  United  States  informing  the  House  that  he 
had  approved  and  signed  bills  and  a  joint  resolu- 
tion of  the  following  titles: 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  40)  making  appropriations 
for  the  consular  and  diplomatic  expenses  of  the 
Government  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1865, 
and  for  other  purposes; 

An  act  (H.  R.  Noi  179)  concerning  lands  in 
the  State  of  California; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  217)  to  confirm  certain  du- 
ties of  land  in  the  State  of  Michigan; 

An  act  (li.  R.  No.  227)  granting,  lands  to  the 
State  of  Michigan  for  the  construction  of  certain 
wagon  roads  for  military  and  postal  purposes; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  relief  of  Rhoda 
Wolcott,  widow  of  Henry  Wolcott; 

An  act  (H.R.No.356)  requiring  proof  of  pay- 
ment of  duties  on  foreign  salt  before  payment  of 
the  allowances  provided  for  by  the  acts  of  July 
29,  1813,  and  March  3,  1819; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  486)  to  amend  an  act  to 
provide  a  temporary  government  for  the  Terri- 
tory of  Idaho,  approved  March  3,  1863; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  504)  to  authorize  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  to  sell  the  marine  hospital 
and  grounds  at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase 
a  new  site  and  build  a  new  hospital; 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  513)  to  detach  the  counties 
of  Calhoun  and  Branch  from  the  western  judicial 
district  and  annex  the  same  to  the  eastern  district 
of  the  State  of  Michigan; 

An  act  (H.  R.No.  521)  toaniendanactentitled 
"An  act  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  the  claims 
of  Pei'uvian  citizens  under  the  convention  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Peru  of  the  12th  of 
January,  1863,"  approved  June  1,  1864;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  47)  for  the  relief 
of  Rev.  W.  B.  Matchett. 

H.C.DEAHNA. 

Mr.  GARFIELD,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  a  joint  resolution  to  pro- 
vide for  the  claim  of  Colonel  Henry  Charles  De 
Ahna,  for  military  services;  which  was  read  a  first 
and  second  time. 

The  joint  resolution  was  read.  It  provides  au- 
thority to  the  accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury 
to  settle  the  accounts  of  Henry  Charles  De  Ahna, 
for  his  services  as  colonel  of  infantry,  in  active 
service,  and  that  he  be  considered  honorably  dis- 
charged from  the  military  service. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  1  do  not  desire  to  raise  a 
question  of  order  upon  that  bill  until  I  can  hear 


some  explanation  of  it;  and  I  will  not  until  I  can 
hear  from  the  gentleman  from  Ohio. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  There  is  a  very  volumin- 
ous report  in  this  case,  which  i  do  not  desire  to 
detain  tlie  House  with  the  reading  of,  and  1  will 
therefore  make  a  brief  statement  of  the  facts, 
This  officer  has  had  a  very  checkered  history  in 
connection  with  the  Army,  having  been  once  tried 
by  court-martial  under  General  Fremont  at  St. 
Louis,  and  sentenced  to  be  dismissed  fr'>m  the 
service.  But  the  record  of  the  court  liaviiig  been 
forwarded  to  Washington  was  annulled  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  as  being  an  illegally 
organized  court,  and  the  sentence  being  such  as 
he  did  not  approve.  Pie  was  then  ordered  back 
to  duty,  but  by  some  perverseness  by  the  officer 
there  in  command  he  was  ordered  back  again  to 
Washitigton.  He  was  again  ordered  back  to 
duty,  but  in  the  mean  time  his  regiment  was  mus- 
tered out  of  the  service,  and  he  was  dropped 
by  some  indirect  means  of  getting  him  out  of  the 
service.  He  was  then  nominated  by  the  Pres- 
ident as  a  brigadier.  His  case  was  favorably  re- 
ported upon  by  the  Military  Committee  of  the 
Senate,  but  just  about  the  time  his  nomination 
would  have  been  confirmed  a  telegram  was  sent  by 
an  officer  holding  a  high  command  in  the  West, 
recommendingthat  he  be  not  confirmed,  and  inti- 
mating that  there  were  some  very  grave  things 
against  him.  On  that  intimation  he  was  notcori- 
firmed.and  it  was  not  until  after  that  that  his 
payment  was  stopped.  Yet  he  has  not  been 
regularly  mustered  out  of  service,  and  possibly 
ought  to  be  paid  down  to  the  present  time.  But 
the  question  is  so  involved  in  orders  and  cross- 
orders  and  counter-orders  that  the  committee 
deemed  it  best  to  compromise  the  matter  by  re- 
porting in  favor  of  paying  him  not  quite  three 
fifths  of  the  amount  that  he  might  possibly  be 
entitled  to.  It  was  the  unanimous  conclusion 
of  the  committee  that  at  the  very  lowest  figure 
he  was  entitled  to  the  pay  of  colonel  for  one 
year.  The  resolution  is  so  drawn  that  the  ac- 
ceptance of  that  payment  by  him  will  waive  all 
his  military  claims  against  the  Government,  and 
that  was  considered  the  best  means  of  adjusting 
the  whole  matter. 

Mr.  FARNS WORTH.  I  a.'sk  my  colleague 
whether  this  officer  was  not  paid  up  to  the  time 
the  regiment  was  mustered  oitt.' 

Mr.  GARFIELD.     Yes,  and  after  that. 

Mr.  FARNS  WORTH.  Was  he  ever  in  battle? 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  do  notknow  that  he  was 
in  any  battle.  He  has  been  paid  by  theGovern- 
mentand  has  been  recognized  as  colonel  since  his 
regiment  was  mustered  out. 

Mr.  PARNSWORTH.  1  have  a  number  of 
cases  to  report  to  the  House  where  men  have 
served  as  volunteer  aids  or  in  other  capacities  in 
the  field,  without  being  mustered  in  or  legally 
appointed.  The  committee  has  directed  me  to 
report  back  all  of  them  adversely.  Certainly,  if 
these  men  who  were  actually  in  service  in  the 
field  are  not  entitled  to  pay,  this  man  is  entitled 
to  nothing  after  being  discharged  and  while  he 
was  not  in  the  service. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  hope  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  will  not  compel  me  to  go  into  the  whole 
history  ofthis  very  unpleasant  transaction,  which 
is  in  every  way  discrerlitable  to  some  officers  of 
the  Army.  I  regard  him  and  the  committee  re- 
gards him  as  a  man  who  has  been  very  grievous- 
ly wronged,  and  the  least  possible  recompense 
that  can  now  be  made  will  be  to  grant  him  tliis 
claim  and  settle  the  question  with  him. 

Mr.  NOBLE.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  made  an  appli- 
cation this  morning  to  have  an  officer  who  was 
wounded  at  the  Wilderness,  and  whose  company 
has  been  mustered  out,  continued  in  his  pay 
until  he  is  able  to  leave  his  bed.  .  Ho  is  severely 
wounded,  and  will  not  be  able  to  be  out  of  his  bed 
for  a  long  time  to  come.  I  was  informed  that 
there  was  no  rule  by  which  a  man  could  be  kept 
on  the  roll  after  the  discharge  of  his  company, 
and  I  was  referred  to  a  regulation  to  the  effect 
that  when  troops  are  mustered  out  of  service  all 
officers  and  men,  present  and  absent,  who  are 
entitled  to  be  discharged,  will  be  considered  as 
mustered  out  at  one  time  and  place,  except  pris- 
oners of  war,  who  will  be  considered  as  in  service 
until  their  arrival  in  a  loyal  State,  with  the  allow- 
ance of  time  necessary  for  them  to  be  returned  to 
their  respective  places  of  enrollment.  This  man 
whom  I  desired  to  liave  kept  on  the  rolls  for  a 


3142 


THE  COJyGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


few  weeks  only  has  been  in  actual  service  and 
has  been  wounded  in  the  service.  As  soon  as 
the  term  of  his  regiment  expires,  just  about  now, 
his  pay  stops,  and  yet  he  is  on  his  back,  and  will 
be  for  six  weeks  to  come.  Now,  if  that  man  is 
not  entitled  to  pay,  certainly  a  man  who  has  not 
been  in  the  service  and  is  not  wounded  is  not  en- 
titled. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  There  is  a  good  deal  of 
weight  in  what  my  colleague  says.  I  appreciate 
it,  and  I  agree  with  him.  At  the  same  time  the 
Government  has  given  no  pledge  to  the  officer  to 
whom  my  colleague  refers.  It  has  not  decided 
in  his  case  that  he  is  still  an  officer,  as  it  has  de- 
cided in  the  case  of  this  other  party.  I  put  this 
claim  on  the  ground  of  the  obligation  which  the 
Government  lias  undertaken  in  regard  to  this 
officer.  Whether  justly  or  unjustly  taken,  the 
Government  is  bound  to  discharge  the  obligation 
on  which  it  has  entered.  1  trust  the  resolution 
will  be  passed.     I  move  the  previous  question. 

The  SPEAKER  ordered  tellers  on  seconding 
the  previous  question,  and  appointed  IMessrs. 
Garfield  and  Farnsworth. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  46,  noes  49. 

So  the  previous  question  was  not  seconded. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  that  the  joint  resolu- 
tion be  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House  on  the  Private  Calendar. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  hope  the  report  will  be 
printed. 

The  joint  resolution  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  House  on  the  Private  Calen- 
dar, and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

ADVERSE   REPOIITS. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  from  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs,  reported  adversely  on  the 
following  cases;  which  were  severally  laid  on  the 
table: 

Memorial  of  citizens  of  Illinois,  praying  that 
hostilities  may  cease,  peace  be  restored,  and  a 
convention  of  all  the  States  be  called; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  417)  regulating  the  pay  of 
certain  officers  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States; 

Memorial  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  the 
Territory  of  Washington,  praying  for  an  appro- 
priation for  the  construction  of  a  road  from  the 
hend  of  navigation  on  Willopo  river  to  the  mouth 
of  Black  river; 

Petition  of  Joseph  S.  Griffin  and  sixty  others, 
citizens  of  Michigan,  praying  Congress  to  take 
measures  for  the  relief  of  the  wives  and  children 
of  freedmen,  &c.; 

A  bill(H.R.No.  271)  to  promote  the  efficiency 
of  chaplains  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  define  their  rank,  pay,  and  emoluments; 

Memorial  for  a  military  road  across  the  Cas- 
cade mountains; 

A  bill  (H.R.  No.  36i2)  for  the  payment  of  field 
officers  of  regiments  for  the  time  actually  em- 
plpyed  in  organizing  their  respective  regiments; 
and 

Sundry  petitions  relative  to  recruiting  without 
authority  of  law. 

MAJOR  MORRIS  S.  MILLER. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  from  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs,  reported  a  joint  resolution 
for  the  relief  of  Major  Morris  S.  Miller,  of  the 
quartermaster's  department;  which  was  read  a 
first  and  second  time. 

The  resolution  was  read. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  will  explain  the  joint 
resolution  in  a  few  words.  The  papers  in  the 
case  show  that  some  thirty-seven  thousand  dol- 
lars was  paid  by  Major  Miller  under  the  express 
order  of  the  then  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Q.uar- 
termasterGeneral.  This  money  was  paid  by  this 
officer,  and  this  resolution  will  not  take  anything 
out  of  the  Treasury.  By  some  decision  of  the 
Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  these  sums  were 
not  credited  to  Major  Miller,  and  they  stand 
charged  against  him  although  he  paid  them  under 
the  order  of  his  superior  officer.  This  legislation 
is  necessary  because  the  accounts  of  Major  Mil- 
ler cannot  be  reopened  without  an  act  of  Con- 
gress. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Is  there  anything  in  the  pa- 
pers which  accompany  the  joint  resolution  that 
will  show  the  ground  upon  which  the  Comptrol- 
ler refused  to  pass  this  claim  ? 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  think  that  that  is 
notchown. 


Mr.  WILSON.  I  think  that  there  ought  to  be 
something  in  the  papers  to  show  that. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  This  resolution  sim- 
ply authorizes  the  accounting  officers  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  reopen  the  accounts  of  Major  Miller  and 
credit  him  with  these  sums  which  he  paid  under 
the  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  If  he  had  re- 
fused to  pay  them  he  would  have  been  subject  to 
a  court-martial  for  disobedience  of  the  orders  of 
his  superior  officer.  I  demand  the  previous  ques- 
tion. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered;  and  under  the  operation 
thereof  the  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  en  - 
grossed  and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed, 
it  was  accordingly  read  the'third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed; 
and  also  moved  that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be 
laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PAYMENT  FOR  HORSES. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  from  the  same  com- 
mittee, reported  a  bill  to  amend  an  act  to  provide 
for  payment  for  horses  and  other  property  de- 
stroyed in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States, 
approved  March  3,  1849;  which  was  read  a  first 
and  second  time. 

The  bill  was  read. 

Mr,  FARNSWORTH.  The  object  of  this  bill 
is  to  supply  a  deficiency  in  the  act  of  1849.  That 
act  provides  for  paying  for  horses  lost  in  battle, 
or  which  die  afterwards  of  wounds,  or  which  may 
have  to  be  abandoned,  but  there  is  no  provision 
for  the  payment  for  horses  surrendered  to  the 
enemy  under  an  order  of  a  superior  officer.  A 
captain  who  is  commanded  by  his  colonel  to  sur- 
render loses  his  horse,  and  if  he  disobeys  the  or- 
der he  is  liable  to  be  court-martialed.  A  man  sur- 
renders his  horse  by  order  or  command  of  his 
superior  officer,  and  yet  under  the  act  of  1849  he 
gets  no  pay  for  it;  while,  if  his  horse  is  lost  by 
reason  of  wounds,  he  would  get  pay,  or  if  the 
Government  of  the  United  Stales  should  not  sup- 
ply sufficient  forage  and  his  horse  is  lost  in  con- 
sequence, he  would  get  pay.  I  demand  the  pre- 
vious question. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  hope  the 
gentleman  will  withdraw  the  demand  for  a  mo- 
ment. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.     I  will. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  There  was  a 
case  of  a  similar  kind  decided  differently  by  the 
committee.  It  referred  to  the  payment  of  horses 
of  a  regiment  which  surrendered  in  the  State  of 
Missouri  by  command  of  their  superior  officers, 
and  after  a  very  gallant  fight  too.  This  bill, as  I 
understand,  provides  for  the  payment  on  the  part 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  not  now 
merely,  but  from  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
for  horses  belonging  to  officers  and  privates  which 
were  surrendered  by  command  of  their  superior 
officers.  I  know  the  Department  disapproves  of 
any  such  law  as  that.  I  have  a  letter  from  one  of 
the  officers  in  the  Treasury  Department  which  I 
send  to  the  Clerk's  desk  to  be  read. 

The  letter  was  read,  as  follows: 

Treasury  Department, 
Third  Auditor's  OpricE,  Decem5er  29,  1862. 

Sir  :  I  have  the  honor  to  letuni  licrewitli  the  claims  of 
sundry  members  oftlie  lirst  Illinois  cavalry  for  the  alleged 
loss  of  their  horses  and  equipage,  surrendered  by  Colonel 
Mulligan  at  Lexington,  Missouri,  which  you  left  Willi  me 
yesterday.  In  reply  to  your  inquiry  as  to  the  dif$culty  in 
the  way  of  settling  their  claims  for  horses,  slated  to  have 
been  lost  in  consequence  of  said  surrender,  I  have  to  say 
that  cases  for  losses  accruing  by  the  surrender  of  commands, 
or  where  individual  officers  or  soldiers  have  been  taken 
prisoner  and  subsequently  iheir  horses  taken  from  then, 
liave  been  temporarily  laid  aside  in  view  of  some  doubt  as 
to  whether  the  law  embraced  casesof  that  description,  and 
also  for  the  reason  that  it  was  in  fact  impossible  to  act  on 
the  cases  clearly  embraced  in  the  law  as  fast  as  they  were 
filed  in  this  office. 

The  law  provides  compensation  for  the  loss  of  a  horse  in 
battle,  or  wounded  in  battle,  and  which  has  died  or  shall 
die  of  said  wounds,  &c.,  &c.,  and  where  said  loss  is  with- 
out any  fault  or  negligence  on  the  part  of  the  owner.  But 
it  has  been  doubted  vvhethei  Congress  intended  to  pay  for 
losses  arising  from  voluntary  surrender  or  where  the  de- 
privation of  the  property  resulted  from  the  act  of  the  owner 
himself  or  the  officer  in  command. 

So  far  the  indemnity  has  been  confined  to  cases  of  horses 
killed  in  battle,  or  wounded,  and  dying  in  consequence  of 
the  wound,  except  in  a  few  cases  of  officers  disabled  by 
wounds,  and  of  surgeons  who  underorders  were  compelled 
to  remain  on  the  field  to  attend  to  the  wounded  and  were 
taken  prisoners  and  thereby  lost  their  horses.  It  is,  per- 
liaps,  difficuU  to  draw  the  line  of  distinction ;  but  it  seems 


to  me  that  to  allow  all  cases  of  losses  by  surrender  would 
be  to  open  the  door  to  claims  not  meritorious  nor  vvilliin 
the  intent  of  the  law.  As  a  general  rule  officers  and 
mounted  meji  take  the  risk  of  loss  of  their  horses  as  one  of 
the  incidents  of  the  service,  the  former  funiishing  their 
own  horses  as  part  of  the  necessary  equipments,  and  the 
latter  receiving  a  money  allowance  of  forty  cents  per  day 
for  the  use  and  risk  of  their  horses. 

The  act  of  the  3d  of  March,  1849,  assumes  the  loss  in  the 
cases  specified  therein,  and  this  office  has  endeavored  to 
construe  it  strictly,  leaving  cases  otherwise  occurring  for 
future  legislation  If  deemed  proper  by  Congress. 

If  it  be  understood  that  officers  or  men,  by  permitting 
themselves  to  be  taken  prisoners  in  an  action  or  without 
any  combat  at  all,  become  entitled  to  reclamation  from  the 
Government  for  the  losses  sustained,  it  is  not  unreasonable 
to  suppose  that  advantage  will  be  taken  of  such  an  induce- 
ment which  would  operate  injuriously  alike  to  the  service 
and  to  the  public  Treasury. 

I  have  thus  briefly  stated  some  oftlie  points  involved  in 
these  and  other  cases  of  like  character.  1  will  add  tliat  in 
my  late  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  [  have  re- 
ferred to  the  cases  arising  under  this  law  as  worthy  the  at- 
tention of  Congress.  They  are  becoming  very  numerous, 
anci  upon  the  strictest  construction  of  the  act  will  involve 
a  large  amount  of  money.  I  respectfully  suggest  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  petitions,  and  a  reference  to  the  Commit- 
tee on  Military  AfTairi,  which  will  thus  appropriately  bring 
the  matter  before  Congress.  If  it  be  desired  to  extend  the 
privileges  of  the  law  so  as  to  embrace  cases  of  surrender,  a. 
short  declaratory  enactment  would  accomplish  the  object 
and  relieve  this  office  from  ihe  difficulties  above  suggested. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.J.  ATKINSON, 
.  Auditor. 
Hon.  William  Kellogg, 

House  of  Representatives,  Washington,  D.  C, 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  must  resume  the 
floor. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  hope  the 
resolution  will  be  laid  on  the  table. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  This  matter  addresses 
itself  to  the  common  sense  and  justice  of  every  man. 
Ifa  company  of  privates  are  ordered  by  their  supe- 
rior officers  to  surrender  their  horses,  they  should 
get  pay  for  them  as  much  as  they  would  if  they 
were  injured  in  battle.  You  need  not  pay  any- 
thing to  the  officers  who  order  the  horses  to  be 
surrendered,  and  thus  take  away  all  inducement 
to  rriake  such  an  order.  If  an  inferior  officer 
loses  his  property  in  accordance  with  the  order 
of  his  superior  officer,  he  ought  to  be  paid.  I 
move  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  move  to  lay 
the  bill  on  the  table. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  called  for  tellers. 

Tellers  were  not  ordered. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  bill  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  move  the  previous 
question  upon  the  passage  of  the  biil. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed; and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MESSAGE  FROM  TUE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
their  Secretary,  informed  the  House  that  the  Sen- 
ate had  passed  an  act  (S.  No.  319)  to  authorize 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  issue  a  land  war- 
rant to  Richard  Fitch,  of  Ohio; 

Also,  that  the  Senate  had  passed,  with  amend- 
ments, a  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  11)  in  rela- 
tion to  the  claim  of  Carmack  &  Ramsey; 

In  which  bills  and  amendments  the  concurrence 
of  the  House  was  requested. 

VETERINARY  SURGEONS. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  from  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  reported  a  bill  to  regulate  the 
rank,  pay,  and  emoluments  of  veterinary  surgeons 
of  cavalry  regiments;  which  was  read  a  first  and 
second  time  by  its  title.' 

The  bill  provides  that  from  and  after  the  pas- 
sage of  this  bill  veterinary  surgeons  of  cavalry 
regiments  shall  have  the  rank,  pay,  and  emolu- 
ments of  a  second  lieutenant  of  cavalry,  and  that 
they  be  appointed  and  commissioned  in  the  same 
manner  as  other  commissioned  officers  of  such 
regiment. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  the  previous 
question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3143 


operation  thereof  the  bill  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  FARNS  WORTH  demanded  tellers  on  the 
passage  of  the  bill. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Hotchkiss 
and  Wheeler  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  63,  noes  32. 

Mr.  WILSON  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.  FA  RNSWORTH  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved 
to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

OFFICERS  OF  INDIAN  REGIMENTS. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH,  from  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs,  reported  back,  with  an  amend- 
ment in  the  nature  of  a  substitute,  joint  resolu- 
tion of  the  House  No.  23,  for  the  relief  of  tlie 
officers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  Indian  regiments, 
appointed  and  commissioned  by  the  War  Depart- 
ment and  mustered  out  of  service  without  pay. 
The  substitute  was  read.  It  directs  the  proper 
accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury  to  adjudicate 
and  settle  the  claims  of  those  officers  of  the  fourth 
and  fifth  Indian  regiments  who  were  commis- 
sioned by  the  WarDepartment  and  accepted  their 
appointment,  for  such  time  as  they  or  either  of 
them  were  actually  performing  duty  other  than 
as  recruiting  officers  of  said  regiments,  and  to  pay 
such  claims  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury 
tiot  otherwise  appropriated;  provided,  however, 
that  no  compensation  shall  be  allowed  but  the  pay 
and  emoluments  incident  to  the  respective  rank 
of  the  several  officers. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  will  state  that  this 
case  was  handed  to  me  by  my  colleague  on  the 
Military  Committee  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Mc- 
Allister] when  he  left,  with  the  request  that  I 
would  make  the  report  to  the  House.     It  has 

Fassed  through  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
t  is  a  matter  with  which  I  am  not  personally 
very  familiar.  The  gentleman  stated  that  it  was 
all  right.  ,, 

The  substitute  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  would 
like  to  ask  the  gentleman  what  is  the  aggregate 
amount  of  money  appropriated  by  this  bill.' 

Mr.  DAILY.  I  am  very  well  acquainted  with 
the  facts  in  this  case. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  do  not 
dispute  the  facts.  1  ask  only  as  to  the  aggregate 
amount. 

Mr.  DAILY.  It  will  be,  perhaps,  three  or 
four  thousand  dollars  for  all  the  officers. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
amount  seems  to  be  exorbitant  for  eighty  men. 

Mr.  WILDER.  These -officers  were  mustered 
out  of  service  without  pay,  and  this  is  a  just  claim. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed; 
and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider 
on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  to  amend  the 
title  so  as  to  read:  "Joint  resolution  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  officers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  Indian 
regiments." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  to  re- 
consider the  vote  by  which  the  amendment  to  the 
title  was  agreed  to;  and  also  moved  to  lay  the  mo- 
tion to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

LOSS  OF  HORSES. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  was  discharged 
from  the  further  consideration  of  a  resolution  re- 
ferring certain  papers  relative  to  the  loss  of  horses 
by  the  first  Illinois  cavalry;  and  the  same  was  laid 
on  the  table. 

MAJOR  A.  SCHWARTZ. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  same  committee  v^ras  discharged  from  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  petition   of  Major  A. 
Schwartz;  and  the  same  was  laid  on  the  table. 


JOSIAII  M.   CHRISTY. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  same  committee  was  discharged  from  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  petition  of  Josiah  M. 
Christy,  sutler  to  the  twenty-eighth  regiment 
Pennsylvania  volunteers;  and  the  same  was  laid 
on  the  table. 

THOMAS  II.  MILLER, 

On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  same  committee  was  discharged  from  the 
further  consideration  of  the  petition  of  Thomas 
H.  Miller  to  be  allowed  his  pay  while  serving 
in  the  United  States  Army ;  and  the  same  was  laid 
on  the  table. 

COMPENSATION  OF   PAYMASTERS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  same  committee  was  discharged  from  tho 
further  consideration  of  the  petition  of  certain 
paymasters  and  paymasters' clerks  for  compen- 
sation; and  the  same  was  laid  on  tlie  table. 
SUBSTITUTE  BROKERS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  same  committee  was  discharged  from  the 
further  consideration  of  a  resolution  instructing 
the  committee  to  inquire  what  further  legislation 
is  necessary  to  prevent  substitute  brokers  from 
purchasing  substitutes;  and  the  same  was  laid 
on  the  table. 

A.  G.  ABEL. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  was  discharged 
from  the  further  consideration  of  the  petition  of 
A.  G.  Abel  for  his  relief;  and  the  same  was  laid 
on  the  table. 

PERCENTAGE  ON  COMMUTATION  MONEY. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan, 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  was  discharged 
from  the  further  consideration  of  the  resolution 
of  the  House  instructing  the  committee  to  inquire 
into  the  expediency  of  providing  a  percentage  to 
collectors  for  receiving  commutation  money; and 
the  same  was  laid  on  the  table. 

J.  M.  LANDER. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  I  am  instructed 
by  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  to  report  a 
bill  for  the  relief  of  J.  M.  Lander,  widow  of  Gen- 
eral F.  W.  Lander,  deceased.  The  case  is  a  very 
meritorious  one,  but  under  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances I  think  I  should  allow  it  to  go  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  House  on  the  Private  Cal- 
endar, and,  with  the  papers  accompanying,  be 
printed. 

The  bill  was  accordingly  read  a  first  and  sec- 
ond time,  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House  on  the  Private  Calendar,  and,  with  the 
accompanying  papers,  ordered  to  be  printed. 

ROCK  ISLAND  BRIDGES. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  ODELL,  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs  was  discharged  from  the  further 
consideration  of  the  resolution  of  the  House  in- 
structing the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  to 
inquire  into  the  expediency  of  purchasing  the 
bridges  at  Rock  Island ;  and  the  same  was  laid  on 
the  table. 

JAMES  LINDSAY. 

Mr.  ODELL,  from  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs,  reported  a  bill  for  the  relief  of  James  Lind- 
say, which  was  read  a  first  and  second  time.  The 
bill  directs  the  proper  accounting  officers  of  the 
Government  to  settle  with  the  claimant  for  three 
mountain  howitzers,  caisson,  harness,  &c.,  which 
by  order  of  General  Fiske,  commanding  United 
States  forces,  were  turned  over  to  the  United 
States;  provided  that  the  payment  shall  not  ex- 
ceed the  sum  of  |874  35. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  to 
hear  an  explanation  of  that  bill. 

Mr.  ODELL.  The  applicant  in  this  case  was 
the  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  Missouri  militia 
which  was  ordered  by  the  Government  into  ser- 
vice, prior  to  which  he  had  purchased  and  paid 
for  these  three  mountain  howitzers  at  a  cost  of 
about  ^875.  When  theregiment  went  outof  ser- 
vice the  three  guns,  caissons,  &c.,  were  kept  by 
the  Government.  The  Go vernment  has  had  them 
in  use  ever  since,  and  I  believe  have  them  now. 
This  is  a  claim  to  pay  him  for  the  cost  of  the  guns. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Is  the  cost 
of  the  guns  shown  by  competent  testimony? 


Mr.  ODELL.  The  applicant  presented  his 
claim  for  $1,000.  The  iiialtcr  was  referred  to  me 
by  the  committee.  I  asked  Mr.  Lindsay  forevi- 
dence  in  relation  to  his  claim.  He  furnisiipd  the 
evidence  of  Mr.  Filley,  of  St.  Louis,  who,  as  I  am 
told  by  gcnilomon  who  know  him,  isa  man  who.se 
word  is  good  for  any  statement  he  mny  make, 
and  his  evidence  was  that  the  claim  was  a  just 
one;  that  the  claimant  purchased  the  guns  for  the 
amount  of  about  eight  hundred  and  seventy-five 
dollars,  and  that  they  have  been  efficient  and  useful 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  I  think  the  bill 
ought  to  pass,  and  I  move  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  read 
a  third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  was  accord- 
ingly read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  ODELL  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to 
lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CASSIUS  M.  CL.A.Y  GUARDS.  /^.j, 

Mr.  ODELL.  I  have  now  a  report  to  make 
to  the  House  somewhat  remarkable  in  its  char- 
acter, and  I  ask  the  attention  of  members  to  it.  I 
am  instructed  by  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  to  report  adversely  on  the  petition  of 
Henry  F.  Johns  and  others  for  relief.  This  is 
an  application  for  compensation  for  a  company 
of  gentlemen  who  organized  themselves  as  the 
Cassias  M.  Clay  Guards  about  the  time  the  re- 
bellion broke  out.  A  number  of  gentlemen  who 
happened  to  be  in  the  city  at  that  time  organized 
themselves  into  a  company,  which  was  stationed, 
I  believe,  at  Willard's  Hotel,  and  this  applicatioti 
is  for  the  pay  of  thatcompany.  It  is  due  to  many 
of  the  gentlemen  whose  names  are  on  this  roll 
to  say  that  they  have  no  part  in  this  matter,  and 
I  make  this  statement  so  that  if  the  matter  should 
ever  come  up  again  its  character  may  be  under- 
stood. There  are  on  the  rolls  the  names  of  some 
gentlemen  now  members  of  this  House,  of  others 
who  are  now  ministers  abroad,  and  others  occu- 
pying prominent  positions  all  over  the  country. 
One  gentleman,  a  member  of  this  House — and  as 
I  am  asked  who  he  is,  I  presume  he  has  no  ob- 
jection to  my  stating  it;  1  refer  to  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  [Mr.  Littlejohn] — has  author- 
ized me  to  say  that  he  had  no  part  in  making 
this  application.  My  judgmentand  the  judgment 
of  the  committee  is  that  this  is  very  palpably  a 
job  to  get  compensation  for  services  that  were  of 
no  value  whatever.  A  majority  of  these  claim- 
ants repudiate  the  matter  entirely.  I  move  that 
the  paper  be  laid  on  the  table. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ENROLLMENT  LAW. 

Mr.  SCHENCK,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  reported  a  bill  to  further  regulate 
and  provide  for  the  enrolling  and  calling  out  the 
national  forces. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  bill  will  be  read  a  first 
time  for  information. 

The  bill  was  read. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  object 
to  the  second  reading  of  the  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  Thequestion  then  is,  "Shall 
the  bill  be  rejected .'" 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  propose  to 
submit  a  brief  explanation,  to  which  1  desire  to 
call  the  attention  of  members  of  this  House  be- 
fore they  shall  proceed  to  so  decided  a  vote  as 
that  which  is  now  demanded  either  for  or  against 
the  rejection  of  this  bill.  I  understand  a  propo- 
sition to  reject  the  bill  at  this  stage  to  mean  this: 
that  if  a  bill  be  of  such  a  character  that  it  is  not 
proper  to  be  entertained,  that  it  is  incapable  of 
amendment  to  put  it  into  a  shape  so  as  to  render 
it  acceptable,  it  then  becomes  necessary  to  reject 
it  before  it  comes  to  a  second  reading. 

What  is  it  that  is  proposed  here  to-day.'  The 
President  of  the  United  States,  seeing  as  he  must 
the  necessity  for  having  men  and  not  money  only 
with  which  to  carry  on  this  war  against  the  rebels, 
and  finding  the  present  existingenroUment  act  does 
not  produce  men  by  a  draft,  because  of  the  various 
circumstances  attending  that  enrollment,  such  as 
commutation  and  substitution,  and  other  things 
which  intervene  to  prevent  the  procuring  of  men, 
has  sent  to  the  House  a  message  and  communi- 
cated a  report  from  the  Secretary  of  War  on  this 
Bubject,  inclosing  also  a  letter  from  the  Provos» 


3144 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


Marshal  General,  Brigadier  General  Fry,  all  rec- 
ommending a  repeal  of  the  commutation  clause. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  ask  to  have  those  papers 
vead,as  they  have  been  printed  an4  very  generally 
read.-  They  will  be  found  in  Executive  Docu- 
ment No.  97  of  this  session. 

It  appears  from  the  facts  there  disclosed  that 
drafting  is  insufTicient  to  procure  men,  and  as  we 
have  to  have  men  they  are  only  to  be  supplied 
by  making  a  law  more  stringent,  and  at  the  same 
time  with  such  provisions  as  not  to  make  the  law 
distasteful  to  the  people. 

IMr.  Speaker,  I  may  add  to  what  is  communi- 
cated by  the  President  a  single  illustration  in  a 
case  that  has  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs.  In  the  fourth  district 
of  Maryland  it  was  necessary,  under  the  law,  to 
draft  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-three 
men.  In  one  of  the  subdivisions  of  that  district, 
Frederick  City,  where  their  proportion  was  one 
hundred  and  sixty-nine,  they  exerted  themselves 
and  raised  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  volunteers 
by  offering  inducements  to  bring  in  men,  thus 
saving  themselves  from  the  draft.  Tliey  con- 
sisted mostly  of  colored  men,  obtained  from  the 
city  of  Baltimore.  Oftheremainingnumbersub- 
ject  to  draft  in  that  district  but  fifty-one  men  were 
secured.  The  others  were  able  to  raise  the  $300 
commutation.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars  were  received  in  the  way  of  commuiation 
money,  and  only  fifty-one  soldiers  were  .secured 
for  service  in  the  ArrAy;  the  others,  as  1  have 
said,  having  paid  commutation  money.  This 
is  an  example  of  the  present  law,  and  under  the 
amendment  which  we  adopted  at  this  session, 
and  which  was  thought  to  add  to  its  etringcncy, 
and  would  remove  the  evils  complained  of. 

Now,  sir,  while  this  bill,  at  first  glance,  may 
be  considered  a  most  stringent  enactment,  yet 
when  you  come  to  consider  it  as  a  whole,  taking 
one  part  with  another,  as  a  new  system  to  be 
adopted,  there  will  not  be  found  that  hardship 
which  might  be  supposed. 

The  first  section,  following  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  President,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and 
the  Provost  Marshal  General,  repeals  the  com- 
mutation clause  and  provides  that  no  money  shall 
be  received  in  lieu  of  military  service.  But  if  you 
repeal  the  commutation  clause,  and  leave  it  open 
to  persons  to  get  rid  of  the  obligations  of  military 
service  by  furnishing  a  substitute,  those  who  are 
able  to  pay  any  price  for  substitutes  will  run  up 
the  market  of  substitutes  so  that  poor  men  will 
be  compelled  to  go  themselves  because  they  have 
lost  the  protection  of  the  ^300  clause. 

And  here  1  remark  that  none  are  more  clam- 
orous to  retain  it  than  the  veiy  gentlemen  on  the 
other  side  of  the  House  who  saw  in  it,  when  it 
was  enacted,  nothing  but  oppression,  wrong, and 
injury  to  the  poor  man.  The  truth  is  that  so  far 
as  the  |300  clause  operates  it  operates  to  the  pro- 
tection of  men  of  limited  means,  and  therefore  I 
say  that  if  you  repeal  it  and  go  no  further  you 
leave  them  a  right  to  complain  that  you  run  up 
substitutes  in  the  market  so  as  to  make  it  impos- 
sible for  them  to  obtain  substitutes  and  compel 
them  to  go. 

Seeing  the  difficulty,  the  committee  go  one  step 
further,  and  in  the  second  section  propose  to  re- 
peal the  provision  allowingsubstitutes  to  be  taken. 
In  doing  that  they  make  this  exception,  that  a 
man  may  furnish  a  substitute,  provided  that  sub- 
stitute be  of  his  own  family — brother,  father,  or 
son — following  in  this  respect  the  system  adopted 
in  a  number  of  foreign  countries  where  they  have 
become  aufait  in  matters  of  filling  up  armies  by 
draft. 

But  there  is  a  reason  for  this  exception.  Per- 
haps gentlemen  would  prefer,  if  there  are  to  be 
no  substitutes,  there  should  be  no  exceptions  at 
all,  and, that  the  whole  provision  allowing  sub- 
stitutes should  be  repealed.  If  a  man  is  thrown 
upon  the  necessity  of  bringing  in  a  substitute,  if 
the  opportunity  is  opened  to  him  of  obtaining 
ihat  substitute  from  any  source  whatever,  there 
is  presented  a  case  where  a  man  of  means  will 
have  the  advantage  over  others.  The  committee 
therefore  propose  to  limit  it  so  that  no  man, 
whether  a  man  of  means  or  not,  whether  rich  or 
poor,  shall  in  any  case  get  rid  of  furnishing  a 
substitute  unless  he  be  one  of  his  own  blood.  He 
must  answer  either  by  himself  or  by  his  family 
to  this  ooligation  of  military  service  which  rests 
upon  every  good,  loyal  citizen  of  the  cuLiutry. 


But  this  v/ould  still  leave,  it  mp-y  be  supposed, 
some  hardship,  and  much  hardship,  and  therefore 
the  committee  proposes  two  other  sections,  pal- 
liating, removing,  or  softening  down  what  would 
otherwise  be  considered  the  stringent  character 
of  that  clause.  By  the  third  section  it  is  provided 
that  the  draft  need  not  be  for  the  whole  three 
years,  but  that  the  President,  in  his  discretion, 
may  make  a  draft  for  a  less  time,  yjrovideJ  it  shall 
not  be  for  less  than  one  year.  It  is  ciaimed  by 
the  War  Department  that  they  have  now  under 
the  existing  law  the  right  to  draft  for  less  time 
than  three  years  or  during  the  war.  But  the  com- 
mittee have  thought  it  proper  to  remove  all  doubt 
upon  the  subject  and  to  define  the  power  of  the 
President,  if  he  has  not  already  that  discretion, 
by  conferring  that  power  upon  him,  provided  he 
does  not  go  below  one  year. 

Having  made  that  provision,  they  advance  to 
the  fourth  section,  which  seems  to  me  to  finish 
out  the  system  of  which  the  first,  second,  and 
third  sections  were  only  a  part,  and  to  make  it 
no  grievous  hardship. upon  any  loyal  citizen  to 
comply  with  the  obligations  and  duties  under  this 
bill.  A  man  is  not  permitted  to  commute  for^SOO, 
and  cannot  send  a  substitute  except  one  of  his 
own  family.  But  a  draft  may  be  brought  dovirn 
to  one  year.  The  committee  then  go  on  to  pro- 
vide by  section  four  that  whenever  the  President 
calls  for  a  draft  he  may,  at  the  same  time  that  he 
gives  notice  of  a  day  when  the  draft  is  to  take 
place,  notify  the  people  of  the  country  that  vol- 
unteers will  be  accepted  up  to  that  day  in  lieu  of 
drafted  men,  and  that  those  volunteers,  according 
to  the  character  of  the  call,  may  be  for  one  or  two 
or  three  years,  and  that  every  township  and  every 
election  district,  every  county  where  not  subdi- 
vided, shall  be  permitted  to  make  up  its  quota  by 
volunteers. 

Now,  let  me  ask  gentlemen  what  would  be  the 
effect  of  that  provision  .'  Its  effect  would  be  to 
make  the  whole  people  of  the  township  or  county 
a  sort  of  mutual  aid  society,  to  make  every  man 
who  has  any  means  interested  in  having  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  volunteers  obtaitied  in  order  to 
fill  up  thequotaof  his  county  or  township.  Every 
man,  no  matter  how  wealthy  or  how  poor,  will 
be  equally  interested  in  having  the  quota  filled  up, 
and  as  a  matter  of  course  it  is  to  the  advantage 
of  those  who  have  the  least  means,  because  the 
man  of  the  greatest  wealtii  must  see  that  the  full 
quota  is  made  up,  or  if  not  he  is  as  liable  to  be 
drafted  as  any  other  person,  and  must  go  himself 
or  send  one  of  his  own  family.  Thus  it  is  that 
all  objection  that  might  be  made  by  men  of  lim- 
ited means,  because  of  the  cutting  off  of  the  com- 
mutation, is  taken  away,  and  every  man  in  a 
county  or  township,  or  in  a  ward  in  a  city,  as  the 
case  may  be,  is  incorporated  into  a  mutual  aid 
society  to  take  care  that  nobody  is  drafted. 

Then  again  there  is  this  additional  inducement 
held  out,  that  vi^hatever  volunteers  are  obtained 
to  fill  up  the  quota  of  a  district  ai'e  credited  to  the 
district,  and  they  receive  a  bounty  for  volunteer- 
ing for  one  year  of  ^100,  for  two  years  of  §200, 
and  for  three  years  of  $300.  Thus  the  Govern- 
ment holds  out  an  inducement  to  help  these  men  ! 
in  the  mutual  aid  society.  They  can  offer  what- 
ever other  inducements  they  please, and  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  have  been  very  liberal  in  this 
regard  all  over  the  land,  and  doubtless  will  be 
again.  They  have  this  bounty  offered  by  the 
Government  as  part  of  a  fund  to  go  upon,  and 
they  may,  if  it  becomes  necessary,  add  to  it,  but 
they  must  secure  volunteering  lo  the  full  extent 
of  their  quota,  or  the  wealthiest  man  in  the  com- 
munity may  be  required  to  go  and  cannot  get  off. 

But  it  may  be  asked,  what  is  the  necessity  for  a 
draft?  Simply  this:  the  draft  organizes  a  system 
and  serves  as  a  stimulus  on  the  one  side,  while 
the  bounty  held  out  furnishes  an  inducement  on 
the  other;  and  thus  whipped  forward  one  way  and 
drawn  forward  in  another,  my  word  for  it  the 
people  will  generally  get  their  township  or  dis- 
trict or  ward  out  of  the  scrape  by  furnishing  a 
sufficient  number  of  volunteers.  If  they  do  not, 
it  is  admitted  that  somebody  must  go,  atid  the 
provisions  of  this  bill  are  such  that  that  somebody 
is  just  as  likely  to  be  the  man  who  considers  him- 
self to  be  at  the  top  of  the  market  as  the  man  in 
the  most  humble  circumstances. 

The  two  other  sections  of  this  bill  are  designed 
to  remedy  defects  in  tlie  working  of  the  present 
la  A'.     Undei  the  old  enioUment  act,  when  a  draft 


was  made,  they  drew  fifty  per  cent,  more  nnraea 
from  the  box  than  th-e  number  required  to  fill  the 
quota,  in  order  to  make  up  for  deficiencies  from 
exemptions.  Under  a  construction  given  to  the 
present  law  by  the  Provost  Marshal  Gerieral  they 
now  only  draw  the  exact  number  they  want, 
and  thus  have  to  keep  on  drawing  to  fill  the 
places  of  all  who  may  be  exempted,  having  no 
margin  to  go  upon.  The  War  Department  asks 
that  we  shall  go  back  to  what  the  law  was  a  year 
ago,  and  the  fifth  section  provides  for  that. 

In  regard  to  the  sixth  section,  I  will  say  that 
great  impositions  are  sometimes  practiced,  and 
there  is  always  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in  comput- 
ing the  traveling  expenses  of  each  drafted  man  to 
the  place  of  rendezvous.  It  may  be  ten  dollars,  or 
only  fifty  cents,  or  twenty-five  cents,  and  an  im- 
mense amount  of  auditing  and  examination  is  ne- 
cessary for  these  extremely  small  accounts  all  over 
the  country.  Instead  of  that,  it  is  proposed  that 
thfe  Government  itself  shall  furnish  and  pay  for 
the  transportation,  which  can  generally  be  done 
by  railroad,  and  not  trouble  these  people  to  pay 
their  own  expenses,  and  then  have  theiraccounts 
audited  and  settled  afterwards.  That  is  a  defect 
in  the  present  law  which  is  sought  to  be  amended. 

The  main  features  of  this  bill  will  be  found, 
however,  in  the  first  four  sections  v/hich  I  have 
attempted  to  explain  to  the  House,  and  which  I 
hope  are  distinctly  understood.  '-•• 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Does  the  gentleman  fr6||^ 
Ohio  intend  the  call  the  previous  question.'      "'" 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  shall  have  no  objectioti 
to  the  suggestion  of  any  reasonable  amendments, 
and  I  would  not  think  of  calling  the  previous 
question  or  of  hurrying  this  matter  at  all  butfor 
the  fact  that  we  are  in  the  last  days  of  the  sescion, 
and  tlie  passage  of  some  bill  of  this  character  is 
of  vital  importance. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  'It  is  not 
my  design  to  follow  the  argument  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Ohio  in  reference  to  the  necessity  or 
propriety  of  the  passage  of  this  bill.  I  shall  con- 
fine myself  to  two  material  points  involved. 

Mr. 'SCHENCK.  I  have  not  yielded  the  floor. 
I  Ihoughtthegentlemanfrom  Pennsylvania  want- 
ed to  make  some  inquiry.  '■;     ,'''V 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  lehbught 
the  gentleman  was  through. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  am  willing  to  yield  fW 
any  suggestion  or  reasonable  amendment.       ■  '''- 

Mr.  COFFROTH.  If  Ihegentlemanfrom  Ohio 
will  permit  me,  I  would  like  to  ask  him  a  question 
as  to  the  fourth  section  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire  to 
know  whether  I  am  in  order.  ■  ■        ■  ■- 

The  SPEAKER  ^ro  iew;)ore,  (Mr.  STMvEJ^sin 
the  chair.)  The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
[Mr.  Randall]  has  "the  floor. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  inquire  of  theChair  when 
I  yielded  the  floor. 

The  SiFEAKER  pro  tempore.     Some  minutes 


Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  have  not  been  off  ray  feet, 
and  v/as  about  calling  the  previous  question  ort 
concluding.  But  I  said  I  would  yield  toany  mem- 
ber who  desired  to  ask  a  question  or  to  make  a 
suggestion. 

The  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  Before  that  the 
gentlemnn  had  stopped,  and  the  Chair  did  not 
know  whether  he  intended  to  begin  again. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.     I  did  not  yield  the  floor. 

The  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  The  gentleman 
stopped., 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  rounded  a  period,  perhaps. 
[Laughter.]  But  I  never  stopped,  and  nev«r  in- 
tended to.     [Laughter.]  ,  V        ' 

The  SPEAKER,  pro  tempore.  If  the  gentleman 
says  he  did  not  intend  to  yield,  he  still  retains 
the  floor. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.     I  did  not. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire 
to  know  whether  the  gentleman  intends  to  call  the 
previous  question  on  tliis  bill, 

Mr.  SCHENCK.     Yes,  sir.      ' 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  think 
that,  under  the  decision  of  the  Speaker,  I  have 
the  floor. 

The  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  sup- 
posed that  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  had  concluded 
his  remarks  and  yielded  the  floor;  but  he  says 
that  he  had  only  stop|ied,  intending  to  renew  his 
remarks';  inid  the  Gliuir  lalces  his  word  for  if. 

Mr.   HOLMAN.     I  suppose   the  gentleman 


1864. 


THE  COJSrGRESSIOISrAL  GLOBE. 


3145 


from  Ohio  will  yield  for  amendments  to  the  bill. 
I  desire  to  submit  an  aratndment. 

Mr.  SCFIENCK.  1  have  no  disposition  to 
hurry  the  matt(M-,  except  on  the  simple  ground 
of  its  bein^"  a  vital  matter. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  know 
it  is  vital,  and  hence  we  should  discuss  it. 

Mr.  SGHENCK.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania [Mr.  Coffroth]  desires  to  ask  me  some 
question  about  the  fourth  section. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
ir  this  bill  is  not  before  the  House,  no  question 
'[;an  be  asked  about  it,  and  no  amendments  offered. 

The  SPEAK ERp?-o  tempore.  No  amendments 
can  be  proposed,  but  questions  may  be  asked. 

Mr.  COFFROTH.  1  desire  to  ask  the  gentle- 
Bian  from  Ohio  a  single  question.  The  fourth 
.section  provides  that  volunteers  shall  be  accepted 
in  lieu  of  such  drafted  men  prior  to  the  day  ap- 
pointed for  the  draft.  Suppose  A  is  enrolled  and 
subject  to  draft,  can  he  at  any  time  .prior  to  the 
time  of  the  draft  being  made,  put  in  a  substitute 
who  is  not  liis  father,  brother,  or  son,  and  be  re- 
leased .' 

;,    Mr.  SCHENCK.     No,  sir;  but  he  can  assist 
his  neighbors  to  fill  up  the  quota  of  the  district. 

Mr.  COFFROTH.  Then,  as  I  understand  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio,  no  substitutes  can  be  put 
in,  and  the  only  way  to  escape  the  draft  is  by 
raising  the  quota  of  the  town  or  township. 

Mr.SCHENCK.  Thatis  thejdea— todoaway 
with  commutation. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  1  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
I  wish  to  know  in  what  stage  the  bill  now  is? 

The  SPEAKER  j7'ro  ie)npo?-e.  The  motion  is 
to  reject  the  bill. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  May  I  inquire  who  made 
that  motion  ? 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  j  objected 
to  the  bill. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Then  untjuestionably  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio  was  not  entitled  to  the  floor. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire 
•to  know  whether  my  objection  to  the  bill  did  not 
give  me  the  floor  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio. 

The  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  It  would  not 
give  the  gentleman  the  floor  as  long  as  the  gen- 
tleman from  Ohio  said  he  was  only  pausing. 

Mr.  RANDALL, ofPennsylvania.  And  where 
^,4oes  the  effect  of  my  objection  come  in? 
„  The  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  The  gentleman 
'from  Ohio  had  the  floor  when  1  took  the  chair, 
and  was  making  his  speech  without  objection. 
It  is  too  late  to  object  now. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  think 
I  have  yielded  nothing.  - 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Objection  was  made  to  the 
second  reading  of  the  bill,  and  the  Speaker  then 
occupying  the  chair  decided  that  the  motion  to 
be  put  was  to  reject  the  bill.  I  ascertained  from 
him  that  the  motion  was  debatable,  stating  that 
I  did  not  wish  so  important  a  motion  to  be  put 
without  some  exrilanation. 

The  SPEAKER  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  Will 
state  that  the  member  reporting  a  bill  has  the 
right  to  the  floor  upon  it,  no  matter  what  motion 
may  be  made  in  reference  to  it. 

Mr.SCHENCK.  1  move  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  ask  the  gentleman  to  al- 
low me  a  very  few  minutes  to  show  why  the  bill 
ought  to  be  rejected. 

Mr.SCHENCK.  You  can  do  that  some  other 
>tinie. 

f'  Mr.  MALLORY.     If  the  motion  prevails  there 
"Will  be  nothing  left  to  discuss. 

Mr.  SGHENCK.  If  the  motion  prevails,  the 
gentleman  will  have  accomplished  his  purpose 
without  a  speech. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  desire  to  know  whether,  if 
the  motion' shcill  not  prevail,  the  bill  will  be  open 
for  amendment  ?  ' 

Mr.  SCHENCK.      It  will.     I  stated   in   the 

outset  that  1  proposed  to  allow  opportunity  for 

amendment,  and  1  insist  on  my  demand  for  the 

previous  question. 

',.    The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 

••main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

Mr.  STILES  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative— yeas  75,  nays  75,  not  voting, 32;  as 
follows;  ■ 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  G.  Alieit.VVillwiu  J.  AUeiv,  Ameb, 


Ancona,  Daily,  Augustus  C.  B.ildwin,  Bliss,  Brooks,  James 
S.  Brown,  Cliaiiler.  ColTidlli,  Cox,  Cravfiiis,  Dawson,  Deni- 
Kon,  Eden,  Ed^jenon,  Eldrid!,'e,  Englisli,  Finck,  Giiiison, 
Griditr,  Giiswoid,  [larding,  Harriiii;t(jn,  (ienjaniin  G.  Har- 
ris, Merrick,  Ilotclikiss,  llnU'liins,  l'l)ili|)  Jolnisuii,  William 
Johnson,  Knlbflriscli,  Kaapp,  Law,  Lnzear,  Lc  Blond, 
Mallory,  Marcy,  McDowell.  McKinncy,  IVIJddl('ton,Wiiriam 
H.  Miller,  Daniel  Morris,  James  R.Morris,  P/Iorrison,  Nel- 
son, Noble,  Odcll,  Jolni  O'Neill,  Pendleton,  Pt^rry,  Pruyn, 
R;idford,  Samuel  J.  jiandall,  Roliinson,  Rogers,  James  S. 
Rollins,  Ross,  Scofield,  Scott,  John  B.  StccFe,  William  G. 
Steele,  Stevens,  Stiles,  StrOuse,  Stuart,  S\v<!af,Wadsworth, 
Ward,  Webster,  Whaley,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White, 
Joseph  W.  White,  and  Winfiekl— 75. .. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Alley,  Arnold,  Ashley,  John  D.  Baldwin, 
Baxter,  Beaman,  Blaine,  Blnir,  Blow,  BoutWell,  Boyd, 
Broomall,  William  G.  Brown,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Freeman 
Clarke,  Cobb,  Cole,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dawes,  Deming, 
Dixon,  Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  Farnsvvorth,  Fen- 
ton,  Frank,  Ganield,  Goocli,  Ifigby,  Hooper,  Asahel  W. 
Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hulbnrd,  Ingersoll,  Julian, 
Kasson,  Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan,  Long- 
year,Marvin,McClurg,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorliead, Mor- 
rill Amosftlyers,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  Charles  O'Neill, 
Orlh,  Patterson,  Perham,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Price,  John  II. 
Ricp,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  Schenck,  Shannon,  Sloan, 
Smithers,  Thayer,  Thomas,  Tracy,  Upson,  Van  Valken- 
burgh,  Eliliu  li.  VVashburne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Wil- 
liams, Wilder,  Wilson,  and  Windom — 75. 

NOT  VOTING— -^lessrs.  Allison,  Anderson,  Brando- 
gee.  Clay,  Creswell,  Mnnry  Winter  Davis,  Dumont,  Grin- 
nell.  Hale,  Hall,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Holman,  Jenckes,  Or- 
lando Kellogg,  Kernaii,  King,  Littlejohn,  Long,  McAllister, 
McBride,  Mclndoe,  William  H.  Randall,  Alexander  H. 
Rice.  .Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Voorhees,  Benja- 
min Wood,  FernandoVVood,VVoodbridge,  and  Yoaman — 32. 

The  SPEAKER  voted  in  the  negative. 
So  the  bill  was  not  rejected. 

During  the  call  of  the  roll, 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  stated  that  Mr. 
Kernan  had  paired  with  Mr.  Allison. 

Mr.  McBRlDE  stated  that  he  had  paired  with 
Mr.  Hall. 

The  bill  was  then  read  a  second  time. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Is  the  bill  now  open  for  amend- 
ment? 

The  SPEAKER.     It  is. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  obtained 
the  floor. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I  ask  the  gentleman  to  yield 
to  me  for  a  moment  for  the  purpose  of  submit- 
ting an  amendment. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  will 
yield  to  the  gentleman  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  I  move  to  atnend  by  striking 
out  the  first  and  second  sections,  and  upon  that 
I  wish  to  make  a  few  remarks. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Do  I  understand  that  I  am 
not  entitled  to  the  floor? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio 
did  not  claim  the  floor,  and  the  Chair  awarded  it 
.to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  rose  instantly  when  the 
vote  v/as  announced. 

The  SPEAIOER.  The  Chair  did  not  observe 
the  gentleman,  or  ho  would  have  awarded  him  the 
floor  as  the  member  reporting  the  bill. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  The  sections  which  I  have 
moved  to  strike  from  the  bill  are  as  follows,  and 
I  ask  the  attention  of  the  House  while  I  read 
them,  as  I  wish  every  gentleman  on  this  floor  to 
understand  their  full  scope  and  purport.  The 
bill  has  been  so  recently  placed  on  our  desks  that 
gentlemen  may  have  neglected  to  observe  its 
provisions: 

Be  it  cnacleil  hy  the  Senate  atid  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  Jli:'>  erica  in  Congress  nssemhled.  That 
so  much  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act  tor  enrolling  and  call- 
ing out  the  natioiial  forces,  and  for  other  purposes,"  ap- 
proved March  3,  1863,  and  of  the  several  acts  amendatory 
thereof,  as  provides  for  a  eomniulation  in  miniey,  to  be 
paid  by  persons  enrolled  or  drafted  for  military  service,  in 
lieu  of  actually  rendering  such  military  service,  be,  and 
the  same  is  hereby,  repealed  ;  and  hereafter  no  payment  of 
money  shall  be  accepted  or  received  by  the  Government  to 
release  any  enrolled  or  drafted  man  from  obligation  to  per- 
form military  duty. 

Sec.  2.  Jind  be  it  further  enacted,  That  hereafter  no  per- 
son shall  be  received  or  accepted  to  serve  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  as  a  substitute  for  any  other  persmi  liable 
to  military  duty  and  who  may  have  been  enrolled  or  drafted 
for  that  purpose,  unless  sueii  substitute  be  the  father, 
brother,  or  son  of  the  person  so  enrolled  or  drafted,  and  for 
Whom  he  proposes  to  become  such  substitute. 

This  stringent  and  unprecedented  measure  is 
called  for,  Mr.  Speaker,  by  the  Provost  Marshal 
General,  upon  the  assumption  that  the  conscrip- 
tion law  as  it  exists  now  cannot  be  made  an  ef- 
fective agency  in  recruiting  the  ranks  of  the 
Army.  Upon  this  point,  and  it  is  the  really  vital 
point  in  the  cotitroversy,  I  take  issue;  and  I  beg 
the  attention  of  the  House  while  I  review  and 
analyze  the  facts  and  figures  ptesenied  in  the  let- 


ter of  the  Provost  Marshal  General  upon  which 
the  proposed  legislation  is  founded'. 

The  re.sulta  of  the  draft  in  eight  districts  are 
given,  and  they  may  be  very  briefly  summed  up 
"^  fofews:  the  total  number  of  men  examined 
was  14,741,  of  whom  7, OIG  were  exempted  under 
the  law  for  phy.':ical  disability  and  other  cau.ses. 
This  was aboutfifiy  per  cent.,  not  higher  than  the 
average  of  exemptions  in  all  cases  of  draft  in  this 
war  and  in  former  wars.  The  number  thus  left 
liable  to  service  was  7,725,  and  this  was  the  total 
number  that  could  bo  held  if  the  pending  bill 
should  become  a  law.  The  actual  result  was  that 
2,675  men  entered  the  service  in  person  or  by  sub- 
stitute, and  5,050  paid  the  commutation  fee.  Thus 
the  Department  got  something  more  than  one 
third  of  all  the  men  liable  to  service,  and  in  ad- 
dition received  more  than  a  million  and  a  half  of 
dollars  in  money,  which  can  be  applied  to  the 
paj'ment  of  bounties  for  volunteers.  This,  then, 
was  the  net  result  of  the  draft  in  the  eight  districts 
so  much  complained  of.  And  I  presume,  sir,  the 
Provost  Marshal  General  exhibited  the  worst  dis- 
tricts from  which  returns  had  been  made;  and  in 
saying  this  I  do  not  mean  to  imply  any  unfair- 
ness on  the  part  of  that  able  officer,  but  simply 
that  he  desired  and  intended  to  present  his  case 
in  the  strongest  possible  light. 

Now,  sir,  taking  the  facts  as  we  find  them,  I 
submit,  as  a  matter  of  common  sense  and  sound 
judgment,  that  if  the  draft  is  kept  running  in  all 
the  districts  of  the  United  States  with  the^yprecise 
average  result  attained  in  the  eight  districts  re- 
ferred to  more  men  will  be  obtained  for  the  Army 
than  could  be  hoped  for  under  the  rigorous  law 
that  is  now  proposed.  I  do  not  think  there  is  a 
sensible  man  on  this  floor — and  we  are  all  sensi- 
ble men — who  believes  that  the  Government,  in 
the  exercise  of  the  most  ordinary  prudence,  would 
proceed  to  carry  out  a  compulsory  draft  of  the 
kind  now  proposed  without  taking  the  precaution 
to  distribute  a  strong  military  force  to  maintain 
order  at  the  various  points  where  the  experience 
of  the  past  admonishes  us  that  disloyal  demon- 
strations and  riotous  proceedings  might  be  antici- 
pated. And  admitting  this  much,  sir,  I  ask  any 
gentleman  if  he  presumes  that  this  law  would 
have  the  effect  to  produce  men  in  as  rapid  a  ratio 
as  the  demand  for  them  would  be  enhanced  by  its 
enforcement?  For  myself  I  am  free  to  confess 
my  belief  that  you  would  not  raise  enough  addi- 
tional men  to  supply  the  police  force  that  would 
be  required  at  the  headquarters  of  the  conscription 
districts  in  certain  sections  that  might  be  named. 

I  do  not  speak  in  this  way,  sir,  because  of  any 
apprehension  of  disloyal  conduct  in  my  own  dis- 
trict or  State.  The  sentiment  of  Maine  is  loyal 
to  the  core,  and  she  has  shown  her  loyalty  by 
complying  with  patriotic  readiness  to  all  demands 
thus  far  made  upon  her  for  soldiers  to  recruit  the 
Army,  or  for  sailors  to  man  the  Navy.  But  I 
might  well  ask  in  this  coimection  why  a  State 
that  has  been  forward  among  the  foremost  in  the 
discharge  of  every  duty  should  have  her  citizens 
subjected  to  so  harsh  a  measure  as  that  now  pro- 
posed ?  At  least  let  us  have  recreancy  alleged, if 
not  proved,  before  we  proceed  to  impose  "  pains 
and  penalties"  upon  communities  and  States  that 
have  never  yet  failed  or  faltered  in  responding  to 
all  demands  made  upon  their  patriotism  and  their 
valor.  Do  not,  1  pray  you,  by  any  action  here 
proclaim  to  the  world  that  you  have  no  faith  in 
the  loyal  people  of  the  United  States.  Do  not 
allow  it  to  appear,  even  by  implication,  that  the 
people  need  to  be  goaded  and  driven  into  the  sup- 
port of  the  "people's  war" — a  war  waged  for 
"  the  rights  of  the  people,"  and  which  can  only 
be  supported  by  the  willing  hearts  and  the  strong 
arms  of  the  loyal  citizens  of  this  country,  and 
which  vjill  be  supported  by  them  until  the  object 
for  which  the  contest  was  undertaken  is  fully  and 
finally  achieved. 

A  conscription  is  a  hard  thing  at  best,  Mr. 
Speaker,  but  the  people  of  this  country  are  yia- 
triotically  willing  to  submit  to  one  in  this  great 
crisis  for  the  great  cause  at  stake.  There  is  no 
necessity,  however,  for  making  it  absolutely  mer- 
ciless and  sweeping.  I  say  in  my  judgment  there 
is  no  necessity  for  making  it  so,  even  if  there 
were  no  antecedent  question  as  to  the  expediency 
and  |)racticability  of  the  measure.  I  believe  the 
law  as  it  stands,  allowing  commutation  and  sub- 
stitution, is  suflicienlly  effective  if  judiciously  en- 
forced,    it  will  raise  a  large  number  of  men  by 


3146 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


its  direct  operation, and  it  will  secure  a  very  large 
amount  of  money  with  which  to  pay  bounties  to 
volunteers. 

Mr.  KELLOGG,  of  Michigan.  The  gentle- 
man from  Maine  has  forgotten  that  the  \i^  now 
prohibits  the  Secretary  of  War  from  paying  any 
more  $300  bounties. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  No,  I  am  aware  of  that;  but 
it  will  be  very  easy  for  us  to  change  the  law  in 
that  respect  and  give  the  Secretary  the  requisite 
authority,  much  easier,  I  think,  than  you  will  find 
it  to  pass  the  pending  bill.  If  the  tv/o  hundred 
districts  in  the  loyal  States  were  gone  through 
with,  arriving  at  results  no  better  than  the  aver- 
age of  the  eight  districts  presented  by  the  Provost 
Marshal  General,  the  result  would  be  the  enlist- 
ment of  nearly  seventy  thousand  men  and  the 
securing  of  $40,000,000  for  bounties. 

Mr.  ODELL.  I  vwuld  call  the  attention  of 
the  gentleman  from  Maine  to  the  fact  that  in 
the  draft  he  gives  the  result  of  only  the  number 
of  men  required  were  placed  in  the  wheel,  and  not 
fifty  per  cent,  in  addition  as  provided  in  the  first 
law  enacted;  hence  there  was  the  greater  force  in 
his  statement. 

The  present  law  now  under  discussion  pro- 
vides for  the  addition  of  fifty  per  cent,  in  future 
drafts. 

Mr.  BLAINE.  Precisely;  that  fact  adds  so 
much  to  the  truth  and  the  strength  of  what  I  said, 
and  I  am  much  obliged  to  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  for  the  suggestion.  His  remark  brings 
to  my  mind  a  statement  which  I  may  as  well 
make  in  this  connection.  On  the  vote  taken  a  few 
minules  since,  on  the  motion  of  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  "to  reject  the  bill,"  I  voted 
with  the  prevailing  side  in  the  negative;  and  I  did 
so  because,  in  my  judgment,  all  the  sections,  ex- 
cept those  which  1  have  moved  to  strike  out, 
should  be  passed,especially  those  sections  which 
allow  the  drafting  of  men  for  one  year  and  au- 
thorize anew  the  addition  of  fifty  per  cent,  to  the 
number  directed  to  be  drawn.  And  if  my  mo- 
tion to  amend  by  striking  out  the  first  two  sec- 
tions shall  prevail,  I  shall  then  cordially  support 
ail  the  remaining  provisions  of  the  bill. 

As  I  occupy  the  floor  by  the  courtesy  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  and  as  I  agreed 
to  limit  my  remarks  to  fifteen  minutes,  1  have 
no  time  to  go  into  a  full  discussion  of  the  many 
issues  presented  by  the  bill  under  consideration. 
1  have  been  able  only  to  glance  very  hurriedly  at 
one  of  the  main  points  of  the  question,  and  with 
that  I  must  leave  it.  Before  taking  my  seat,  how- 
ever, I  cannot  refrain  from  asking  gentlemen 
around  me  whether  in  their  judgment  the  pend- 
ing measure,  if  submitted  to  the  popular  vote, 
would  receive  the  support  of  even  a  respectable 
minority  in  any  district  in  the  loyal  States?  Just 
let  it  be  understood  that  whoever  the  lot  falls  on 
must  go,  regardless  of  all  business  considerations, 
all  private  interests,  all  personal  engagements,  all 
family  obligations;  that  the  draft  is  to  be  sharp, 
decisive,  final,  and  inexorable,  without  commu- 
tation and  without  substitution,  and  my  word  for 
it  you  will  create  consternation  in  all  the  loyal 
States.  Such  a  conscription  was  never  resorted 
to  but  once,  even  in  the  French  empire  under  the 
absolutism  of  the  first  Napoleon;  and  for  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  to  attempt  its  en- 
forcement upon  their  constituents  is  to  ignore  the 
first  principles  of  republican  and  representative 
Government. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire  to 
call  the  previous  question,  but  before  doing  so  I 
will  yield  to  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  for  a 
word. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  I  ask  the  gentleman,  before 
he  calls  the  previous  question,  to  permit  me  to 
'pffer  an  amendment. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  yield  to 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  who  wishes  to  say 
a  word. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  wish  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment in  the  nature  of  a  proviso  to  the  first  sec- 
tion of  the  bill. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  do  not 
yield  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  ask  to  have  the  amendment 
read. 

The  amendment  was  read,  as  follows: 

Frouided,  however,  That  before  any  general  draft  shall 
licreufter  be  made  the  President  of  the  Uniwd  States  shall, 
by  partial  draft,  in  such  Slates  as  have  not  furnished  llieir 


1" 


full  quota  of  men,  raise  the  necessary  number  of  men  to 
equalize  the  number  furnished  by  the  several  States,  ac- 
cording to  their  respective  quotas,  excluding  from  the  com- 
putation all  such  persons  as  have  obtiiined  exemption  by 
the  payment  of  $300,  and  making  the  actual  number  of  men 
furnished  the  basis  of  the  equalization. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  do  not 
yield  for  that  amendment. 

Mr.  CHANLER.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  to  yield  to  me. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Certainly. 

Mr.  CHANLER.  My  object  in  rising  to  speak 
to  this  bill  is  chiefly  to  draw  the  attention  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs 
to  the  fact  that  when  the  present  bill,  which  he 
seeks  now  to  amend,  was  before  the  House  a 
short  time  since,  a  strong  appeal  was  made  to 
him  to  repeal  the  conscription  act,  upon  the  state- 
ment that  it  had  been  a  failure,  and  that  it  would 
continue  to  be  a  failure  as  a  means  of  enrolling 
and  calling  out  the  national  forces.  The  chair- 
man himself  now  comes  forward  and  acknowl- 
edges that  it  is  a  failure.  Notonly  does  the  chair- 
man speak  for  himself  and  his  committee  on  this 
point,  but  he  adds  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
War  to  the  number  of  those  who  declare  the  con- 
scription act  a  failure;  and  that  no  doubt  may 
rest  on  the  mind  of  the  country  as  to  the  utter 
failure  of  this  once  sovereign  remedy  for  all  our 
losses  ,we  are  referred  to  Executive  Document  No. 
97,  on  this  subject.     It  is  as  follows: 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

I  have  the  honor  to  submit  for  the  consideration  of  Con- 
gress a  letter  and  inclosure  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  with 
ray  concurrence  in  the  recommendation  therein  made. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
Washington,  D.  C,  June  8, 1864. 

Wah  Department, 
Washington  City,  June  7, 1864. 

Sir:  1  beg  leave  to  submit  to  you  a  report  made  to  me 
by  the  Provost  Marshal  General,  showing  the  result  of  the 
draft  now  going  on  to  fill  the  deficiency  in  the  quotas  of 
certain  States,  and  recommending  a  repeal  of  the  clause 
in  the  enrollment  act  commonly  known  as  the  $300  clause. 
The  recommendation  of  the  Provost  Marshal  General  is 
approved  by  this  Department,  and  I  trust  that  it  will  be 
recommended  by  you  to  Congress.  The  recent  successes 
that  have  attended  our  arms  lead  to  the  hope  that,  by  main- 
taining our  military  strength,  and  giving  itsuchan  increase 
as  the  extended  field  of  operations  may  require,  an  early 
termination  of  the  war  may  be  attained.  But  to  accom- 
plish this  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  efiicient.  means  be 
taken,  with  vigor  and  promptness,  to  keep  the  Army  up  to 
its  strength,  and  supply  deficiencies  occasioned  by  the 
losses  sustained  by  casualties  in  the  field.  To  that  end 
resort  must  be  had  to  a  draft;  but  ample  experience  has 
now  shown  that  the  pecuniary  exemption  from  service  frus- 
trates the  object  of  the  enrollment  law  by  furnishing  money 
instead  of  men. 

An  additional  reason  for  repealing  the  $?00  clause  is, 
that  it  is  contemplated  to  make  the  draft  for  a  compar- 
atively short  term.  The  burden  of  military  service  will 
therefore  be  lightened,  but  its  certainty  of  furnishing  troops 
is  an  absolute  essential  to  success. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
To  the  President. 

War  Department, 
Provost  Marshal  General's  Office, 
Washington,  June  6,  1864. 
Sir  :  In  accordance  with  the  amended  enrollment  act 
approved  February  24, 1864,  and  your  orders  on  the  subject, 
1  am  now  conducting  a  draft  in  various  sub-districts  for 
their  respective  deficiencies  on  quotas  of  troops  heretofore 
assigned.    The  results  of  this  draft,  so  far  as  shown  by 
reports  to  this  date,  are  worthy  of  attention.    They  are 
briefly  as  follows : 

Number  of  drafted  men  examined 14,741 

Number  exempted  for  physical  disability....  4,374 
Number  exempted  for  all  other  causes 2,632 

Total  exempted 7,016 

Number  paid  commutation  money 5,050 

Number  who  have  furnished  substitutes. . . .  1,416 

Number  held  for  personal  service 1,259 

(This  last  includes  some  who  may  yet  pay 
commutation  money.) 

Total  not  exempted 7,725 

These  reports  come  from  sub-districts  in  eight  different 
States.  I  invite  your  attention  to  the  small  proportion  of 
soldiers  being  obtained  under  the  existing  law.  I  see  no 
reason  to  believe  that  the  Army  can  be  materially  strength- 
ened by  draft  so  long  as  the  $300  clause  is  in  force,  nor  do 
I  think  it  safe  to  assume  that  the  commutation  paid  by  a 
drafted  man  will  enable  the  Government  to  procure  a  vol- 
unteer or  substitute  in  his  place.  I  do  not  think  that  large 
bounties  by  the  United  States  should  be  again  resorted  to 
for  raising  troops.  I  recommend  that  the  $300  clause,  as 
it  is  known,  be  repealed. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  B.  FRY, 
Provost  Marshal  General. 
Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War, 

And   notwithstanding   the  provision  of   the 


Constitution  which  provides  fully  for  furnishing 
troops  and  fitting  out  the  armies  of  the  Union  in 
a  time  of  insurrection,  the  chairman  of  t!ie  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Afl^airs  ]icrsistontly,  and  in  the 
grasping  spirit  of  centralization,  although  fimliiig 
the  whole  -system  of  the  draft  a  failure,  rather 
than  abandon  what  will  lead  to  a  military  despot- 
ism, now  brings  thisamendment  into  the  Mouse, 
and  under  the  specious  plea  that  he  is  going  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  people,  that  he  is 
going  to  remedy  the  evils  of  a  draft,  lie  presses 
more  earnestly  than  before  a  measure  rnorc  ob- 
jectionable than  the  first. 

It  gives  to  the  President  not  only  the  power 
under  which  he  lias  been  acting  heretofore,  but  it 
gives  him  the  right,  whenever  he  may  choose,  to 
call  for  an  additional  draft,  and  by  this  amend- 
ment, to  use  the  language  of  the  eloquent  and  hu- 
mane gentleman,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs,  the  people  are  whipped  on  the 
one  side,  and  tempted  on  the  other.  It  is  a  force 
measure,  brought  forward  under  the  \cvy  worst 
auspices,  and  apparently  with  the  very  worst  in- 
tentions, and  consequently  cannot  fail  to  produce 
the  most  fatal  result  to  the  representative  system 
of  this  Government. 

In  this  connection  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  call  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  a  joint  resolution  which 
lies  over  under  objection,  but  which  will  be 
brought  forward  again  by  the  Administration,  in- 
creases the  commutation  from  §300  to  §400,  with 
an  additional  provision  that  black  men  may  be 
used  as  substitutes,  thereby  seeking  to  induce  the 
white  race  to  surrender  the  power  of  the  sword 
and  bayonet  into  the  hands  of  the  black.  Under 
that  or  a  similar  resolution,  and  by  virtue  of  the 
practical  working  of  this  bill,  I  believe  the  armies 
of  this  country  will,  in  the  course  of  time  not  far 
distant,  be  composed  of  a  majority  of  blacks,  or- 
ganized into  a  military  system  under  the  control 
of  the  Executive,  to  continue  thic  war  for  polit- 
ical purposes.  The  whole  country  may  become 
one  scene  of  carnage  and  civil  strife  to  gratify  the 
Executive  will,  whether  of  the  present  incumbent 
or  any  other  adventurer.  Such  will  be  the  effect 
of  this  bill  if  the  third  section  is  adopted. 

The  gentleman  states  that  the  first  section  is 
introduced  as  a  poor  man's  friend,  the  means  by 
which  the  poor  man  will  be  enabled  to  find  an 
easy  remedy  against  the  operations  of  the  bill 
which  the  Administration  first  forced  upon  this 
House  some  months  ago,  and  which  experience 
teaches  the  Administration  was  an  error,  costly 
in  blood,  costly  in  treasure,  costly  to  our  national 
fame.     This  section  one  is  as  follows: 

That  so  much  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act  for  enrolling 
and  calling  out  the  national  forces,  and  for  other  purposes," 
approved  March  3,  1863,  and  of  the  several  acts  amenda- 
tory thereof,  as  provides  for  a  commutation  in  money,  to 
be  paid  by  persons  enrolled  or  drafted  for  military  service, 
in  lieu  of  actually  rendering  such  military  service,  be,  and 
the  same  is  hereby,  repealed  ;  and  hereafter  no  payment  of 
money  shall  be  accepted  or  received  by  the  Government  to 
release  any  enrolled  or  drafted  man  from  obligation  to  per- 
form military  duty. 

And  the  second  section,  the  honorable  chair- 
man informs  us,  is  a  happy  expedient  drawn  from 
the  laws  of  foreign  nations,  who  are  "  aiifaW^'in 
all  matters  connected  with,  conscription;  and  by 
this  section  he  designs  to  relieve  those  who  are 
subject  to  the  exigencies  of  a  draft.  The  section 
is  certainly  foreign  to  all  American  freemen. 
Here  it  is: 

Sec.  2.  Jindheit  further  enacted,  That  hereafter  no  per- 
son shall  be  received  or  accepted  to  servo  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  States,  as  a  substitute  for  any  other  person  liable 
to  military  duty  and  whomay  have  been  enrolled  or  drafted 
for  that  piirpose,  unless  such  subslitutebe  the  father,  broth- 
er, or  son  of  the  person  so  enrolled  or  drafted,  and  for  whom 
he  proposes  to  become  such  substitute. 

Sir,  it  is  not  the  first  time  that  the  horrid  ex- 
ample of  the  European  system  of  government  as 
shadowed  forth  in  the  French  Revolution  has 
been  quoted  upon  this  floor,  nor  have  we  reason 
to  expect  that  it  will  be  the  last,  but  certainly  it 
is  unbecoming  a  representative  body  of  Ameri- 
can citizens  to  bring  forward  a  measure  such  as 
this  which  outrages  all  the  affections  of  family 
and  ties  of  blood.  Sir,  that  is  a  provision  worthy  of 
the  Military  Committee,  but  utterly  unworthy  of 
the  American  people.  They  have  at  all  times 
during  this  war,  fathers,  brothers,  sons,  came 
forward  willingly  under  the  old  system  of  the 
Constitution,  before  these  hideous  monsters  of 
war  were  developed  under  your  odious  plea  of 
military  necessity,  and  fought  in  the  ranks  of  the 


1864. 


THE  CO]SrGRESSIO:N'AL  GLOBE. 


3147 


Army  without  any  such  insult  to  their  patriotism 
and  lies  of  affection  as  is  contained  in  this  section : 

Sec.  3.  Jliid  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President  of 
the  United  States  may,  at  his  discretion,  at  any  time  here- 
after, order  a  draft  under  the  provisions  of  the  act  for  en- 
rolling and  calling  out  the  national  forces,  and  for  other 
purposes,  approved  March  3,  1863,  and  of  the  several  acts 
nmendatory  thereto,  for  soldiers  to  serve  for  a  less  period 
than  three  years  :  Provided,  however,  That  no  such  draft 
Bhall  be  for  a  less  term  of  service  than  one  year. 

With  regard  to  this  third  section  the  chairman 
of  the  Military  Committee  admits  that  he  offers 
it  as  a  "palliation,"  to  use  his  own  words,  to  the 
stringent  character  of  the  bill  which  was  previ- 
ously passed,  and  which  he  now  seeks  to  amend 
■by  this  more  cruel  enactment.  What  does  it 
;,palliate  .'  He  proposes  to  give  to  the  Executive 
-«  power  unheard  of  before  this  Administration 
came  into  power.  After  removing  the  possibility 
of  any  substitutes  being  furnished  except  those 
of  the  same  family,  the  President  is  given  unlim- 
ited control  over  the  lives  of  every  family  in  the 
land.  In  the  fourth  section  he  falls  back  upon 
the  original  provision  of  the  Constitution  and 
adopts  the  old  system  of  volunteering,  from  which 
there  has  never  been  any  reason  to  depart.  But 
still  adhering  to  the  dangerous  but  favorite  prin- 
ciple of  centralization,  this  section  assumes  a 
partisan  character,  and  depriving  the  States  of 
their  powers  gives  extraordinary  power  to  the 
Executive.  It  has  been  fully  shown  that  what- 
iever  necessity  did  exist  for  resorting  to  the  sys- 
tem of  drafting  in  place  of  volunteering,  it  was 
created  by  the  acts  of  folly  and  extravagance  of 
the  Administration  itself.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
enter  into  any  argument  to  prove  that.  The  gen- 
tleman admits  the  draft  to  be  a  failure.  Let  us 
then  fall  back  upon  the  provision  of  the  Consti- 
tution in  relation  to  the  raising  of  troops  for  the 
common  defense  and  for  the  suppression  of  in- 
surrection. Let  us  leave  to  the  States  the  power 
of  organizing  their  militia  for  the  defense  of  the 
country  as  reserved  to  them  in  the  Constitution, 
and  do  not  by  an  enactment  such  as  is  now 
proposed  by  this  conscription  act  and  the  subse- 
quent amendments  centralize  the  whole  military 
power  of  the  nation  in  the  hands  of  the  Execu- 
tive, and  thereby  cut  off  all  sympathy  and  con- 
nection between  the  people  of  the  States  and  this 
huge  military  machine  wielded  by  the  General 
Government.  That  I  maintain  to  be  the  great 
mistake  and  the  great  evil  of  this  whole  system 
of  draft  as  inaugurated  by  this  Administration. 
1  am  further  of  the  opinion  that  before  the  party 
in  power  have  secured  to  themselves  the  con- 
quests and  the  ends  they  hope  to  obtain  they  will 
find  that  the  sympathy  of  the  people,  which  they 
are  now  using  every  means  to  destroy,  will  be 
appealed  to  in  vain,  and  that  the  States  of  this 
Confederacy,  to  whom  you  have  offered  insult 
upon  insult,  and  from  whom  you  have  taken  by 
usurped  authority  right  after  right  will  in  the  end 
demand  back  from  you  the  rights  which  you  have 
90  outrageously  usurped. 

Sir,  my  object  in  rising  will  have  been  accom- 
plished if  I  have  succeeded  in  presenting  a  sim- 
ple and  clear  view  of  this  subject  as  it  appeared 
to  me  upon  the  statement  of  the  chairman  of  the 
Military  Committee.  This  bill  strikes  down  what 
1  and  those  who  think  with  me  believe  to  be  vi- 
tal in  the  fundamental  law  of  this  country,  the 
right  of  the  States  to  take  partin  everything  that 
pertains  to  their  liberties,  their  existence,  and 
their  glory. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  resumed 
the  floor. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Will  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  yield  to  me  for  a  moment.? 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  will  yield 
first  to  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Ashley.] 

Mr.  ANCONA.  I  object  to  the  gentleman's 
yielding  unless  he  yields  unconditionally. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  I  desire  simply  to  ofTer  an 
amendment. 

The  SPEAKER.  Objection  being  made,  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  will  proceed  with 
his  remarks. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  desire 
to  say  one  single  word. 

Mr.  A.MYERS.  I  would  like  to  ask  my  col- 
league to  let  me  offer  an  amendment. 

Mr.  ROBINSON.     1  object. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  I  am  sorry 
I  have  not  the  power  to  extend  the  courtesy 
which  my  colleague  asks.     1  desire  to  say  but  a 


single  word  in  reply  to  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs  in  reference  to  this  bill. 

1.  At  this  time  this  proposition  is  not  called 
for. 

2.  The  people  throughout  the  country,  whose 
representatives  we  are,  do  not  desire  the  passage 
of  this  bill. 

3.  If  the  bill  did  pass  this  House  it  would  not 
have  any  force  or  effect,  through  failing  to  receive 
the  concurrent  action  of  the  Senate. 

These  are  the  three  propositions  which  I  have 
to  state,  and  which  I  hope  will  have  that  weight 
which  common  sense  and  the  good  judgment  of 
the  House  must  give  them.  I  move  the  previous 
question  on  theadoption  of  the  amendmentof  the 
gentleman  from  Maine,  [Mr.  Blaine.] 

Mr.  A.  MYERS.  I  ask  the  Chair  whether, 
if  the  first  section  be  stricken  out,  it  will  be  in 
order  to  offer  a  section  in  place  of  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will  be  after  the  previous 
question  shall  be  exhausted,  which  will  be  when 
the  vote  is  taken  on  the  amendment. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  Have  I  the  right  to 
call  for  a  division  of  the  question  ?  The  amend- 
ment is  to  strike  out  the  first  two  sections. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  is  of  opinion  that 
a  division  of  the  question  may  be  called  for. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  Then  I  ask  for  sep- 
arate votes  on  striking  out  the  first  and  second 
sections. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered,  which  was  first  on  strik- 
ing out  the  first  section  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  do  not  pro- 
pose to  detain  the  House  by  adding  much  to 
what  has  been  already  said.  I  endeavored  when 
up  before  to  explain  in  their  order  these  sections. 
The  bill,  as  I  said  before,  is  to  be  considered  as 
a  whole.  I  think  that  if  passed  it  should  be 
passed  in  its  entirety. 

Mr.  HARDING.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  or- 
der. The  amendment  was  offered  by  the  gentle- 
inan  from  Maine.  Does  that  give  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  the  right  to 
conclude  the  debate.' 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio 
having  reported  the  bill,  and  not  having  spoken 
on  the  second  reading,  cannot  be  deprived  of  his 
right  under  the  operation  of  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Doesthatright  exist  on  each 
amendment  that  may  be  offered  ? 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  decide  ques- 
tions when  they  come  up.  The  Chair  decides 
now  that  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  is  entitled  to 
the  floor. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  understand  that  the  ques- 
tion is  on  the  engrossment  of  the  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  is  on  the  amendment  to 
strike  out  the  first  two  sections  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Does  the  previous  question 
apply  to  the  amendment.' 

The  SPEAKER.     It  does. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  The  previous  question  does 
not  apply  to  the  engrossment.' 

The  SPEAKER.  It  does  not.  The  gentleman 
has  the  right  to  speak  one  hour,  and  may  do  so 
either  now  or  after  the  engrossment. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  The  first  question  will  be 
on  striking  out  the  commutation,  and  the  second 
on  striking  out  the  substitution.  In  regard  to  tlie 
commutation  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  what  I  said 
before,  except  to  allude  generally  to  the  vital  ne- 
cessity of  doing  something  to  make  the  draft  more 
efficacious  than  it  has  been. 

The  gentleman  frotn  New  York  [Mr.  Chan- 
ler]  who  has  just  addressed  the  House  is  mis- 
taken in  supposing  that  I  am  inconsistent  in  the 
positions  which  I  have  taken  in  reference  to  the 
existing  law  and  to  this  proposed  law.  I  have 
never  believed  that  the  old  enrollment  law  passed 
by  the  last  Congress  was  perfect.  I  believed  then 
that  in  passing  it  we  were  doing  the  best  we  could 
at  the  time,  nor  did  I  believe  that  in  amending  it 
during  the  present  Congress  we  were  doing 
enough.  But  the  conviction  is  most  thorough 
on  my  mind,  and  it  is  spreading  throughout  the 
country,  it  is  admitted  by  the  war-making  power 
as  well  as  by  all  members  of  the  House  who  are 
anxious  to  do  something  to  obtain  men  to  put 
down  this  rebellion,  that  some  more  stringent 
measure  is  necessary  in  order  to  brit)g  about  that 
condition  of  things  by  which  men  shall  be  ob- 
tained for  the  Army. 

Mr.  GANSON.     I  would  like  to  ask  the  gen- 


tleman from  Ohio  if  there  are  any  States  that  have 
failed  to  respond  to  the  call.=?  hitherto  m»de  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States;  whether  the 
State  of  New  York  is  not  four  thousand  ahead  of 
all  calls;  and  whether  there  is  any  necessity  for 
having  any  more  stringent  measure. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  will  answer  that  by  say- 
ing that  under  the  call  made  in  the  district  referred 
to,  there  are  upward  of  five  thousand  out  of  four- 
teen thousand  who  responded  to  the  call  by  pay- 
ing their  $300  commutation.  And  I  will  go  fur- 
ther and  remark,  as  to  the  gentleman's  State,  that 
if  they  have  answered  all  the  calls  made  hitherto 
and  have  an  excess  so  much  the  better  for  them, 
because  upon  the  calls  to  be  made  hereafter  their 
excess  will  be  credited  upon  their  quota. 

In  reference  to  the  commutation  clause  being 
stricken  out  I  notice  that  there  are  gentlemen 
here  who  say  they  are  in  favor  of  striking  that 
out  and  of  still  retaining  the  second  section.  Well, 
sir,  I  am  in  favor  of  retaining  the  second  section 
if  the  section  repealing  the  commutation  is  stricken 
out.  It  is  true,  so  far  as  being  an  assistance  to 
a  certain  class  of  men  is  concerned,  it  may  be  de- 
sirable to  allow  drafted  men  to  obtain  substitutes, 
but  it  is  objecti6nable  upon  another  ground.  If 
you  strike  out  the  commutation,  and  leave  the 
matter  of  obtaining  substitutes  open,  the  price  of 
substitutes  will  be  run  up  to  ten  or  fifteen  hun- 
dred dollars,  so  high  that  but  a  small  portion  of 
the  people  can  afford  to  obtain  substitutes.  It 
will  therefore  be  no  benefit  to  the  larger  portion 
of  the  people.  I  am  therefore  of  the  opinion  that 
whether  this  commutation  clause  is  stricken  out 
or  not  the  section  providing  that  there  shall  be 
no  substitutes  hereafter,  perhaps  on  the  whole 
had  better  be  retained,  with  the  pi-ovision  allow- 
ing a  substitute  in  the  case  of  a  member  of  a  fam- 
ily stricken  out. 

But,  sir,  as  I  have  said  to  the  House,  to  make 
the  bill  of  value,  to  make  itefficient,  it  should  be 
taken  as  a  whole.  Ifgentlemen  will  look  it  through 
as  a  whole  they  will  find  that  it  presents  a  most 
efficient  plan  for  securing  volunteers.  The  effect 
will  be  to  organize  every  town,  ward,  or  precinct 
into  a  committee  to  promote  volunteering.  It 
makes  it  directly  for  the  interest  of  every  man 
subject  to  draft  to  encourage  volunteering.  Every 
one,  no  matter  what  his  condition  is,  will  be  re- 
quired to  assist  to  the  last  man  in  making  up  the 
full  quota,  because  he  is  subject  to  draft,  and  if 
a  draft  is  held  in  his  town  or  ward  and  he  is 
drafted, he  has  no  alternative  but  to  go.  I  hope, 
therefore,  that  gentlemen  will  look  at  the  bill  as 
a  whole;  that  they  will  take  the  section  prohibit- 
ing substitutes  in  connection  with  that  striking 
out  the  commutation  clause,  and  these  sections 
in  connection  with  the  other  sections  of  the  bill, 
and  that  they  will  see  that  to  strike  out  the  com- 
mutation clause  will  render  all  the  other  sections 
comparatively  valueless.  But  I  think  that  on  the 
whole,  for  a  bill  that  provides,  if  need  be,  to  force 
men  reluctantly  and  involuntarily  into  the  service 
of  the  Government  to  which  they  owe  allegiance, 
it  is  as  mild  and  liberal  a  bill  as  can  be  framed. 
It  provides  a  condition  of  things  by  which  almost 
every  town  or  ward  will  obtain  the  requisite  num- 
ber of  volunteers,  and  a  draft  will  be  avoided. 

I  will  now  yield  to  my  colleague,  [Mr.  Gar- 
field,] who  desires  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the 
House  for  a  very  few  minutes  before  the  vote  is 
taken. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  say  to  the 
gentleman  that  he  cannot  yield  the  floor  unless  he 
yields  it  unconditionally. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  Then  I  yield  the  floor  un- 
conditionally. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  House  for  leave  for  my  colleague  [Mr. 
Garfield]  to  be  heard  for  fifteen  minutes  upon 
this  bill. 

Mr.  ROBINSON.     I  object. 

Mr.  GANSON.  I  desire  to  ask  the  Speaker 
whether  this  bill  will  come  up  in  the  evening  ses- 
sion. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will  not.  The  whole  of 
the  evening  has,  by  unanimous  consent,  been  set 
apart  for  the  consideration  of  the  Pacific  railroad 
bill.  If  that  bill  should,  however,  be  disposed 
of  before  the  close  of  the  evening  session,  the 
bill  in  reference  to  the  establishment  of  a  naval 
depot  at  Cairo  would  then  come  up;  and  if  that 
were  out  of  the  way,  this  bill  would  come  up.    ■ 

The  question  was  taken  on  striking  out  the 


3148 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


first  section  of  the  bill;  and  it  was  decided  in  the 
affirmative — yeas  100,  nays  50,  not  voting  32;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  C.  Alien,  William  J.  Allen,  Alley, 
Ames,  Ancona,  Baily,  Augustus  0.  Baldwin,  John  U.  Calil- 
wiii,  Blaine,  Bliss,  Boutwell,  Brooks,  Broomall,  James  S. 
Brown,  William  Ci.  Brown,  Clianler,  Freeman  Clarke,  Col- 
fK)tli,Cravens,TliomasT.  Davis, Dawes,  Dawson, Deniing, 
Denison,  Eden,  Edgerton,  Eldridge,  Eliot,  English,  Fenlon, 
Finck,  Frank,  Ganson,  Goocli,  Grider,  Griswold,  Hale. 
Harding,  Harrington, Benjamin  G.Harris, Herrick,HolmanJ 
Hooper,  Hotchkiss,  Hutcbins,, Philip  Johnson,  William 
Johnson,  Kalbfleisch,  Knapp,  Law,  Lazear,  Le  Blond, 
Mallory,  Marcy,  McDowell,  McKinney, Middleton,  Samuel 
F.  Miller,  William  H.  Miller,  Daniel  Morris,  James  R. 
Morris,  Morrison,  Amos  Myers,  Leonard  Myers,  Nelson, 
Noble,  Odell,  John  O'Neill,  Patterson,  Pendleton,  Pcrham, 
Perry,  Pruyn,  Radford,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Alexander  H. 
Rice,  Robinson,  Rogers,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  Scolield,  Scott, 
John  B.  Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stevens,  Stiles,  Strouse, 
Stuart,  Sweat,  Thomas,  Upson,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  Wil- 
liam B.  Washbuni,  Webster,  Whaley,  Wlieelcr,  Chilton 
A.  White,  Joseph  \V.  White,  VViniams,and  Winfield— 100. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Arnold,  Ashley,  Ba.\ter,  tleaman,  Blair, 
Blow,  Boyd,  Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Cobb,  Cole,  Dixon,  Don- 
nelly, Driggs,  Eekley,  Farnsworth,  Garfield,  Higby,  Asaliel 
W.  Hubbard,  John  H.  Hubbard,  Hnlburd,In2ersofl,  Julian, 
Kclley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan,  Longyear,  Mar- 
vin, McClurg,Mnorhead,  Morrill,  jVorton,  Charles  O'Neill, 
Orth,  Pike,  Pomeroy,  Price,  John  H.  Rice,  Ross,  Schenck. 
Shannon,  Sloan,  Smithers,  Thayer,  Tracy,  Van  Valken- 
burgh,EaimB.,Wasliburue,  Wilder,  Wilson, and  Windom 
— 50.  ' 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Allison,  Anderson,  Brandegee, 
Clay,  Cox,  Creswell,  Hem-y  Winter  Davis,  Duniont,  Grin- 
nell,  Hall,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Jenekes,  Kasson,  Orlando 
Kellogg,  Kernan,  King,  Littlejohn,  Long,  McAllister,  Mc- 
Bride,  Mclndoe,  William  H.  Randall,  James  S.  Rollins, 
Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Voorhees,  Benjamin 
Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridge,  arid  Yeainan— 32. 

So  the  first  section  of  the  bill  was  stricken  out. 

During  the  vote, 

Mr.  ALLISON  stated  that  he  was  paired  with 
Mr.  Kernan. 

Mr.  MOORHEAD  stated  that  his  colleague, 
Mr.  Kelley,  had  been  called  home  by  sickness 
in  his  family. 

The  vote  was  then  announced  as  above  re- 
corded. 

The  question  then  recurred  on  the  motion  to 
strike  out  the  second  section. 

Mr.  SCEIENCK  withdrew  the  demand  for  the 
yeas  and  nays. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ELDRIDGE  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  fii-st  and  second  sections  were 
stricken  out;  and  also  moved  that  the  motion  to 
reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  BROOMALL.  I  submit  a  substitute  for 
the  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  will  be  considered  as  pend- 
ing. 

Mr.  FENTON.  I  move  to  amend  the  fourth 
section  of  the  bill  so  that  it  will  read  as  follows: 

Sec.  4.  Jlni  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President 
shall  accompany  any  order  for  a  draft  of  men  for  military 
service  with  a  notice  that  he  will  accept  volunteers  or  sub- 
stitutes in  lieu  of  such  drafted  men  prior  to  the  day  ap- 
pointed for  the  draft  to  till  up  the  quota  or  any  part  there- 
of of  any  town,  township,  ward,  precinct,  or  election  dis- 
trict, or  of  any  county  not  so  subdivided  ;  and  cverv  per- 
son so  volunteering,  in  lieu  of  a  man  to  be  drafted',  shall 
be  credited  to  such  town,  township,  ward,  precinct,  or  elec- 
tion district,  or  county  not  so  subdivided  ;  and  if  he  volun- 
teers or  is  offered  as  a  substitute  for  a  drafted  man  and  is 
accepted  and  mustered  into  the  service  for  a  term  of  one 
year,  unless  sooner  discharged,  shall  'receive  and  be  paid 
by  the  United  States  a  bounty  of  ^100,  and  if  for  a  term  of 
two  years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  a  bounty  of  ,'§200,  and 
if  for  a  term  of  three  years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  a 
bounty  of  .$ SOO,  one  half  of  which  said  bounty  shall  be  paid 
to  the  soldier  at  the  time  of  his  being  mustered  into  the 
service,  one  fourth  at  the  expiration  of  one  half  his  term 
of  service,  and  one  fourth  at  the  end  of  his  terinof  service  ; 
and  the  President  in  any  call  or  order  for  a  draft  shall  spe- 
cify the  exact  time  of  service  for  which  such  draft  is  to  be 
made,  and  Ibe  volunteers  accepted  in  lieu  of  the  whole  or 
any  part  of  the  quotas  to  be  provided  under  that  draft  shall 
be  lor  not  less  than  the  term  of  service  for  which  that  draft 
is  ordered. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  I  move  to  strike  out  in  the 
fourth  section  the  woids  "  be  credited  to  such 
town,  township,  precinct,  or  election  district," 
and  in  lieu  thereof  to  insert  these  words: 

If  subject  to  enrollment,  be  credited  to  the  town,  town- 
ship, precinct,  or  election  district  in  which  he  may  be  lia- 
ble to  enrollment,  il  not  so  s\d)ject,  to  the  town,  township, 
precmct,  or  election  district  in  which  he  may  have  volun- 
teered. 

I  wish  merely  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House 
to  the  fact  thnt  the  cities  take  up  nearly  all  of  our 
volunteer.'?.  This  is  designed  to  credit  them  where 
they  reside  and  are  enrolled. 


Mr.  NELSON.  Do  not  the  cities  pay  higher 
bounties.'' 

Mr.  ASHLEY.  They  do;  and  that  is  the  way 
they  get  men  from  the  counties  and  townships  to 
which  they  properly  belong. 

Mr.  NELSON.  'If  they  pay  the  bounty  they 
are  entitled  to  the  credit  of  these  volunteers. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Does  the  gentleman  mean 
that  the  men  who  go  to  the  towns  because  they 
pay  higlier  bounties  there,  shall  receive  those 
bounties  and  then  not  be  credited  to  these  towns  } 

Mr.  AStlLEY.  I  want  the  volunteers  to  be 
credited  where  they  reside. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  hope  the  amendment  will 
not  bo  adopted. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  64, 
noes  4L 

Mr.  L.  MYERS  dernanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  BOUTWELL  moved  to  add  the  following 
to  the  fourth  section: 

PTOvidetl,'Tn\\t  no  volunteer  or  substitute  under  the 
provisions  of  this  s.eetion,  who  shall  be  honorably  dis- 
charged previous  to  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  his  en- 
listment, shall  be  entitled  to  his  full  bounty  for  tlic  time  of 
his  enlistment. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  INGERSOLL  moved  to  insert  in  the 
fourth  section,  after  the  word  "  service,"  in  the 
eighteenth  line,  these  words: 

But  in  case  of  his  dnathr  when  in  said  service,  the  r(^i'(iuc 
of  said  bounty  shall  be  paid  to  his  legal  representatives, 
and  in  case  of  his  honorable  discharge  from  wounds  or 
sickness  incurred  in  the  service  he  shall  receive  the  full 
bounty. 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH.  I  move  that  the  bill 
and  amendments  be  laid  on  the  table.  The  bill  has 
been  so  emasculated  that  it  is  evident  the  House 
does  not  mean  to  pass  any  measure  of  this  kind. 

The  motion  was  disagreed  to. 

The  question  was  then  taken  on  the  amend- 
ment, snd  it  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  Is  it  in  order  to  move  to 
amend  by  striking  out  the  fourth  section  .' 

The  SPEAKER.     It  is. 

Mr.  GARFIELD.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
third  and  fourth  sections  of  the  bill.  The  bill,  as 
my  colleague  on  the  committee  has  said,  was  pre- 
sented as  a  whole,  a  measure  that  had  no  value 
in  it,  except  the  last  tv/o  sections,  unless  taken  as 
a  whole.  The  heart  is  cut  out  of  it,  and  the  head 
cut  off,  and  with  the  exception  of  those  two  sec- 
tions I  have  not  only  no  desire  that  it  should  pass, 
but  I  believe  the  mangled  trunk  would  be  a  de- 
formity, and  would  seriously  injure  the  efficiency 
of  the  present  law. 

We  come  before  the  House  to  say  that  the 
President  had  informed  us,  that  our  ovi^n  exatn- 
ination  of  the  state  of  the  country  also  led  us  to 
believe,  that  the  Government  is  in  v/ant  of  men 
and  not  of  money  to  fill  the  ranks  of  its  Army; 
that  the  law  we  have  given  to  the  President  and  the 
War  Department  has  in  the  main  failed  to  secure 
the  requisite  reinforcements. 

It  is  no  longer  a  question  that  we  cannot  retain 
the  coiTimutation  clause  of  the  enrollment  act  and 
at  the  same  time  fill  up  the  Army  so  as  to  supply 
the  waste  of  battle. 

Gentlemen,  this  Congress  must  sooner  or  later 
meet  the  issue  face  to  face,  and  I  believe  the  time 
will  soon  come,  if  it  has  not  now  come,  when  Vv^e 
must  give  up  the  war  or  give  up  the  commutation. 
I  believe  the  men  and  the  Congress  that  shall 
finally  refuse  to  strike  out  the  commutation  clause, 
but  retain  it  in  its  full  force  as  it  now  is,  will  sub- 
stantially vote  to  abandon  the  war.  And  I  am 
not  ready  to  believe,  I  will  not  believe,  that  the 
Thirty-Eighth  Congress  has  come  to  such  a  con- 
clusion. 

I  think  the  second  section  can  be  stricken  out 
and  the  bill  be  serviceable.  Perhaps  it  had  better 
be  stricken  out.  It  was  not  put  in  to  make  it  pal- 
atable to  the  House,  butin  the  hope  that  it  would 
be  more  acceptable  to  the  country. 

But  when  the  officers  to  whom  you  have  com- 
mitted the  safety  of  the  nation  ask  for  adequate 
instruments  to  carry  on  the  war,  when  they  tell 
you  the  instruments  you  have  given  them  arc  not 
adequate,  as  the  President  and  the  Secretarj'  of 
War  tell  you,  as  the  history  of  the  late  draft  and 
the  one  now  in  progress  tells  you;  when  these 
demands  are  made  and  reasons  given,  if  you  re- 
fuse to  grant  the  aid  they  need,  how  have  yoiiany    | 


right  to  hope  either  success  or  safety  >  But  if  you 
will  not  give  the  needed  help,  at  least  preserve 
intact  the  law  you  have  already  made.  I  hope, 
therefore,  all  the  sections  will  be  stricken  out  ex- 
cept the  last  two. 

Tlie  hour  of  half  past  four  havifig  arrived,  the 
House,  in  pursuance  of  a  previous  order,  took  a 
recess  until  half  past  seven  o'clock. 


EVENING  SESSION. 

,.  The   House   reassembled  at  half  past  seven 
o'clock. 

ENROLLMENT    LAW. 

Mr.  SCHENCK.  I  ask  the  consent  of  the 
House  to  have  printed  the  bill  which  we  have 
had  under  consideration  to-day ,  together  with  the 
amendments  already  adopted,  and  those  now 
pending. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  1  object 
unless  I  can  know  when  action  will  be  taken  on 
the  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  hope  my  colleague  will 
not  object.  We  can  know  better,  i)f!  it  is  printed, 
how  to  act  v/hen  it  comes  up  for  consideration. 

Rlr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Will  this 
give  it  any  precedence.' 

Mr.  STEVENS.     None  whatever. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania.  Then  I 
v/ill  withdraw  my  objection. 

No  further  objections  being  made,  the  bill  and 
arrnendments  adopted  and  pending  were  ordered 
to  be  printed.  ■;  ,:; 

LANDLORD  ANTD  TfeNANT  IN  THE  DISTRICT, 

Mr.  WILSOijf,  from  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary,  and  by  unanimous  consent,  reported 
back,  with  amendments,  an  act  (S.  No.  138)  to 
regulate  proceedings  in  cases  of  landlord  and  ten- 
ant in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  first  amendment  was  to  add  to  the  first 
section  the  following  proviso: 

Provided,  That  no  part  of  this  section,  other  than  that 
which  relates  to  the  attornment  of  tenant  to  a  stranger, 
shall  apply  to  contracts  made,  or  to  any  tenancy  existing, 
priortt)  the  passage  of  this  act,  except  in  case  of  waste  or 
refusal  to  pay  rent. 

The  amendment  Was  agreed  to. 

The  second  amendment  was  to  insert  the  fol- 
lowing as  a  new  section,  after  section  three: 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  Thateitherparly  againstwhom 
judgment  is  rendered  liy  a  justice  of  the  peace,  may  appeal 
from  such  judgment  to  the  supreme  court  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  iii  the  same  manner  as  appeals  are  taken  to  the 
said  court  in  other  cases;  but  in  cases  of  an  appeal  by  a 
defendant,  he  shall,  in  addition  to  the  bail  required  in  other 
cases,  recognize  in  a  reasonable  sum  to  the  plaintiff,  to  be 
fixed  by  said  justice,  with  sufficient  sureties  conditioned  to 
pay  the  intervening  damages  to  the  leased  property  result- 
ing from  waste,  and  intervening rentfor  the  premises;  and 
such  appeal  shall  be  tried  in  the  same  manner,  and  further 
proceedings  had  therein,  as  in  other  cases  in  said  court. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentle- 
man whether  thei-e  isany  amendment  with  regartl 
to  the  time  ofgiving  notice.' 

Mr.  WILSON.  Tlie  time  specified  by  the  bill 
is  thirty  days. 

Mr.  HUBBARD,  of  Iowa.  Does  this  bill  aflect 
contracts  made  prior  to  the  passage  of  the  bill.' 

Mr.  WILSON.  It  affects  no  contretcts  made 
and  no  tenancy  in  existence  except  in  cases  where 
the  tenant  permits  the  property  to  waste  or  re- 
fuses to  pay  the  rent. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading;  and  it 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay 
the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

The  House  then  resumed  the  consideration  of 
bill  of  the  House  No.  438,  toaiiiend  an  actentitled 
"  An  act  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad 
and  telegiaph  line  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the 
Pacific  ocean,  and  to  secure  to  the  Government 
the  use  of  the  same  for  postal,  military,  and  other 
purposes,"  approved  July  1,  1862,  the  pending 
question  being  upon  the  motion  of  Mr.  Steele, 
of  New  York,  to  reconsider  the  vote  by  which 
the  bill  was  postponed  until  this  evening. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  believe  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Holman]  is  en- 
titled to  the  floor. 

Tiie  SPEAKER.     Tlie  gentleman  from  New 


1864. 


-yv-j- 


THE  CO]SrGRESSIOK:iL  GLOBE 


3149 


York  [Mr.  Steele]  was  upon  the  floor  when  the 
moriiirig  hour  expired,  when'tlie  bill  was  last  un- 
der consideration.  The  gentleman  from  Indiana 
^\\\  be  entitled  to  resume  the  floor  when  the  gen- 
tleman from  New  York  concludes. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Thegentle- 
man  from  Indiana  informed  me  that  he  expected 
to  resume  the  floor  and  make  a  speech  this  even- 

*^^r.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  do  not  desire 
to  occupy  the  floor.  1  will  yield  it  to  the  chairman 
of  the.seiect  committee,  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
svlvania,  [Mr.  Stevkns.] 
'The  SPEAKER.  Does  the  gentleman  with- 
draw the  motion  to  reconsider.' 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  I  do  not  desire 
to  move  it  now. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  motion  to  reconssider  is 
pending. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York.  Then  I  with- 
draw it. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Let  us  wait 
uiitil  the  geritlernan  from  Indiana  submits  his  re- 
marks, and  then  I  hope  to  have  the  floorfora  few 
minutes. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  right  of  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  will  be  reserved,  and  other  gentle- 
men can  siieak  until  he  comes  in. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  1  should  like  to  make  a  brief 
statement  about  this  matter. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  As  there  are  several  amend- 
ments to  be  proposed  to  this  bill,  I  should  like  to 
get  the  one  iioW  pending  out  of  the  way. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  The  amend- 
ment is  ail  important  one,  and  will  have  to  be 
voted   upon,  and   there  is  no  quorum  here   now. 

Mr.  WILSON.  When  this  bill  was  up  the 
Other  day  the  geniieman  from  Illinois  suggested 
that  it  be  postponed  till  to-night,  in  order  that  he 
might  have  an  opportunity  lo  prepare  himself  to 
make  a  speech  on  it.  Why  cannot  he  make  his 
remarks  now  us  well  as  at  any  other  time  .^  Why 
Virait  until  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  comes  in  .' 
*;'Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  do  not 
wish  to  take  tlie  place  of  the  gentleman  from  In- 
diana. He  will  be  here  in  a  few  moments.  1 
move  th«t  thei-e  be  a  call  of  the  Flouse. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  If  the  gentleman  will  waive 
that  motion,  I  should  like  to  make  a  remark  or 
two. 

i;  MK  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Well,  I 
withdraw  the  motion. 

"'Mr.  PRUYN.  I  beg  to  ask  tlie  present  posi- 
tion of  tills  question.  Wliat  is  the  pending 
amendment.'' 

The  SPEAKER. 
tlemUn  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Holman,]  which  the 
Clerk  will  report. 

The  Clerk  read  the  amendment,  as  follows: 

Add  at  tlie  end  of  section  fil'teea  tlie  following  : 
And  said  road  shall  be  a  public  higliway,  and  shall  trans- 
port Uie  property  and  troops  of  the  United  States,  wheii  the 
transportation  tliereof  shall  be  required,  free  of  tolls  or 
Other  charges. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  understand  that  it  is  proposed 
to  offer  to  this  bill  several  other  amendments  of 
an  important  nature,  and  it  may  perhaps  be 
•well  at  this  stage  of  the  discussion  to  inquire  of 
the  chairman  of  the  committee  what  disposition, 
if  any,  is  intended  to  be  made  in  this  House  of 
the  Senate  bill  which  has  come  in  here.  Is  it  in- 
tended to  act  upon  that  bill  and  arnend  it  and  send 
it  back  to  the  Senate,  or  are  we  to  pass  a  new  bill 
and  send  that  up  to  the  Senate.'  .    '' 

Mr.  STEVENS.  This  is  the  bill  originally 
reported  by  the  committee,  and  which  was  recom- 
mitted to  the  committee  with  liberty  to  report  at 
any  time.  That  is  the  way  we  got  an  opportu- 
nity of  reporting  it  back.  The  Senate  bill  was 
referred  to  the  committee  but  that  committee  will 
have  no  right  to  report  it  until  it  is  called  again; 
and,  in  my  judgment,  and  such  is  the  judgment 
of  others,  t!ie  committee  will  not  be  called  again 
tills  session.  It  will  therefore  be  impossible  for 
us'to  report  back  that  bill.  We  have  had  no  op- 
portunity to  report  it  so  far,  aiid  we  shall  haVe 
none  hereafter  unless  we  are  called  again. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  Then  the  Senate  will  have  to 
act  upon  a  new  bill,  and  notuponamendmenfs  to 
their  own  bill. 

Mr.  STEVENS.    That  is  so.  ;  v' •''  • 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  think  it  is  desii^able,  before 
further  action  is  had  on  this  bill,  that  all  amend- 


The  amendment  of  the  gen- 


ment's  of  an  important  character  which  are  to  bp 
offered  should  be'  presented  to  the  House  and 
[ilaced  before  it,  so  that  gentlemen  may  know 
what  shape  the  matter  will  probably  assume,  and 
be  prepared  to  discuss  it  accordingly.  There  is 
one  cardinal  question  in  the  outset  which  the 
House  is  called  upon  to  determine,  and  that  is  by 
what  agency  this  road  shall  be  built.  The  com- 
pany chartered  in  1862  v.^as  authorized  to  com- 
mence operations  whenever  1^,2,000,000  should 
have  been  subscribed  and  ten  percent.  or|200,000 
paid  in  on  that  amount. 

The  grant  by  the  Government  in  aid  of  the 
work  is  divisible  into  two  parts;  in  the  first  place, 
the  right' of  way  over  the  whole  territory  of  the 
United  States,  wherever  the  Groveniment  still 
holds  land,  and  a  large  land  grant  to  the  company 
in  addition;  and  seconrlly,  and  which  is  the  most 
important  present  aid,  a  large  issue  of  Govern- 
ment bonds,  which  the  company  are  to  receive 
and  sell  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them  to  build 
the"road.  I  do  not  recollect  v/liat  these  bonus 
would  amount  to,  but  I  think  it  is  entirely  safe  to 
estimate  them  at  §] 00,000,000. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Ninety-five 
million  and  eighty-eight  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  sum  is  to  be  |16,000  a 
mile  to  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  then 
f48,000  a  mile  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 
then  §32,000  a  mile  to  the  base  of  the  Nevada 
mountains,  then  $i48,000  a  mile  for  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  and  then  ^15,000  a  mile  until 
they  reach  San  Francisco;  nut  exceeding  in  all 
^100,000,000. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  Substantially  then  the  state  of 
the  case  is  this:  that  in  consideration  of  $2,000,000 
subscribed  by  individuals,  of  which  ten  per  cent, 
has  been  paid,  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  gives  the  right  of  way  and  makes  a  large 
land  grant  in  aid  of  this  road,  and  then  gives  it 
1100,000,000  in  addition.  Now,  it  will  be  ob- 
served in  order  to  secure  the  faithful  application 
of  tins  fund  as  far  as  these  individuals  Are  con- 
cerned, looking  at  it  in  that  pointofviewand  with- 
out reference  to  who  the  individuals  are,  and 
taking  it  for  granted,  if  you  please,  that  the  fund 
will  all  be  rightly  and  fairly  appropriated,  they 
contribute  two  per  cent,  only  of  the  money,  and 
no  part,  of  course,  of  the  real  estate.  If  we  con- 
eider  the  whole  as  an  investment  of  §150,000,000, 
it  would  be  a  contribution  of  one  and  a  half  per 
cent.,  or  at  $200,000,000  but  one  per  cent,  on  the 
part  of  the  company  which  undertakes  to  build 
this  road,  toward  its  construction. 

In  other  words,  the  Government  in  fact  build 
the  road,  and  ought  to  control  or  own  it,  and  then 
no  land  grant  could  be  called  for.  The  Govern- 
ment is  the  party  to  be  responsible forthis  otttlay 
when  once  commenced;  and  when  you  begin  it 
you  must  go  through  with  it,  cost  whSt  it  may, 
or  otherwise  lose  what  you  put  in.  No  company 
can  be  expected  to  operate  it  at  a  loss. 

I  believe  there  is  but  one  opinion — at  any  rate 
but  little  difference  of  opinion — in  this  House  as 
to  the  very  great  importance  of  this  work,  and 
the  importance  of  constructing  it  without  delay, 
and  in  the  very  best  manner.  1  have  looked  at 
it  for  many  years  with  very  deep  interest  as  the 
great  thing  to  be  done  to  bind  tggether  the  two 
extremes  of  our  country.  I  wish  it  had  been 
commenced  years  ago,  and  it  would  now  have 
been  near  completioii.        '  ..'. 

But  the  question  nowcomes  before  us  to  be  set- 
tled probably  at  this  time,  what  agency  shall  we 
employ  which  will  b_e  the  most  eflfective  to  con- 
struct this  great  work?  It  is  very  important  as 
we  all  know  in  regard  to  every  enterprise  of  this 
kind  that  it  should  start  right. 

The  present  company  has  done  I  believe  very 
little  or  nothing  toward  constructing  the  road. 
It  was  not  expected  when  the  organization  took 
place  that  much  could  be  done  before  this.  It 
was  understood  quite  generally  by  subscribers  to 
t'he  stock  that  they  were  then  only  to  pay  in  their 
ten  per  cent,  in  order  to  secure  the  charter  as  the 
time  limited  by  the  act  of  Congress  was  about  to 
expire,  and  that  the  company  should  do  nothing 
in  the  way  of  constructing  the  road,  and  should 
expend  nothing  that  they  could  possibly  avoid, 
except  for  the  purpose  of  maps  and  surveys  until 
Congress  should  meet,  it  being  admitted  on  all 
sides  that  very  importantametidments  were  need- 
ed  to  the  charter.  )..---■.  —  • 


In  the  shape  in  which  it  now  stands  it  is  virtu- 
ally admitted  by  the  company — and  I  have  no 
doubt  it  is  true — that  the  company  cannot  go  on 
and  construct  this  road  with  the  grant  in  bonds 
made  by  the  act  of  1362.  Now,  how  shall  we 
proceed  .'  Shall  we  hand  this  over  to  gentlemen 
who  contribute  one  or  two  percent,  of  the  amount, 
v/ith  whose  appointment  we  have  nothing  to  do, 
over  whom  we  have  no  control  except  in  a  very 
indirect  way;  shall  we  hand  over  this  great  pub- 
lic work  with  the  large  grant  attached  to  it  to 
such  a  body  of  men. — I  care  not  how  wealthy  or 
respectable  or  influential  they  may  be — or  sliall 
we  at  once  in  some  plain,  direct,  and  efiicient 
manner  take  charge  of  it  ourselves.' 

I  believe  I  hazard  very  little  in  saying,  from 
conversations  with  some  of  the  leading  men  of 
the  country  who  have  taken  an  interest  in  this 
matter,  that  a  board  might  be  organized  by  the 
Government,  consisting  of  five,  seven,  or  nine 
individuals  of  experience,  character,  and  posi- 
tion, who  would,  in  view  of  the  great  public 
benefits  to  be  conferred  by  that  work,  undertake 
to  supervise  its  construction  without  any  pay. 
If  such  a  board  can  be  procured,  it  will  work 
more  efficiently,  more  thoroughly,  and  more  act- 
ively than  any  other  organization,  at  any  rate 
more  satisfactorily  than  any  corporate  organiza- 
tion such  as  that  which  now  exists. 

It  is  my  purpose,  Mr.  Speaker,  for  these  rea- 
sons briefly  stated,  with  a  view  of  testing  the  sense 
of  the  House  as  to  what  the  future  of  this  enter- 
prise shall  be,  how  it  shall  be  managed,  controlled, 
and  conducted,  to  offer  an  amendment  to  the  bill 
of  the  character  I  have  suggested.  If  such  an 
amendnient  shall  be  adopted,  if  the  House  shall 
determine  that  this  public  work  shall  be  construct- 
ed by  a  board  of  commissioners  to  be  appointed  by 
the  Government,  I  expect  them  to  move  that  the 
bill  be  referred  back  to  the  committee  for  the  pur- 
pose of  framing  it  in  accordance  with  the  princi- 
ple thus  determined  upon.  I  havenolundertaken 
the  labor — for  it  would  be  a  considerable  one — of 
framing  a  bill,  with  all  the  detail  necessary  to 
carry  out  this  principle — wishing  the  House  first 
to  determine  whether  it  will  adopt  it.  if  adopted 
we  can  very  easily  frame  a  bill  accordingly. 

There  is  another  branch  of  the  matter  to  which 
I  v/ill  refer.  If  the  House  shall  determine  not  to 
adopt  this  principle  but  to  undertake  to  amend  the 
charter  of  the  existing  company,  and  give  it  ad- 
ditional powers  and  additional  grants,  it  strikes 
me  that  some  amendment  should  bo  made  to  the 
present  bill  with  a  view  of  controlling  the  aclioa 
of  the  directors  and  the  future  of  the  company- 
more  thoroughly  than  has  been  done  in  the  bill  be- 
fore us.  I' believe  I  am  quite  at  liberty  to  state 
that  in  these  views  I  am  sustained  by  a  number  of 
gentlemen  on  this  floor  who  have  looked  at  the 
matter  with  some  care,  including  those  from  Cal- 
ifornia. Indeed  I  may  say  that  at  their  request  I 
have  prepared  amendments  to  this  bill  calculated 
—if  the  principle  I  have  first  suggested  to  the 
House  be  not  adopted — to  carry  out  the  views 
which  I  will  now  very  briefly  state. 

In  the  first  place  the  present  charter,  and,  I  be- 
lieve, the  amendment  before  us,  contemplate  that 
the  President  of  the  United:States  shall  fix  upon. 
the  termini  of  the  road,  the  eastern  end  commen- 
cing at  the  one  hundredth  degree  of  longitude  antl-, 
,  terminating  at  the  western  end  by  a  connection, 
with  the  California  road. 

Now,  in  the  long  line  of  country  which  this 
road  is  to  traverse,  some  sixteen  hundred  miles, 
there  may  be  great  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the 
route  v^liich  the  road  ought  to  pursue.     I  shall 
therefore  propose  an  amendment  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  shall  not  only  fix  the. 
termini  of  the  road,  but  that  the  maps  and  sur-, 
veys  of  the  line  shall  be  submitted  to  him,  and; 
that  with  the  aid  and.  advice  of  competent  engi- 
neers he  shall  fix  and  determine  the  whole  route, 
or  line  of  the  road.  ; 

In  the  next  place  I  am  not  aware  that  there  ha,si  " 
been,  and  from  what  has  been  said  I  infer  there: 
hasnot  been  any  statement  submitted  to  the  spe- 
cial committee  shov/ing  what  this  company  has., 
thus  far  done,  or  whether  contracts  have  been 
made  for  the  construction  of  the  road,, for  the 
purchase  of  iron,  for  equipment,  or  for  any  other 
or  what  purpose.     I  know  nothing  of  the  matter, 
and  have  no  information  in  regard  to  it;  but  I 
think  "it  is  quite  possible  that  nothing  of  any  im- 


3150 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


portance  has  been  done  by  the  company;  Now, 
It  seems  to  me  quite  proper  that  the  Government 
which  is  about  to  issue  this  large  amount  of  bonds 
to  aid  in  the  construction  of  this  road  should,  in 
the  first  place,  ascertain  what  contracts,  if  any, 
have  been  made  for  the  construction  of  the  road; 
and  to  meet  this  point  I  propose  to  offer  an  amend- 
ment v/hich  shall  provide  that  the  company  shall 
submit  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  At- 
torney General,  before  any  of  these  bonds  shall 
be  delivered  to  them,  a  statement  of  the  contracts, 
if  any,  which  may  have  been  made  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  road.  If  they  are  not  satisfac- 
tory to  those  officers  I  propose  to  provide  that 
no  bonds  be  issued  until  the  contracts  are  prop- 
erly abrogated  or  modified  so  as  to  meet  their 
approval. 

Another  amendment,  and  the  last  which  I  have 
thought  it  desirable  to  present,  is  one  which  au- 
thorizes and  requires  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury and  Attorney  General  to  pass  upon  future 
construction  contracts.  The  object  is  that  we  may 
thus  have  some  assurance  tiiat  a  corporation 
which  is  to  receive  so  large  a  sum  of  money  from 
the  Government  (about  ninety-eight  per  cent,  of 
all  they  are  to  expend)  are  about  to  expend  it  in 
a  manner  virliich  the  donors  believe  to  be  judi- 
cious. Atanyrate,it  will  throw  around  the  mat- 
ter a  judicious  and  reasonable  guard  to  which,  it 
seems  to  me,  there  can  be  no  sound  objection. 

Such  are  the  amendments  which  1  propose  to 
offer  to  the  bill.  They  have  met  the  approval  of 
gentlemen  who  have  taken  an  interest  in  the  mat- 
ter and  at  whose  request  in  a  great  measure  I  have 
prepared  them.  They  have  received  the  approval 
of  gentlemen  who  are  more  immediately  inter- 
ested in  the  construction  of  the  road  and  who 
feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  speedy  and  effectual 
completion  of  this  great  work. 

With  a  view,  however,  of  obtaining  the  sense 
of  the  House  on  the  first  point  to  which  I  called 
their  attention,  I  propose  now  tosubmitan  amend- 
ment transferring  the  work  to  the  control  of  a 
board  of  commissioners. 

The  SPEAKER.  There  is  an  amendment  to 
an  amendment  pending  at  the  present  time,  and 
no  further  amendment  is  in  order. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  will  then  have  my  amend- 
ment read  as  a  part  of  my  remarks  for  the  in- 
formation of  the  House,  and  submit  it  for  action 
hereafter. 

The  Clerk  read  the  amendment,  as  follows: 

The  President  of  the  United  States  shall,  by  and  with 
tlie  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  appoint  a  board  of 
commissioners,  to  consist  of  seven  persons,  who  shall  have 
and  possess  all  the  powers  now  vested  in  the  Union  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Company  under  the  act  entitled  "An  act  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line 
from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  to  secure 
to  the  Government  the  use  of  the  same  for  postal,  military, 
and  other  purposes,"  approved  July  1,  1862;  andthatsaid 
commissioners  shall  proceed  without  delay  to  construct 
the  said  railroad  and  telegraph  line  as  authorized  by  the 
said  act.  The  said  commissioners  shall  not  be  entitled  to 
any  compensation  for  their  services,  but  their  necessary 
expenses,  to  be  audited  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
shall  be  paid  to  them  respectively. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Mr.  Speaker, 
I  propose  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  bill  now  be- 
fore the  House  for  our  consideration.  Those  gen- 
tlemen who  are  familiar  with  my  course  in  this 
Congress  will  not  be  surprised  if  I  shall  advance 
objections  tb  some  of  the  provisions  in  this  bill. 
It  has  been  either  my  misfortune  or  my  fortune 
to  differ  with  the  majority  of  the  House  in  almost 
all  questions  of  a  character  kindred  to  this.  I 
have  been  on  a  different  line  of  legislation  to  the 
majority.  Recognizing  the  character  of  the  stu- 
pendous struggle  in  which  we  have  been  engaged, 
and  the  fact  that  the  last  resource  of  the  nation 
may  have  to  be  exhausted  to  secure  the  suppres- 
sion of  this  hideous  and  red-handed  rebellion,  I 
have  felt  that  all  the  energies  and  all  the  resources 
of  the  people  should  be  devoted  to  that  object — 
that  all  matters  of  secondary  importance  should 
_  be  subordinated  tothatgi-eatconsuinmation.  I  am 
for  my  country,  my  whole  country,  and  nothing 
but  my  country.  1  am  for  it  in  all  its  glory,  its 
grandeur,  and  its  power.  With  the  war  ended 
and  peace  restored,  and  our  country  and  Govern- 
ment intact,  I  want  to  witness  no  ruin  of  our  na- 
tional finances  and  no  national  bankruptcy;  but 
1  hope  to  see  the  credit  of  the  nation,  as  it  emerges 
from  this  terrific  contest  with  traitors,  with  its 
power  augmented  and  its  glory  still  further  ad- 


vanced. While  I  have  been  for  every  appro- 
priation necessary  to  carry  on  the  war,  1  have 
been  equally  against  other  appropriations  not  ne- 
cessary to  that  object.  I  have  believed  there  never 
was  a  time  when  the  faithful  representative  of  the 
people  should  more  vigilantly  guard  the  public 
Treasury  than  at  present.  While  the  people  must 
be  overburdened  by  necessary  taxation  to  carry 
on  the  war,  by  no  vote  of  mine  shall  anything  be 
added  to  the  fearful  weight  of  taxation  for  objects 
which  are  not  indispensably  requisite.  In  my 
judgment  it  is  no  light  thing  for  us  here  to  vote 
away  the  people's  money  and  impose  further  and 
lasting  obligations  on  our  constituents.  In  the 
unheard-of  appropriations  we  are  every  day  mak- 
ing we  become  accustomed  to  reckless  voting. 
Millions  are  now  voted  away  as  readily  as  thou- 
sands before  the  rebellion  broke  out.  It  is  said 
that  in  arms  the  laws  are  silent,  and  I  think  it  may 
be  added  that  in  time  of  war  the  voice  of  reason 
and  the  voice  of  remonstrance  may  become  silent. 
When  the  public  attention  is  so  much  and  so  nat- 
urally engrossed  in  the  events  which  are  now 
challenging  the  attention  of  the  civilized  world, 
when  every  breeze  bears  to  us  the  sound  of  vic- 
tory or  disaster,  when  the  land  is  filled  with  suf- 
fering and  sorrow  and  anguish,  when  so  many 
noble  men  are  surrendering  up  their  precious  lives 
on  the  battle-field  ,when  so  many  sick  and  wounded 
and  maimed  soldiers  and  sailors  are  in  all  our  hos- 
pitals, illustrating  the  ghastly  horrors  of  war,  it 
is  no  wonder  that  the  public  attention  is  so  fixed 
upon  matters  of  such  overwhelming  and  tran- 
scendent interest  that  it  is  hard  to  divert  to  any 
other  channel.  It  is  therefore  the  time  for  bad 
men  to  scheme  and  unprincipled  men  to  plot,  for 
men  who  are  callous  to  all  the  obligations  of  pa- 
triotism or  honor,  who  would  see  the  grand  old 
ship  of  State  burned  to  the  water 'sedge,  provided 
th^y  could  plunder  her  before  she  went  down — 
men  who  follow  in  the  wake  of  power,  and 
"  Crook  the  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee 
Where  thrift  may  follow  fawning." 

Sir,  I  have  no  faith  in  the  noisy  patriotism  of 
shoddy  contractors  and  none. in  the  men  who  in 
these  times  of  trial  and  tribulation  through  which 
our  country  is  passing  are  schemingand  plotting 
to  fill  their  own  pockets  while  the  nation  is  veig- 
ing  toward  bankruptcy.  The  sublime  and  un- 
selfish patriotism  of  our  people,  who  stand  like  a 
wall  of  adamant  behind  the  Government  in  its 
support,  a  people  suffering,  bleeding,  dying  for 
their  country,  is  in  magnificent  contrast  to  the 
flaunting  counterfeit  everywhere  to  be  seen. 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  this  has  but  little  to  do  with 
the  real  question  before  us,  except  as  an  expla- 
nation of  the  reasons  why  I  feel  called  upon  to 
scrutinize  all  legislation  of  this  kind,  regardless 
of  the  plausible  guise  in  which  it  may  be  pre- 
sented to  us  country  members.  What  is  the  bill 
before  us?  I  want  to  inquire  of  honorable  mem- 
bers of  this  House  what  is  it  proposed  we  shall 
enact  into  a  law.'  What  rights  of  our  constitu- 
ents are  we  called  upon  to  vote  away  to-day,  and 
what  additional  obligations,  if  any,  are  we  to  load 
them  down  with  in  the  passage  of  this  bill?  Of 
course  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  we  are  all  fa- 
miliar with  the  vastly  important  subject  upon 
which  we  are  called  upon  to  pass.  In  the  course 
I  am  to  take  in  this  matter  I  am  not  to  be  misun- 
derstood, and  I  presume  other  gentlemen  do  not 
wish  to  be  misunderstood.  The  subject  of  a  Pa- 
cific railroad  is  one  of  great  interest  to  the  public. 
I  am  the  oldest  friend  of  the  measure  on  this  floor. 
I  have  been  its  consistent  friend  ever  since  it  has 
been  before  Congress,  and  voted  for  it  in  every 
shape  in  which  it  has  been  presented.  It  has  been 
a  plank  in  the  platform  of  the  party  to  which  I 
have  the  honor  to  belong.  The  great  work  of 
uniting  the  Atlantic  coast  with  the  Pacific  seas 
and  binding  the  patriotic,  loyal,  and  enterprising 
people  of  the  western  coast  to  us  on  this  side  I 
have  always  considered  as  worthy  of  a  great  na- 
tion like  ours  and  of  the  times  in  which  we  live. 
But  as  a  Representative  it  is  my  duty  to  look  well 
to  the  means  by  which  the  object  is  to  be  accom- 
plished. Because  I  am  in  favorof  buildingaroad 
It  does  not  follow  that  I  am  to  squander  the  means 
of  the  Government  without  any  security  that  the 
work  will  be  done.  The  interests  involved  are 
of  such  stupendous  magnitude  as  to  demand  the 
most  vigilant  watchfulness  on  the  part  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  if  we  here  fail  to  guard  them  we  fail 


in  a  great  duty  to  the  country.  If  we  do  not 
place  the  guards  that  are  necessary  for  protection 
of  the  Government,  the  whole  works  will  be  ex- 
posed to  successful  attacks,  and  the  object  of  the 
whole  campaign  may  fail  after  involving  us  in  a 
ruinous  expense. 

Sir,  what  is  the  present  law;  what  were  the 
circumstances  under  which  it  was  adopted  ?  It 
is  a  mostliberal  law,  and  made  so  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  the  gi-eat  object  in  view.  It  was  passed 
more  than  a  year  after  the  rebellion  broke  out, 
and  its  liberal  provisions  were'adopted  witha  view 
to  meet  the  embarrassed  circumstances  attendant 
upon  war.  Capitalists  and  others  made  their  es- 
timates and  declared  that  the  work  could  be  suc- 
cessfully accomplished  under  that  act.  It  em- 
braced all  the  provisions  asked  for.  Let  us  see, 
for  a  moment,  what  some  of  them  are,  and  what 
liabilities  the  Government  assumed  under  the  act, 
and  then  examine  the  proposed  amendments  in 
the  bill  before  us.  In  the  first  place,  by  section 
three  of  the  existing  law  there  is  granted  for  the 
purpose  of  building  this  road,  and  the  telegraph 
line  to  go  with  it,  five  alternate  sections  of  land 
per  mile  on  each  side  of  the  road,  being  half  of 
the  whole  amount  of  land  in  a  strip  of  ten  miles 
wide.  That  of  itself  is  an  enormous  grant.  Then 
by  section  five  it  is  provided  that  on  the  equip- 
ment of  forty  consecutive  miles  the  Government 
shall  issue  six  per  cent,  thirty  years'  bonds  to 
the  amount  of  sixteen  bonds  per  mile,  that  is, 
$16,000,  for  such  section  of  forty  miles.  The  is- 
sue of  said  bonds  and  delivery  to  the  company 
were,  ipso  facto,  to  constitute  a  first  mortgage  on 
the  whole  line  of  road,  telegraph,  rolling  stock, 
&c.  I  desire  particular  attention  to  this  fact,  in 
view  ofa  provision  of  the  amendment  to  the  bill 
we  are  now  considering.  The  company  is  not 
compelled,  in  consideration  of  what  the  Govern- 
ment does  toward  building  the  road,  (and  it  does 
almost  everything,)  to  carry  the  troops,  muni- 
tions of  war,  supplies,  public  stores,  &c.,  free  of 
charge  or  toll,  but  is  to  be  charged  the  santie  price 
as  private  parties.  The  company  is  required  to 
file  assent  to  the  act,  designate  the  route  and  file 
their  map  in  two  years  from  the  date  of  its  pas- 
sage. No  man  can  be  a  director  unless  he  be  the 
bona  fide  ov/ner  of  five  shares  of  the  stock,  and 
there  is  a  prohibition  against  any  one  man  own- 
ing more  than  two  hundred  shares  of  the  stock. 
In  the  existing  law  Congress  not  only  provided 
for  the  building  of  the  main  road,  but  it  granted 
land  to  certain  railroad  companies  by  name,  which 
were  to  form  connections  with  it.  I  refer  to  the 
Leavenworth,  Pawnee,  and  Western  Railroad 
Company  of  Kansas,  (to  which  I  will  presently 
make  further  allusion,)  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Jo- 
seph Railroad  Company,  and  the  Central  Pacific 
Railroad  Company. 

I  have  stated  the  provisions  of  the  fifth  section 
of  the  act,  providing  bonds  at  the  rate  of  $16,000 
per  mile;  but  there  is  a  further  provision  in  the 
eleventh  section  of  the  act  which  gives  $48,000 
per  mile  for  three  hundred  miles  of  that  portion  of 
the  road  most  "  mountainous  and  difficult  of  con- 
struction, "and  to  be  issued  upon  the  construction 
of  every  twenty  miles  of  the  road.  And  then  on 
another  portion  of  the  road  for  two  hundred  miles, 
bonds  are  to  be  issued  at  the  rate  of  $32,000  to 
the  mile.  In  the  seventeenth  section  there  is  a 
very  important  provision  to  the  Government, 
which  reserves  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the  bonds 
to  be  issued  until  the  said  road  should  be  entirely 
completed.  The  fourteenth  section  of  the  act  re- 
quires the  company  to  complete  one  hundred 
miles  of  the  road  in  two  years  after  filing  their 
assent  to  the  conditions  of  the  act,  and  one  hun- 
dred miles  per  year  every  year  thereafter  until 
the  whole  is  completed. 

In  the  business  transactions  of  life  the  prudent 
man  gives  his  closest  attention  to  his  liabilities. 
It  behooves  the  Government  to  act  with  as  much 
circumspection  and  prudence  in  all  transactions 
of  this  character  as  a  good  business  man  would 
exercise  under  the  circumstances.  And  before  we 
launch  out  into  other  obligations,  and  hurriedly 
rush  to  give  up  all  we  so  prudently  and  justly  re- 
served in  the  existing  law,  I  demand  to  know 
what  our  present  oblio;ations  and  liabilities  are  as 
fixed  by  law.  Sir,  I  hold  in  my  hand  an  official 
document  (Miscellaneous  Document  of  the  Sen- 
ate, Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  first  session,  No. 
112)  which  tells  theslory.    Ittells  to  us  the  story 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3151 


of  our  already  existing  obligations  under  tlie  law. 
Will  gentlemen  look  at  the  appalling  figures, 
§95,088,000,  being  the  amount  of  bonds  and  inter- 
est, besidesihe  untold  millions  of  acres  of  the 
public  lands  granted  outright! 

^  tahleshowingthenumherof  miles  nfthe  Pacific  railroad  fo 
he  built;  time  when;  amount  of  Government  bonds  to  he 
iMuedunder  the  law  of  IS&2,  and  interest  thereon;  showing 
also  the  numher  of  miles  to  he  built  annualhj,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment liability  for  each  year  until  the  road  is  completed, 
wilk  the  final  aggregate  of  indebtedness  to  the  Government. 

In  1865. 

Miles. 

On  Council  Bluffs  line 100 

On  Atchison  line 100 

On  Kansas  line 100 

On  California  Pacific  line 50 

To  be  built  this  year 350 

On  wliicli  $16,000  per  mile,  Government  bonds, 
are  to  be  issued,  is $5,600',GO0 

In  1866. 

On  Council  Bluffs  line 100 

On  Kiinsasline 100 

On  Calil'ornia  Bacific  line 50 

950 
On  whicli  $16,000  per  mile.  Government  bonds, 

are  to  be  issued,  is 4,000,000 

Interest  for  1865  on  $5,600,000  six  per  cent. 

bonds,  is 336,000 

In  1867. 

On  Council  Bluffs  line 100 

On  Kansas  line 100 

On  California  Pacific  line 50 

S50 
On    which    $16,000   per   mile.   Government 

bonds,  are  to  be  issued,  is 4,000,000 

Interest  on   bonds  issued  in   1865  and   '68, 

$9,600,000,  at  6  per  cent 576,000 

In  1868. 

Main  linevvest  of  100° 100 

On  Kansas  line 50 

On  California  Pacific  line 50 

200 
On  which    $16,000    per    mile.   Government 

bonds,  are  to  be  issued 4,000,000 

Interest  on  $13,600,000  bonds  issued  in  1865 

-66-67,  at  6  per  cent.,  is 816,000 

In  1859. 

On  main  l.'ne  west  of  100°,  two  hundred  miles, 
on  which  $16,000  per  mile.  Government 
bonds,  are  to  be  issued,  is.. .... .  $3,200,000 

On  California  mountain  portion  of 
the  line,  fifty  miles,  on  wliicii 
$48,000   per  mile.   Government 

bonds,  are  to  be  issued,  is 2,400,000 

5,600,000 

Interest  on  $17,600,000  six  per  cent,  bonds, 
issued  in  1865-66-67-68,  is 1,056,000 

In  1870. 

On  Sioux  City  line 100 

On  main  line  west  of  100° .50 

150 
On  which  $16,000  per  miIe,Go vernment  bonds, 

are  to  be  issued,  is. $2,400,000 

On  California  mountain  portion  of 
main  line,  and  on  Rocky  mount- 
ain portion  of  the  same,  one  hun- 
dred miles,  on  which  $48,000  per 
mile.  Government  bonds,  are  to 

be  issued,  is 4,800,000 

7,200,000 

Interest  on  $23,200,000  six  per  cent,  bonds,  is- 
sued in  1865-66-67-68-69,  is 1,392,000 

In  1871. 

On  Sioux  City  line,  one  hundred  miles,  on 
which  $16,000  per  mile.  Government  bonds, 
are  to  be  issued,  is $1,600,000 

On  California  and  Rocky  mountain 
portions  of  the  line,  one  hundred 
miles,  on  which  $48,000  per  mile. 
Government  bonds,  are  to  be  is- 
sued, is 4,800,000 

^  ,  6,400,000 

Merest  on  $30,400,000  six  per  cent,  bonds, 
issued  in  1865-66-67-68-69-70,  Is 1,824,000 

In  1872. 

On  Rocky  mountain  portion  of  the  line,  fifty 
miles,  on  which  $48,000  per  mile,  Govern- 
ment bonds,  are  to  be  issued,  is. .$2,400,000 

On  main  line  between  the  mount- 
ains, one  hundred  miles,  on  which 
$32,000  per  mile.  Government 
bonds,  are  to  be  issued,  is 3,200,000 

5,600,000 

Interest  on  $36,800,000  six  per  cent,  bonds, 
issued  ill  1865-66-67-68-69-70-71,  is 2,208,000 

In  1873. 

On  main  line  between  the  mountains,  two  hun- 
dred miles,  on  which  $32,000  per  mile,  Gov- 
ernment bonds,  are  to  be  issued 6,400,000 

Interest  on  $42,400,000  six  per  cent,  bonds, 
issued  in  1865  66-67-68-69-70-71-72,  is ... .       2,544,000 

Amount  carried  forward $59,552,000 


Amount  brought  forward 

In  1874. 

On  main  line  between  the  mountains,  two 
hundred  miles,  on  which  $32,000  per  mile, 
Government  bonds,  are  to  be  issued 

Interest  on  $48,800,000  six  per  cent,  bonds, 
issued  in  1865-66-67-68-69-70-71-72-73,  is, 
In  1875. 

On  main  line  between  the  mountains,  two 
hundred  miles,  on  which  $32,000  per  mile, 
Government  bonds,  are  to  bo  issued,  is.... 

Interest  on  $55,200,000  six  per  cent,  bonds  is- 
sued in  1805-66-67-68-69-70-71-72-73-74,13 
In  1876. 

On  main  line  between  the  mountains,  four 
hundred  miles,  on  which  $32,000  per  mile, 
Government  bonds,  are  to  be  issued,  is.... 

Interest  on  $61 ,600,000  six  per  cent,  bonds  is- 
sued in  1865-66-67-68-69-70-71-72-73-74 
-7!5,  is 


$59,552,000 

6,400,000 
2,928,000 

6,400,000 
3,312,000 

12,800,000 

3,696,000 
$95,088,000 


Being  the  total  Government  expenditure  on  the  com- 
pletion of  the  road  in  1876,  under  the  law  of  1862,  for  bonds 
issued,  and  interest  paid  on  the  same  to  Ueceinber  31, 
1876,  excepting  those  bonds  issued  in  that  year,  on  which 
interest  would  be  due  December  31,  1877. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  becomes  vastly  import- 
ant for  us  to  know  how  this  company  stands  in 
relation  to  the  building  of  the  road  and  in  relation 
to  the  Government  before  we  act  further  and  be- 
fore we  further  commit  the  country  to  it.  It  is 
an  organization  of  our  own  creation,  and  for  one 
I  propose  to  scrutinize  the  demand  which  it  now 
makes  upon  Congress  before  it  has  been  fairly 
warmed  into  life. 

What  is  the  present  status  of  the  company  and 
the  Government  under  the  law.'  The  company 
is  organized.  It  has  its  stockliolders,  its  presi- 
dent, directors,  and  officers.  The  question  of 
the  good  faith  of  its  organization  has  been  raised. 
Has  no  one  man  more  than  the  amount  of  stock 
limited  by  law,  that  is,  two  hundred  shares.' 
Are  all  the  directors  owners,  bona  fide,  of  the 
amount  of  stock  required.'  On  the  other  hand,  is 
it  not  notorious  that  one  single  individual  owns 
or  controls  a  majority  of  the  stock,  and  has  or- 
ganized the  company  in  such  a  way  as  to  com- 
pletely coirtrol  it;  and  is  it  not  alleged  that  there 
are  directors  in  the  board  who  are  not  bona  fide 
owners  of  a  single  dollar  of  stock.'  And  it  must 
be  understood  that  under  the  existing  law  parties 
who  have  subscribed  for  ^1,001,000  worth  of 
stock  (the  whole  amount  subscribed  being  only 
§2,000,000)  can  control  the  whole  concern. 
While  the  Government  is  liable  for  nearly  $100,- 
000,000,  and  has  donated  millions  upon  millions 
of  acres  of  public  land  to  this  great  work,  yet 
this  entire  organization  has  gone  into  the  hands 
of  parties  who  have  put  in  but  a  trifle  over  one 
per  cent,  of  the  whole  amount  that  the  Govern- 
ment is  liable  for.  And  the  Government  is  ut- 
terly without  any  controlling  voice  in  the  direc- 
tion of  this  company,  as  it  has  but  two  directors 
outof  the  whole  number.  Does  it  not  seem,  there- 
fore, that  the  Government  is  "left  out  in  the 
cold"in  the  arrangement  as  it  now  stands.'  But 
gentlemen  point  us  to  the  long  list  of  the  present 
board  of  directors,  who  are  men  of  well-known 
integrity  and  of  capital;  but  I  desire  to  ask  what 
number  of  these  men  of  integrity  and  capital  who 
appear  in  the  list  as  directors  are  active  and  man- 
aging men  controlling  and  directing  the  action  of 
the  company.'  Such  directors  as  General  Dix, 
Mr.  Opdykc,  A.  A.  Low,  W.  B.  Ogden,  Na- 
thaniel Thayer,  J.  Edgar  Thompson,  J.  F.  D. 
Lanier,  George  Griswold,  J.  V.  L.  Pruyn,  and 
Auguste  Belmont,  have  either  resigned  their  po- 
sitions or  refuse  to  take  any  part  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  affairs  of  the  company,  while  the 
real  management  is  in  the  hands  of  a  set  of  Wall 
street  stock-jobbers  who  are  using  this  great  en- 
gine for  their  own  private  ends,  regardless  of 
what  should  be  the  great  objects  of  the  company 
and  of  the  interests  of  the  country.  Whoarethe 
men  who  are  here  to  lobby  this  bill  through.' 
Have  the  men  of  high  character  and  of  a  national 
reputation  whose  names  wereat  an  earlier  period 
connected  with  this  enterprise  been  here,  ani- 
mated by  acommendable  publicspiritand  by  mo- 
tives of  patriotism,  to  nsk  us  to  pass  this  bill.' 
I  have  not  heard  of  such  men  being  here  for  that 
purpose,  but  on  the  other  hand  the  work  of  "  put- 
ting the  bill  through"  has  gone  into  the  hands  of 
such  men  as  Samuel  Hallett  and  George  Francis 
Train-T-yor  nobile  fratrum. 

What  was  required  to  be  done  under  the  law 


and  what  has  been  done.'  The  genenil  route  wa.s 
to  be  designated  in  two  years,  and  the  map  was 
to  be  filed  in  two  years  from  the  date  of  the  act. 
See  section  seven  of  the  act.  The  two  years  will 
expire  on  the  1st  day  of  .Tuly,  ten  days  hence, 
and  neither  of  these  provisions  has  been  com- 
plied with,  and  the  bill  we  are  now  considering 
extends  the  time  for  both  of  these  objects  for  one 
year  more.  Section  fourteen  of  the  act  provide.^ 
that  one  hundred  miles  of  road  shall  be  built  by 
the  company  in  two  years  from  the  acceptance  of 
the  charter,  which  took  place  June  2b,  1863,  one 
year  ago.  Though  one  half  of  the  time  has  ex- 
pired not  one  rod  of  the  main  road  has  been  com- 
pleted, and  I  am  told  no  contracts  entered  into 
for  its  construction,  and  all  that  has  been  done  has 
been  the  purchase  of  iron  enough  to  build  ten 
miles  of  the  road.  The  company  so  far  has  ut- 
terly failed  to  perform  its  part.  Such  being  the 
situation  of  this  company  and  its  relations  to  the 
Government,  I  ask  the  attention  of  the  House  to 
what  is  demanded  of  us  by  this  bill  in  behalf  of 
the  said  company. 

I  do  not  know  that  I  have  any  objections  to 
the  first  three  sections  of  the  bill,  but  the  fourth 
section  amends  the  act  by  doubling  the  quantity 
of  land  to  the  company.  It  also  provides  for 
amending  the  seventh  section,  so  that  land  within 
twenty-five  miles  of  the  designated  route  shall  be 
withdrawn  from  preemption,  instead  oC  fifteen 
miles.  And  now  I  read  the  fifth  section  of  the 
bill  before  us,  and  1  call  particular  attention  to 
its  provisions: 

Sec.  5.  ~3nd  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  time  for  des- 
ignating the  general  route  of  said  railroad,  and  of  filing 
the  map  of  the  same,  and  tiie  time  for  the  completion  of 
that  part  of  the  railroads  required  by  the  terms  of  said  act 
of  each  company,  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  extended 
one  year  from  the  time  in  said  act  designated  ;  and  that 
the  Central  Pacific  Railroad  Company  of  California  shall 
be  required  to  complete  twenty -five  miles  of  their  said 
road  in  each  year  thereafter,  and  the  whole  of  the  State 
line  within  four  years,  and  that  only  one  half  of  the  com- 
pensation for  services  rendered  for  the  Goveryiment  hy  said 
companies  shall  be  required  to  be  applied  fo  the  payment  of 
the  bonds  issued  by  the  Government  in  aid  of  the  construc- 
tion of  said  roads. 

You  will  perceive,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  time 
for  de.sigiiating  the  general  route  and  filing  the 
map  is  extended  one  year,  but  the  Central  Pa- 
cific Railroad  Company  is  only  required  to  build 
twenty-five  miles  of  road  per  year  instead  of  fifty,- 
as  now  required  by  law;  and  instead  of  the  com- 
pensation due  the  company  for  services  rendered 
to  the  Government  being  applied  to  the  payment 
of  the  bonds  issued  in  aid  of  the  construction  of 
the  roads,  one  half  only,  by  this  bill,  is  to  go  in 
that  direction,  and  the  other  half  is  to  be  paid  by 
the  Government  to  the  company — a  proposition 
that  I  cannot  agree  to.  Section  six  of  this  bill 
provides  for  the  absolute  repeal  of  the  proviso  to 
the  fourth  section  of  the  present  law,  which  pro- 
viso is  as  follows: 

"That  no  such  commissioners  shalibe  appointed  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  unless  there  shall  be  pre- 
sented to  him  a  statement,  verified  on  oath  by  the  president 
of  the  said  company,  that  such  forty  miles  have  been  com- 
pleted in  the  manner  required  by  tliis  act,  and  setting  forth ' 
Willi  certainty  the  points  where  such  forty  miles  begin 
and  where  the  same  end,  which  oath  shall  be  taken  before 
a  j  udge  of  a  court  of  record. " 

In  lieu  of  this  provision,  so  necessary  to  guard 
the  public  interest,  it  is  provided  by  section  six 
of  this  bill  as  follows: 

And  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  hereby  author- 
ized, at  any  time  after  tlie  passage  of  this  act,  to  appoint 
for  each  and  every  of  said  roads  three  commissioners,  as 
provided  for  In  the  act  to  which  this  is  amendatory ;  and 
the  verified  statement  of  the  president  of  the  California 
company,  required  by  said  section  four,  shall  be  filed  in 
the  office  of  the  United  States  surveyor  general  for  the 
State  of  California,  instead  of  being  presented  to  the  Pres- 
ident  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  said  surveyor  general 
shall  thereupon  notify  the  said  commissioners  of  the  tiling 
of  such  statement,  and  the  said  commissioners  shall  there- 
upon proceed  to  examine  the  portion  of  said  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  so  completed,  and  make  their  report  thereon 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  as  provided  by  the 
act  of  which  this  is  amendatory.  And  such  statement 
may  be  filed,  and  such  railroad  and  telegraph  line  be  exam- 
ined and  reported  on  by  the  said  commissioners,  and  the 
bonds  may  be  issued,  and  the  lands  may  be  set  apart,  lo- 
cated, entered,  and  patented,  as  provided  in  this  act  and 
the  act  of  which  this  is  amendatory,  upon  the  construction 
by  said  railroad  company  of  California  of  any  portion  of 
not  less  than  twenty  consecutive  miles  of  their  said  rail- 
road and  telegraph  line,  upon  the  certificate  of  said  com- 
missioners that  such  portion  is  completed  as  required  by_ 
the  act  of  which  this  is  amendatory. 

This  section,  after  repealing  the  provision  for- 
bidding the  President  to  appoint  commissioners 
until  a  verified  statement  is  presented  to  him  by 
the  president  of  the  company  that  forty  milea  of 


3152 


THE  CONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE: 


June'  21.1 


road  have  been  completed,  provides  M  a  differ- 
ent mode  of  getting  the  verified  slatement,  so  far 
at  least  as  tlie  California  company  is  concerned, 
and  requires  the  oath  to  Ije  filed  in  the  surve3''or 
general's  office  of  California  instead  of  Ijeing 
))resented  to  the  President.  But  the  real  gist  and 
aninaus  of  the  section  is  to  enable  the  company 
to  get  the  bonds  upon  the  "construction"  of 
twenty  miles  of  the  road  (Mii/iu/iej-e,  instead  of  forty 
consecutive  miles,  the  pomts  of  beginning  and 
ending  being  required  to  be  set  forth  with  cer- 
tainty, as  by  the  present  law. 

Now  1  will  ask  the  House  to  look  over  with 
me  the  seventeenth  section  of  the  presentlawand 
see  the  provision  whicli  reserves  twenty-five  per 
cent,  of  the  bonds  issued  in  this  behalf  in  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  unde-livered  "  un^ 
til  said  road  and  all  parts  thereof  are  entirely  com- 
pleted." This  wise  provision,  so  justto  the  Gov- 
ernment, isrepealeti  outright  by  the  seventh  sec- 
tion of  the  bill  before  us,  and  no  portion  of  the 
bonds  whatever  are  to  be  retained  but  all  are  to 
go  to  the  company.  The  fifth  section  of  the  law 
provides  for  the  issuing  of  bonds  when  the  com- 
missioners shall  certify  to  the  completion  and 
equipment  of  foi'ty  miles  of  the  road  and  tele- 
graph. Who  will  contend  that  this  is  not  a  just 
provision  to  the  Government,  and  one  that  ought 
to  be  adiiered  to,  if  we  pretend  to  look  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  nation  .'  But,  sir,  mark  you  how 
this  is  got  rid  of  by  the  extraordinary  provisions 
of  the  eighth  section  of  the  bill  before  us  to-day. 

I  will  read  this  eighth  section,  and  then  scru- 
tinize its  provisions: 

Sec.  8.  ^nd  be  it  farther  enacted,  That  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  tlie  work  on  suid  railroa<l,  and  of  enaljliiig 
the  said  company  as  early  as  practicable  to  coiiHiieiice  the 
grading  of  said  railroad  in  tlierpi;ioii  of  the  nionntain?,  be- 
tween the  eastern  base  of  the  ilocky  mountains  and  the 
western  base  of  the  .'Sierra  Nevada  mountains,  so  tliat  the 
same  may  be  linally  completed  within  the  time  required 
by  law,  it  Is  hereby  provided  that  whmicvcr  the  chief  en- 
gineer of  the  said  company,  and  said  commissioners,  shall 
certify  that  a  certain  proportion  of  the  work  required  to  pre- 
pare the  road  for  the  sui'erstructuru  on  any  mch  section 
of  twenty  miles  is  done  (which  said  certificate  shall  lie  duly 
verified)  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  hereby  authorized 
and  required,  iipon  the  delivery  of  such  certificate,  to  issue 
to  said  company  a  proportion  of  said  hoiids,  not  exceeding 
two  thirds  of  the  amount  of  bonds  authorized  to  he  issued 
under  the  proi'isi.ons  of  the  act,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of 
such  section  of  twenty  miles,  iior  in  any  case  exceeding  two 
thirds  of  tlie  value  of  the  work  done.  The  remaining  one 
third  to  rt>mairt.  until  the  said  section  is  fully  completed  and 
certified  liy  the  commissioners  appoiittcd  by  the  President 
according  to  the  terms  and  procisions  of  the  said  act,  ^'c.,  ^c. 

Here,  instead  of  having  forty  mile?  of  your 
road  completed  before  you  let  go  your  bonds,  it 
is  coolly  proposed  that,  upon  a  certificate  that  the 
road  is  prepared  for  the  superstructure,  before  a 
rail  is  laid  on  any  section  of  twenty  miles,  the 
Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury  is  required  to  issu.e 
bonds  not  exceeding  two  thirds  of  the  amount 
authorized  to  be  now  issued,  and  not  to  exceed 
two  thirds  of  t^ie  value  of  the  work  done.  What 
does  all  this  mean?  It  means  that  the  company 
shall  be  permitted  to  go  on  and  do  certain  grading 
on  the  road,  not  pirtting  it  any  where  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  completion,  get  two  thirds  of  tlie 
whole  amount  of  bonds  per  mile  which  are  au- 
thorized by  law,  and  leave  the  road  unfinished, 
put  the  bonds  into  its  pocket,  and  leave  Uncle 
Sam  to  whistle  for  his  money  and  his  railroad. 

i  come  now  to  the  tenth  section  of  the  bill,  and 
I  confess  to  a  sort  of  admiration  of  the  sublime 
audacity  which  parties  must  have  to  come  here 
and  ask  Congress  to  enact  such  a  provision  into 
a  law.  I  have  called  attention  to  other  provisions 
of  an  extraordinary  nature,  but  this  proposed  en- 
actment throws  all  others  far  into  the  shade,  and 
stands  out  in  bold  relief  as  an  indication  of  the 
"  base  uses"  that  this  company  have  conceived 
that  Congress  may  be  put  to  in  their  behalf.  I 
carefully  read  the  section  that  every  gentleman 
may  know  its  exact  meaning  and  purport: 

Sec.  10.  And  be  il  fart  tier  enacted,  Thai  section  five  of 
said  act  b(!  so  modified  and  ampuded  (hat  the  IJniini  Pacific 
Railroad  Company,  the  Central  I'acific  Railroad  Company, 
and  any  oiher  company  anlhoriz(.'d  to  participate- in  the 
construction 'of  said  road,  may  issue  their  first  morlgagn 
bonds  on  Ihuir  respective  railroads  and  tehigraph  lines  lo 
an  amount  not  exceeding  tin:  amount  of  the  bonds  of  the 
United  .States  anihorizcd  to  be  issued  to  said  railroad  com- 
panies respectividy.  ANDTHK  LIKNOKTHU  L'NITEO  STATES 
BONDS  SHALL  BK  KUBOKDINATK  TO  THAT  OK  THE  BONDS  OF 
ANY  OR  EITHER  OF  SAID  COMPANIES  HEREBY  AUTHORIZED 
TO    BE    ISSUED    ON    THEIR    RESl'ECTIVE    ROADS,  PROPERTY, 

AND  EQUIPMENTS.  And  sald  seclioa  is  furtlier  amended  by 
striking  out  the  word  "  forty"  and  inserting  in  lieu  thereof 
the  words  "  on  each  and  every  section  of  not  less  than 
twenty." 


Now,  it  will  be  recollected  that  the  fifth  section 

of  the  existing  law  provides  for  the  repayment  of 
the  bonds  issued  to  the  company,  and  declares 
that  the  issue  and  delivery  of  them  to  the  com- 
pany shall  ipso  facto  constitute  a  Jl?'sf  mortgage 
on  the  whole  line  of  road  and  telegraph,  together 
with  the  rolling  stock.  This  was  the  security 
which  Congress  had  a  right  to  demand  of  any 
company  that  should  be  organized.  It  was  its 
duty  to  require  it,  unless  it  was  intended  to  sur- 
render up  everything  and  place  the  most  gigantic 
interests  at  the  feet  of  the  company  without  con- 
trol and  withou.t  challenge.  'We  donated,  as  I 
have  before  stated,  millions  upon  millions  of  acres 
of  the  public  lands  for  this  purpose;  then  we 
agreed  to  give  our  bonds  for  the  aimount,  with  the 
interest  thereon,  of  |i96,000,000,  and  if  Congress 
had  required  less  than  a  firU  mortgage  as  its  se- 
curity, it  would  in  my  judgment  have  been  dere- 
lict in  duty  to  the  country,  whose  interests  in 
this  regard  it  can  alone  protect.  What  is  now 
proposed  by  this  amendment.'  I  demand  that 
gentlemen  shall  look  at  it;  let  the  mirror  be  held 
up  to  nature.  Nothing  less  than  that  the  Gov- 
ernment, with  its  liability  of  a  hundred  millions, 
shall  relinquish  its  first  mortgage  and  subordinate 
its  lien  to  the  liens  of  all  the  companies  created 
for  building  the  road.  The  bonds  of  the  United 
States  are  to  be  issued  to  the  company,  and  the 
Government  is  to  have  no  prior  lien  for  its  secur- 
ity; but  by  this  provision  the  company  repre- 
senting as  it  may  but  one  per  cent,  or  a  little  over 
of  the  amount  that  the  Government  is  liable  for, 
is  to  subordinate  that  Governnnent  to  its  own  in- 
terests, raise  money  on  the  security  of  the  means 
that  the  Government  has  furnished,"  give  a  first 
mortgage  for  the  security  of  that  money,  and 
leave  the  United  States  as  a  second  mortgagee, 
obliged  to  pay  off  the  first  mortgage  before  it  can 
be  in  a  position  to  take  advantage  of  any  security 
there  might  by  possibility  be  as  a  second  mort- 
gagee. But  who  is  wild  enough  to  believe  that 
should  the  provisions  of  this  section  become  a 
law  the  remaining  security  of  the  Government 
will  be  worth  a  straw.''  "It  is  worse  than  idle 
to  contend  that  we  shall  have  any  security  left 
for  all  our  liability  if  this  bill  shall  pass.  And 
further,  by  the  fifth  section  of  the  law  bonds  can- 
not be  issued  till /oi'ij/ consecutive  miles  of  the 
road  are  fully  completed  and  equipped.  It  is 
now  proposed  by  this  tenth  section  to  strike  out 
forty  and  make  it  twenty.  This  company,  not 
content  with  snatching  from  the  Government  the 
security  it  now  holds  for  the  bonds  it  issues, 
cannot  even  wait  to  finish  the  forty  miles  of  road 
at  present  required  before  grabbing  what  is  pro- 
posed to  put  into  their  hands,  but  they  must  cut 
it  down  so  that  they  can  go  in  o.n  twenty  miles. 
Sir,  on  my  responsibility  as  a  Representative,  I 
pronounce  this  as  the  most  monstrous  and  flagrant 
attempt  to  overreach  the  Government  and  the 
people  that  can  be  found  in  all  the  legislative  an-; 
nals  of  the  country.  When  we  look  at  the  ori- 
ginal law  with  all  its  liberal  and  just  provisions, 
when  we  look  at  the  company  organized  under  it 
and  see  how  far  it  has  failed  to  meet  its  proper  ob- 
ligations, and  consider  the  extraordinary  amend- 
ments here  proposed,  are  we  not  filled  with  as- 
tonishment at  what  is  demanded  of  us  as  the 
guardians  of  the  people's  rights.''  .Indeed  may 
we  HOVtf'cxclaira: 

•■■'  "  Can  siU'h  things  bo, 

And  Overcome  us  like  a  summer^s  cloud, 

Without  our  special  wonder.'" 

I  have  said  I  am  afriend  to  the  Pacific  railroad, 
and  that  friendship  has  been  proved  by  my  official 
action  in  this  House  forthclast  ten  years.  Iwant. 
to  see  that  magnificententerprisecornpletedat  the 
earliest  moment,  and  anything  the  Government 
can  properly  do  in  this  time  of  war  to  urge  for- 
ward the  object  I  am  in  favor  of.  But  because  I 
am  ill  favor'of  it  1  am  not  going  blindly  for  any 
projects  that  may  be  thrust  forward  by  interested 
parties';  projects,  that  will  take  the  means  of  the 
Government  and  not  secure  the  end  desired.  1 
will  never  consent  to  yield  what  is  demanded  by 
this  bill.  I  believe  the  road  will  never  be  built 
under  the  pi-esent  management  even  if  the  bill 
shall  pass,  and  1  desire  to  place  that  conviction 
upon  the  record  here  to-day.  I  warn  the  true 
friends  of  the  road,  I  warn  Congress  and  the  peo- 
ple what  will  be.the  result.  The  present  directors 
oftiiecompany  hold  for  three  years,  and  the  wiiole 
business  of  the  directors  is  done  by  an  executive 


committee  of  the  board  whoholdforthesame  time. 

The  real  state  of  the  case  seems  to  be  that  the  ex-'^ 
ecutive  committee  is  the  board  of  directors,  and" 
one  man  is  the  executive  Committee. 

I  have  said  I  would  again  advert  to  the  Leav- 
enworth, Pawnee,  and  Kansas  Road  Company, 
to  which  a  grant  was  made  by  the  existing  law, 
but  it  is  not  material  to  the  object  I  have  in  view 
in  making  these  remarks.     This  has  been  a  sep- 
arate organization,  and  the  sarne  fate  has  befallen 
it  as  will,  I  fear,  overtake  other  and  like  compa- 
nies. There  are,  I  understand ,  no  less  than  three 
different  organizations,  and  everything  connected-., 
with  the  road  is  in  the  most  inextricable  confu?.; 
sion,  with  litigation  piled  mountains  high,  differ--^- 
ent  parties  fighting  over  the  matter  like  dogs  over  ' 
a  bone. 

I  believe  a  different  state  of  things  exists  with 
the  California  company,  and  it  is  on  that  side 
that  nearly  all  the  work  has  been  done,  and  done 
in  good  faith;  but  the  fate  and  destiny  of  that 
company  must  abide  that  of  the  others. 

To  the  first,  second,  and  third  sections  of' the  ' 
bill  I  now  see  no  valid  objections,  and  I  do  not 
know  that  I  would  object  to  the  twelfth  and  four- 
teenth sections.  The  thirteenth  section  is  a  great 
improvenaent  on  the  existing  law,  but  I  do  not  be- 
lieve it  goes  far  enough.  The  objectionable  feat- 
ures of  the  bill  are  very  objectionable,  while  the 
others  are  of  but  little  value.  Unless  there  shall 
be  very  material  amendments  adopted,  I  shall 
vote  against  the  bill. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  have  no  speech  to,  make  par- 
ticularly upon  this  bill,  yet  I  have  thought  that 
it  might  be  well  enough  for  some  one  who  is 
upon  the  special  committee  on  this  subject  to 
make  some  observations^i;j  reference  to  the  opera- 
tions of  this  road. 

I  am  a  little  astonished  at  the  proposition  made 
by  the  gentlemanfrom  New  York  [Mr.  Pruyn] 
in  reference  to  this  matter — a  proposition  coming 
from  a  gentleman  professedly  a  friend  of  the  en- 
terprise, proposing  at  this  day,  without  so  much 
as  "by  your  leave, sir,"  to  take  away  the  entire 
franchise  from  a  company  which  have  this  mat- 
ter in  charge,  who  have  subscribed  the  stock,, 
have  paid  the  moiiey  contemplated  by  law,  have) 
complied  in  every  respect  with  the  requirements' 
of  their  charier.  I  say  I  am  surprised  that  un- 
der these  circumstances  a  proposition  should  be 
made  to  take  away  at  one  fell  swoop  the  entire 
control  of  the  road  with  all  its  franchises,  and 
leave  them  without  remedy  or  redress.  I  do  not 
know  that  it  is  necessary  to  spend  much  time 
upon  that  subject,  for  I  have  not  persuaded  my- 
self that  the  proposition  was  made  in  good  faith, 
or  that  it  will  be  seriously  entertained.  I  shall' 
therefore  say  nothing  further  in  reference  to  it, 
for  my  object  is  not.  to  kill  time,  nor  to  kill  the 
bill  by  talking  it  to  death,  for  after-  what  has 
taken  place  this  evening,  if  that  object  is  tp  be 
accomplished,  it  will  tiot  need  help  from  me  or 
any  other  friend  of  the  enterprise. 

I  wish  now  to  pay  some  little  attention  to  the 
remarks  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois, 
[Mr.  Wasiiburne.]  I  must  congratulate  him 
on  the  great  interest  he  takes  in  the  condition  of 
the  country  at  this  particular  time.  I  am  much 
[ileased  to  find  sonie  gentleman  upon  this  floor 
who  is  willing  at  the  risk  of  his  life  and  his  honor 
to  guard  the  Treasury  of  these  United  States 
when  there  are  so  many  contractors  with  their 
arms  into  it  clear  up  to  the  shoulder.  I  begin 
to  believe  there  is  some  liopeof  salvation  for  the 
country  when  I  can  array  on  this  side  of  the  ques- 
tion such  an  able  advocate  as  my  friend  IVom 
Illinois.  ..,   ,/  .  ......     ,.i  ;  .  .,;, 

But  there  is  one  strange  thing  about  his  course 
at  this  time.  He  proposes  to  guard  the  Treasury 
when  there  is  no  attack  made  upon  it.  He  pro- 
poses to  stand  as  sentinel  when  there  is  no  foe 
near  or  far  o(f.  He  proposes  to  save  money  from 
going  out  of  the  Treasury  when  nobody  asks  for 
any  rnoiiey  to  be  taken  out  of  the  Treasury.  I 
beg  tlie  gentlemen  who  compose  this  House  to 
mark  well  what  I  say,  for  there  is  nothing  I  say 
that  I  cannot  prove  from  the  record.  The  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois  has  ,';one  over  this  bill  sec- 
tion by  section  and  pa,ragraph  by  paragraph, 
and  he  has  failed  to  put  his  linger  upon  a  single 
item  in  these  amendments  to  the  original  charter 
of  the  company  where  we  ask  for  a  single  ad- 
ditional dollar.  I  am  either  right  or  wrong  in 
the  declaration  that  Jiot  an  additional  dollar  is 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS, 

PUBLISHED 

BY  JOHN  C. 

>^ . . — 

RIVES, 

WASHINGTON, 

D. 

C. 

Thirty-Eighth  Congress,  1st  Session. 

THURSDAY, 

JUNE  23, 

1864. 

New  Series... 

.No 

.198. 

asked  for  by  this  bill.  If  I  am  wrong,  now  is  the 
time  and  here  is  the  place  to  correct  it.  And  I 
wish  particularly  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
House  to  the  fact  that  there  is  no  attempt  here  to 
take  a  dollar  or  a  dime  from  the  Treasury  other 
than  that  proposed  by  the  original  law. 

Now  I  want  to  say  parenthetically,  Mr.  Speaker, 
.  or  in  any  other  way,  that  these  amendments,  four- 
teen in  number,  are  the  result  of  the  investiga- 
tions of  the  special  committee  of  thirteen  for  the 
last  six  months.  That  committee  of  thirteen  is 
composed  of  some  gentlemen  who  have  had  some 
experience  of  railroading,  and  who  know  some- 
thing about  what  it  takes  to  build  a  railroad  in 
time  and  money.  Six  months'  labor  produced 
these  fourteen  amendments. 

If  you  believe  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  these 
amendments  are  not  only  very  weak  but  must  be 
very  wicked.  If  he  is  right  this  bill  not  only  will 
destroy  the  Treasury  but  will  uproot  the  very 
foundations  of  society  and  civil  government.  I 
overheard  a  conversation  between  some  gentlemen 
near  me  in  which  it  was  said  that  if  these  things 
charged  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  against  this 
bill  are  true,  then  it  ought  not  to  pass.  I  do  not 
wonder  at  these  remarks.  If  sound  goes  for  sense, 
any  gentleman  coming  into  this  Hall  and  hearing 
the  denunciations  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
against  these  amendments  of  the  committee  must 
have  concluded  that  the  committee  had  been  de- 
vising ways  and  means  during  the  entire  six 
months  for  the  purpose  of  robbing  the  Treasury 
and  destroying  the  Government. 

Now,  1  have  the  idea  that  the  gentlemen  who 
are  upon  that  committee  are  moderately  loyal  and 
moderately  honest,  and  that  they  do  not  intend 
to  rob  the  country  or  to  destroy  the  Government. 
That  is  my  idea.  There  are  twelve  other  gentle- 
men on  the  committee,. and  they  can  speak  for 
themselves.  So  far  as  I  know  them  that  is  my 
conclusion,  that  they  are  not  only  men  of  fair 
ability  but  of  average  honesty,  and  have  no  de- 
sign upon  the  Government  or  the  Treasury. 

The  original  bill  was  passed  for  the  purpose  of 
the  construction  of  a  Pacific  railroad.  At  the 
time  of  its  passage  it  was  the  impression  that  the 
amount  of  the  Governmentsubsidy  was  sufficient 
to  build  that  road.  I  need  not  say  to  the  mem- 
bers of  this  House  that  since  the  passage  of  that 
law  the  prices  of  labor  and  material  have  gone  up 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred  per  cent,  and  that  an 
amount  of  Government  subsidy  amply  sufficient 
to  construct  the  road  at  that  time  is  insufficient  and 
inadequate  at  this  time.  If  the  members  of  the 
House  think  it  proper  under  the  circumstances 
not  to  grant  further  time  and  not  to  grant  further 
facilities  to  this  company  for  the  construction  of 
this  road,  (for  not  an  additional  dollar  is  asked,) 
then  these  amendments  must  be  voted  down. 

In  reference  to  carrying  the  troops  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, I  need  ofily  say  that  the  bill  contem- 
plates— and,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  specifies  in 
terms — that  the  company  shall  carry  the  troops 
and  munitions  of  war  of  the  Government  at  all 
times  when  called  upon  to  do  so;  and  the  com- 
pensation for  doing  so  shall  be  credited  to  the 
company  on  the  loan  the  Government  makes  in 
these  bonds.  If  I  am  not  right  in  this,  this  is  the 
time  and  place  to  correct  me.  It  proposes  nothing 
new  in  reference  to  that.  It  leaves  that  matter, 
as  I  understand  it,  just  where  it  was  before,  and, 
as  .a  matter  of  course,  if  it  was  right  at  the  time 
it  was  passed  it  cannot  be  wrong  now. 

Now,  a  word  in  reference  to  the  honesty  of  the 
company  that  is  organized  for  the  purpose  of  pros- 
ecuting this  work.  I  am  only  acquainted  with  a 
part  of  the  company  and  not  very  particularly 
acquainted  with  any  of  them.  I  do  not  know 
anything  against  the  honesty  of  anybody  con- 
nected with  the  road.  I  do  know  some  men  who 
are  directors  and  officers  of  the  company  who 
have  the  reputation  of  being  honest  men,  and 
good  railroad  men.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois, 
in  enumerating  certain  individuals  whom  he  said 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  company,  included  in 
that  enumeration  General  Dix.  I  think  hje  has 
forgotten  or  lost  a  part  of  the  record  of  the  facts 

198 


connected  with  this  transaction.  I  think  that 
General  Dix  is  president  of  the  road  now,  and  if 
so  he  must  certainly  be  connected  with  it,  and  I 
presume  he  is  a  stockholder.  I  do  not  know  that 
he  is,  and  I  only  state  what  I  know  to  be  facts. 
I  only  wish  to  disabuse  the  minds  of  members 
and  let  them  know  that  General  Dix  is  connected 
with  the  road;  and  he  has  had  something  to  do 
with  railroading,  and  I  believe  he  is  esteemed  a 
tolerably  honest  man.  He  was  the  first  presi- 
dent of  the  road  elected,  and,  as  I  understand  it, 
he  is  president  to-day,  so  that  that  part  of  my 
friend's  objection  falls  to  the  ground,  and,  worse 
than  that,  it  proves  that  he  is  either  mistaken 
about  this  matter  or  never  knew  anything  about 
it,  either  of  which  suppositions  is  fatal  to  his 
argument. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  charges  against 
this  company  (and  I  am  not  its  attorney  and  have 
never  seen  its  books)  that  one  man  owns  all  the 
stock.  He  did  not  tell  us  how  he  knew  it.  He 
did  not  tell  us  that  he  had  seen  the  books.  I  un- 
dertake to  say,  without  having  seen  the  books, 
and  1  say  it  without  fear  of  successful  contradic- 
tion here  or  elsewhere,  that  that  statement  lacks 
the  very  important  ingredieat  of  truth.  I  do  not 
mean  it  in  an  offensive  sense.  I  mean  that  the 
gentleman  is  mistaken  about  it,  or  did  not  state 
the  facts. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  did  not 
say  that  one  man  owned  all  the  stock. 

Mr.  PRICE.  Well,  I  understood  the  gentle- 
man to  say  so;  or  at  least  that  one  man  controlled 
it;  his  language,  I  am  told,  was,  "  Is  it  not  noto- 
rious that  one  man  owns  all  the  stock.'"  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  one  man  does  not  own  all  the  stock, 
and  until  it  is  proved  that  one  man  controls  the 
company  I  do  not  think  the  charge  ought  to  be 
made  here.  I  believe,  although  I  am  not  a  lav/- 
yer,  that  the  prjnciple  of  law  is  that  a  man  is  pre- 
sumed to  be  innocent  until  you  prove  him  guilty. 
There  is  no  proof  here  of  that  statement,  and  I 
have  yet  to  learn  thatdenunciations  and  assertions 
and  declarations,  howeverloud  and  emphatic  they 
may  be,  amount  to  proof.  « 

But,  says  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  the  maps 
are  not  filed  and  hence  the  company  has  not  com- 
plied with  the  law.  Well,  I  presume  the  maps 
are  not  filed.  I  do  not  know  whether  they  are 
or  are  not,  but  I  do  know  the  fact  that  the  time 
for  filing  the  maps  has  not  yet  arrived,  and  a  con- 
tract is  not  supposed  to  be  violated  until  the  time 
fixed  as  the  limit  shall  have  expired.  That  time 
has  not  expired  according  to  the  gentleman's 
own  showing,  and  yet  the  company  are  arraigned 
here  in  the  high  council  chamber  of  the  nation 
for  a  failure  to  comply  with  their  contract  when 
the  time  fixed  by  the  contract  has  not  yet  ex- 
pired !  I  ask  how  much  fairness  there  is  in  such 
a  charge.' 

But  in  connection  with  that  statement  the  gen- 
tleman says  that  the  company  has  done  nothing. 
Now,  does  he  mean  what  he  says.'  Does  he 
mean  that  the  company  has  done  nothing,  or  does 
he  use  the  expression  in  a  qualified  sense?  If  he 
means  that  the  language  shall  convey  just  ex- 
actly the  meaning  that  ij.  would  seem  to  me  to 
have  on  paper,  then  I  say  that  he  has  forgotten 
the  facts  again  and  talked  around  the  truth,  be- 
cause the  company  has  done  something.  It  has 
spent  four  times  as  much  as  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  and  myself  are  both  worth  or  ever  will 
be.  They  had  expended  three  months  ago — I  do 
not  know  how  much  they  have  expended  since — 
according  to  their  certified  statement,  $800,000. 
Is  that  no  money .'  I  grant  that  it  would  be  con- 
sidered no  money  according  to  the  practice  in 
this  House  when  we  come  to  vote  appropriations; 
but  out  in  the  country  where  my  friend  andl  live 
$800,000  is  regarded  as  a  considerable  amount  of 
money,  even  in  greenbacks. 

The  gentleman  says  there  has  been  no  statement 
filed  before  the  special  committee.  Now,  there  are 
twelve  members  of  the  committee  here  besides 
myself,  and  they  will  bear  me  witness  when  I  say 
that  there  was  a  statement  laid  before  that  com- 
mittee, and  that  it  was  examined  by  that  commit- 


tee, showing  what  the  company  had  done  up  to 
the  time  that  statement  of  facts  and  figures  was 
laid  before  the  committee.  What,  then,  lank  haa 
become  of  the  statement  of  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  when  he  says  that  no  statement  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  company  has  been  filed .' 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  made  no 
such  statement. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  believe  the  first  thing  that  a  law- 
yer learns  is*to  deny.  The  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois says  he  did  not  say  it,  and  that  is  enough. 
I  understood  my  friend  from  Illinois  to  say  that 
no  statement  had  been  filed  with  the  special  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Oh,  no,  sir; 
I  said  nothing  of  the  kind,  and  I  never  thought  of 
anything  of  the  kind. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  will  take  my  friend's  denial. 
And  I  say  to  the  House  that  there  is  a  statement 
showing  what  the  company  has  done  from  the 
date  of  its  organization  till  the  time  this  statement 
was  filed;  and  it  is  as  plain  and  fair  and  honest- 
looking  a  paper  as  any  man  has  ever  seen,  and  the 
company  is  entitled  to  credit  for  it. 

Mr.  VAN  VALKENBURGH.  With  the  per- 
mission of  my  friend  from  Iowa  I  will  state  that 
there  are  eighty  miles  of  the  eastern  division 
graded,  and  twenty  miles  of  it  already  in  running 
order;  that  railroad  iron  for  one  hundred  miles 
has  been  purchased  at  a  rolling-mill  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  is  now  being  delivered;  and  that  on  the 
4th  of  July  the  road  from  Kansas  City  to  Law- 
rence— forty  miles-^will  be  completed  and  in  run- 
ning order.  I  make  the  statement  in  answer  to 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman 
from  New  York  that  he  should  not  make  Kuoh  a 
statement  as  that,  because  it  will  spoil  the  speech 
of  my  friend  from  Illinois.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  to 
answer  what  has  been  said  by  the  gentleman  fjom 
New  York,  [Mr.  Van  Valkenburgii.]  The 
road  which  he  says  is  to  be  in  running  order  at  a 
given  time  is  not  the  road  that  weave  talking  about. 
It  is  the  Leavenworth  and  Kansas  road,  which  is 
called  the  eastern  division  of  the  Union  Pacific 
road.  I  know  something  about  that  railroad.  1 
know.something  about  its  history,  and  about  the 
litigation  that  has  been  going  on  about  it. 

Mr.  VAN  VALKENBURGH.  In  reply  lothe 
gentleman  from  Illinois,  1  will  say  that  this  road 
to  which  the  gentleman  alludes  is  recognized  in 
this  bill  as  the  eastern  division  of  the  Pacific  rail- 
road, and  is  the  same  that  my  friend  from  Illinois 
has  been  adverting  to  in  his  remarks  ihiaevening. 

Mr.  PRICE.  1  am  glad  that  gentlemen  have 
come  to  my  assistance  in  this  matter,  for  it  "  makes 
assurance  doubly  sure."  I  have  had  a  paper 
handed  to  me — and,  as  I  have  no  written  speech, 
I  am  very  much  obliged  to  gentlemen  to  furnish 
me  with  one — byagentleman  from  Missouri,  who 
is  not  on  the  special  committee  and  who  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  road.  This  paper  says  that 
"  twenty-five  miles  of  this  road  are  in  running  or- 
der, and  that  iron  for  fifty  miles  more  has  been 
paid  for."  And  yet  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
says  that  nothing  has  been  expended.  I  have  just 
had  handed  to  me  the  report  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  company  which  was  laid  before  the  special 
committee  giving  a  detailed  account  of  everything 
that  has  been  done  by  that  company  from  its  or- 
ganization up  to  the  time  the  committee  first  met. 

The  directors  of  the  company  have  followed 
up  the  preliminary  surveys  by  contracting  for 
rails,  ties,  locomotives,  and  cars.  And  ye,t,  says 
my  friend  from  Illinois,  nothing  has  been  done. 
The  report  reads  differently.  The  facts  of  the 
case  are  altogether  of  a  different  character.  The 
expenditures  for  these  objects  within  the  period 
covered  by  the  report  amount  to ~ $800,000.  I 
knew  I  was  not  mistaken  in  the  figures.  I  have 
also  seen  statements  of  the  surveys  on  at  least 
two  different  roads.  Yet  my  friend  says  that 
nothing  has  been  done.  If  that  were  so  the  posi- 
tion which  he  takes  might  be  correct.  But  if  the 
facts  are  diametrically  opposite  to  these  present- 
ations of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  then  the 


3154 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  21, 


company  is  entitled  to  some  consideration  for 
having  done  what  it  could  do  under  these  circum- 
stances. I  am  informed  on  good  authority  that 
not  only  has  the  company  done  this,  but  it  has 
purchased  rolling  stock  and  a  locomotive  for  the 
work.  I  know  that  these  men  have  been  busy 
ever  since  the  organization  of  the  company. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois,  as  a  point  in  his 
speech,  asks  why  was  not  this  company  organ- 
ized sooner?  I  have  only  to  say  to  gentlemen 
that  the  subscription  books  were  opened  at  the 
time  designated  by  the  law,  and  remained  open 
for  the  time  directed  and  until  the  last  hour  fixed 
by  law  for  closing  them.  Then  the  books  were 
closed,  the  stock  having  been  subscribed  to  en- 
able the  company  to  organize  under  the  act. 

Now,  whose  fault  is  it?  I  did"  not  take  any 
stock,  you  did  not  take  any  stock.  Somebody 
had  to  take  the  stock  and  pay  the  money,  or  noth- 
ing would  have  been  done.  I  undertake  to  say 
that  no  gentleman  will  controvert  the  position  that 
the  men  who  took  the  stock,  paid  the  money,  and 
organized  the  company,  ought  to  be  recognized 
as  the  company,  and  ought  to  be  recognized  as 
the  proper  persons  to  receive  the  bonds  and  carry 
on  the  work.  If  the  gentlemen  who  were  in- 
serted in  the  original  bill  as  corporators  did  not 
take  the  stock  is  it  your  fault  or  mine?  Is  it 
the  fault  of  the  men  who  did  take  the  stock  and 
organize  the  company?  I  think  not.  It  is  a  well- 
known  fact  that  men  who  are  in  other  raih-oad 
companies,  and  who  organize  them,  are  not  the 
men  who  want  to  take  stock.  I  make  the  assertion 
that  no  gentleman  who  has  ever  invested  money 
in  a  railroad  company  will  be  anxious  to  embark 
in  it  again.  I  do  not  think  any  gentleman  here 
will  controvert  that  position.  If  there  be  any 
gentleman  here  who  thinks  diiferently,  I  will  now 
give  way  to  him  to  express  his  dissent.  If  there  is 
such  a  man  I  would  like  toseethecolorofhiseyes. 

Well,  I  hear  no  response;  and  the  reason  why 
I  hear  no  response  is  that  there  is  no  one  to  re- 
spond. An  investment  of  thatkind  does  not  pay, 
and  men  do  not  generally  invest  twice  in'  a  busi- 
ness that  will  not  pay;  that  has  been  my  expe- 
rience on  this  subject.  Now,  sir,  in  refei*enceto 
the  sixth  section  of  these  amendments,  which  pro- 
poses to  furnish  bonds  of  the  Government  when 
twenty  miles  of  the  road  shall  have  been  con- 
structed instead  of  forty,  if  the  Government  is  to 
be  cheated  by  it  the  amendment  ought  not  to  be 
adopted.  It  is  a  plain  proposition,  and  if  there 
is  any  reason  for  not  granting  it  then  we  ought  to 
vote  it  down.  But  I  submit  whether  in  these 
times,  when  the  price  of  every  material  has  ad- 
vanced so  much,  and  is  advancing,  the  Govern- 
ment loses  anything  by  furnishing  bonds  for 
twenty  miles  of  the,  road  when  twenty  miles  have 
been  constructed?  And  if  there  is  nothing  lost 
.  by  the  Government,  then  I  see  no  reason  why  this 

Particular  feature  should  be  so  violently  opposed, 
f  the  company  had  conslructediforty  miles  under 
the  existing  law  they  would  be  entitled  to  forty 
times  $16,000  in  bonds.  If,  under  the  proposed 
amendment,  they  construct  twenty  miles,  they 
will  receive  twenty  timesp6,000.  The  Govern- 
ment loses  nothing,  but  the  company  receives  ad- 
ditional facilities  for  progressing  with  the  woi'k. 
I  see,  therefore,  no  possible  objection  to  this 
amendment.  If  the  country  is  going  to  lose  any- 
thing by  itl  hopegentlemen  will  show  it,  fortiien 
I  should  be  opposed  to  the  amendment  myself; 
but  if  not,  then  I  am  in  favor  of  it. 

But  the  amendment  to  which  the  greatest  op- 
position is  made,  and  which  without  some  ex- 
planation might  seem  to  be  improper,  is  one  which 
proposes  to  allow  the  company  to  go  out  into  the 
mountains,  construct  tunnels,  and  cut  through 
the  rocks,  and  receive  from  the  Government  two 
thirds  of  the  amount  before  theroad  is  completed. 
1  would  like  the  attention  of  gentlemen  for  a  mo- 
ment to  that  point,  and  I  will  submit  a  plain 
statement  of  the  case.  It  is  well  known  that 
laway  out  in  the  mountains  there  is  tunneling  to 
be  done,  and  deep  excavations  of  rocks  to  be  made, 
which  will  require  twoor  three  years  to  construct 
.a  mile  of  the  road,  and  I  desire  to  know  whether 
it  is  good  policy,  if  we  expect  the  road  to  be  com- 
pleted within  any  reasonable  time,  to  delay  the 
jyprk  of  tunneling  and  excavation  until  the  road 
has  been  completed  across  the  plains  right  up  to  the 
jgnoijntains?  i;j  order  to  meet  thedelay  that  would 
inevitably  occur  by  adopting  that  plan,  it  is  pro- 
posed to  allow  the  company  to  go  on  in  advance 


and  comnrience  the  work  of  tunneling  and  exca- 
vation, and  when  they  have  brought  the  road  to 
its  proper  grade,  to  allow  them  to  receive  two 
thirds  the  amount  of  bonds  to  which  they  would 
be  entitled  if  the  road  was  completed.  Remem- 
ber, not  two  thirds  of  the  cost  incurred,  but  only 
two  thirds  of  the  Government  subsidy.  Is  there 
anything  wrong  in  that?  Is  it  not  furthering  the 
work?  Is  it  notenabling  the  company  in  less  time 
to  complete  this  great  bond  of  union  between  the 
•East  and  the  West,  between  the  Atlantic  and  the 
Pacific?    That  is  all  there  is  of  it. 

If  we  decline  to  accept  the  amendment,  the  com- 
pany will  then  be  required  to  build  the  road  sev- 
eral hundred  miles  across  the  plains,  and  when 
they  arrive  at  the  mountains  the  work  will  be  de- 
layed for  many  years  by  the  process  of  tunnel- 
ingand  excavation,  which  has  to  be  accomplished. 
I  think  the  amendment  is  a  wise  one,  that  the 
Government  will  lose  nothing  by  paying  them 
this  pro  rata  compensation  in  advance  of  the  en- 
tire completion  of  the  work.  That  is  a  wise  pro- 
vision; any  railroad  man  will  tell  you  so;  any 
business  man  will  tell  you  so,  when  he  under- 
stands what  the  object  of  the  provision  is. 

Sectionseven  has  been  referred  to  as  containing 
something  objectionable.  It  is  provided  by  that 
section  that — 

So  much  of  section  seventeen  of  said  act  as  provides 
for  a  reservation  by  llie  Government  of  a  portion  of  the 
bonds  to  be  issued  to  aid  in  tlie  construction  of  the  said 
raih'oads  is  hereby  repealed.  And  the  failure  of  any  one 
company  to  comply  fully  with  the  conditions  and  require- 
ments of  this  act,  and  the  act  to  which  this  is  amendatory, 
shall  not  work  a  forfeiture  of  the  rights,  privileges,  or  fran- 
chise of  any  other  company  or  compaiiiea  that  shall  have 
complied  with  the  same. 

If  one  of  these  companies  fail  and  the  others 
go  on  and  comply  with  their  contract  and  build 
their  portions  of  the  road,  they  are  not  to  suffer  by 
reason  of  that  failure.  This  is  intended  to  pro- 
tect those  who  comply  in  good  faith  with  the 
terms  of  the  law.  It  is  intended  to  protect  inno- 
cent parties,  and  that  is  all  there  is  of  it.  It  is  a 
just  provision,  and  there  can  be  no  good  ground 
of  objection  to  it. 

I  will  now  refer  to  these  mortgage  bonds,  and 
this  part  of  the  bill  seems  to  have  particularly  ex- 
cited the  indignation  of  the  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois. We  propose  to  repeal  that  portion  of  the 
original  1  iw  which  provided  for  the  reservation 
by  the  Government  of  some  of  these  bonds  to  be 
issued  for  the  construction  of  this  road.  What 
security  has  the  Government  under  the  original 
law  that  it  has  not  under  this  amendment?  The 
Government  cannot  be  paid  back  this  loan  until 
the  road  is  built;  and  when  it  is  built  no  lawyer 
will  take  the  ground  that  they  can  take  the  road 
from  the  Government  until  these  bonds  are  paid. 
The  chances  of  the  Government  for  being  paid 
are  not  lessened  in  the  least  by  this  amendment. 
This  amendment  was  deemed  necessary, and  the 
committee  have  therefore  reported  it. 

The  cominittee  of  thirteen  reported  this  bill 
unanimously.  There  was  nota  dissenting  voice. 
After  six  months' investigation  they  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  these  amendments  were  necessary 
for  the  success  of  these  companies  and  for  the 
good  of  the  country  in  securing  the  early  con- 
struction of  a  Pacific  railroad. 

I  will  not  detain  the  House  longer.  I  have  said 
already  that  I  did  not  want  tokill  the  bill  by  talk- 
ing about  it.  That  will  be  attempted  by  those 
who  are  ready  for  that  business.  I  have  gone 
over  the  several  provisions  hurriedly.  I  have 
endeavored  to  look  at  this  whole  matter  in  a  fair, 
common-sense  way.  It  is  a  great  work  which 
the  people  and  the  Government  need.  I  do  not 
believe  there  is  one  man  in  five  hundred  who  will 
invest  his  money  and  engage  in  building  this  road 
as  the  law  now  stands,  and  we  must  therefore 
hold  out  inducements  for  them  to  join  in  the  un- 
dertaking. We  must  grant  such  facilities  for 
going  on  with  the  construction  of  the  road  as  may 
be  needed.  That  is  all  we  have  done  in  this  bill. 
It  does  not  take  an  additional  dollar  out  of  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States. 

But  we  are  told  tliat  it  gives  some  additional 
lands.  What  of  that?  Ask  any  man  who  has 
been  on  the  plains  what  the  land  is  worth  there. 
He  will  tell  you  that  the  more  you  have  the  worse 
you  are  off.  Any  man  who  has  been  over  the 
country  knows  that  after  leaving  the  Missouri 
river  seventy-five  miles  the  land  is  scarcely  worth 
having. 


It  will  be  said,  if  it  is  such  bad  land  what  do 
these  companies  want  of  it?  I  will  answer,  that 
if  there  is  any  good  land  they  want  to  get  it  to 
aid  them  in  building  this  road.  If  the  land  is 
worth  nothing  the  Government  will  lose  nothing. 
The  Government  is  not  selling  the  land  now,  and 
never  will  sell  it  unless  this  road  is  completed. 

We  want  this  road,  stretching  from  the  granite 
hills  of  New  England  to  the  golden  sands  of  Cali- 
fornia. When  completed  it  will  far  outshine  in 
grandeur  and  usefulness  the  famed  Appian  Way. 
It  will  be  the  greatest  and  most  useful  work  done 
by  man.  It  is  needed,  and  these  amendments 
are  necessary  for  its  success;  and  I  therefore  hope 
that  the  bill  will  pass. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  been. 
much  edified  this  evening  by  the  excellently  pre- 
pared and  delivered  dissertation  of  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Washburnk.]  He  touched 
on  several  subjects  in  reference  to  which  a  useful 
lesson  may  be  learned — political  economy,  frugal- 
ity, and  especially  morality!  It  was  well  done, 
well  conceived,  and  v/ell  uttered.  I  listened  with 
great  )3leasure  to  most  of  his  abstract  theories 
and  his  disquisitions  on  them.  He  was  pretty 
much  like  an  old  friend  of  mine  who  talked  very 
much  about  Coke  and  Littleton,  and  could  make 
as  good  an  argument  on  estates  tail  and  contin- 
gent remainders  as  any  man,  but  he  never  could 
try  a  cause,  because  he  got  up  his  law  upon  the 
supposition  of  a  certain  state  of  facts,  and  then  it 
did  not  make  a  particle  of  difference  whether  the 
facts  failed  or  not.  He  would  give  the  law 
though  the  facts  had  no  application  to  it..  He 
once  made  a  long  argument  on  the  law  in  refer- 
■  ence  to  a  lost  bond,  and  I  reminded  him  that  he 
had  forgotten  the  fact  that  it  turned  out  the  bond 
was  not  lost  at  all.  He  said  he  did  not  care  any- 
thing about  that;  the  law  was  right  anyhow. 
[Laughter.]  Just  so  with  my  friend  here.  A 
most  excellent  dissertation  he  has  made  upon  sav- 
ing money  to  aid  this  war  against  these  tedious 
rebels.  He  said  he  had  pursued  the  course,  since 
he  has  been  here,  of  not  voting  anything  at  all 
which  was  not  directly  for  powder  and  ball,  as  I 
understood  him.  The  country  is  to  live  without 
anything  else,  provided  there  is  powder  and  ball 
enough.  He  does  not  care  anything  about  what 
becomes  of  agriculture,  or  commerce,  or  naviga- 
tion, or  the  intercourse  of  the  country;  all  these 
must  take  care  of  themselves  until  after  the  reb- 
els are  put  down;  then  if  anybody  survives  they 
will  be  taken  care  of. 

Now,  sir,  all  this  denunciation  ofexpenditures 
has  not  a  fact  to  ground  itself  upon  in  the  bill 
which  we  have  here  presented ;  for  if  the  bill  passes, 
as  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Price]  has  said 
much  better  than  I  could  say  it,  the  Government 
is  not  one  dollar  poorer,  at  any  rate  until  after 
this  war  is  ended,  than  it  is  now,  for  there  is  not 
a  dollar  called  for  within  any  time  which^we  can 
conceive  this  war  to  last.  There  is  not  a  single 
thing  asked  for  which  is  not  in*  the  original  bill 
except  some  little  land;  and  as  to  that  land,  I  ask 
the  gentleman  what  he  is  going  to  do  with  it,  how 
he  is  going  to  feed  the  soldiers  on  it?  It  is  all 
given  away  now  in  homesteads  to  anybody  who 
chooses  to  take  it,  and  every  mile  of  railroad  you 
make  gives  each  odd  section,  for  an  emigrant  to 
plant  his  home  upon,  worth  twenty  of  those  sec- 
tions without  any  railroad.  Where,  then,  is  any-  . 
thing  taken  from  the  national  Treasury — anything 
for  which  the  House  are  to  be  rebuked  for  having 
robbed  this  nation  ?  Where  is  there  any  ground 
for  the  gentleman 's  indignation  which  has  towered 
so  high  here?  His  speech  he  must  have  prepared 
before  we  prepared  the  bill,  thinking  we  were 
going  to  steal  something;  and  if  we  did  nolt,  why 
the  law  would  be  right  anyhow.     [Laughter.] 

Now,  let  me  go  over  this  bill  with  my  friend  as 
he  did ,  just  as  if  we  were  going  over  the  Shorter 
Catechism  together,  and  see  how  it  applies  to  his 
speech.  What  does  this  bill  propose?  It  does 
propose  concessions  of  great  value  to  the  railroad 
company.  It  proposes  to  make  a  work  much 
grea^ter  than  if  it  were  attempted  through  or  over 
the  Alps.  It  proposes  great  concessions  for  the 
road  to  work  under,  for  under  the  old  bill  they 
could  not  work  at  all.  I  admit  that  the  commit- 
tee did  know,  and  believe,  and  intend  by  this  bill 
that  the  Government  should  aid  this  company 
somewhat  more  than  by  the  old  bill,  or  it  would 
be  idle  for  us  to  pass  it.  The  original  bill  was 
passed  here  after  a  great  struggle,  and  it  was  a 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3155 


piece  of  patchwork.  I  remember  the  struggle 
well.  The  bill,  as  passed,  had  many  imperfec- 
tions, and  the  company  could  not  work  under  it. 
They  could  not  take  the  right  of  way  over  any- 
body's land  under  it,  and  the  company  properly 
declined  to  proceed  far,  even  if  they  had  money 
enough,  until"  they  knew  whether  they  were  to 
have  such  a  bill  as  they  could  make  the  road 
under,  and  under  which  capitalists  would  invest 
their  money. 

Hence  it  was  after  the  two  millions  of  subscrip- 
tion were  taken  up  by  "mercenary"  men,  by 
enough  men  who  grasped  at  the  opportunity  of 
putting  their  ten  and  twenty  thousand  dollars  into 
tills  "  mine  of  gold,"  which  thegentleman  thinks 
is  such  a  great  boon  to  them,  hence  it  was  that 
these  men.  who,  I  think,  from  patriotic  motives, 
formed  this  organization,  and  put  their  money 
into  it  at  great  peril,  found  it  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  delay  doing  much  woi'k  until  they  should 
get  some  extension  to  the  working  features  of  the 
bill.  Hence  it  is  that  to-day,  so  far  from  having 
the  road  located  through  the  whole  route,  they 
have  only  had  surveys  made  through  passes  of 
the  mountains.  One  of  those  surveys  was  made 
by  a  member  of  the  company,  who  took  $20,000 
of  the  stock.  I  will  not  mention  his  name,  for 
fear  of  exciting  the  ire  of  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  One  of  the 
gentleman's  directors,  Brigham  Young,  I  sup- 
pose. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  maybe;  but  I  venture 
to  say  that  he  never  stole  any  man's  money.  - 1 
know  that  he  isamost  remarkable  man, although 
1  do  not  agree  with  him  in  his  religious  opinions. 
He  is  certainly  a  man  of  great  physical  power. 
[Laughter.]  Certain  it  is  that  upon  the  Califor- 
nia side  of  the  line  they  have  gone  into  the  work 
with  excellent  zeal.  They  have  not  only  com- 
pleted ten  and  twenty  miles,  but  to-day  there  are 
fifty-two  miles  of  the  road  made  and  in  running 
order. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California,     Eighty  miles. 
Mr.  STEVENS.      Well,  a  part  of  it  runs  up 
to  San  Jose,  round  the  bay  of  San  Francisco;  but 
we  may  say  that  the  company  have  completed 
eighty  miles.     The  company  have  raised  already 
upon  that  side  of  the  mountains  over  fifteen  mil- 
lion dollars.     They  have  that  money  to  expend, 
and  they  are  expending  it.     They  are  building  a 
road  over  the  Sierra  Nevada  into  thfe  silver  min- 
ing region,  at  a  cost  of  over  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars  a  milg.      It  was  obvious  to  the 
committee    that   upon    this  side   of  the   Rocky 
i  mountains  it  would  cost  even  more  than  that.    1 
-have  no  doubt  that  there  are  sections  of  country 
(there  where  it  will  costfrom  three  to  five  hundred 
•  thousand  dollars  a  mile.     It  would  be  impossible, 
therefore,  for  the  company,  under  the  old  conces- 
sion, to  make  this  road,  and  wefeltthatifit  was  to 
,  be  made,  something  more  ought  to  be  done  by  the 
.  Uniteil  States.    The  committee  thought  that  noth- 
-ing  which   we  could  carry  through  the  Housie 
i.WouId  be  too  much  to  aid  in  building  this  great 
thoroughfare  between  the  eastern  and  western 
population  of  the  country;  to  unite  us  with  Cali- 
fornia, whose   people,  whatever  they  may  have 
been  at  the  start,  are  admitted  now  to  be  among 
;the  purest  both  in  politics  and  morals  of  any  in 
the  United  States.      We  thought  it  necessary, 
.  therefore,  to  do  something  to  unite  us  with  that 
people.    What  could  we  do?   The  company  asked 
that  we  should  double  the  number  of  bonds,  and 
the  Senate  actually  passed  a  bill  guarantying  the 
payment  of  interest  for  twenty  years,  in  coin,  on 
double  the  amount  of  bonds  which  the  United 
States  originally  granted. 

Your  committee  came  at  once  to  the  determin- 
ation not  to  burden  the  nation  at  this  time  with 
any  further'  liabilities  or  obligation.  They  said 
to  the  company,  "  Take  what  land  you  choose; 
it  is  worth  nothing  to  the  Government;  it  is  not 
-held  out  for  sale;  it  is  worth  nothing  except  as  it 
becomes  populated,  and  as  you  populate  it  you 
do  us  a  benefit;  do  not  ask  us  for  more  bonds; 
we  will  takeoff  some  of  the  restrictions  and  make 
the  conditions  lighter,  so  as  to  enable  you  to  go 
on  with  the  work."  What,  then,  did  we  do? 
We  agreed  to  takeoff  the  firstrestriction,  theone 
fourth,  which  we  had  put  into  the  last  bill,  until 
the  whole  road  was  finished.  We  thought  that 
unreasonable.  We  agreed  to  release  that  one 
fourth  of  the  concession  for  every  mile  until  a 


section  of  forty  miles  was  fully  finished.  That 
provision  seemed  to  us  to  be  unreasonable,  and 
we  have  in  this  bill  submitted  to  the  House  the 
question  whether  we  are  right  or  not.  Thatisone 
of  the  flagrant  enormities  in  which  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois  [Mr.  Washburne]  has  detected  us! 

We  agreed, also,  todoubletheamountof  lands. 
What  lands  ?  Why,  the  sections  on  each  side  of 
the  road  !  The  gentleman  lives  in  the  West,  and 
knows  all  about  this  matter.  He  knows  that 
after  \ve  get  beyond  the  one  hundredth  degree  of 
longitude  the  land  is  hardly  worth  holding.  From 
there,  for  some  five  hundred  miles  to  the  Rocky 
mountains,  the  concession  of  land,  except  upon 
some  small  streams,  is  merely  of, nominal  value. 
In  the  Rocky  mountains  it  is  solid  land,  and  yet 
it  is  not  very  valuable.  When  you  get  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  to  whatis  called  the 
plains,  you  find  a  barren  valley  that  bears  nothing 
but  sage  of  the  bitterest  kind,  and  that  never  can 
be  made  fertile  for  any  use  whatever.  Then  you 
come  upon  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  when  you  pass 
over  that  range  of  mountains  you  find  no  land 
worth  anything  until  you  get  into  California,  and 
there  the  lands  have  all  been  taken  up  long  ago. 

It  is  also  charged,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  we  allow 
this  company  to  issue  its  own  bonds  and  give  a 
first  mortgage.  That  is  true;  but  that  does  not 
take  a  dollar  from  the  Government  now.  It  does 
not  weaken  the  Administration  in  carrying  on  this 
war  and  defraying  its  expenses.  The  only  doubt 
is  whether  this  road  will  bear  the  two  mortgages. 
It  is  very  clear  that  unless  the  second  mortgage 
is  to  be  got  in  this  way  the  road  will  never  be 
finished  and  will  never  earn  a  dollar.  I  doubt  not 
that  when  this  road  is  finished  and  the  vast  travel 
between  the  two  oceans  sets  in  over  it,  when  the 
business  not  only  of  this  country  but  the  com- 
merce of  the  far  Eastshall  be  brought  across  this 
continent  to  the  population  on  this  side  of  the 
Rocky  mountains  and  on  its  way  to  Europe, as  it 
will  be  the  only  short  thoroughfare,  the  road  will 
be  so  productive  a%  not  ojily  to  pay  all  its  liabil- 
ities but  to  make  its  stock  very  valuable. 

Suppose  the  road  does  cost  $200,000,000.  The 
amount  of  the  interest  will  be  j(jl2,000,000a  year. 
The  Central  road  of  Pennsylvania  receives  more 
than  half  that  in  tolls.  Last  year  and  the  year  be- 
fore the  railroad  between  Pittsburg  and  Phila- 
delphia received  $7,000,000..  The  Erie  canal  of 
New  York  I  believe  receives  some  $6,000,000  of 
tolls  annually,  and  I  believe  the  New  York  Cen- 
tral railroad  receives  more. 

A  Member.     Ten  million  dollars  a  year. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Ten  million  dollars  I  am 
told.  If  these  lines,  on  such  short  distances,  liave 
such  receipts,  I  imagine  we  can  hardly  figure  up 
the  amount  that  will  be  received  on  this  great 
work. 

Mr.  HIGBY.  The  freight  now  from  San  Fran- 
cisco to  the  valley  amounts  to  over  five  million 
dollars  a  year. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  gentleman  from  Cali- 
fornia states  that  the  wagon  freight  now  from  San 
Francisco  to  the  valley  is  over  five  million  dol- 
lars a  year.  I 'do  not  mean  to  argue  this.  Every- 
body who  looks  over  this  vast  continent  and  on 
the  world  at  large  must  perceive  that  this  work, 
when  once  completed,  will  not  only  be  the  most 
magnificent  on  earth  but  the  most  productive. 
Then,  sir,  1  say  that  both  these  mortgages  will 
be  fairly  paid, in  time;  and  although  the  bondsof 
the  Government  may  be  postponed  to  the  others, 
the  Government  will  receive  vast  advantages  from 
the  very  fact  that  the  road  is  finished  and  pours 
the  wealth  of  California  into  its  coffers,  besides 
keeping  together  the  Union  as  it  now  is.  That 
was  the  view  that  actuated  the  committee.  It 
was  not  the  motive  that  our  friend,  the  detective, 
[laughter,]  suspected.  He  has  found  out  motives 
which  never  actuated  that  committee;  which,  so 
far  as  I  know,  no  one  ever  dreamed  of.  But  the 
committee  did  aspire  to  look  at  the  question  in  a 
statesmanlike  point  of  view. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  says  he  has  dis- 
covered "a  cat  in  the  meal  tub" — [laughter]^— 
I  do  notknow  that  he  used  that  language  exactly, 
but  I  am  only  paraphrasing  it — when  he  found 
that  this  bill  repealed  the  proviso  of  the  fourth  ar- 
ticle of  the  charter  with  reference  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  commissioners  on  the  California  side. 
That  provides  that  when  any  section  is  finished 
that  fact  shall  be  certified  under  oath  by  the  pres- 
ident of  the  company;  end  the  President  of  the 


United  States  shall  appoint  a  commission  of  three, 
who  shall  examine  and  report  upon  it,  and  who 
shall  certify  to' him,  and  then  he  shall  issue  bonds 
for  the  amount,  and  so  on  in  succession  as  fast  as 
sections  are  finished.  Now,  the  one  commission 
is  to  be  appointed  to  go  through  the  same  opera- 
tion. It  is  obvious  that  on  the  California  side  it 
would  take  a  long  time  to  communicate  wi'h  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  to  have  all 
these  certificates  sent  and  filed.  It  would  take  al- 
most long  enough  to  let  so  mucli  interest  accrue 
as  would  help  to  pay  some  of  the  debt  which  my 
friend  from  Illinois  is  so  much  afraid  of.  We 
provide  in  this  bill  that  instead  of  these  numerous 
commissions  for  each  section,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  shall  appoint  a  set  of  commis- 
sioners so  that. they  shall  be  ready  to  examine 
and  give  the  certificates  the  same  as  before;  and 
that  in  California,  instead  of  waiting  till  all  the 
papers  are  filed  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior 
here,they  may  be  filed  in  the  public  land  office  of 
the  nation  in  California;  and  then  the  commis- 
sioners may  go  on  and  make  their  examination. 
Is  there  anything  in  that  that  looks  like  murder, 
or  arson,  or  robbery  ?  [Laughter.]  Thegentle- 
man from  Illinois  intended  no  slightcensure  when 
he  accused  the  committee  of  such  a  monstrous 
scheme  of  robbery  as  that. 

Now,  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  has  veryprop- 
erly  called  the  special  attention  of  the  House  right 
here  to  that  part  of  the  bill  which  allows  a  por- 
tion of  the  bonds  to  be  furnished  to  the  company 
before  they  get  the  rails  laid  down — alio  wing  them 
for  two  thirds  the  value  of  the  work.  As  my 
friend  from  Iowa  says,  there  is  no  man  who  has 
been  a  railroad  man,  who  has  been  an  original 
stockholder  in  a  railroad,  who  will  care  again  to 
invest  his  money  in  that  way,  and  especially  who 
would  care  to  undertake  the  construction  of  a  road 
through  these  vast  mountains,  without  compensa- 
tion until  the  entire  work  has  been  completed. 
lie  has  properly  said  that  it  will  delay  the  com- 
pletion of  the  work  for  years,  unless  they  are 
allowed  to  commence  the  tunneling  and  excava- 
tion of  these  rocks  before  the  entire  work  has  been 
constructed  up  to  the  mountains,  and  the  com- 
mittee did  not  think  there  was  anything  unjust 
or  improper  in  allowing  the  company  to  go  tor- 
ward  with  these  tunnels  while  they  were  grading 
the  road  and  laying  the  track  from  the  Missduri 
river  in  that  direction.  It  is  well  known  that  in 
order  to  cross  these  mountains  there  must  be  ex- 
cavations of  hundreds  of  feet  of  solid  rock,  and  1 
see  no  objection,  when  that  work  lias  i)eeM_  clone, 
ready  to  lay  the  raiks,  and  the  rails  themselves 
have  not  been  laid  because  it  was  impossible  to 
transport  them  there,  in  allowing  the  company  to 
receive  two  thirds  the  amount  to  which  they  are 
entitled  in  the  construction  of  that  part  of  the 
road,  thus  enabling  the  company  to  go  on  more 
rapidly,  and  bring  the  entire  work  more  speedily 
to  its  completion. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  do  not  know  that  I  ought  to  de- 
tain the  House  any  longer.  I  have  touched  upon 
the  main  points  covered  by  the  bill.  If  this  road 
is  to  be  built  there  must  be  some  advantage  given. 
The  committee  have  not  htid  an  opportunity  to 
report  the  Senate  bill,  and  I  do  not  think,  as  I 
understand  the  feeling  of  the  committee,  they 
would  have  reported  it.  The  Senate  bill  pledged 
the  Government  to  guaranty  the  interest  in  coin 
upon  bonds  to  twice  the  amount  to  which  the  com- 
pany is  entitled  under  existing  law.  Our  commit- 
tee have  avoided  that  throughout. 

Now,  sir,  these  gentlemen  have  subscribed  the 
$2,000,000  required  by  the  law.  They  have  paid 
$200,000,  and,  as  the  report  before  us  shows,  have 
expended  $800,000.  They  cannot,  under  the  pres- 
entarrangementjgoon  with  the  work.  They  have 
not  put  any  of  it  in  running  order,  although  many 
miles  of  an  auxiliary  road  have  been  completed, 
and  the  question  is  now  whether  they  shall  be  al- 
lowed to  go  on  or  stop.  I  think,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, we  have  done  about  as  Jittle  as  we 
could  do  if  anything  at  all  was  to,  b,e  done  to  enable 
them  to  make  this  road.  I  \xAve  no  hesitancy  in 
saying  that  the  whole  question  whether  the  work 
is  to  stop  altogether  dcJDends  upon  the  action  of 
the  House  upon  l,his  bill.  It  does  not  provide 
what  the  company  want,  it  is  not  the  kind  of  a 
bill  they  asked  from  the  committee,  or  which  has 
been  sent  to  us  from  the  Senate.  I  repeat  U'f^t 
the  committee  were  not  willing  to  fro  to,  the  ex- 
tent of  the  Senate  bill.    They  weve  iwjl  willing  tQ 


3156 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


burden  the  Government  at  present  by  guaranty- 
JpS  payment  of  the  interest  in  coin  as  was  pro- 
vposed  by  the  Senate,  but  they  are*willing  to  grant 
facilities  as  far  as  possible  without  placing  the  in- 
terests of  the  Government  in  jeopardy,  such  as 
will  enable  them  to  proceed  with  the  work. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  complains  of  the 
men  who  compose  this  company,  and  mentions 
the  name  of  some  gentleman  with  whom  he  seems 
to  be  acquainted  better  than  I  am.  There  are 
some  gentlemen  whose  names  appear  of  whom  I 
have  heard.  I  have  heard  of  General  Dix,  who 
takes  a  strong  interest  in  this  road.  I  learn  that 
his  reputation  is  probably  as  good  as  that  of  most 
of  the  persons  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  would 
have  belong  to  the  company.  I  learn  from  some 
gentlemen  that  he  is  a  man  of  talent  and  is  prob- 
ably president  of  the  company.  I  believe  the 
company  is  composed  of  pure  men.  I  will  not 
,  Bay  about  the  committee  in  that  respect.  I  con- 
.,  fess  I  have  some  little  apprehension  about  my 
"friend  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Price]  because  he  makes 
so  lou#  professions,  [laughter,]  but  I  believe  this 
road  is  managed  by  pure  men. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  has  forgotten  one 
thing.  He  says  the  directors  are  in  for  three  years. 
The  gentleman  will  do  the  committee  the  credit, 
I  am  sure,  of  saying  they  have  attempted  to  avoid 
that.  The  section  to  which  the  amendment  of 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana  is  an  amendment 
provides  that  in  the  middle  of  October  next  a  new 
election  shall  be  held,  and  that  thenceforward 
they  shall  be  elected  annually,  that  there  shall  be 
fifteen  directors  instead  of  thirty,  and  that  ten  in- 
stead of  two  of  them  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
Government.  I  think,  therefore,  we  liave  done 
all  we  could  to  guard  the  interests  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  that  respect.  AVe  have  directed  that  the 
books  shall  be  kept  open  for  subscriptions  up  to 
the  day  of  election,  so  that  every  man  who  wishes 
to  participate  in  the  management  of  the  corpora- 
tion may  take  part  until  the  entire  subscription  of 
5J100,000,000  has  been  made. 

1  call  for  the  previous  question  on  the  pending 
amendments,  which  must  be  disposed  of  before 
any  other  amendments  can  be  submitted  to  the 
bill.  1  do  not  propose  to  call  for  the  previous 
question  on  thebill,butto leave itopenforamend- 
ment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  1  give  notice 
that  at  the  proper  time  I  will  move  that  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  bill  be  postponed  till  the 
next  session  of  Congress. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

The  question  first  recurred  on  the  following 
amendment,  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Indi- 
ana, [Mr.  Holman:] 
Add: 

And  said  roads  shall  be  public  highways,  and  shall  trans- 
port the  property  and  troops  of  the  United  States,  when 
transportation  thereof  shall  be  required,  free  of  toll  or  other 
charge. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  is  now  ten  o'clock,  and  I 
hope  that  no  vote  will  be  taken  on  this  amend- 
ment until  we  have  a  fuller  House. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  ,The  House  is  full  enough, 
and  as  we  understand  the  amendment  we  may 
as  well  dispose  of  it  now  as  at  any  other  time. 

Mr.  HOLMAN  moved  that  the  House  adjourn. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  33, 
noes  73. 

Mr.  HOLMAN  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  demanded 
tellers  on  -the  yeas  and  nays. 

Tellers  were  not  ordered;  and  the  yeas  and  nays 
were  not  ordered. 

So  the  House  refused  to  adjourn. 

The  House  divided  on  Mr.  Holman's  amend- 
ment; and  there  were — ayes  25,  noes  75. 

Mr.  HOLMAN  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  tellers  on  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Middleton 
and  THAYEEwere  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  25,  noes  70. 

So  (more  than  one  fifth  of  those  present  hav- 
ing voted  in  the  affirmative)  the  yeas  and  nays 
were  ordered. 

Mr.  H:0LM  AN  moved  that  the  House  adjourn. 

Mr.  RANDALL,  of  Pennsylvania,  demanded 
the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 
The  motion  to  adjourn  was  disagreed  to. 


The  question  was  taken  on  the  amendment; 
and  it  was  decided  in  the  negative — yeas  39,  nays 
82,  not  voting  61;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  J.  Allen,  An- 
cona,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter, 
Cobb,  Coliroth,  Cravens,  Dawson,  Denison,  Eden,  Edger- 
ton,  Eldridge,  Farnsworth,  Finck,  Hale,  Harding,  Herrick, 
Holman,  Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Knapp,  Marcy, 
Middleton,  James  K.  Morris,  Nelson,  Norton,  Orth,  Pike, 
Samuel  J.  Randall,  Stiles,  Thayer,  Thomas,  Tracy,  Elihu 
B.  Washburne,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  White,  and  Wil- 
liams— 39. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Arnold,  Ashley, 
Bearaan,  Blair,  Blow,  Boutwell,  Boyd,  Brooks,  Broomall, 
Ambrose  W.  Clark,  Cole,  Thomas  T. Davis,  Davv«s,  Dixon, 
Donnelly,  Driggs,  Eckley,  Eliot,  English,  Fenton,  Frank, 
Ganson,  Garfield,  Gooch,  Grider,  Griswold,  Benjamin  G. 
Harris,  Higby,  Hooper,  Hotchkiss,  Asahel  W.  Hubbard, 
John  H.  Hubbard,  Ingersoll,  Julian,  Kasson,Kelley,  Fran- 
cis W.  Kellogg,  Knox,  Loan, Longyear, Marvin,  McBride, 
McCIurg,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  Moorhead,  Daniel  Morris,  Mor- 
rison, Amos  Myers,  Leonard  Myers,  Noble,  Odell,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Perham,  Pomeroy, Price,  Alexander H.  Rice,  John 
H.  Rice,  Edward  H.  Rollins,  James  S.  Rollins,  Ross, 
Schenck,  Scott,  Shannon,  Sloan,  Smithers,  John  B.  Steele, 
William  G.  Steele,  Stevens,  Stuart,  Sweat,  Upson,  Van 
Valkenburgh,  Wadsworth,  Ward,  William  B.  Washburn, 
Whaley,  Wilder,  Wilson,  Windom,  and  Winfield— 82. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Anderson,  Baily,  Blaine,  Bliss, 
Brandegee,  James  S.  Brown,  William  G.  Brown,  Chanler, 
Freeman  Clarke,  Clay,  Cox,  Creswell,  Henry  Winter  Da- 
vis, Deming,  Dumont,  Grinnell,  Hall,  Harrington,  Charles 
M.  Harris,  Hulburd,  Hutchins,  Jenckes,  Kalbflcisch,  Or- 
lando Kellogg,  Kcrnan,  King,  Law,  Lazear,  Le  Blonil, 
Littlejohn,  Long,  Mallory,  McAllister,  McDowell,  McJn- 
doe,McKinney,  William  H.  Miller,  Morrill,  John  O'Neill, 
Patterson,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Pruyn,  Radford,  William  H. 
RandnlljUobinson,  Rogers,  Scofield,  Smith,  Spalding,Starr, 
Stebbins,  Strouse,  Voorhees,  Webster,  Joseph  W.  White, 
Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridge,  and  Yea- 
man— 61. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  question  then  recurred  on  the  following 
amendment,  submitted  by  Mr.  Stevens: 

The  several  companies  authorized  to  construct  the  afore- 
said roads  arc  hereby  required  to  operate  and  use  said  roads 
and  telegraph  for  all  purposes  of  communication,  travel, 
and  transportation,  so  far  as  the  public  and  the  Government 
are  concerned,  as  one  continuous  line,  and  in  such  opera- 
tion and  use  to  afford  and  secure  to  each  other  equal  ad- 
vantages and  facilities  as  to  rates,  lime,  and  transportation, 
without  any  discriminationof  any  kind  Ja  favorof  the  road 
or  business  of  any  or  eitherof  said  companies,  or  adverse 
to  the  road  or  business  of  any  or  either  of  tlie  others. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  amend  by  adding 
after  the  word  "  equipments,"  in  the  twelfth  line 
of  section  ten,  the  following: 

Except  as  to  the  provisions  of  the  sixth  section  of  an  act 
to  which  this  is  an  amendmentrelating  to  the  transmission 
of  dispatches  and  the  transportation  of  mails,  troops,  mu- 
nitions of  war,  supplies,  and  public  stores,  for  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States. 

The  sixth  section  of  the  law  to  which  this  ap- 
plies is  as  follows: 

"  Sec.  6.  Anibe  ii/uri/ter  enacted,  That  the  grants  afore- 
said are  made  upon  condition  that  said  company  shall  pay 
said  bonds  at  maturity,  and  shall  keep  said  railroad  and 
telegraph  line  in  repair  and  use,  and  shall  at  all  times  trans- 
mit dispatches  over  said  telegraph  line,  and  transport  mails, 
troops,  and  munitions  of  war,  supplies,  and  public  stores 
upon  said  railroad  for  the  Government,  whenever  required 
to  do  so  by  any  Department  thereof,  and  that  the  Govern- 
ment shall  at  all  times  have  the  preference  in  the  use  of 
the  same  for  all  the  purposes  aforesaid,  (at  fair  and  reason- 
able rates  of  compensation,  not  to  exceed  the  amounts  paid 
by  private  parties  for  the  same  kind  ofservice;)  and  all 
compensation  for  services  rendered  for  the  Government 
shall  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  said  bonds,  and  interest 
until  the  whole  amount  is  fully  paid.  Said  company  may 
also  pay  the  United  States,  wholly  or  in  part,  in  the  same 
or  other  bonds,  Treasury  notes,  or  other  evidences  of  debt 
against  the  United  States,  to  be  allowed  at  par;  and  after 
said  road  is  completed,  until  said  bonds  and  interest  are 
paid,  at  least  five  per  cent,  of  the  net  earnings  of  said  road 
shall  also  be  annually  applied  to  the  payment  thereof." 

Now,  sir,  I  propose  to  reserve  this  right  of  the 
Government  for  the  transmission  of  dispatches, 
and  the  transportation  of  troops  and  supplies,  as 
against  the  right  of  any  parties  into  whose  hands 
this  road  may  ultimately  pass  under  the  first  mort- 
gage provided  by  this  bill. 

I  call  the  previous  question  upon  the  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  that 
the  House  adjourn. 

.Mr.  HOLMAN  called  for  tellers  upon  the  mo- 
tion to  adjourn. 

Tellers  were  not  ordered. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  demanded  the 
yeas  and  nays  upon  the  motion,  and  tellers  upon 
the  yeas  and  nays. 

Tellers  were  not  ordered. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  not  ordered. 

The  motion  to  adjourn  was  not  agreed  to. 

The  question  recurring  on  seconding  the  de^ 
mand  for  the  previous  question,  the  House  di- 


vided; and  there  were — ayes  75,  noes  13;  no 
quorum  voting. 

Mr.  WILSON  called  for  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Mr.  Van  Valken- 
burgh and  Mr.  Perry  were  appointed. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  78,  noes  15. 

So  the  previous  question  was  seconded,  and 
the  main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  amendment  was  agreed  to ;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  to 
postpone  the  further  consideration  of  this  bill 
until  the  third  Tuesday  of  December  next. 

The  SPEAKER,  That  motion  is  not  in  order 
at  this  time.     A  motion  to  reconsider  is  pending, 

Mr.  FARNSWORTH  moved  that  the  House 
adjourn. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  House  accordingly  (at  forty  minutes  past 
ten  o'clock  p.  m.)  adjourned. 


IN  SENATE. 

Wednesday,  Jtine_22,  1864, 

Prayer  by  Rev.  B.  H.  Nadal,  of  Washington, 
On  motion  of  Mr.  MORRILL,  and  by  unani- 
mous consent,  the  reading  of  the  Journal  was  dis- 
pensed with. 

PETITIONS  AND  MEMORIALS. 

Mr.  SUMNER  presented  the  petition  of  Hor- 
ace Sprigg,  a  colored  citizen  of  Washington, 
District  of  Columbia,  praying  for  compensation 
for  the  amount  expended  by  him  in  the  purchase 
of  the  freedom  of  his  daughter,  to  which  he  claims 
to  be  entitled  under  the  provisions  of  the  act 
emancipating  persons  held'to  service  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia;  which  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Mr.  SUMNER  also  presented  eight  petitions  of 
men  and  women  of  the  United  States,  praying  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit  its  ex- 
istence in  any  portion  of  the  American  Union; 
which  were  referred  to  the  select  committee  on 
slavery  and  freedmen, 

Mr,  LANE,  of  Kansas,  presented  the  petition 
of  Charles "D,  Maxwell,  praying  to  be  relieved 
from  taxation  as  contemplated  by  the  act  of  May 
5,  1864,  providing  for  the  grading,  paving,  and 
cleaning  the  streets  of  the  city  of  Washington, 
so  far  as  it  relates  to  certain  lota  owned  by  him  in 
square  No,  677in  that  city,  the  same  being  incum- 
bered with  a  nuisance,  as  is  alleged,  arising  from 
the  Government  Printing  Office  and  hospitals; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia, 

He  also  presented  the  memorial  of  Peter  Hays, 
G,  P.  Randall,  and  P,  Monseroon,  praying  to  be 
compensated  for  loss  of  clothing  and  other  per- 
sonal effects,  occasioned  by  the  sinking  of  the 
United  States  steamer  Sumter,  June  24,  1863; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Claims, 

He  also  presented  the  petition  of  Jesse  F,  Gray, 
praying  for  compensation  for  services  rendered  as 
clerk  in  the  United  States  general  hospital  at 
Mound  City,  Illinois,  in  1862  and  1863;  which 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Claims. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have  had  sent  to  me,  with 
a  request  that  I  should  present  it  to  the  Senate,  a 
memorial  signed  by  some  six  or  seven  hundred 
natives  of  Poland,  most  and  perhaps  all  of  whom 
are  represented  to  have  been  refugees  from  that 
kingdom.  They  state  (whether  correctly  or  not 
I  do  not  know)  that  although  there  is  no  statute 
or  treaty  upon  the  subject, many  oftheircountry- 
men  who  have  been  enlisted  into  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States,  having  escaped  from 
what  they  call  the  thralldom  of  Russia,  have  been 
delivered  up  to  the  agents  of  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment by  the  naval  and  military  authorities,  acting 
as  they  suppose  under  the  authority  of  the  Exec- 
utive. They  ask  that  the  matter  may  be  inquired 
into,  and  relief,  if  relief  can  be  had,  in  the  future 
provided  by  Congress.  It  is  not  necessary,  Mr. 
President,  to  say  anything  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
listing the  sympathy  of  the  American  people  or 
the  American  Senate  in  behalf  of  the  men  of  Po- 
land, The  services  of  her  sons  during  the  war  o( 
the  Revolution  havealwaysbeen  held  in  sohigli  an 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3157 


esteem  that  they  have  received,  as  they  were  enti- 
tled to  receive,  the  national  gratitude.  1  move  the 
reference  of  the  memorial  to  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations. 

PATENT  OFFICE  REPOET. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  The  Committee  on  Printing 
have  had  under  consideration  a  resolution  re- 
ported from  the  Committee  on  Patents  and  the 
Patent  Office  to  print  extra  copies  of  the  Patent 
Office  report  for  the  year  18C3,  and  have  directed 
me  to  report  it  with  an  amendment,  and  to  ask  for 
its  present  consideration. 

By  unanimous  consent  the  Senate  proceeded  to 
consider  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved,  Tliat  there  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Senate 
five  thousand  copies  of  ihe  annual  report  of  the  Patent  Of- 
fice for  the  year  1863. 

The  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Printing 
was  to  strike  out "  five  thousand  "  and  insert "  ten 
thousand." 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  As  1  offered  the  original 
resolution,  I  wish  to  ask  if  ten  thousand  is  the 
usual  number.  I  supposed  five  thousand  was 
the  usual  number. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  T«n  thousand  is  the  number 
that  has  heretofore  been  printed. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.     Then  1  have  no  objection. 

The  amendment  was  adopted,  and  the  resolu- 
tion, as  amended,  was  agreed  to. 

OllDEil  OF  BUSINESS. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  I  move  to  postpone  all  prior 
orders  to  take  up  for  consideration  the  bill  (H.  R. 
No.  412)  to  authorizethePresident  of  the  United 
States  to  negotiate  with  certain  Indians  of  Middle 
Oregon  for  a  relinquishment  of  certain  rights  se- 
cured to  them  by  treaty. 

Mr.  HALE.  We  are  near  the  end  of  the  ses- 
sion, and  I  hope  the  ordinary  course  will  be  pur- 
sued. The  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  meet 
to-morrow  morning,  and  I  do  not  know  but  that 
it  will  be  theirlastmeeting  this  session.  I  desire 
to  introduce  a  bill  to-day  for  the  purpose  of  ref- 
erence to  that  committee.  1  am  opposed  to  taking 
up  bills  in  the  morning  hour  till  we  get  through 
with  the  morning  business.  '' 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  desire  to  call  up  the 
pending  motion  to  print  a  communication  from 
the  War  Department  and  the  inclosures  touching 
the  McDowell  investigation.  The  Senator  from 
Missouri  [Mr.  Henderson]  introduced  the  reso- 
lution calling  for  those  papers,  and  he  desires  to 
have  them  printed.  He  is  not  able  to  be  here, 
and  probably  will  not  be  able  to  take  his  seat 
again  during  the  session.  I  wish  therefore  to 
call  up  that  motion,  and  insist  upon  a  vote  on  the 
printing  of  the  document. 

The  PRESIDENTpro  tempore.  The  question 
before  the  Senate  is  the  motion  of  the  Senator 
from  Oregon  to  proceed  to  the  consideration  of 
the  bill  indicated  by  him. 

Mr. HENDRICKS.  WillnottheSenatoryield 
to  me  for  the  purpose  of  having  the  papers 
printed.' 

Mr.  NESMITH.  Let  the  bill  be  taken  up  first. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  simply  wish  to  say  that  I  want 
to  ^  through  with  the  morning  business.  I  want 
the  privilege  of  introducing  a  bill  in  the  morning 
hour.  If  I  do  not  get  it  in  this  morning  it  will  be 
too  late.  I  hope  the  regular  order  will  be  pre- 
served. I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays  on  this  mo- 
tion. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  wish  to  know  if  this  bill 
is  going  to  create  debate. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  I  think  not.  It  is  a  very 
brief  bill,  which  has  been  passed  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  only  requires  the  sanction 
of  the  Senate.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire  that  Oregon  has  occupied  but  a  small 
portion  of  the  time  of  the  Senate  during  this  ses- 
sion. This  bill  is  of  a  good  deal  of  importance  to 
us,  and  I  am  very  anxious  to  get  it  through.  It 
would  have  been  passed  doubtless  before  this  time 
if  the  Senate  had  taken  it  up  when  I  made  my  mo- 
tion. 

Mr.  HOWE.  Why  can  we  riot  take  up  the 
bill  of  the  Senator  from  Oregon,  and  then,  by 
unanimous  consent,  allow  the  bill  of  the  Senator 
from  New  HaiTipshife  to  be  introduced.' 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  31,  nays  5;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Carlile,  Clark,  Cow- 
an, Dixon,  Doohttle,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlan,  Harris, 


Hendricks,  Hicks,  Howe,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Mc- 
Dougall,  Morgan,  Nesmith,  Pomeroy,  Powell,  Richardson, 
Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Wade, 
Willcy,  and  Wilson— 31. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Chandler,  Davis,  Hale,  Ramsey,  and 
Trumbull— 5. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Buckalew,Collamer,  Conness,  Fes- 
senden,  Harding,  Henderson,  Howard,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
Morrill,  Sprague,  Van  Winkle, Wilkinson,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 
MONARCHICAL  GOVERNMENTS  IN  AMERICA. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Before  the  bill  of  the 
Senatoa.from  Oregon  is  proceeded  with,  I  wish 
to  offer  a  resolution  for  the  purpose,  not  of  pres- 
ent consideration,  but  that  it  may  lie  on  the  table 
to  be  called  up  hereafter. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tern-pore.  It  requires 
unanimons  consent.  The  Chair  hears  no  objec- 
tion. 

The  resolution  was  read,  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  Unifd  States  can 
never  regard  with  indifference  the  attempt  of  any  Euro- 
pean Power  to  overthrow  by  force  or  to  supplant  by  fraud 
the  institutions  of  any  republican  Government  on  the  west- 
ern continent,  and  they  will  view  with  extreme  jealousy,  as 
menacing  to  the  peace  and  independence  oftheir  own  coun- 
try, the  efibrts  of  any  such  Power  to  obtain  new  footholds 
for  monarchical  Governments  sustained  by  foreign  military 
force  in  near  proximity  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Let  it  lie  on  the  table. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolu- 
tian  will  lie  over. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.     Mr.  President 

The  PRESlDENTpro  tempore.  Debate  is  not 
in  order. 

Mr.  DIXON.     I  have  objected. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  am  not  about  to  de- 
bate. I  claim  the  privilege  of  saying  to  the  Pres- 
ident, and  through  him  to  the  Senate,  that  I  have 
introduced  this  resolution,  which  is  the  same  res- 
olution adopted  at  Baltimore,  and  that  I  propose 
to  call  it  from  the  table  at  the  earliest  possible 
day,  and  see  whether  gentlemen  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  Senate  will  indorse  the  views  of  their 
convention. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  do  not  know  whether  a 
record  of  it  was  made,  but  I  understood  the  Sen- 
ator from  Connecticut  to  object  to  the  reception 
of  the  rejfolution  of  the  Senator  from  California. 

Mr.  DIXON.     I  did. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
did  not  hear  the  objection. 

Mr.  DIXON.  The  Chair  did  not  hear  me, 
but  I  objected  before  the  resolution  was  rend. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
did  not  hear  the  objection.  ^ 

RECIPROCITY  TREATY. 

Mr.  RAMSEY.  With  the  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Oregon,  I  wish  to  offer  a  resolution, 
and  I  ask  for  its  present  consideration: 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  are 
hereby  instructed  to  consider  and  report  upon  the  expe- 
diency of  extending  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  of  Jyne  5,  1854,  com- 
monly known  as  the  reciprocity  treaty,  to  central  British 
America  or  the  districts  northwest  of  Minnesota  hitherto 
described  as  the  Selkirk  settlement  and  the  territory  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  no  objection  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  resolution,  but  when  it  is  con- 
sidered, I  wish  to  amend  it  so  as  to  direct  the 
committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  propri- 
ety of  abolishing  the  treaty  entirely. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  object  to  the  consideration 
of  the  resolution  if  it  is  to  give  rise  to  debate. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolu- 
tion will  lie  over. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPherson,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 
the  House  had  passed  the  bill  (S.  No.  138)  to 
regulate  proceedings  between  landlord  and  tenant 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  with  amendments;  in 
which  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  was  re- 
quested. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
had  passed  the  following  bills  and  joint  resolu- 
tion: 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  545)  to  amend  an  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  provide  for  the  paymentof  horses  and 
other  property  destroyed  in  the  military  service 
of  the  United  States;" 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  546)  to  regulate  the  rank, 
pay,  and  emoluments  of  veterinary  surgeons  of 
cavalry  regiments; 


A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  548)  to  provide  for  the  reKef 
of  Jatncs  Lindsay;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  23)  for  the  relief 
of  the  officers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  Indian  regi- 
ments. 

OREGON  INDIANS. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  I  ask  now  for  action  upon 
the  bill  called  up  on  my  motion. 

TheSenate,as  in  Committee  ofihe  Whole, pro- 
ceeded to  consider  the  bill  (H.R.  No.  442)  to  au- 
thorize the  President  of  the  United  States  to  ne- 
gotiate with  certain  Indians  ofMiddle Oregon  for 
a  relinquishment  ofcertain  rights  secured  to  them 
by  treaty. 

The  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  proposed  to 
amend  the  bill  so  as  to  insert  after  the  date  of  the 
treaty  referred  to  the  words  "  by  which  they  are 
permitted  to  fish,  hunt,  gather  roots  and  berries, 
and  pasture  stock  in  common  with  citizens  of  the 
United  States  upon  the  lands  and  territories  of  the 
United  States  outside  their  reservation,  and  to 
defray  the  expense  of  said  treaty  and  to  pay  said 
Indians  for  the  relinquishment  of  said  rights." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  asamended, 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in.  The 
amendment  was  ordered  (o  be  engrossed,  and  the 
bill  to  be  read  a  third  lime.  The  bill  was  read 
the  third  time,  and  passed. 

MONARCHICAL  GOVERNMENTS  IN  AMERICA. 

The  PilESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
desires  the  opinion  of  the  Senate  upon  the  recep- 
tion of  the  resolution  offered  by  the  Senator  from 
California.  The  Chair  did  not  hear  any  objec- 
tion at  the  time,  but  he  understands  now  that  ob- 
jection was  made,  and  the  question  which  the 
Chair  desires  to  submit  to  the  Senate  is,  shall  the 
resolution  be  received.' 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  understand  the  Presi- 
dent to  refer  to  the  resolution  which  I  introduced. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  It  was  settled  atthetihie, 
and  I  insist  that  it  was  properly  settled,  and- 
when  once  settled  it  cannot  be  unsettled  by  any 
after  consideration. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  submit  the  question  to  the  Senate. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  desire  to  understand 
what  the  question  submitted  is.  What  is  the  ob- 
jection to  the  reception  of  the  resolution.' 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tenipore.  The  resolu- 
tion was  out  of  order  at  the  time,  and  could  not 
be  received  but  by  unanimous  consent.  The 
Chair  is  informed  that  the  Senator  from  Connecti- 
cut made  an  objection,  though  the  Chair  did  not 
understand  it,  and  allowed  the  resolution  to  come 
in  and  be  read,  and  after  it  was  read  the  Senator 
from  Connecticut  stated  that  he  had  made  an  ob- 
jection. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.      How  long  afterwards.' 

Mr.  DIXON.     I  stated  it  the  moment  I  could 
get  the  floor.    I  could  not  interrupt  the  Secretary 
in  reading  the  resolution,  but  I  stated  at  once  to 
the  Chair  that  I  had  previously  objected.    I  was  ' 
heard  by  several  Senators  around  me. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  That  being  the  state  of 
the  case,  and  the  resolution  being  receivable  only 
by  unanimous  consent,  as  it  seems,  and  as  I  un- 
derstand no  action  is  asked  for  upon  it,  and  as 
we  are  in  the  habit  of  giving  unanimous  consent 
almost  every  day  for  the  reception  of  resolutions, 
I  hope  my  friend  from  Connecticut  will  let  the 
resolution  be  received  and  lie  on  the  table.  The 
Chair,  it  seems,  did  not  hear  the  objection  at  the 
moment. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  objected  for  a  reason.  I  am 
opposed  to  the  resolution,  to  everything  of  the 
kind,  to  any  action  upon  it,  and  I  shall  always 
object  whenever  I  can  to  anything  of  that  sort.  I 
consider  it  injurious  to  the  public  interests. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Senator  from  Con- 
necticut is  just  as  well  aware  as  I  am  that  he  can- 
not object  so  as  to  prevent  its  being r^eived.  The 
Senator  from  California  gives  notice  of  it  to-dfiy, 
and  then  he  will  have  a  right  to  offer  it  to-mor- 
row, and  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  cannot 
help  it.  1  hope  he  will  not  persist  in  objecting 
to  receiving  the  resolution  when  the  only  effect  is 
to  take  up  time. 

Mr.  DIXON.  At  this  time  I  have  a  right  to 
object.  What  may  be  the  case  in  the  future  I 
do  not  know. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.    I  should  like  to  under- 


3158 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


staxid  the  law  for  the  conduct  of  business  in  the 
Senate.  There  should  be  a  law  about  it.  There 
should  be  at  least  in  the  Senate  a  rule  of  busi- 
ness. I  asked  the  consent  of  the  Senate  for  the 
introduction  of  a  resolution,  stating  that  I  did  not 
propose  to  consider  it  to-day,  but  to  lay  it  upon 
the  table  for  future  consideration.  No  one  ob- 
jecting vviiliin  the  reach  of  the  ear  of  the  Presi- 
dent, the  President  announced  that  there  being  no 
objection  tiie  resolution  was  received.  I  say  that 
is  a  final  judgment  from  which  there  is  no  appeal 
if  there  is  any  law  or  any  rule  governing  our 
business.  I  did  not  hear  the  Senator  from  Con- 
necticut object.  If  I  had  heard  him,  I  should 
have  recognized  and  yielded  to  his  right. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Will  the  Senator  from  Cali- 
fornia allow  me  to  say  one  word.'  If  my  mem- 
ory is  not  greatly  at  fault,  two  or  three  days  ago 
the  Senator  from  California  offered  this  resolu- 
tion, it  was  objected  to,  and  he  then  notified 
the  Senate  that  he  would  at  a  future  day  offer  it. 
That  being  the  case,  I  do  not  think  one  objection 
will  lay  it  over  now,  but  he  has  a  right  to  offer  it 
under  the  rule. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  opinion  that  that  does  not  alter  the  case  at  all. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  insist  on  this  proposi- 
tion, that  a  conclusion  having  been  announced, 
no  objection  being  audible  enough  to  reach  the 
ear  of  the  l^resident,  and  the  resolution  having 
been  read,  that  is  the  end  of  that  piece  of  busi- 
ness so  far  as  its  being  before  the  Senate  and  sub- 
ject to  the  Senate's  consideration  is  concerned. 
I  know  upon   principle   that  I  cannot  be  wrong. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  take  the  sense  of  the  Senate  under  the  6tli 
rule.  The  question  is,  "Shall  the  resolution  be 
received  ?" 

The  question  being  put,  the  resolution  was 
received. 

KEPEAL  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW. 

Mr.SUJVINER.  I  now  move  that  the  Senate 
proceed  with  the  consideration  of  the  bill(H.R. 
No.  512)  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1850, 
and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  for  the  rendition  of 
fugitive  slaves.  ^ 

Mr.  HALE.  I  gave  notice  several  days  since 
that  at  this  time  I  should  ask  the  Senate  to  con- 
eider  bills  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  and  I  hope  the  Senate  will  give  me  that 
privilege  now.  I  should  Rke  also,  if  I  can  have 
it  by  right  or  by  favor  or  in  any  way,  to  be  al- 
lowed to  introduce  a  bill  for  the  purpoise  of  hav- 
ing it  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs 
to  be  considered  by  that  committee  at  their  next 
meeting. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  When  this  bill  is  taken  up 
there  will  be  no  objection  to  allowing  that  to  be 
done. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  do  not  choose  to  ask  as  a  favor 
what  I  think  is  my  right.  I  object  to  this  mo- 
tion, and  I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Before  the  vote  is  called 
I  desire  to  say  that  1  have  agreed  with  the  Senator 
from  Minnesota  [Mr.  Wilkinson]  to  pair  off  with 
him  on  all  questions  in  regard  to  the  bill  repealing 
the  fugitive  slave  law.  The  Senator  from  Min- 
nesota favors  the  bill  as  it  is;  I  am  opposed  to  it. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  14,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Chandler,  Clark,  Dixon,  Foot,  Grimes, 
Harlan,  Harris,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Ponieroy, 
Sumner,  Wade,  and  Wiison — 14. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Antliony,  Buclsalevv,  Carlile,  Cowan, 
Davis,  Doolittle,  foster.  Hale,  Howe,  Johnson,  Lane  of 
Indiana,  McDougall,  Nesmith,  Powell,  Ramsey,  Richard- 
son, Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Ten  Eyek,  Trumbull, 
and  Willey— 22.  '  j      >  , 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Brown,  Collamer,  Conness,  Fessen- 
den,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Howard, 
Sprayue,  Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 13. 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 
MILITARY  .INTERFERENCE  WITH  ELECTIONS. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  move  to  take  up  the  bill 
(S.  No.  37)  to  prevent  officers  of  the  Ai-my  and 
Navy  and  other  persons  engaged  in  the  military 
and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  from  in- 
terfering in  elections  in  the  States.  I  will  state 
to  the  Senate  that  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  debate 
the  bill;  I  wish  to  have  a  few  amendments  made 
to  it,  and  then  to  have  the  vote  taken- 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  As  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky is  very  persistent  about  that  bill,  I  hope, 


if  it  is  not  to  be  discussed,  that  the  Senate  will 
take  it  up  and  vote  on  it  and  be  done  with  it. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  consideration 
of  the  bill  was  resumed  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill  by 
inserting  after  the  word  "America,"  in  line  nine 
of  section  one,  the  words  "  unless  it  shall  be  ne- 
cessary to  repel  Jihe  armed  enemies  of  the  United 
States;"  so  as  to  make  it  read: 

That  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  military  or  naval  offi- 
cer of  the  United  States,  or  other  person  engaged  in  the 
civil,  military,  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  to 
order,  bring,  keep,  or  have  under  his  authority  or  control, 
any  troops  or  armed  men  within  one  mile  of  the  place 
where  any  genera!  or  special  election  is  hold  in  any  State 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  unless  it  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  repel  the  armed  enemies  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Manifestly  that  will  not 
do,  because  in  citieshow  are  you  going  to  determ- 
ine that.'  A  military  force  is  stationed  in  a  city. 
Your  election  precincts  are  all  through  the  city. 
You  do  not  put  the  armed  force  there  for  that 
purpose. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Inline  twenty-two  of  the  same 
section  I  propose  to  strike  out  after  the  word 
"fine"  the  words  "of  not  less  than  $200,  and;" 
and  to  strike  out  "twenty"  in  line  twenty- 
three,  and  insert  "  five;"  and  in  line  twenty-five 
to  strike  out  "two  years"  and  insert  "three 
months,"  and  to  strike  out  "  twenty"  and  insert 
"five;"  softs  to  read,  "and  on  conviction  thereof 
shall  pay  a  fine  of  not  exceeding  f  5,000,  and  suf- 
fer imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary  not  less  than 
three  months  nor  more  than  five  years,  at  the 
discretion  of  the  court  trying  the  same."  This 
is  to  lessen  the  penalty. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  POWELL.  In  section  two,  line  nineteen, 
I  move  to  strike  out"  twenty  "and  insert"  five." 
The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended , 
and  the  question  was  stated  to  be  on  concurring 
in  the  amendments  made  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  wish  to  except  the  amend- 
ment which  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  put  in 
in  reference  to  having  the  troops  stationed  a  mile 
from  the  polls. 

Mr.  POWELL.  The  amendment  says  noth- 
ing about  troops  being  a  mile  from  the  polls. 

Mr.  WADE.  I  wish  to  inquire  whether  this 
bill  haf^been  before  the  Committee  on  theJ^udi- 
ciary.  It  seems  to  be  a  bill  eminently  proper  to 
be  reviewed  by  that  committee  before  it  comes 
before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  POWELL.  It  has  not  been  before  that 
committee.  I  desired  to  have  it  sent  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Judiciary  in  the  first  place,  but  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  on  the  yeas  and  nays  refused 
to  send  it  to  that  committee,  and  referred  it  to  the 
Committee  on*  Military  Affairs,  which  made  an 
adverse  report  upon  it. 

Mr.  Wade.  I  move  that  the  bill  be  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  that  motion  will  not 
prevail.  I  tried  to  get  it  to  that  committee,  but 
the  Senate  refused  to  send  it  there.  To  refer  it 
now  will  prevent  a  vote  upon  it  at  this  session. 
The  Senate  voted  me  down  on  my  motion  to  refer 
it  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  and  sent  it 
to  another  committee  who  reported,  and  it  has 
been  discussed,  and  I  think  we  had  better  vote 
upon  it. 

Mr.  HOWARD..  This  bill  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affaii-s  at  an  early  period 
of  the  session;  it  there  underwent  a  pretty  full  and 
thorough  examination,  and  the  committee  re- 
ported back  to  the  Senate  a  mass  of  facts  connect- 
ed with  the  bill  and  recommended  that  the  bill  do 
not  pass.  The  bill,  however,  was  called  up  by 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky,  I  do  not 
exactly  remember  when;  but  at  any  rate  he  con- 
sumed the  bestpartof  two  days  in  discussing  the 
merits  of  the  bill  and  urging  his  reasons,  some  of 
them  certainly,  why  it  should  pass,  and  indulging 
in  a  veVy  general  and  as  I  think  a  very  unjust 
course  of  criticism  upon  the  Administration,  the 
President  and  the  military  men  included,  in  rela- 
tion to  their  alleged  interference  with  elections  in 
the  States.  I  endeavored  to  reply  to  the  honora- 
ble Senator  from  Kentucky  at  a  subsequent  day, 
and  1  occupied  the  best  part  I  believe  of  two  ses- 


sions of  the  Senate  in  my  reply.  I  was  followed 
by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Delaware  who,  if 
my  memory  serves  me,  also  occupied  the  best  part 
of  two  days  in  the  discussion.  1  merely  state  this 
as  the  chronological  history  of  the  bill  and  the 
discussions  thereof.  ^I  do  not  think  that  I  shall 
be  able  to  add  anything  to  what  I  have  already  said 
on  this  subject,  and  I  rise  merely  to  say  in  all 
brevity  that  the  great  object  of  this  bill  appears, 
to  be  to  prevent  the  Army  of  the  United  States 
fromgivingbattle  to  the  enemy  at  any  place  with- 
in the  circle  of  one  mile  around  a  place  of  elec- 
tion. If  this  bill  shall  pass,  it  will  be  a  penal  of- 
fense for  the  President  of  the  United  States  or  any 
general  in  command  of  the  Army  to  have  a  battle 
with  the  rebels  at  any  place  within  the  circle  of 
one  mile  around  the  place  of  an  election.  It  is  in 
short,  sir,  as  I  view  it,  an  effort  to  make  the  poll 
in  a  border  State  the  sanctuary  of  traitors  and  the 
sanctuary  of  men  who  are  not  entitled  to  vote, 
and  to  make  it  penal  for  the  authorities  of  the 
United  States  to  treat  rebels,  even  open  rebels,  as 
enemies  of  tlie  United  Slates,  by  seizing  and  ar- 
resting them  and  keeping  them  away  from  the 
polls — a  right  which  it  is  as  much  the  duty  of  this 
Government  to  exercise  as  it  is  or  as  it  ever  has 
been  to  combat  even  the  foreign  enemies  of  the 
United  States.  I  do  not  wish,  sir,  however,  to 
spend  any  more  time  on  this  bill,  and  I  hope  we 
shall  take  a  vote  on  it  at  present. 

Mr.  WADE.     Mr.  President 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  the  Senator  from  Ohio 
will  allow  me  to  say  a  single  word. 

Mr.  WADE.  I  have  only  one  word  to  say. 
I  find  this  bill  has  been  discussed,  1  had  forgotten 
the  discussion. of  this  subject  at  an  early  part  of 
the  session,  but  it  has  been  discussed,  and,  as 
it  now  appears,  considered  by  a  committee.  I 
therefore  withdraw  my  motion  to  refer  it  to  the 
Judiciary  Committee. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  only  wish  to  say  a  single 
word.  The  Senator  from  Michigan  says  that  if 
thi-s  bill  passes  you  cannot  fight  an  enemy  in 
arms  against  the  United  States  within  one  mile  of 
a  place  where  an  election  is  going  on,  on  the  day 
of  ftlection.  The  honorable  Senator  is  mistaken, 
for  an  amendment  I  have  just  proposed  obviates 
all  that.  The  section,  as  corrected,  reads,  "It 
shall  not  be  Jawful  for  any  military  or  naval  offi- 
cer, &c.,  to  b''ing)  keep,  or  have  under  his  au- 
thority or  control,  any  troops  or  armed  men  with- 
in one  mile  of  the  place  where  any  general  or 
special  election  is  held  in  any  State  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  unless  it  shall  be  necessary  to 
repel  the  armed  enemies  of  the  United  States." 
So  that  if  there  are  armed  enemies  there,  the 
troops  of  the  United  States  can  go  and  fight  them 
on  an  election  day  as  well  as  any  other  day. 
There  is  nothing  to  prevent  any  soldier  voting  in 
his  proper  precinct. 

Mr.  Ho  Ward.  I  was  not  aware  of  the  very 
insufficient  and  incomplete  amendment  which  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky  has  offered  to 
the  bill  until  this  moment.  Owing  to  the  noise 
in  the  Hall,  or  from  some  other  reason,  I  did  not 
catch  his  voice;  that  amendment,  however,  by 
no  means  makes  the  bill  acceptable  to  mejior 
does  it  cure  the  very  evil  which  I  alluded  to. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Mr.  President,  when  this 
bill  was  before  the  Senate  at  an  earlier  stage  of 
our  session,  and  of  course  after  the  report  from 
the  Military  Committee  had  been  made  and  laid 
upon  our  tables,  and  the  honorable  member  from 
Michigan  had  made  a  very  elaborate,  and,  as  is 
the  case  with  all  his  speeches,  able  speech  in  sup- 
port of  that  report,  I  procured,  with  the  consent 
of  the  Senate,  permission  to  be  heard  on  the  sub- 
ject on  a  subsequent  day.  It  was  my  purpose 
at  that  time  to  avail  myself  of  that  permission; 
but  the  period  of  the  session  is  now  so  near  its 
close  that  I  shall  forbear  from  addressing  the 
Senate  at  large. 

Besides  the  general  interest  which  the  subject 
presented  and  upon  which  I  desired  to  be  heard, 
there  was  in  the  report  made  by  the  honorable 
member  from  Michigan  what  I  considered  as 
rather  a  reflection  upon  myself;  and,  if  he  will 
permit  me  to  say  so,  rather  an  unparliamentary 
reflection,  and  a  reflection  upon  the  Governor  of 
my  State,  whose  loyalty  I  know;  it  has  been 
tested  by  every  testby  whicii  loyaltycan  be  tried; 
and  I  proposed  to  address  the  Senate  in  his  de- 
fense mainly,  though  partly  in  defense  of  myself. 
The  part  of  the  report  which  affects  mc  person- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3159^ 


ally,  and  which  I  have  ventured  to  characteriag, 
with  all  the  respect  that  I  feel  for  the  honorable 
member  by  whom  it  was  presented  to  the  Senate, 
as  unparliamentary,  is  that  part  of  it  which  al- 
ludes to  what  was  said  by  myself  in  the  Senate 
in  debate  on  a  prior  day.  And  the  honorable 
member,  as  I  am  sure,  is  not  its  author;  it  must 
have  come  from  some  other  pen,  or  been  sug- 
gested by  some  other  mind  and  adopted  without 
reflection.  The  honorable  member  in  the  report 
has  thought  proper  to  intimate  that  in  the  remarks 
which  I  made  to  the  Senate  upon  the  subject  of 
this  bill  I  was  influenced  by  disappointment  in 
the  elections  which  were  held  under,  as  it  was 
stated,  the  control  of  the  military.  The  honora- 
ble member,  I  am  glad  to  say,  has  already  dis- 
claimed any  purpose  to  impute  to  me  any  such 
motives.  1  hope  he  knows  me  well  enougii  to  be 
satisfied  that  I  am  incapable  designedly,  in  the 
consideration  of  any  public  measure,  of  being 
in  any  manner  controlled  or  affected  by  any  in- 
terested or  disappointed  consideration.  I  think 
I  know — I  will  not  ask  the  honorable  member  to 
say  whether  my  thoughts  are  well  founded  or 
not — I  think  I  know  whence  the  imputation  comes; 
and  if  i  am  right  in  my  conjecture,  where  the  au- 
thor of  the  imputation  and  myself  are  equally  well 
known,  I  am  perfectly  willing,  more  than  willing, 
to  abide  the  public  judgment. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-o  tempore.  The  Chair 
must  interrupt  the  Senator  from  Maryland  to  call 
up  the  unfinished  business  of  yesterday. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  With  the  permission  of  the 
Senate  and  the  Chair,  I  have  but  a  word  or  two 
more  to  say. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator 
may  proceed  by  unanimous  consent.  The  Chair 
hears  no  objection. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Mr.  President,  we  all  agree, 
in  the  report  presented  by  the  honorable  member 
he  himself  concurs  in  that  opinion,  that  the  mili- 
tary should  not  be  used  for  the  purpose  of  affect- 
ing in  any  way  the  free  exercise  of  the  elective 
franchise,  and  the  only  question  which  the  case 
presented  upon  which  the  report  was  made  was  a 
question  of  fact — was  or  was  not  the  military  in 
the  recent  election  in  Maryland  so  used.' 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Will  the  honorable  Senator 
allow  me  to  interrupt  him  a  moment.' 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     With  pleasure. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  do  not  wish  it  to  go  forth 
to  the  country  that  the  report  to  which  he  alludes 
goes  so  far  in  its  defense  of  the  freedom  of  elec- 
tions as  to  allow  a  public  enemy  of  the  United 
States  to  vote,  or  to  exercise  any  political  right 
whatever.  The  report,  so  far  as  it  contains  argu- 
ment, is  based  upon  the  principle  of  public  law 
that  it  is  not  the  right  of  an  enemy  of  the  country 
to  vote  or  exercise  any  political  functions,  whether 
that  enemy  be  a  rebel,  a  traitor  in  arms  against 
the  country,  and  hence  a  domestic  enemy,  or 
whether  he  be  a  public  enemy  owing  allegiance 
to  a  foreign  Government.  I  hold  it  to  be  the  duty 
of  the  military  authority  of  the  United  States, 
and  so  the  report  holds,  (the  Senator  will  pardon 
me  for  this  recapitulation  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  report,)  to  expel  from  the  polls  and  exclude 
from  the  exercise  of  all  political  rights  persons 
who  are  known  to  the  military  authorities  to  be 
disloyal  to  the  United  States,  and  hence  enemies 
of  the  United  States.  This  is  the  doctrine  of-the 
report;  but  in  respect  to  all  persons  who  are 
friends  of  the  Government,  who  wish  to  uphold 
the  Government,  but  who  may  happen  to  differ 
upon  questions  of  administration,  the  report  does 
declare  very  properly ,  certainly,  that  there  should 
be  no  interference  either  of  the  military  or  other 
persons  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  that  valuable 
franchise.  That  is  the  doctrine  of  the  report, 
and  that  is  my  doctrine. 

Mr.  DIXON.  Is  the  unfinished  business  now 
in  order.' 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator 
from  Maryland  is  entitled  to  finish  his  speech 
under  permission  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  have  not  misundcratood 
the  report. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Will  the  Senator  from  Mary- 
land allow  me  to  road  one  clause  of  the  bill' 
,  Mr.  JOHNSOr;J.  I  would  rather  finish,  be- 
cause I  am  detaining  the  Senate  longer  than  I  in- 
tended. I  have  not  misunderstood  the  report; 
but  the  particular  of  which  the  honorable  mem- 
ber now  speaks  as  found  in  the  report  was  a  mat- 


ter about  which  it  was  not  my  purpose  to  say 
anything.  All  that  I  said  was  that  the  freedom 
of  election  was  not  to  be  interfered  with  at  all  by 
the  militaryauthority  of  the  United  States.  Now, 
I  understand  the  honorable  member  as  saying, 
and  I  know  his  report  goes  to  that  extent,  that 
the  limit  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
exercised  by  means  of  its  military,  is  to  keep  from 
voting  those  whom  the  military  authorities  of  the 
United  States  shall  think  proper  to  decide  are  not 
entitled  to  vote.  Does  not  the  honorable  member 
see  that  that  is  placing  the  elective  franchise  of 
the  States  of  this  Union  entirely  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  Executive  of  the  United  States,  the 
military  acting  under  the  authority  of  the  Exec- 
utive of  the  United  States.'  I  say  to  the  honor- 
able member  that  the  constitution  of  Maryland, 
and  the  laws  passed  in  pursuance  of  it,  and  the 
authorities,  all  of  whom  are  now  loyal,  are  abund- 
antly able  to  guard  against  the  pollution  of  the 
ballot-box  by  having  deposited  within  it  the  bal- 
lots of  disloyal  men.  But  what  I  protest  is,  if  we 
are  to  have  any  freedom — I  do  not  speak  for 
Maryland  alone,  butforevery  Statein  the  Union, 
for  iVlichigan  as  well  as  Maryland — if  we  are  to 
have  any  freedom  in  the  exercise  of  the  elective 
franchise,  it  is  not  to  depend  upon  the  will  of  the 
military  authority  of  the  Government. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Will  the  Senator  allow  me 
to  put  a  query  here? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Certainly. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  How  does  it  happen  that 
the  election  officers  and  agents  of  the  Slate  of 
Maryland  are-able  to  determine  v/ith  more  cer- 
tainty whether  or  not  a  man  is  an  enemy  of  the 
country,  that  is  whether  he  is  loyal  or  not,  than 
the  authorities  of  the  United  StateSjOn  the  spot? 
What  is  it  thatgives  the  authorities  of  Maryland 
this  peculiar  aptitude  and  unerring  certainty  in 
the  decision  of  the  question  of  loyalty  above  the 
authorities  of  the  United  States? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  answer  the  question  ofthe 
honorable  member:  the  Constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  which  denies  to  this  Government  the 
right  to  interfere  and  leaves  the  exclusive  judg- 
ment on  questions  of  elections  to  the  State 

Mr.  HOWARD.  That  is  a  proposition  which, 
with  great  deference  to  the  learned  Senator  from 
Maryland,  I  absolutely  deny. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  knew  the  honorable  mem- 
ber did,  and  it  was  against  the  denial  that  I  was 
protesting. 

Mr.  HOWAPlD.  I  should  say  in  time  of  v/ar. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  But  I  have  said  all  that  I 
designed  tosay  when  I  rose  except  this:  although 
for  the  reason  1  have  stated  I  forbear  now,  and 
shall  forbear  at  any  other  day  during  which  the 
present  session  may  continue,  to  answer  the  facts 
or  the  alleged  facts,  the  law  or  the  supposed  law, 
to  be  found  in  the  honorable  member's  report,  I 
shall  take  an  early  opportunity,  the  first  oppor- 
tunity that  may  be  afforded  during  the  recess,  to 
answer  it  in  another  form  by  an  appeal  to  the 
people  of  my  own  State. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senate 
will  resume  the  consideration  of  the  special  order, 
which  is  Senate  bill  No.  167,  to  incorporate  an 
insurance  company  in  the  city  of  Washington. 

Mr.  HOWARD,  i  hope  the  Senate  will  in- 
dulge me  for  a  moment. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator 
can  proceed  by  unanimous  consent.  ['.'No  ob- 
jection."]    The  Senator  will  proceed. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  It  is  due  to  me  to  say  in 
reference  to  the  report — '— 

Mr.  POWELL.  If  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
will  allow  me,  1  desire  to  make  a  verbal  amend- 
ment to  the  bill. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  rose  merely  to  make  a  per- 
sonal explanation. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  notify  the  Senate  that  I 
shall  ask  to  have  one  other  verbal  amendment 
made. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  think,  sir,  whatever  im- 
partial man  shall  read  the  history  of  these  times 
and  the  history  of  Maryland,  and  the  politics  of 
Maryland  at  this  time,  and  shall  then  read  the 
report  which  has  been  so  much  criticised  and  de- 
nounced by  the  learned  Senator  from  Maryland, 
will  not  be  inclined  to  charge  me,  who  am^the 
author  of  the  report,  with  having  committed  a 
breach  of  parliamentary  courtesy. and  duty  in  the 
language  or  style  of  that  report.  I  had  occasion 
heretofore  to  remark,  I  did  so  with  pleasure  and 


repeat  it  now,  that  I  did  not  intend  to  cast  the 
slightest  personal  imputation  against  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  Mai-yland  in  that  report.  1 
believe  he  hag  accepted  that  assurance. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Certainly. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  And  is  satisfied  with  it.  And 
again,  sir,  as  to  tlie  final  appeal  to  v/hich  he  pro- 
poses to  resort  to  determine  the  great  question 
whether  the  doctrine  of  that  report  is  true  doctrine 
or  not,  his  appeal  to  the  ballot-box  itself,  and  to 
the  freemen  of  the  United  States,  to  those  who, 
and  whose  brothers  and  fathers,  have  participated 
in  this  great  contest,  and  shed  their  blood  in  it,  I 
can  only  say  to  him  and  to  his  good  friends  here 
and  elsewhere,  that  I  shall  behappy  to  meet  them 
in  the  discussion  of  that  question  upon  the  theater 
which  he  has  thus  selected;  that  is,  before  the 
good  peopleof  the  United  States,  at  the  ballot-box, 
and  1  will  guaranty  that  I  will  beat  him  there  if 
I  do  not  here. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  special 
order  is  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  desire  to  propose  one  sim- 
ple amendment  to  this  bill,  and  then  i  hope  we 
may  take  the  vote. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Is  there  any 
objection  to  the  Senator  offering  his  amendment? 
It  can  only  be  done  by  unanimous  consent. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  1  have  an  amendment  or  two 
that  I  want  to  offer. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  am  going  to  propose  the 
amendment  that  I  think  the  Senator  wants. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  continuing  the  consideration  of  Senate  bill 
No.  37.  The  Chair  hears  no  objection.  The 
first  question  is  on  concurring  in  theametidments 
miade  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  with  the  ex- 
ception ofthe  amendment  reserved  at  the  request 
ofthe  Senator  from  Kansas,  [Mr.  Pomeroy.] 

The  other  amendments  were  concurred  in. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  excepted 
aniendment  will  be  read. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  move  to  postpone  this  and  all 
prior  orders  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  with 
the  consideration  of  Senate  bill  No.  292,  to  pro- 
vide for  the  efficiency  ofthe  Navy. 

Mr.  POWELL.  1  hope  that  will  not  be  done. 
I  think  this  bill  can  be  disposed  of  in  a  minute  or 
two. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  presume  that  if  the 
Senator  from  New  Hampshire  will  allow  a  vote 
to  be  taken  on  this  question,  which  will  not  oc- 
cupy more  than  five  minutes,  there  will  then  be 
no  objection  to  taking  up  his  naval  bills. 

Mr,  HALE.  If  I  thought  I  could  consent  to 
allow  three  days  for  this  bill,  and  we  should  then 
have  a  vote  upon  it,  I  would  willingly  give  way. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.     Let  us  try  five  minutes. 

Mr.  HALE.  Well,  I  will  give  five  minutes. 
I  withdraw  my  motion. 

The  PRESIDENT  p-o  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  concurring  in  the  amendment  inserting  after 
the  word  "  America,"  in  line  nine  of  the  first  sec- 
tion, the  words  "  unless  it  shall  be  neces.sary  to 
repel  the  armod  enemies  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  wish  to  amend  that  amend- 
ment by  adding  to  it  "  or  to  keep  the  peace  at  the 
polls." 

Mr.  POWELL.  1  object  to  that.  It  would 
destroy  the  effect  ofthe  bill.  The  State  authori- 
ties can  keep  peace  at  the  polls. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  That  is  the  very  pretext 
on  which  these  outrages  were  committed  in  my 
State,  and  it  is  the  very  same  pretext  thia.t  will,  be 
put  forward  again. 

Mr. POMEROY.  I  have  had  some  experience 
in  reference  to  military  interference  at  the  polls, 
and  I  have  got  some  sore  places  in  rny  hiatory 
on  that'subject.  When  the  party  represented  b)? 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky  had  this  Government 
in  their  control,  in  the  Territory  which  is  now 
my  State,  it  was  very  common  for  the  military 
authorities  to  take  possession  ofthe  polls,  The^ 
sheriffs  in  the  counties  bad  a  way  of  getting  a  posse' 
on  that  day  and  mustering  them  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  and  surrounding  the  polls 
for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  keeping  the  peace 
at  the  polls,  but  I  have  seen  the  time  when  I  could 
not  get  within  gunshot  of  the  polls,  and  you  could 
not  get  a  ballot  into  the  box  unless  you  shot  it  in 
out  of  some  revolver.  I  do  not  want  any  military 
interference  at  the  polls,  and  I  never  did  want  it, 
I  would  not  have  troops  there  unless  in  some 
sensible  way  to  keep  the  peace  and  to  prevent 


3160 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22. 


contests  which  might  be  lilcely  to  arise.  1  think 
Uift  Senator  from  Kentucky  should  be  the  last 
man  and  his  party  should  be  the  last  party  to 
undertake,  after  what  occurred  in-  my  State,  to 
prevent  men  being  at  the  polls  to  keep  tlie  peace 
and  prevent  collisions.  In  an  excited  political 
contest,  in  a  new  country  especially,  collisions 
between  parties  are  very  common  at  the  polls,  and 
it  is  very  important  that  there  should  be  some 
authority  there  to  preserve  peace,  not  to  interfere 
with  the  election,  not  to  preventmen  from  voting, 
but  to  see  that  every  man  is  protected  in  his  i-ight 
to  vote.  That  is  the  only  purpose  for  which  I 
want  a  force  at  the  polls.  1  do  not  care  to  discuss 
the  matter;  but  that  is  the  most  important  part  of 
the  proposition  to  me. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  am  one  of  those  who 
were  taught  to  think  that  the  weapon  of  the  bal- 
lot in  the  hands  of  a  free  citizen  was  a  better 
weapon  than  steel  of  the  finest  temper.  That 
point  of  instruction  in  my  youth  has  become  the 
faith  of  my  maturer  years.  The  ballot,  the  free 
ballot,  the  uncontrolled  ballot,  is  the  only  power 
possessed  by  a  free  pnople  which  enables  them  to 
overawe  those  in  authority.  Arbitrary  power  is 
most  expressed  by  the  presence  of  armed  men, 
and  I  would  not  have  them  where  the  citizen  was 
exercising  this  high  privilege. 

The  Senator  from  Michigan  says  this  bill 
would  make  the  ballot-box  a  sanctuary  for  per- 
sons hostile  to  the  Government.  Let  mo  say  to 
him  that  there  have  been  sanctuaries  in  all  times. 
Among  heathen  nations  there  were  places  of 
sanctuary;  in  the  old  Hebrew  times  there  were 
places  of  sanctuary,  and  in  Christian  ages  there 
have  been  places  of  sanctuary;  and  if  there  be  a 
place  of  sanctuary  in  a  free  republic,  it  should  be 
where  the  ballot-box  is  open  and  where  the  free 
ballot  of  the  citizen,  uncompelled  by  force,  may 
express  his  mind.  I  do  knowtliat  force  has  been 
employed  to  control  the  free  voice  of  citizens, 
and  when  it  shall  be  so  employed  as  to  accom- 
plisli  results,  that  is  military  despotism. 

I  say  this  much.  1  am  for  the  measure  in  its 
substance. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Kan- 
sas (Mr.  Pomeroy]  to  the  amendment  made  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas,  called  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resulted — yeas  16,  nays  15;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Cliandler,  Clark,  Collnmer, 
Foot,  Grimes,  Haiian,  Hariia,  Howard,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
Morgan,  Morrill,  Pomeroy,  Ten  Kvck,  Trumbull,  and 
Wade— JG. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Davis,  Foster,  Hale, 
Hendricks,  Hicks,  .Tolinson,  McDougall,  Powell,  Kicliard- 
son,  Riddle,   Paulsbury,  Willey,  and  Wilson — 15. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Brown,  Conness,  Cowan,  Dixon, 
Doolitile,  Fessendcn,  Harding,  Henderson,  Howe,  Lane 
ol' Indiana,  Nesmitli,  llamsey,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Sum- 
ner, Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 18. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  agreed 
to. 

The  amendment  as  amended  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  move  that  the  bill  be 
indefinitely  postponed. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  the  Senator  will  with- 
draw that  motion. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  Very  well ;  if  the  Sena- 
tor wishes  to  press  the  bill  in  its  present  shape, 
I  withdraw  the  motion. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  and  was  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  FOSTER  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays  on 
the  passage  of  the  bill,  and  they  were  ordered; 
and  being  taken,  resulted — yeas  19,  nays  13;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Davis,  Grimrjs,  Hale, 
Harlan,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Me- 
Dougall,  Pomeroy,  Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle,  Saulsbury, 
Triimhull,  Wade,  and  Willey— 19. 

NAYS— Messrs,  Anthony,  Chandler,  Clark,  Collamer, 
Dixon,  Font, Foster,  narris,Howard,Morgan, Sunnier, Ten 
Eyck,  and  Wilson— 13.  >        b     >  . 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Brown,  Connesa,  Cowan,  Doolittle, 
Fessonden,  Harding,  Henderson,  Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana, 
Morrill,  Nesmith,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Van  Win- 
kle, Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 17. 
So  the  bill  was  passed. 

Mr.  HARLAN  subsequently  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed,  and 
the  motion  was  entered. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 
A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPheRson,  its  Clerk,  announced  that 


the  House  had  passed  a  resolution  for  terminating 
the  present  session  of  Congress  by  adjournment 
on  Thursday,  the  30th  of  June,  instant,  at  twelve 
o'clock;  in  which  it  requested  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  had  signed  the 
following  enrolled  bills;  and  they  were  thereupon 
signed  by  the  President  pro  tempore: 

A  bill  (S.  No.  265)  to  expedite  and  regulate 
the  printing  of  public  documents,  and  for  other 
purposes;  and 

A  bill  (S.  No.  306)  to  grant  to  the  State  of 
California  certain  land  for  State  prison  purposes. 

TRANSFERS  FROM  THE  ARMY  TO  THE  NAVY. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  unfin- 
ished business  of  yesterday  is  the  bill  (S.  No. 
167)  to  incorporate  an  insurance  company  in  the 
city  ofWashington. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  move  to  postpone  that  and  all 
prior  orders  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  the 
consideration  of  Senate  bill  No.  292. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  bill  (S.  No. 
292)  to  provide  for  the  efficiency  of  the  Navy 
was  considered  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 
It  provides  that  any  person  enlisted  in  the  mili- 
tary service  of  the  United  States  who  shall  apply 
to  the  Navy  Department  to  be  transferred  to  the 
Navy  or  marine  corps  shall,  if  his  application  be 
approved  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  Navy  or  marine  corps  to  serve  the 
residue  of  his  term  of  enlistment  therein,  subject 
to  the  laws  and  regulations  for  the  government  of 
the  Navy;  but  such  transfer  is  not  to  release  the 
transferred  person  from  any  indebtedness  to  the 
Government,  nor,  without  the  consent  of  the  Presi- 
dent, from  any  penalty  incurred  for  a  breach  of 
military  law. 

Any  seaman  or  mariner,  or  person  who  may 
have  served  as  such,  drafted  into  the  military  ser- 
vice, may,  by  order  of  the  President,  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  naval  service,  to  serve  therein,  sub- 
ject to  the  laws  and  regulations  for  the  government 
of  the  Navy,  for  the  term  or  residue  of  the  term 
for  which  he  was  drafted.  All  enlistments  into 
the  naval  service  or  marine  corps  during  the  pres- 
ent war  are  to  be  credited  to  the  appropriate  town- 
ship, precinct,  or  district,  in  the  same  manner  as  en- 
listments for  the  Army.  Persons  hereafter  enlisted 
into  the  naval  service  or  marine  corps  during  the 
present  war  are  to  be  entitled  to  receive  the  same 
bounty  aa  if  enlisted  in  the  Army.  And  the  res- 
olution approved  February  24, 1864,  entitled  "A 
resolution  relative  to  the  transfer  of  persons  in 
the  military  service  to  the  naval  service,"  is  re- 
pealed by  this  bill;  but  such  sums  as  may  have 
been  paid  as  bounty  to  persons  transferred  from 
the  military  to  the  naval  service  or  marine  corps 
are  to  be  charged  to  and  paid  out  of  the  proper 
naval  appropriation,  or  appropriation  for  the  ma- 
rine corps. 

The  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  proposed  an 
amendment,  which  was  in  line  six  of  section  one 
to  strike  but  the  words  "  Secretary  of  the  Navy" 
and  insert  "  President  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  HALE.  This  amendment  is  moved  by  the 
committee,  not  from  any  want  of  respect  or  con- 
fidence in  the  Secretary  of  tiie  Navy,  but,  as  this 
transfer  affects  both  the  Army  and  the  Navy,  it 
was  thought  proper  that  the  power  should  be 
vested  in  the  President  of  the  United  States  rather 
than  in  the  head  of  either  the  War  or  the  Navy 
Department. 

The  amendment  wgs  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  and  the 
amendment  was  concurred  in.  The  bill  was  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading,  was  read 
the  third  time,  and  passed. 

BILLS  INTRODUCED. 

Mr.  ANTHONY  asked,  and  by  unanimous 
consent  obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No. 
323)  in  relation  to  naval  patients  in  the  insane 
asylum;  which  was  read  twice  by  its  title,  and 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  CHANDLER  asked,  and  by  unanittious 
consent  obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No. 
322)  to  change  the  name  of  the  steamboat  Mag- 
net, of  Buffalo,  to  Home;  whicli  was  read  twice 
by  its  title,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Commerce. 

Mr.  HALE  asked,  and  by  unanimous  consent 


ofaained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  324) 
prescribing  the  punishment  for  enticing  or  aiding 
seamen  to  desert  the  naval  service  of  the  United 
States;  which  was  read  twice  by  its  title,  and  re- 
ferred to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs. 

Mr.  JOHNSON  asked,  and  by  unanimous  con- 
sent obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No. 
325)  to  repeal  the  act  of  the  17th  of  June,  1864, 
prohibiting  the  sales  of  gold  and  foreign  ex- 
change; which  was  read  twice  by  its  title,  antt 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance. 

Mr.  GRIMES  asked,  and  by  unanimous  con- 
sent obtained,  leave  to  introduce  a  joint  resolution 
(S.  No.  70)  to  authorize  the  acquisition  of  cer- 
tain land  for  the  use  of  the  Government  hospital 
for  the  insane;  which  was  read  twice  by  its  title, 
and  ordered  to  be  placed  on  the  Calendar. 

CREW  OF  THE  ESSEX. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  bill  (S.  No.  273) 
to  compensate  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  iron- 
clad gunboat  Essex  for  the  destruction  of  the 
rebel  ram  Arkansas  was  read  the  second  time, 
and  considered  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 
It  proposes  to  appropriate  $25,000  to  enable  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  pay  to  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  iron-clad  gunboat  Essex,  for  the  de- 
struction of  the  rebel  ram  Arkansas,  the  bounty 
provided  by  the  fourth  section  of  the  net  for  the 
better  government  of  the  Navy  of  the  United 
States,  approved  July  17,  1862. 

Mr.  HALE.  This  bill  is  reported  to  enable 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  carry  into  effect  a 
provision  of  law  to  be  found  in  the  fourth  section 
of  an  act  approved  July  17, 1862,  in  the  following 
words: 

"That  a  bounty  sliall  be  paid  by  the  United  States  for 
each  person  on  board  any  sliip  or  vessel-of-war  belonging 
to  an  enemy  at  the  commencement  of  an  engagement 
which  shall  be  sunk  or  otherwise  destroyed  in  such  en- 
gagement by  any  ship  or  veSset  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  or  which  it  may  be  necessary  to  destroy  in  conse- 
quence of  injuries  sustained  in  action,  of  $100  if  the  ene- 
my's vessel  was  of  inferior  force,  and  of  $200  if  of  equal 
or  superior  force,  to  be  divided  among  the  oHicers  and 
crew  in  the  same  mafftier  as  prize  money ;  and  when  the 
actual  number  of  rnen  on  board  any  such  vessel  cannot  be 
satisfactorily  ascertained,  it  shall  be  estimated  according 
to  the  complement  allowed  to  vessels  of  their  class  in  the 
Navy  of  the  United  States;  and  there  shall  be  paid  as 
bounty  to  the  captors  of  any  vessel-of-war  captured  from 
an  enemy,  which  they  may  bo  instructed  to  destroy,  or 
which  shall  be  immediately  destroyed  for  the  public  in- 
terest but  not  in  consequence  of  injuries  received  in  ac- 
tion, fifty  dollars  for  every  person  who  shall  be  on  board 
at  the  time  of  such  capture." 

A  petition,  very  nunfierously  signed,  was  pre- 
sented here,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs.  Thatpetition  was  sent  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  and  he  wrote  a  letter,  which 
has  been  published,  recommending  it,  and  stating 
that  the  law  would  have  been  carried  into  effect, 
but  that  they  had  no  appropriation  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  he  asks  for  this  appropriation  to  en- 
able it  to  be  done. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  ordered  to 
be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading,  read  the  third 
time,  and  passed. 

NAVY-YARD  AT  CAIRO. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  bill  (S.  No.  190) 
to  establish  a  navy-yard  and  depot  at  Cairo,  in  the 
State  oflllinois-,  was  considered  as  in  Committee 
of  the  "Whole.  It  proposes  to  authorize  the  Pres- 
ideht  of  the  United  States  to  select  and  purchase 
a  site  for  a  navy-yardand  depotator  near  thecity 
of  Cairo,  and  to  erect  such  buildings  and  make 
such  improvements  thereon  as  maybe  necessary 
for  the  construction  and  repair,  accommodation 
andsupply,ofvessels-of-war  of  theUnited  States; 
and  also  to  purchase  any  water  rights  which  may 
be  required  to  propel  the  machinery  or  supply 
dockage  for  the  navy-yard,  and  to  receive  any  do- 
nations of  lands,  water  rights,  or  rights  of  way, 
which  the  trustees  of  the  Cairo  city  property,  or 
the  authorities  of  the  city  of  Cairo,  or  any  other 
body-corporate,  or  any  person  or  persons,  may 
deem  proper  to  makeorgrantto  the  United  States 
for  the  purpose;  and  |200,000  is  appropriated  to 
the  objects  mentioned. 

The  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Af- 
fairs was  in  liYie  four,  to  strike  out  the  words  "se- 
lect and  purchase,"  and  insert  "accept  from  the 
corporate  authorities  of  the  city  of  Cairo,  in  the 
State  of  Illinois,  or  from  any  other  person  or  cor- 
poration;" and  in  line  seven,  before  the  word 
"city,"  to  insert  "said"  after  "Cairo;"  and  in 
line  seven  to  strikeout  "  in  the  State  oflllinois," 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3161 


and  insert  "  if  in  his  opinion  the  good  of  the  pub- 
lic service  requires  it;"  so  as  to  make  the  bill  read: 

That  the  President  of  tlie  United  States  bo,  and  he  is  here- 
by, authorized  to  accept  from  the  rorporate  autiiorities  of 
the  city  of  Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  or  from  any  other 
person  or  corporation,  a  site  for  a  navy-yard  and  depot  at 
or  near  the  said  city  of  Cairo,  if  in  his  opinion  ihe  good  of 
the  public  service  requires  it,  and  to  erect  such  buildings 
and  make  such  improvements  thereon  as  may  be  necessary 
for  the  construction  and  repair,  accommodation  and  sup- 
ply, of  vessels-of-war  of  the  United  States,  &c. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  wish  to  inquire  of  the 
Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  whether  there  has 
been  any  examination  of  the  ground  at  and  about 
Cairo  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  suitableness  of 
that  locality  for  such  a  depot.  I  am  aware  that 
it  is  in  a  central  situation  so  far  as  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  is  concerned,  being  near  the  junction 
of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Ohio,  but  it  has  al- 
ways struck  me  that  it  was  not  exactly  the  place 
for  a  naval  depot.  The  land  there,  I  understand, 
is  very  low,  the  climate  unhealthy,  subject  to  bil- 
ious diseases  and  to  ague,  and  I  have  never  yet 
seen  any  report  or  examination  of  that  locality, 
or  indeed  any  other  locality  in  that  vicinity,  with 
a  view  to  the  establishment  of  a  naval  station 
there. 

Mr.  HALE.  There  were  several  communica- 
tions made  to  the  committee,  and  a  good  deal  of 
evidence  before  them,  and  there  was  talk  about 
the  committee  visiting  the  various  proposed  sites, 
but  the  committee  thought  it  was  utterly  imprac- 
ticable, and  that  it  was  not  competent  for  them 
to  form  a  correct  judgment,  and  so  they  amended 
the  bill  in  this  way,  leaving  it  ^tirely  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  who,  it  was  supposed ,  would  make 
such  examination  as  would  satisfy  them.  The 
committee  felt  incompetent  to  make  a  decision, 
and  therefore  they  proposed  an  amendment,  which 
the  Senate  has  adopted,  which  is  that  the  Presi- 
dent is  authorized  to  do  this  if  in  his  opinion  the 
good  of  the  public  service  requires  it,  and  we 
leave  it  to  him,  thinking  he  will  order  such  ex- 
amination as  may  be  necessary.  , 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  ask  the  Senator  what  it  spe- 
cifies in  regard  to  the  location .' 

Mr.  HALE.  Nothing,  but  that  he  is  author- 
ized to  accept  from  the  corporate  authorities  of 
Cairo,  or  other  persons,  a  site  for  a  navy-yard 
and  depot  at  or  near  the  city  of  Cairo.  There 
was  some  evidence  that  there  was  a  place  a  little 
distant  from  the  city  of  Cairo,  called  IVIound  City, 
and  it  was  thought  by  the  committee  that  Mound 
City  was  nearenough  to  thecity  of  Cairo  to  come 
within  the  purView  of  the  bill  as  amended. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  may  seem  singular  that  I 
should  be  opposed  to  the  establishmentof  a  navy- 
yard  in  myneighboring  State  of  Illinois,  especial- 
ly when  my  own  State  has  no  claim  forany  such 
place.  As  to  whether  there  had  better  be  a  navy- 
yard  established  on  the  western  waters  or  not  is 
a  qViestion  somewhat  problematical  to  me.  Per- 
haps a  depot  may  be  sufficient  for  all  the  purposes 
we  want  connected  with  the  Navy,  except  during 
the  pendency  of  the  present  war;  but  if  it  be  an 
established  fact  that  there  should  be  one,  I  think 
it  is  not  established  that  Cairo  is  ttie  place  where 
it  ought  to  be  located.  I  know  very  well  that  the 
naval  officers,  from  the  admiral  now  in  command, 
so  far  Qs  my  acquaintance  with  them  extends, 
are  opposed  to  the  establishment  at  Cairo.  I  have 
a  letter  from  the  admiral  on  that  subject  and  I 
have  conversed  with  a  great  many  officers  on  the 
subject.  I  am  not  going  to  say  where  the  navy- 
yard  ought  to  be  established,  but  my  impression 
IS,  with  the  lights  I  now  have,  that  if  a  yard  is  td 
be  established  at  all  on  the  western  waters  we 
had  better  go  back  to  the  place  where  it  wasori- 
ginally  established,  Memphis.  Although  we  pro- 
I  fessed  once  tocedeaway  our  interestin  the  navy- 
\  yard  there,  I  am  told  by  gentlemen  who  have  ex- 
\  amined  the  subject  that  the  cession  is  void,  and 
1  that  we  have  a  considerable  amount  of  land  there, 
!  and  that  the  water  is  of  a  sufficient  depth  at  all 
\  seasons  of  the  year,  as  is  not  the  case  between 
Memphis  and  Cairo. 

I  do  not  think  it  would  be  wise  for  us  at  this 
session,  without  any  investigation,  to  undertake 
to  establish  a  navy-yard  anywhere.  If  we  are 
going  to  establish  one,  let  us  authorize  the  crea- 
tion of  a  commission  to  go  out  and  examine  all 
the  sites,  that  which  is  proposed  at  Carondelet, 


that  at  Mound  City,  that  at  Cairo,  that  at  Mem- 
phis, and  any  other  point,  and  let  them  report  to 
us  the  facts,  and  then  we  shall  be  able  to  act  in- 
telligently. The  proposition  now  is  to  leave  the 
whole  matter  in  the  hands  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  who  is  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Illi- 
nois. I  Imve  no  doubt  he  would  exercise  his  judg- 
ment in  the  matter  conscientiously,  but  I  want  to 
know  how,  and  I  want  to  provide  by  law  how 
his  judgment  shall  be  instructed  before  he  pro- 
ceeds to  settle  that  question.  The  proper  way  is 
for  us  to  appoint  a  commission.  If  the  Senate 
decide  that  we  want  a  western  navy-yard,  the 
proper  way  for  us  is  to  authorize  the  creation  of 
a  commission  to  go  there  and  examine  all  the 
questions,  for  there  arc  hundreds  of  questions 
connected  with  this  subject.  It  is  not  the  mere 
location  of  a  piece  of  ground.  You  want  to  know 
exactly  the  depth  of  water  on  all  tiiose  streams 
that  are  converging  toward  the  point  where  you 
propose  to  establish  your  navy-yard.  You  want 
to  settle  all  the  questions  in  regard  to  the  facilities 
for  procuring  laborers,  skilled  mechanics,  men 
who  have  got  to  be  employed  by  the  Government 
in  keeping  up  the  navy-yard  after  it  shall  be  estab- 
lished. 

I  suppose  it  is  not  denied  that  Cairo  besides 
being  an  unhealthy  place  is  a  very  small  place, 
and  all  the  citizens  and  mechanics  that  are  em- 
ployed there  arc  imported  from  other  places,  and 
only  go  there  for  a  temporary  purpose,  returning 
to  their  domiciles  elsewhere  the  moment  their 
jobs  are  over.  That  is  not  the  kind  of  pl»ce 
where  you  want  a  navy-yard  established. 

Mr.  BROWN.  Before  the  amendments  are 
agreed  to,  I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  to  the  character  of  this  bill  and  to  the 
character  of  the  amendments.  It  is  known  that 
it  has  been  a  matter  of  a  great  deal  of  contro- 
versy throughout  the  West  as  to  where  the  loca- 
tion of  this  navy-yard  shall  be.  There  are  a  good 
many  States  interested  in  it.  As  far  as  it  involves 
their  interests,  there  are  a  good  many  places  that 
are  competing  for  the  location  of  this  navy-yard, 
and  that  are  offering  inducements  to  the  Govern- 
ment for  its  establishment.  Yet,  if  1  am  correct 
in  my  interpretation,  this  bill  proposes  to  confine 
it  to  a  single  locality,  that  of  Cairo,  v^ithout  lay- 
ing before  the  Senate  any  of  the  evidence  on 
which  that  selection  has  been  made,  or  without 
giving  the  opportunity  of  a  fair  investigation  of 
the  matter.  I  would  propose,  if  it  is  in  order,  to 
amend  the  bill  before  it  is  passed  upon. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  is  in  order 
at  the  present  time  to  amend  the  amendment  made 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  it  will  be  in 
order  to  amend  the  bill  in  other  respects  after 
that  amendment  shall  have  been  disposed  of. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  should  like  to  hear  from  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  the  ground  on  which 
the  bill  has  been  predicated.  I  do  not  care  to 
object  to  the  amendment,  but  I  desire  to  offer  an- 
other as  soon  as  the  question  is  open  for  it. 

The  amendment  made  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole  was  concurred  in. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  desire  to  offer  an  amendment 
in  the  seventh  line,  after  the  word  "  Cairo,"  to 
insert  "  or  at  any  other  point  on  the  Mississippi 
river." 

Mr.  HALE.  That  would  make  the  bill  rnther 
incongruous.  As  it  now  reads  it  is,"  that  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby, 
authorized  to  accept  from  the  corporate  authori- 
ties of  the  city  of  Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois, 
or  from  any  other  person  or  corporation,  a  site 
for  a  navy-yard  and  depot  at  or  near  the  said  city 
of  Cairo;"  and  the  Senator  proposes  to  add  "  or 
at  any  other  point  on  the  Mississippi  river."  It 
is  not  likely  the  city  of  Cairo  will  be  apt  to  pi'e- 
sent  a  navy-yard  elsewhere  than  at  that  place. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  think  the  Senator  is  mistaken, 
and  that  I  am  correct  in  the  an^endment.  The 
amendment  of  the  committee  proposes  to  accept 
a  site  from  the  corporate  authorities  of  the  city 
of  Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  "  or  from  any 
other  person  or  corporation,"  holding  out  the  idea 
that  there  is  to  be  acompetition,  and  yetin  a  sub- 
sequent line  it  confines  it  to  the  city  of  Cairo. 
Now,  I  want  to  make  the  subsequent  line  cor- 
respond with  the  preceding  line. 

Mr.  HALE.  That  was  put  in  in  that  way  by 
the  committee  from  the  idea  that  there  might  be 
land  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  occupy  if  the 
yard  was  located  at  Cairo,  owned  by  some  other 


ownership  than  the  city;  there  might  be  other 
persons  or  corporations  owning  land  there  that 
would  be  necessary  for  the  yard,  and  that  they 
would  give  for  that  purpose.  That  was  the  in- 
tention of  that  amendment. 

Mr.  BROWN.  Do  I  understand  the  commit- 
tee to  take  the  ground  that  the  President  in  mak- 
ing this  selection  shall  not  put  it  anywhere  else 
than  at  Cairo,  if,  in  his  judgment,  the  good  of 
the  public  service  requires  another  location  .^ 

Mr.  HALE.  The  bill  is  confined  to  Cairo  or 
near  it. 

Mr.  BROWN.  You  do  hot  allow  the  good  of 
the  service  then  to  determine  the  question  at  all; 
it  is  for  the  purpose  of  locating  it  at  Cairo  that 
the  bill  is  introduced. 

Mr.  HALE.  It  is  easy  to  misunderstand. 
The  bill  is  based  on  the  ground  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  take  some  action,  and  Cairo  was  selected, 
provided  upon  a  suitable  examination  it  should 
be  found  that  the  public  service  demanded  it.  If 
the  public  service  does  tiot  demand  it,  if  a  com- 
mission reports  against  it,  the  whole  thing  falls 
to  the  ground.  It  does  not  institute  a  roving 
commission  to  go  all  over  the  country. 

Mr.  BROWN.  But  it  does  not  authorize  the 
selection  of  the  best  place  either,  does  it? 

Mr.  HALE.     The  bill  speaks  for  itself. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Will  the  Senator  from  Mis- 
souri withdraw  his  amendment  for  one  moment.' 
I  offer  the  following  as  a  substitute  for  the  bill: 

That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is 
hereby,  authorized  to  appoint  a  commission  of  seven  offi- 
cers of  f lie  Navy  to  examine  proposed  sites  fora  navy-yard 
on  the  Mississippi  river,  and  to  report  their  conclusions  at 
the  next  session  of  Congress. 

Mr.  BROWN.     I  withdraw  my  amendment. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Iowa. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  regret  that  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  should  have  thought  proper  to  come 
forward  with  this  amendment,  though  it  is  not 
unexpected.  I  have  had  some  conversation  with 
him,  and  I  thought  he  would  probably  introduce 
some  amendments  which  would  prevent  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  navy-yard  at  all  during  the  time 
it  is  wanted. 

This  bill  is  no  new  proposition.  It  is  no  propo- 
sition that  has  not  received  examination.  It  was 
recommended  by  the  Secre'tary  of  the  Navy  in 
as  strong  language  as  he  could  use  two  years 
ago.  His  recommendation  is  repeated  in  his  last 
annual  report,  and  I  can  send  for  those  reports 
and  read  them  for  the  information  of  the  Senator 
from  Iowa,  if  he  has  never  heard  of  them;  but  I 
know  he  is  familiar  with  them  all.  It  has  been 
repeatedly  urged  upon  Congress  to  establish  a 
nav)'-yard  and  depot  in  the  West. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     At  Cairo? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  On  the  western  waters, 
and  there  is  evidence  to  show  that  Cairo  has  been 
examined.  The  Senator  will  find  this  is  no  new 
proposition;  but  the  Senator  proposes  delay; 
that  is  the  way  to  defeat  a  measure  indirectly. 
If  this  navy-yard  and  depot  is  ever  needed,  it  is 
needed  now  during  this  time  of  war,  needed  es- 
pecially now.  A  navy-yard  and  depbt  are  needed 
in  the  West  particularly,  because  we  have  now  a 
large  fleet  upon  the  western  waters,  and  in  the  im- 
provements in  naval  affairs  in  the  construction  of 
naval  vessels  they  are  chiefly  now  made  of  iron, 
and  these  iron-clad  vessels  corrode  very  quickly 
in  salt  water.  We  need  some  place  where  they 
can  be  kept  in  fresh  water  for  their  preservation. 
We  have  a  fleet  upon  the  western  waters  at  this 
time  consisting  of  more  than  two  hundred  ves- 
sels, I  think,  costing  to  the  Government  many 
millions  of  money,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  and 
have  so  understood  from  persons  connected  with 
the  construction  of  these  vessels,  that  they  have 
cost  the  Government  millions  of  dollars  more 
than  they  would  if  we  had  had  a  navy-yard 
somewhere  upon  the  western  waters. 

Now,  sir,  in  regard  to  the  location  of  this  navy- 
yard,  the  Senator  from  lowaasks  if  Cairo  has  been 
recommended.  No,  sir,  not  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy;  he  would  not  be  likely  to  designate  u 
particular  point  in  his  annual  recommendation  to 
Congress;  but  he  has  urged  upon  Congress  the 
importance  of  the  establishment  of  such  a  yard, 
the  very  thing  which  the  proposition  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa  seeks  to  thwart.  The  very  ob- 
ject of  having  a  navy-yard,  and  at  the  earliest 
moment,  is  to  have  a  rendezvous  for  our  naval 


3162 


THE  CONGEESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


vessels  already  constructed  and  a  place  to  repair 
them  and  construct  others;  and  we  want  it  at 
this  time,  if  ever;  but  the  Senator  proposes  a 
commission  to  make  an  examination  and  report. 
Now,  sir,  has  not  the  Senate  some  knowledge  of 
this  locality?  Is  not  every  member  of  this  body 
familiar  with  the  Mississippi  river?  Does  not 
every  person  here  know,  without  an  examination 
by  naval  officers,  that  the  Mississippi  river  never 
freezes  over  at  Cairo  ?  Does  not  every  member 
know  that  it  does  freeze  over  above  Cairo  ?  Does 
not  every  person  at  all  acquainted  with  the  his- 
tory of  the  country  know,  and  does  it  require  any 
naval  officer  to  report  it,  that  only  last  winter, 
for  weeks  and  I  believe  for  months,  the  Missis- 
sippi river  was  hermetically  sealed  between  Ca- 
rondelet  and  Cairo,  and  teams  were  crossing  it 
upon  the  ice?  Do  we  not  also  know  that  the 
water  between  Carondelet  and  Cairo  is  so  low 
that  the  very  vessels  constructed  up  at  Caronde- 
let have  not  been  able  to  get  down  to  Cairo  for 
months 

I  have  before  me  an  official  map  made  by  en- 
gineers who  measured  the  Mississippi  river  and 
its  waters,  and  it  shows  that  the  least  low-water 
depth  on  the  bars  between  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
souri river  and  Cairo  is  but  two  feet.  There  are 
times  when  there  is  only  two  feet  of  water  be- 
tween Cairo  and  Carondelet  on  the  bars,  and  some 
of  the  vessels  now  upon  the  western  waters  which 
were  constructed  at  Carondelet  were  tied  up  there 
for  months. 

We  know  all  this.  "We  know  that  the  Missis- 
sippi and  the  Ohio  unite  their  waters  at  Cairo, 
and  we  know  that  from  Cairo  to  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico there  is  always  a  sufficient  depth  of  water  at 
all  seasons  to  float  the  naval  craft  which  we  have 
upon  the  western  waters.  The  Senator  from 
]\lissouri  shakes  his  head.  I  ask  him  to  furnish 
me  the  evidence  during  this  war  of  a  single  naval 
vessel  that  has  been  delayed  in  getting  to  Cairo 
by  reason  of  low  water. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  call  the  attention  of  the  Sen- 
ator to  the  fact  that  some  of  the  worst  bars  in  the 
Mississippi  river  are  below  Cairo. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  Senator  does  not 
answer  my  question. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     I  can  answer  it. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.    Name. 

Mr.  GRIMES,  lean  name  to  the  Senator  sev- 
eral vessels  that  struck  on  the  bar  just  below 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  What  were  they? 
Mr.  GlilMES.  Half  a  dozen  vessels,  iron- 
clads— the  Baron  de  Kalb,  the  Carondelet,  and 
others.  There  is  one  of  the  worst  bars  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Helena, that  there  is  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi river. 

Mr.  BROWN.  That  proves  the  necessity  of 
further  examination  before  we  pass  on  the  ques- 
tion. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.    Let  us  see.    I  have  the 

official  report  before  me.     The  least  low  water  on 

the  bars  between  Cairo  and  Memphis  is  five  feet. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Our  boats  draw  eight  feet  of 

water. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  You  may  have  them 
loaded  so  tliat  they  will  draw  eight  feet  of  water. 
But  both  the  Senator  from  Iowa  and  the  Senator 
from  Missouri  have  asserted  that  the  worst  bars 
in  the  Mississippi  are  below  Cairo.  Now  I  have 
got  the  official  map  of  the  engineers,  which  shows 
that  there  is  never  less  than  five  feet  of  water  be- 
low Cairo,  and  there  are  but  two  feet  above  it. 
Then  what  becomes  of  that  assertion? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  did 
not  assert  any  such  thing  as  that  the  worst  bars 
on  the  Mississippi  river  were  below  Cairo. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  misunderstood  the  Sen- 
tor,  and  beg  his  pardon. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  said  that  softie  of  the  worst 
bars  in  the  Mississippi  river  were  below  Cairo, 
as  every  steamboat  man  knows. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Then  it  is  the  Senator 
from  Missouri  who  asserts  it,  and  he  says  that 
every  steamboat  man  knows  what  the  engineers 
who  measured  the  water  and  who  report  officially 
on  the  subject  do  not  know.  There  is  three  feet 
more  of  water  on  the  shallowest  place  below  Cairo 
than  there  is  above  it.  As  I  said,  everybody 
at  all  acquainted  with  this  locality  knows  that 
tlie  river  docs  not  freeze  below  Cairo,  that  there 
is  no  obstruction  by  ice.  I  have  before  me  an 
official  report  showing  that  the  lowest  depth  of 


water  on  any  of  the  bars  between  Cairo  and 
Memphis  is  five  feet. 

Mr.  BROWN.  May  I  ask  the  Senator  what 
he  reads  from? 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  From  the  official  report  of 
the  engineer  department.  It  may  be  true  that 
there  may,  at  some  particular  stage  of  very  low 
water,  be  a  time  when  some  of  the  gunboats,  load- 
ed and  armed,  might  not  be  able  to  pass  some  of 
the  bars.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  has  mentioned 
such  a  case.  I  did  not  remember  that  any  of  the 
boats  had  ever  been  detained  by  low  water  below 
Cairo.  It  seems  there  has  been  such  a  case.  I 
was  not  aware  of  it.  I  know  that  it  is  only  in 
the  very  lowest  stage  of  water,  which  very  sel- 
dom occurs,  that  a  vessel  could  be  detained.  If 
that  be  an  objection  to  the  establishment  of  a 
navy-yard  at  Cairo,  it  certainly  would  be  an  equal 
objection  to  the  establishment  oFa  yard  anywhere 
above  Cairo,  and  that  would  lead  to  the  necessity 
of  going  below  Helena,  down,  I  suppose,  to  Mem- 
Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Helena  is  below  Mem- 
phis. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  _  Helena  is  below  Mem- 
phis. It  would  then  involve  the  necessity  of 
going  still  below  Helena.  Does  anybody  pro- 
pose to  establish  a  navy-yard  and  depot  below 
Helena?  I  am  quite  sure  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
would  not  propose  any  such  thing  now,  and  we 
want  this  yard  and  depot  for  war  purposes.  So 
much  as  to  the  question  of  the  depth  of  water. 
Tije  Senator  from  Michigan,  I  believe,  started 
the  objection 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  do  not  understand  the 
Senator  from  Illinois.  I  have  started  no  objec- 
tion.    He  is  entirely  mistaken. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  understood  the  Senator 
from  Michigan  to  assert  that  this  was  an  un- 
healthy location,  subject  to  fever  and  ague.  If  I 
misunderstood  him  1  have  no  reply  to  make  in 
reference  to  it.  There  was,  however,  evidence 
before  the  committee  in  regard  to  the  health  of 
the  locality. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  was  making  an  inquiry 
of  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire  in  respect 
to  the  qualities  of  this  location,  and  I  said  that  I 
had  so  understood,  but  1  did  not  ui'ge  it  as  an 
objection  against  Cairo.  The  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois, he  must  allow  me  to  say,  is  entirely  out  of 
the  record  when  he  charges  any  such  thing  as 
that  against  me. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  An  inquiry  was  suggested 
in  regard  to  the  health  of  the  locality.  Now,  sir, 
it  was  in  evidence  before  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  that  so  far  from  being  ap  unheal  thy  location, 
Cairo  ig  one  of  the  healthiest  locations  upon  the 
western  waters  anywhere.  It  is  at  the  confluence 
of  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  rivers.  There  is  a 
large  expanse  of  water  and  there  is  always  a  cur- 
rent of  air  at  Cairo.  The  medical  officers  of  the 
Army  who  for  the  last  three  years  have  been  about 
Cairo,  and  some  of  the  highest  in  position,  sent 
letters  which  were  laid  before  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs,  testifying  to  the  healthfulness  of 
Cairo,  and  stating  that  it  is  one  of  the  most  healthy 
localities  anywhere  upon  the  western  waters,  and 
going  into  some  reasons  to  show  why  it  is  so  in 
consequence  of  the  particular  locality  of  the  place. 

The  Mississippi  river  has  been  repeatedly  sur- 
veyed. It  has  been  surveyed'with  reference  to 
improvement  upon  it.  The  corps  of  engineers 
have  made  several  surveys,  and  I  have  now  be- 
fore me  a  map  of  the  Mississippi  river  from  St. 
Louis  down  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  made  under 
the  Topographical  Bureau,  I  believe,  some  years 
ago,  showing  all  the  bars  and  the  depth  of  water 
upon  the  bars,  with  a  statement  of  the  depth  of 
water  at  the  lowest  stages  on  the  bars. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  attention  of  the  country, 
as  I  said  before,  has  been  repeatedly  called  since 
this  war  began  to  the  establishment  of  a  western 
naval  depot  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He 
has  called  the  attention  of  naval  officers  to  it.  I 
now  hold  in  my  hand — and  on  this  alone,  if  there 
were  no  other  evidence,  I  think  it  is  not  unreason- 
able to  insist  upon  this  small  appropriation — a 
communication  of  A.  H.  Foote,  rear  admiral 
United  States  Navy,  dated  Washington,  Febru- 
ary, 1863.     He  says: 

"  The  importance  of  a  navj'-yard  at  aoiiie  point  on  tlie 
Missiasippi  river  cannot  be  over-estimated,  especially  in 
time  of  war." 

There  is  the  opinion  of  one  of  your  admirals, 


now  deceased;  an  admiral  who  served  with  dis- 
tinction, who  discharged  his  duties  upon  the  west- 
ern waters  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  country  and 
to  his  own  credit.     He  says: 

"  The  importance  of  a  navy-yard  at  some  point  on  the 
Mississippi  river  cannot  be  over-estimated,  especialty  in 
time  of  war. 

"  Regarding  tlie  best  location  for  a  navy-yard,  I  must 
frankly  confess  that  I  am  not  at  present  prepared  to  give  an 
opinion  wholly  satisfactory  to  myself,  not  having  visited 
Memphis,  nor  given  that  attention  to  Carondelet,  Cairo, 
and  Mound  City,  which  is  requisite  in  one  who  is  thus  sud- 
denly called  upon  for  his  views." 

He  states  this  with  characteristic  modesty  in 
the  commencement  of  his  communication.  He 
then  goes  on  to  speak  in  reference  to  the  various 
places,  giving  the  advantages  and  disadvantages 
of  each  as  he  conceived  them  to  be.  He  speaks 
first  of  Carondelet: 

"Carondelet,  the  first  named,  has  a  good  water  front,  of 
sufficient  deptlj,  I  believe,  at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  for 
floating  gunboats  of  any  draught.  The  fact  of  this  point 
having  been  selected  in  building  four  of  the  first  iron-clad 
boats  that  were  launched  on  the  western  rivers,  and  all  the 
heavy  iron-dads  at  present  under  contract  on  the  Missis- 
sippi river,  seems  to  show  that  this  place  contains  many 
important  advantages.  Here  there  is  no  overflow  in  the 
highest  stage  of  the  river,  to  say  nothing  of  the  advantage 
of  its  being  in  the  vicinity  of  so  large  a  city  as  St.  Louis, 
together  with  the  great  number  of  iron-clad  gunboats  con- 
structed, and  now  being  built,  at  this  place. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  the  disadvantages  of  Carondelet  arise 
from  iiisufficieney  of  water  in  the  autumn  and  early  part  of 
winter,  preventing,  at  times,  the  large  boats  from  reaching 
Cairo.  This  obstacle  may  exist  for  three  months  in  the 
year,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  correct  tide  or  water  table.  Of 
the  tendency  of  the  ciiannel  to  diverge  from  Ms  present 
course,  I  have  no  data  sufficient  to  form  an  opinion.  In 
the  month  of  October,  1861,  our  four  iron-clad  gunboats 
built  by  contract,  as  well  as  the  purchased  gunboats  Ben- 
ton and  Essex,  could  not  be  floated  over  tvyo  or  three  of 
the  shoals  until  most  of  the  coal,  guns,  and  heavy  stores 
were  taken  out  ffi  lessen  their  draught  to  five  feet.  I  be- 
lieve tiat  during  nine  months  of  the  year,  as  a  general  rule, 
gunboats  of  a  draught  not  exceeding  seven  feet  might  safely 
reach  Cairo  without  difficulty  from  shoal  water.  The  city 
of  Cairo  contains  many  advantages  for  a  navy-yard.  It 
lies  at  the  terminus  of  the  Illinois  Central  railroad.  Itcan 
be  easily  defended  against  an  attack,  and  has,  on  the  Ohio 
river  part  of  the  town,  an  extensive  water  front  sufficient 
to  float  gunboats  of  the  heaviest  draught.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  soil  is  alluvial,  and  in  the  highest  stage  of  water 
it  is  difficult,attimes,to'preventtheoverflowof  the  levee, 
involving  serious  damages  of  material  and  stores.  This 
was  the  case  in  May  last ;  the  powder  and  shell  could  only 
be  safely  stored  aboard  of  steamers  lining  the  levee,  while 
it  affords  no  safe  place  for  a  magazine  or  even  storehouses 
containing  perishable  articles. 

"Mound  City,  a  distance  of  nine  miles  up  the  Ohio  river 
from  Cairo,  has  rather  more  elevation  than  Cairo.  Al- 
ready three  iron-clad  gunboats  have  been  built  there,  and 
this  place  has  '  ways'  tor  hauling  up  and  repairing  steam- 
ers. Like  Carondelet,  it  also  has  facilities,  though  in  a 
lesser  degree,  for  building  and  repairing  steamers.  Still 
the  soil  here  is  alluvial  also,  and  it  is  not  well  adapted  for 
the  preservation  of  stores.  A  branch  of  the  Illinois  rail- 
road extends  to  Mound  City,  but  the  place  is  not  so  well 
adapted  to  defense  as  Cairo.  . 

"I  make  no  reference  to  the  city  of  Memphis,  other  than 
to  say  I  had  no  opportunity  of  visiting  it,  and  therefore  am 
unable  to  appreciate  its  comparative  advantages  for  a  navy- 
yard. 

"  If  Carondelet  should  be  selected  for  a  navy-yard,  a 
subsidiary  or  auxiliary  yard  at  Cairo  or  Mound  City  is  be- 
lieved to  be  essential  while  the  water  between  St.  Louis 
and  Cairo  is  at  its  lowest  stage." 

Thus  Admiral  Foote  in  any  event,  even  if  Ca- 
rondelet were  selected  as  the  place  for  a  navy-yard, 
says  that  an  auxiliary  or  subsidiary  yard  at 
Cairo  or  Mound  City  is  believed  to  be  essential. 
Now,  what  do  we  ask  in  this  bill?  We  ask  an 
appropriation  of  ^200,000  for  a  navy-yard  at  or 
near  Cairo.  Tliis  bill  will  eiTibrace  Mound  City;  it 
wasintended  to  embrace  both  points;  theyareonly. 
some  six  or  seven^awles  apart;  Mound  City  is  up 
the  Ohio  river  a  short  distance.  The  bill  as  re- 
ported by  the  committee  would  authorize  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  navy-yard  at  either  place.  We 
have  the  opinion  of  Admiral  Foote,  who  served 
on  the  western  waters,  a  man  having  the  confi- 
dence of  the  whole  country,  modest  and  unas- 
suming in  his  report  as  we  see  he  is,  that  a  yard 
atone  of  these  places  is  essential  in  any  event. 
And  yet  we  find  the  Senator  from  Missouri  op- 
posing this  bill  because  nobody  has  made  any 
examination  or  knows  anything  about  it! 

Again,  sir,  it  is  saidin  that  report  that  at  Cairo 
the  soil  is  alluvial  and  liable  to  overflow.  That 
is  true  so  far  as  the  natural  soil  at  Cairo  is  con- 
cerned; but  most  of  the  Senators  know  that  Cairo 
which  ilow  contains  a  population  of  six  or  seven 
thousand  inhabitants,  is  surrounded  by  a  levee 
over  which  the  water  never  comes.  We  had  in 
1844  and  in  1849  floods  in  the  Mississippi  river 
unprecedented  before  that  time  so  far  as  anybody 
knew.  The  highest  floods  we  have  ever  had  since 
the  settlement  of  the  country,  or  of  which  there  is 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3163 


any  record,  occurred  in  1844  and  1849.  At  nei- 
ther of  these  periods  did  the  waterriseto  the  top 
of  the  levee  at  Cairo.  Before  the  levee  was  per- 
fected, water  came  into  Cairo,  and  I  am  not  sure 
but  that  water  came  into  Cairo  in  1844;  but  since 
the  levee  was  perfected  the  papers  shov/  that  the 
water  has  never  been  over  the  levee  at  Cairo  or 
within  several  feet  of  the  top  of  the  levee.  It  is 
as  well  protected  from  an  overflow  as  any  other 
portion  of  the  country.  There  is  not  only  the 
levee,  but  in  building  up  the  city  of  Cairo  they 
are  filling  up  the  streets.  In  regard  to  the  keeping 
of  ammunition  of  which  Admiral  Foote  speaks,  it 
would  dampen  it  to  keep  it  in  the  ground  perhaps 
anywhere  there,  but  there  is  no  difficulty  in  con- 
structing buildings  in  Cairo  in  which  to  store  am- 
munition. There  are  structures  in  thecity  of  Cairo 
three  or  four  stories  high,  built  of  brick,  with 
stone  foundations,  heavy  buildings  ^which  have 
stood  there  for  years.  The  foundation  at  Cairo 
is  as  solid  as  anywhere  in  the  country.  There 
is  no  sinking  of  the  buildings  there — no  trouble 
in  that  respect. 

Now,  sir,  even  if  the  yard  were  not  perma- 
nently to  be  established  at  Cairo,  and  one  should 
eventually  be  established  at  Carondelet,  or  any 
other  point,  a  subsidiary  or  auxiliary  yard  is 
deemed  essential  in  the  opinion  of  Admiral  Foote 
at  Cairo.  It  is  but  a  small  appropriation  that  is 
asked  by  this  bill,  $200,000,  and  it  ia  only  to  be 
used  at  the  discretion  of  the  President,  if  in  his 
opinion  the  good  of  the  public  service  requires 
the  establishment  of  a  navy-yard  there.  With- 
out the  passage  of  this  bill  you  have  got  to  ex- 
pend probably  this  amount  of  money  anil  per- 
haps more  in  providing  the  means  of  repairing 
your  vessels  at  Cairo.  During  this  war,  naval 
vessels  have  repeatedly  come  to  Cairo  to  be  re- 
paired and  improved;  and  when  there  are  no  con- 
veniences there  for  making  repairs,  it  is  attended 
with  very  great  expense.  It  will  be  a  matter  of 
economy  to  make  this  appropriation.  You  will 
have  then  some  permanent  place,  and  not  have 
to  provide  at  great  expense  for  the  repair  of  each 
vessel  as  she  comes  up. 

Besides,  sir,  the  corporate  authorities  of  the 
city  of  Cairo  propose  to  donate  to  the  Govern- 
ment forty  acres  of  land  for  the  purposes  of  this 
navy-yard  and  depot.  Now,  the  Government  has 
to  pay  for  the  ground  it  uses,  has  to  rent  it,  and 
perhaps  pay  an  extravagant  price  for  it.  Let  the 
Government  have  a  location  of  its  own.  It  is 
but  a  small  sum  that  is  asked  for  the  purpose. 
It  is  at  the  point  where,  without  any  fostering  by 
the  Government,  all  the  great  expeditions  for  the 
Southwest  have  been  fitted  out.  It  is  the  center 
of  commerce.  It  is  the  point  of  convergence  of 
rivers  reaching  thousands  of  miles  in  different 
directions.  It  is  the  terminus  of  the  Illinois 
Central  railroad.  It  is  convenient  to  timber,  it  is 
convenient  to  coal,  and  has  all  the  advantages 
that  could  be  asked  for  as  a  location  for  a  navy- 
yard  or  any  Government  work. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  hope  the  Senate 
will  not  adopt  the  amendment  oflTered  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa,  which  amounts  to  doing  nothing 
at  all,  which  postpones  the  work  at  the  very  time 
when  we  want  it,  puts  it  off  indefinitely,  because 
if  we  are  to  wait  for  the  report  of  a  board  of 
naval  officers,  we  cannot  get  that  report  until  the 
next  session  of  Congress,  and  when  the  report 
comes  we  are  then  to  make  provision  for  it,  and 
then  another  year  is  to  transpire,  so  that  that 
proposition  will  require  at  least  two  years  before 
we  can  avail  ourselves  of  the  benefit  of  a  naval 
depot,  and  I  trust  this  war  is  to  be  over  sooner 
than  two  years. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Mr.  President,  it  is  very  nat- 
ural that  both  Senators  from  Illinois  should  feel 
a  very  deep  interest  in  the  passage  of  this  bill, 
because  it  is  the  nucleus  around  which  is  to  be 
built  up  a  very  large  establishment  that  will 
greatly  inure  to  the  advantage  of  the  State  which 
they  have  the  honor  to  represent. 
Mr.  TRUMBULL.  No  more  than  yours. 
Mr.  GRIMES.  It  may  not  be  any  more  than 
to  mine,  as  the  Senator  from  Illinois  seems  to 
think;  but  I  do  not  entertain  the  opinions  in  that 
regard  th'at  the  Senator  does.  I  suppose  the 
Senator  does  not  intend,  of  course  he  does  not 
intend,  to  create  any  incorrect  impression  as  to 
the  depth  of  the  Mississippi  river,  nor  does  he 
intend  to  convey  a  wrong  idea  when  he  refers  to 
the  map  which  lies  before  him  and  intimates  to 


us  that  that  is  a  map  published  upon  the  authority 
of  the  Engineer  Bureau.  I  think  the  Senator  is 
mistaken  in  that;  it  is  not  a  map  published  by 
authority  of  the  Engineer  Bureau.  The  Engineer 
Bureau  never  made  any  such  survey  as  that  of 
the  Mississippi  river.  Colonel  Humphreys,  now 
brigadier  general,  and  Mr.  Abert  made  a  survey 
of  the  Mississippi  river,  but  they  never  made 
such  soundings  of  the  river  as  purport  to  be  laid 
down  on  that  map.  All  there  is  on  that  map 
which  refers  to  Messrs.  Humphreys  and  Abert  is 
a  mere  attachment,  a  piece  of  paper  written  and 
stuck  on  to  it,  the  map  itself  being  nothing  more 
nor  less  than  Lloyd's  map  of  the  lower  Missis- 
sippi, and  they  have  adopted  in  that  map  what 
are  generally  understood  as  the  soundings  of  the 
river,  neither  mure  nor  less.  They  may  b»  accu- 
rate or  they  may  not  be.  It  is  very  important 
for  us  to  know  what  the  soundings  of  the  river 
are  before  we  proceed  to  establish  a  navy-yard 
that  is  to  beapermanentinstitution  of  the  country. 

The  Senator  says  that  it  is  a  very  small  appro- 
priation which  is  asked  for.  True,  the  amount 
IS  not  large  as  we  look  at  things  now,  when  we 
are  expending  money  by  the  million  every  day; 
but  it  is  the  entering  wedge  by  which  the  Senator 
and  the  friends  v/hom  he  represents  expect  to  rive 
the  Treasury  open  hereafter  to  pour  it  out  to  as- 
sist in  building  up  the  swamp  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Cairo. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Perhaps  I  ought  to  have 
read  the  letter  sent  to  me  from  the  Department 
with  this  map;  I  see  that  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
is  laboring  under  a  misapprehension.  The  De- 
partment took  this  map  and  marked  upon  it  the 
depths.  Lieutenant  Woodruff,  v/ho  was  then  in 
charge,  says  in  his  letter: 

"The  low-water  depths  on  the  sand-bars  of  tlic  Missis- 
sippi river  Aom  St.  Louis  to  tlie  Gulf  will  be  noted  upon 
the  map  of  the  lower  Mississippi  (Lloyd's)  which  he  deliv- 
ered to  nie,  and  it  is  sent  to  you  with  the  information." 

Mr.  GRIMES.  They  have  taken  what  are 
considered  and  published  in  the  pilots'  charts  as 
the  ordinary  water-marks.  The  engineers  have 
made  no  such  survey.  They  do  not  know  what 
high-water  marks  or  low-water  marks  are. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  can  refer  the  Senator 
to  the  report.    . 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  read  the  report  of  Col- 
onel Flumphreys.  They  do  not  profess  to  tell 
and  no  man  can  tell  in  a  fresh-water  stream  what 
the  average  depth  of  the  water  is  at  particular 
seasons  of  the  year.  You  cannot  go  into  the 
Mississippi  river  and  sound  it  and  come  here  and 
speak  accurately  as  to  the  depth  of  water  as  you 
can  in  salt-water  streams,  where  the  tide  ebbs 
and  flows,  and  you  have  the  same  amount  of 
water  from  year  to  year. 

But,  Mr.  President,  the  Senator  relies,  in  his 
support  of  the  measure,  upon  a  letter  written  by 
Admiral  Foote.  Now,  let  us  see  what  this  letter 
of  Admiral  Foote  is.  First,  the  Senate  will  re- 
mark that  it  was  written  at  Washington,  after  he 
had  retired  from  the  command  of  the  Mississippi 
flotilla,  and  after  he  had  had  a  year  and  a  half's 
experience  in  the  Mississippi  and  the  confluent 
streams;  and  what  does  he  say.'    He  says: 

"Regarding  the  best  location  for  a  navy-yard,  I  must 
frankly  confess  that  I  am  not  at  present  prepared  to  give 
an  opinion  wholly  satisfactory  to  myself,  not  having  visited 
Memphis,  nor  given. that  attention  to  Carondelet,  Cairo, 
and  Mound  City  which  is  requisite  in  one  who  is  thus  sud- 
denly called  upon  for  his  views." 

Adaniral  Foote,  after  he  had  been  engaged  in 
commanding  that  flotilla  and  going  up  and  down 
those  streams  for  eighteen  months,  frankly  con- 
fesses to  his  correspondent  (and  this  correspond- 
ence is  published  to  convince  us)  that  with  all  his 
observation  and  experience  he  is  not  able  to  give 
an  opinion  satisfactory  to  himself;  and  yet  the 
Senator  from  Illinois  and  the  Naval  Committee 
of  the  Senate,  without  making  any  investigation 
at  all,  except  to  elicit  inquiries  from  interested 
people  who  came  here  before  them,  have  not  any 
doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of  establishing  a  naval 
depot  and  navy-yard  at  Cairo.  How  much  reli- 
ance can  we  place  on  this  report  and  this  assump- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  when 
a  man  as  capable  of  judging  of  that  question'as 
Admiral  Foote,  who  had  had  eighteen  months' 
experience  running  up  and  down  these  streams 
in  various  kinds  of  vessels,  confessed  frankly 
that  he  was  incapable  of  coming  to  a  correct  con- 
clusion, because  his  mind  had  not  been  directed 
to  the  particular  subjects  of  inquiry  which  it  was 


necessary  for  him  to  pursue  in  order  to  reach  a-, 
correct  conclusion  ? 

The  Senate  will  have  observed  as  the  Senator 
from  Illinois  read  this  letter  that  it  was  written  to 
Hon.  J.  W.  Noell,  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  The  issue  at  that  time  seemed 
to  be  between  Carondelet  and  Cairo,  and  a  con- 
trast is  drawn  in  the  letter  by  Admiral  Foote  be- 
tween these  two  points.  Now,  I  wish  it  to  be 
borne  in  mind  by  the  Senate  that  there  are  other 
points  than  Cairo  and  Carondelet.  There  are 
points  all  along  the  lower  Ohio  and  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi river  that  ought  to  be  investigated. 

When  Admiral  Foote  spoke  of  the  necessity  of 
an  auxiliary  yard  at  Cairo  if  there  should  be  one 
established  at  Carondelet,  he  only  spoke  of  thatas 
being  necessary  in  case  the  yard  was  established 
at  Carondelet.     He  says: 

"If  Carondelet  should  be  selected  for  a  navy-yard,  a  sub- 
sidiary or  auxiliary  yard  at  Cairoor Mound  City  is  believed 
to  he  essential  while  the  water  between  St.  Louis  and 
Cairo  is  in  its  lowest  stage." 

But  suppose  that  some  other  place  is  selected 
than  Carondelet  for'  the  yard  of  construction, 
then  he  does  not  pretend  that  it  will  be  necessary 
that  there  should  beany  auxiliary  yard  at  Cairo. 
It  is  only  in  case  one  of  these  two  rival  points 
shall  succeed  that  he  says  it  will  be  necessary 
there  shall  be  two  yards,  an  auxiliary  yard  to  the 
main  one.  Admiral  Foote's  idea  was,  I  suppose, 
in  that  connection,  that  there  should  be  a  yard  of 
construction  in  the  vicinity  of  St.  Louis,  where 
mechanical  labor  could  easily  be  obtained  and 
where  there  was  not  dampness,  and  where  tim- 
ber and  material  for  naval  purposes  could  be  kept 
and  stored  without  deterioration,  because  he  leUa 
us  in  this  letter  that  the  soil  at  Cairo  "  is  alluvial, 
and  in  the  highest  stage  of  water  it  is  difficult  at 
times  to  prevent  the  overflow  of  thelevee,  involv- 
ing serious  damages  of  material  and  stores.  This 
was  the  case  in  May  last." 

The  Senator  told  us  that  the  highest  water  that 
had  ever  been  known  was  in  1844  and  1849,  and 
that  in  neither  of  those  years  did  the  water  break 
over  the  levee. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.      Admiral  Foote  does  not   > 
mean  to  say  that  the  water  came  over  the  levee, 
but  it  was  difficult  to  keep  the  stores. 

Mr.   GRIMES.     Let   us   see   what   he  says: 

"  And  in  the  highest  stage  of  water  it  is  difficult,  at  times, 
to  prevent  the  overflow  of  the  levee,  involving  serious 
damages  of  material  and  stores.  This  was  the  case,  in 
May  last" —  «. 

I  submit  that  the  legitimate  conclusion  from 
that  language  is  that  it  did  overflow  and  did  de- 
stroy the  stores. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.     He  did  not  mean  that, 

Mr.  GRIMES.     He  .says  that. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  He  says  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  prevent  it,  and  it  was  last  May. 

Mr.  GRIMES— 

"  It  Is  difficult  at  times  to  prevent  the  overflow  of  the 
levee,  involving  serious  damages  of  material  and  stores. 
This  was  the  case  in  May  last — the  powder  and  shell  could 
only  be  safely  stored  aboard  of  steamers  lining  the  levee, 
while  it  affords  no  safe  place  for  a  magazine  or  even  store- 
houses containing  perisliable  articles." 

And  yet  this  is  the  place  where  it  is  proposed 
to  establish  a  permanent  navy-yard  of  the  United 
States!  Is  it  not  known  to  every  man  here  that 
in  consequence  of  the  difficulties  attending  the 
post  of  Cairo  and  the  destruction  of  public  prop- 
erty that  there  has  been  there  in  consequence  of 
this  dampness  and  from  other  causes,  the  ill-health 
of  the  place,  it  has  been  necessary  to  remove  the 
naval  depot  to  Mound  City.'  Is  it  not  known 
that  the  whole  profession  connected  with  the  Navy 
believe  that  Cairo  is  the  last  place  in  the  world  at 
which  to  establish  it?  Has  not  our  own  experi- 
ence found  that  it  was  necessary  to  take  it  away 
from  there  r  Why  is  it  that  you  propose  to  place 
it  at  this  point  which  has  been  tried  by  our  ex- 
perience and  found  wanting,  instead  of  putting  it 
at  Mound  City  where  we  now  have  our  naval 
depot.'  It  is  said  that  Mound  City  may  be  in- 
cluded in  this  bill.  I  do  not  believe  it  will  be  in- 
cluded in  the  bill.  I  am  perfectly  well  satisfied 
if  this  bill  shall  pass  the  yard  will  be  established 
at  Cairo,  the  very  place  of  all  others  that  the  men 
who  have  had  the  rnost  experience  in  connection 
with  the  subject,  who  know  most  about  it,  say  is 
the  last  place  in  the  world  to  establish  it. 
Mr.  President,  Admiral  Foote  says: 
"The  importance  of  a  navy-yard  at  some  point  on  the 
Mississippi  river  cannot  be  overestimated,  especially  In 
time  of  war." 


3164 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


The  Senator  dwells  with  a  great  deal  of  em- 
phasis on  this  declaration  of  that  gallant  com- 
mander, as  though  that  had  something  to  do  with 
this  question  as  to  the  particular  location  of  that 
navy-yard.  I  admit  the  truth  of  this  declaration; 
I  assent  to  every  idea  embraced  in  it;  I  admit 
that  it  ia  absolutely  necessary  that  we  should  have 
a  navaidepot  in  the  West  in  time  of  war;  but  I 
venture  the  prediction  that  if  this  war  were  closed 
to-day  and  you  establish  a  navy-yard  at  Cairo, 
in  less  than  ten  years  after  peace  was  declared 
you  would  abandon  it.  But  in  time  of  war  we 
do  need  a  yard;  but  how  are  you  going  to  use  it 
in  time  of  war.'  How  long  is  it  going  to  take  to 
establish  a  permanent  navy-yard  ?  We  are  going 
to  appropriate  only  $200,000  by  this  bill.  Next 
year  the  demand  will  be  for  a  million,  and  you 
will  go  on  increasing  and  increasing  until  you 
have  spent  millions  in  establishing  a  navy-yard 
there.  Before  you  can  make  your  yard  effective 
to  any  particular  degree  I  trust  this  war  will  be 
closed,  for  it  will  take  at  least  four  or  five  years 
to  make  the  yard  effective.  •  What  do  you  want 
of  a  navy-yard .'  You  now  are  employing  me- 
chanics at  Pittsburg,  at  Cincinnati,  at  Louis- 
ville, at  New  Albany,  and  at  St.  Louis  to  con- 
struct your  boats.  The  purpose  of  a  navy-yard 
is  to  concentrate  as  many  as  possible  of  these  in 
and  about  the  yard.  The  Senator  has  intimated 
that  that  was  the  idea,  for  he  has  told  us  that  if 
this  navy-yard  had  been  built  the  Government 
would  have  saved  an  immense  amount  of  money. 
Now,  I  want  to  know  of  the  Senator  how  long 
he  supposes  it  would  take  to  concentrate  mechan- 
ics, to  establish  your  machine  houses,  to  con- 
struct and  put  in  running  order  the  machinery 
that  will  be  required  to  turn  out  the  kind  of  work 
that  is  now  being  turned  out  by  the  mechanics 
at  the  various  points  I  have  indicated.  Three  or 
four  years  would  be  necessary.  Is  that  a  prepa- 
ration for  the  conduct  of  this  war,  or  is  it  for  some 
future  war  that  the  Senator  has  some  idea  of  over- 
taking this  country,  that  he  proposes  to  establish 
a  navy-yard  at  Cairo.' 

Mr.  President,  there  is  nothing  unfair  in  the 
proposition  I  have  submitted.  There  is  some- 
thing that  is  peculiarly  fair  in  it,  and  the  propo- 
sition, it  seems  tome,  ought  to  commend  itself  to 
the  judgment  of  every  Senator  present.  It  is  to 
authorize  seven  experts,  men  who  are  familiar 
witli  their  profession,  who  know  what  the  wants 
of  the  Government  are,  to  gohupon  the  ground 
and  there  thoroughly  investigate  the  subject,  to 
see  what  may  be  the  depth  of  water  at  the  differ- 
ent points  in  the  iVIississippi  river,  to  see  what 
may  be  the  facilities  with  which  labor  and  work- 
men can  be  obtained,  to  see  what  may  be  the 
character  of  the  soil  upon  which  it  is  proposed  to 
erect  the  navy-yard,  to  examine  as  to  the  health 
of  the  different  locations  proposed;  in  a  word,  to 
examine  everything  in  connection  with  the  sub- 
ject, and  then  report  to  Congress  at  its  next  ses- 
sion. In  that  way  our  minds  will  be  enlightened. 
We  shall  not  further  have  controversies  in  regard 
to  the  depth  of  water,  or  whether  Cairo  is  a  bog 
or  not  and  overflowed.  We  shall  have  some- 
thing authoritative  before  us  upon  which  to  act, 
and  then  we  can  act  for  the  public  good  and  not 
as  at  present,  in  my  opinion,  for  the  good  of  a 
particular  locality. 

Mr.  BROWN.  Mr.  President,  while  this  ap- 
propriation professes  to  be  a  very  small  one,  we 
all  understand  that  it  is  the  beginning  of  a  very 
large  one;  and  I  submit  whether  Senators  have 
that  information  before  them,  whether  they  have 
that  knowledge  of  the  adaptability  of  various 
points,  that  will  justify  them  in  beginning  an  ex- 
endilure  that  may  amount  to  millions  of  dollars 
efore  it  is  done.  Let  me  say  furthermore  that 
wl)ile  Ishould  beglad,representingmy  ownState, 
to  have  this  establishment  so  placed  as  to  benefit 
its  mechanics,  I  am  free  to  say  that  if  such  loca- 
tion is  not  for  the  good  of  the  service,  if  it  is  not 
best  for  the  service,  I  do  not  want  it  placed  there. 
I  value  the  good  of  the  service  as  of  more  conse- 
quence than  any  benefit  that  we  might  partially 
derive  from  such  a  location.  But  1  want  to  call 
attention  to  the  argument  which  the  Senator  from 
Illinois  has  made  m  regard  to  the  urgency  of  this 
matter;  he  suys  it  will  not  do  to  put  it  off  and  to 
appoint  a  commission  to  find  out  the  best  place, 
because  you  want  it  now.  If  thatargument  proves 
anything  it  proves  fatal  to  the  bill,  because  it  is 
well  known  that  all  the  vcsaela  which  are  now 


I 


defending  your  western  waters,  all  your  iron- 
clads and  gunboats,  have  been  constructed  not  at 
Cairo  but  at  Carondelet. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.    Not  at  all. 

Mr.  BROWN.  The  iron-clads  have  nearly  all 
been  built  at  that  point,  and  what  were  not  built 
there  the  material  has  been  furnished  from  the 
rolling-mills  of  St.  Louis.  I  call  the  attention  of 
the  Senate  furthermore  to  the  fact  that  the  largest 
works  of  iron  that  are  used  constantly  day  and 
night  for  the  equipping  and  furnishing  and  con- 
structing of  these  gunboats  are  now  in  operation 
at  the  city  of  Carondelet.  If,  therefore,  it  is  pres- 
ent necessity  that  you  demand,  the  proper  plan 
would  be  to  take  possession  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  of  these  works  which  are  located 
where -you  have  coal  and  iron  and  men  and  arti- 
sans all  conjoined,  all  collected,  and  not  put  it  in 
a  remote  bog  where  there  have  been  three  differ- 
ent attempts  to  build  a  city,  and  all  of  them  have 
failed.  I  think  that  disposes  of  the  urgency  of  this 
matter,  and  if  it  did  not  the  bill  itself  disposes  of 
the  urgency.  As  has  been  well  said  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa,  you  propose  to  expend  j^200,000; 
but  how  far  will  the  expenditure  of  $200,000  go 
toward  erecting  a  navy-yard  for  the  naval  pur- 
poses of  the  western  waters  between  this  and  the 
time  that  the  commission  now  proposed  could 
report  and  have  action  taken  upon  its  report?  It 
would  be  nothing;  it  would  not  be  sufficient  to 
equip  a  vessel.  It  therefore  really  has  no  bearing 
on  the  case  at  all,  and  there  is  no  obstacle  to  a 
thorough  and  a  scientific  investigation  of  the 
merits  of  the  various  localities  on  our  western 
waters  for  such  an  establishment  as  is  here  con- 
templated. 

But,  sir,  v/hat  I  want  to  call  further  attention 
to  is  the  manifestinjusticeof  thisbillas  it  stands. 
The  Naval  Committee  are  not  content  with  put- 
ting his  matter  in  the  discretion  of  the  President, 
but  they  are  not  willing  that  the  President  shall 
use  that  discretion  for  the  public  good;  they  are 
not  willing,  even  if  his  own  judgment  and  the 
judgment  of  the  head  of  the  Navy  Department 
should  say  that  this  is  not  the  most  suitable  point, 
that  he  shall  then  select  others;  but  he  is  tied  down 
in  the  bill  to  this  one  particular  spot  that  is  but- 
tressed around  with  a  levee  to  keep  out  the  water. 
I  do  not  think  that  that  betrays  the  desire  to  ben- 
efit the  service,  but  rather  betrays  the  desire  to 
benefit  the  simple  locality;  and  I  do  not  believe 
that  Senators  will  do  justice  to  the  service  or  jus- 
tice to  themselves  if  they  insist  upon  the  passage 
of  a  bill  such  as  this,  and  refuse  an  amendment 
which  is  so  clear  in  its  justice,  which  is  so  emi- 
nently calculated  to  produce  the  best  results  for 
the  country,  and  which  can  be  attended  with  no 
possible  damage  to  any  one  or  to  any  section, 

I  do  not  desire  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of 
the  relative  merits  of  Carondelet,  or  of  Mound 
City,  or  of  Cairo.  I  do  not  desire  to  do  so  for 
the  reason  that  all  that  might  be  offered  to  the 
Senate  on  those  points  would  simply  be  the  ex- 
pression of  opinion  from  the  Senators  who  might 
be  interested  in  behalf  of  the  one  locality  or  the 
other.  Now,  I  do  not  think  that  representations 
of  a  character  like  that  are  those  which  should 
determine  this  body  in  the  disposal  of  such  large 
amounts  of  money  as  are  going  to  be  expended 
by  the  establishment  of  a  navy-yard  on  the  west- 
ern waters.  I  think  that  Senators  of  the  United 
States  should  have  more  ample  detail  of  fact, 
more  thorough  knowledge,  and  should  abo*fe  all 
have  the  judgment  and  the  opinion  of  those  men 
of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States  whose  education 
has  fitted  them  for  a  knowledge  of  this  subject, 
and  whose  honor  is  interested  in  making  the  best 
selection  possible. 

So  far  as  the  difference  of  two  feetof  water  be- 
tween Cairo  and  Carondelet  is  concerned,  I  think 
it  matters  very  little;  because  though  the  Senator 
insists,  with  all  hisaccustomed  force,  that  Cairo 
hasa  depth  of  water  of  five  'feet  always,  and  I 
might  be  disposed  to  differ  with  him  on  that 
point,  yet  his  own  confession  is,  or  rather  the 
confession  of  a  Senator  who  is  on  the  Committee 
on  Naval  Affairs,  that  these  gunboats  draw  eight 
feet  of  water,  and  I  believe  if  you  will  refer  to  the 
report  of  Admiral  Foote  you  will  find  that  he  con- 
firms the  statement  that  for  three  months  of  the 
year  Cairo  would  not  be  suitable  for  this  purpose; 
in  other  words,  he  says  that  for  nine  months  it 
would  be,  leaving  the  inference  that  for  three 
months  it  would  not  be. 


I  am,  of  course,  solicitous  that  this  matter  shall 
not  be  pressed  through  in  this  shape.  I  am  so- 
licitous in  behalf  of  those  I  represent,  and  soli- 
citous in  behalf  of  large  interests  which  have  been 
established  and  which  are  being  conducted  now 
in  view  of  the  prosecution  of  naval  construction 
in  my  own  State.  How  far  the  speedy  passage 
of  this  bill  would  go  to  destroy  all  those  interests, 
to  draw  all  the  artisans  who  are  now  employed 
in  naval  construction  not  only  from  the  city  of 
St.  Louis  but  also  from  the  city  of  Pittsburg  and 
from  all  other  points  on  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
and  western  waters  which  are  now  isolated,  and 
concentrating  them  at  Cairo,  I  must  leave  to  the 
determination  of  those  more  familiar  with  naval 
matters  than  myself.  But  I  am  very  certain  that 
before  we  do  that,  before  we  strip  all  these  western 
cities  of  all  that  business  and  of  all  that  manufac- 
ture, it  would  be  well  for  us  to  know  whether, 
when  placed  at  the  point  proposed,  they  will  not 
sink  into  the  bogs  that  have  made  it  a  pestilence 
heretofore. 

Mr.  RICFIARDSON.    Mr.  President 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  With  the  permission 
of  the  Senator  from  Illinois  I  wish  to  move  an 
amendment  to  the  amendment  proposed  by  the 
Senator  from  Iowa,  or  a  modification  of  it,  to  in- 
sert simply  after  the  word  "  Mississippi"  the 
words  "or  Ohio,"  so  as  to  embrace  an  examina- 
tion of  sites  on  the  Ohio  river. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     I  am  willing  to  accept  that. 

ThePRESiDINGOFFICER,(Mr.PoMEROY.) 
The  amendment  will  be  so  modified. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Both  the  Senators  who 
have  objected  to  this  bill  agree  that  there  ought 
to  be  a  naval  depot  upon  the  western  waters. 
They  object  to  the  place.  They  say  that  this  is 
not  the  appropriate  place.  If  I  understand  the 
argument  of  the  Senator  from  Iowa,  the  contest, 
in  his  mind,  is  between  Cairo  and  Mound  City,  a 
point  six  miles  distant. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  did  not  say  or  intimate  that 
the  issue  was  between  those  places. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  was  very  unfortunate, 
then,  in  misunderstanding  the  Senator's  remarks. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  said  this,  however,  that  the 
Navy  officers  who  were  in  charge  of  that  depot, 
at  the  head  of  whom  was  Admiral  Porter,  had 
decided  that  Mound  City  was  infinitely  a  better 
place  than  Cairo,  and  they  had  moved  their  naval 
depot  from  Cairo  up  to  Mound  City,  which  is 
nine  miles  off,  as  I  understand. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Well,  six  or  nine  miles. 
It  is  in  the  immediate  neighborhood.  So  far  as 
the  argument  goes  of  the  two  Senators,  the  one 
from  Iowa  and  the  other  from  Missouri,  that  you 
cannot  take  care  of  stores  and  munitions  at  Cairo, 
it  is  sufficiently  replied  to  by  our  own  experience. 
When  the  boats  are  constructed  at  Carondelet, 
with  a  very  few  exceptions,  before  the  armor  is 
put  upon  them,  before  the  munitions  and  the 
cannon  are  loaded  upon  them,  they  are  taken  to 
Cairo  or  Mound  City.  The  Government  to-day 
have  to  make  provision  there  to  take  care  of  those 
very  articles  which  the  Senators  say  cannot  be 
taken  care  of  there. 

The  argument  of  the  Senator  from  Iowa  seemed 
to  lean  in  favor  of  Memphis.  We  all  understand 
and  have  understood  for  years  and  years  that 
from  Cairo  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  there 
is  one  class  of  water  that  will  float  one  class  of 
boats.  When  yoU  approach  the  Ohio  river,  then 
you  come  to  the  navigation  of  another  class  of 
stream.  Between  Cairo  and  Louisville  and  Cin- 
cinnati, for  a  large  portion  of  the  year,  ice  ob- 
structs the  Ohio  river,  and  when  that  does  not, 
low  \vater  does.  So  far  as  the  argument  that  it 
is  as  dangerous  navigation  below  Cairo  as  it  is 
above  on  the  Mississippi  river,  there  is  no  man 
who  has  traveled  on  the  river  that  does  not  know 
that  the  danger  of  navigation  is  between  St.  Louis 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  river. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  will  state  to  the  Senate  as 
illustrative  of  that  point  that  since  this  discussion 
began  a  Senator  has  stated  to  me  that  some  time 
since  he  had  occasion  to  make  a  trip  to  New  Or- 
leans, and  that  on  account  of  low  water  he  was 
detained  five  days  in  getting  to  Cairo  and  twelve 
days  in  getting  from  there  down.  That  is  the 
difference  between  them. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  From  St.  Louis  to  Cairo 
it  is  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles,  and  from  Cairo 
to  New  Orleans  a  thousand.  The  obstruction  to 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  river  is  below 


1864. 


THE  CON^GEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3165 


Helena,  and  Flelena  is  one  hundred  miles  below 
Memphis.  There  is  no  obstruction  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio  river  until  you  approach  Hel- 
ena. You  have  one  class  of  water,  always  easy 
of  navigation,  never  obstructed  by  low  water, 
never  obstructed  by  ice,  for  a  distance  of  upwards 
of  four  hundred  miles  from  Cairo  south,  and  the 
same  objection  that  is  urged  to  the  navigation 
in  reference  to  Cairo  applies  with  equal  force  to 
Memphis.  These  are  the  points,  I  believe,  that 
are  now  being  discussed. 

I  state  the  fact  to  be  that  the  entire  supply  of 
munitions  of  war,  both  for  the  Navy  and  the 
Army  for  the  entire  western  country,  has  been  at 
Cairo.  Gentlemen  talk  about  the  overflow  and 
all  that  sort  of  thing.  Formerly  that  was  true.  The 
construction  of  the  Central  railroad  to  that  point, 
terminating  there,  resulted  in  building  up  a  levee 
high  enough  to  exclude  all  high  water,  and  when 
they  come  to  build  the  city,  the  foundations  for 
the  houses  are  already  excavated  and  dug. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Two  or  three  stories  deep. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Asmany  as  you  want. 
You  can  go  down  two  or  three  stories  deep,  till 
you  get  to  the  rock  after  a  little. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Pretty  deep. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Not  so  very  deep  either. 
If  this  objection  existed,  if  you  could  not  take 
care  of  your  munitions  of  war,  your  provisions, 
your  ammunition,  and  everything  of  that  sort  at 
Cairo,  why  have  the  Army  and  Navy  both  con- 
centrated there  for  the  last  three  years.'  That  is 
an  argument,  I  apprehend,  that  the  Senator  from 
Iowa  will  not  undertake  to  deny.  They  have  had, 
as  I  repeat,  at  Cairo,  the  provisions,  the  munitions 
of  war,  quartermaster's  and  commissary's  sup- 
plies for  three  years,  both  for  the  Army  and  Navy 
m  the  West.  Yet  the  gentleman  tells  us  here,  in 
reply  to  that  very  experience  that  we  have  all  had, 
that  you  cannot  preserve  them  there. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  do  not  say  so.  It  is  Ad- 
miral Foote  who  says  so.  I  recommend  the  Sen- 
ator from  Illinois  to  hear  what  Admiral  Foote 
says.     I  will  refresh  his  memory  with  it: 

"  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  soil  is  alluvial,  and  in  the 
highest  stage  of  water  it  is  difficult  at  times  to  prevent  the 
overflow  of  the  levee,  Involving  serious  damages  of  ma- 
terial and  stores.  This  was  the  case  in  May  last;  the  pow- 
der and  shell  could  only  be  safely  stored  aboard  of  steamers 
lining  the  levee,  while  it  affords  no  safe  place  for  a  maga- 
zine or  even  storehouses  containing  perishable  articles." 

The  Senator  must  quarrel  with  the  admiral, 
who  is  cited  here  to  sustain  his  side  of  the  case, 
not  with  me. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  am  not  disposed  to 
quarrel  either  with  the  admiral  or  with  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa.  I  certainly  understood  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa  to  use  the  argument.  I  did  not 
look  around  to  see  where  he  found  it.  I  think  he 
was  pretty  hard  pressed  to  find  an  argument;  he 
seized  upon  this  and  made  the  most  of  it.  Take 
to-day  the  amount  you  have  paid  for  construct- 
ing steamers  for  war  purposes  and  the  amount 
paid  for  transporting  the  munitions  you  have  upon 
them,  and  you  would  have  saved  mone]^  by  hav- 
ing a  navy-yard  at  Cairo.  You  pay  every  month 
for  such  purposes  more  than  the  j|200,000  appro- 
priated by  the  bill;  and  yet  gentlemen  insist  on 
going  up  to  a  place  where  you  cannot  complete 
your  vessels,  but  from  which  you  now  bring  them 
at  enormous  expense  to  Cairo  to  be  completed. 

I  have  but  a  word  to  say  in  reference  to  Mem- 
phis. I  will  not  vote  a  dollar,  certainly  not  now, 
to  construct  public  works  at  a  place  where  you 
must  send  armies  and  navies  to  defend  them.  I 
want  them  certainly  in  a  safer  place  than  that. 

If  Senators  desire  to  have  places  in  their  own 
immediate  neighborhood  considered,  be  it  so,  and 
when  they  are  brought  before  the  Senate  for  con- 
sideration I  shall  endeavor  to  dispose  of  them  ac- 
cording to  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  I 
certainly  do  feel  some  anxiety  for  the  passage  of 
this  bill,  but  not  that  it  will  benefit  the  people 
of  the  State  of  lilinoismore  than  it  will  benefit  the 
people  of  the  entire  country.  I  hope  I  have  taken 
a  more  liberal  view  than  that.  I  say  to  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  now,  that  if  he  will  show  me  any- 
where a  place  that  combines  more  advantages 
than  either  Mound  City  or  Cairo,  a  place  with 
the  same  amount  of  water  and  with  all  the  con- 
veniences of  timberand  every  thing  needed  to  make 
up  a  vessel-of-war,  I  will  vote  with  him,  I  care 
not  whether  it  is  in  his  State  or  mine.  I  am  not 
wedded  to  this  particular  place.  ■  The  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  Senate  seems  to  be  that  wc  ought 


to  have  a  naval  depot  on  the  western  waters.  In 
my  judgment — and  by  that  I  am  to  be  governed 
— the  point  named  in  the  bill  is  the  best  point  at 
which  we  can  make  an  expenditure  of  money  for 
this  purpose  now.  So  believing,  1  am  in  favor 
of  the  bill.  If  I  believed  there  was  a  better  point, 
I  certainly  would  go  for  that.  I  am  not  wedded 
to  a  particular  locality  inside  of  the  State  of  Illi- 
nois. I  have  voted  since  I  have  been  in  Con- 
gress for  improvements  far  away  from  my  own 
State,  and  I  have  not  asked  for  anything  for  my 
own  section  of  the  State. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Iowa. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  On  the  adoption  of  my  amend- 
ment I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  13,  nays  21;  as  follosvs: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Buckalevv,  Clark,  Grimes,  Hen- 
dricks, Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Pomeroy, 
Riddle,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,and  Wilson — 13. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Carlile,  Chandler,  Conness, 
Dixon,  Doolittle,  Foot,  Hale,  Harris,  Hicks,  Howard, Mc- 
Dougall,  Morgan,  Nesmith,  Powell,  Ramsey,  Richardson, 
Saulshury,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and  Willey — 21. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collamer,  Covvau,  Davis,  Fessen- 
den,  Foster,  Harding,  Harlan,  Henderson.  Johnson,  Mor- 
rill, Sherman,  Sprague,  Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wriglit— 15. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  BROWN.  I  move  to  insert  after  the  word 
"  Cairo"  in  the  seventh  line  of  the  bill  the  words 
"or  at  such  other  place  as  may  be  found  best 
suited  to  its  location."  Ttiis  amendment  will  at 
least  give  the  President  the  opportunity  of  se- 
lecting a  site  which  in  his  judgment  shall  be  the 
best.  Gentlemen  have  predicated  this  billon  the 
idea  of  a  reference  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  If  it  is  going  to  him  for  selection,  1  think 
he  should  be  unfettered  in  regard  to  its  selection 
along  the  Mississippi  river.  I  can  see  no  reason 
why,  if  he  is  to  be  intrusted  with  tiie  duty  of 
selection,  he  should  be  confined  exclusively  to 
the  city  of  Cairo  or  near  by.  I  trust  the  amend- 
ment will  be  adopted.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and 
nays  on  it. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  Anyone  looking  at  the 
map  can  see  that  there  is  but  one  place  for  this 
naval  depot.  The  Senator  from  Missouri  pro- 
poses just  what  we  do  not  wish  to  do.  We  wish 
to  settle  the  point  ourselves,  to  place  the  depot 
where  it  belongs,  the  only  spot  on  either  river 
where  it  ought  to  be  located.  We  wish  to  leave 
no  discretion  anywhere,  but  to  put  it  where  we 
know  it  ought  to  be.  You  might  as  well  put  it 
in  a  barn-yard  or  above  the  falls  of  St.  Anthony 
as  at  St.  Louis,  where  there  is  not  water  enough 
to  float  your  steamers  one  half  the  year.  Let  us 
settle  fchis  point,  and  settle  it  so  that  it  will  stay 
settled,  and  leave  no  discretion  anywhere. 

Mr.  BROWN.  lam  thankful  to  the  Senator 
from  Michigan  for  enlightening  me  on  this  sub- 
ject. He  professes  to  know  all  about  it,  to  have 
his  own  mind  fully  made  up,  and  I  have  no  doubt 
it  is  fully  made  up;  but  1  think  it  very  strange 
that  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  iri  determin- 
ing on  so  important  a  matter,  upon  which  each 
Senator  has  to  pass  his  judgment,  has  given  us 
no  report  of  the  facts  or  the  grounds  or  the  evi- 
dence upon  which  they  arrived  at  such  definite 
conclusions.  It  is  a  very  strange  proceeding,  sir, 
and  I  should  like  to  know  on  what  ground  it  can 
be  justified. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  On  the  ground  of  com- 
mon sense  and  a  view  of  the  map:  that  is  all  that 
is  requisite.  We  require  no  report  from  that  or 
any  other  committee:  a  looTi  atihe  map  will  set- 
tieit.  *  *  ^ 

Mr.£ROWN.  The  Senator  seems  to  monop- 
olize common  sense.  He  ought  to  give  us  the 
benefit  of  it. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  11,  nays  21;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Buckalew,  Clark,  Cowan,  Doo- 
little, Orimes,  Harlan,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas, 
Pomeroy,  and  Ten  Eyck — 11. 

NAYS^-Messrs.  Anthony,  (Jarlile,  Chandler,  Conness, 
Dixon,  Foot,  Hale,  Harris,  flicks,  Howard,  McDougall, 
Morgan,  Nesmith,  Powell,  Richardson,  Saulsbury,  Sumner, 
Trumbull,  Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson — 21. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collamer,  Davis,  Fessenden,  Foster, 
Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Howe,  JnJinson,  Morrill, 
Ramsey,  Riddle,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Van  VVinkle,  Wilkin- 
son, and  Wright— 17. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 


reading,  and  was  read  the  third  time.  On  its  pas- 
sage Mr.  BROWN  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  28,  nays  3;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Carlilo, Chandler,  Clark,  Con- 
ness, Cowan,  Dixon,  Foot,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris,  (licks, 
Howard,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Mcnonirall,  Morgan,  Nesmith, 
Pomeroy,  Powell,  Ramsey,  Richarilsnii,  Saulsbury,  Sum- 
ner, Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson— 28. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Brown,  Dooliule,  and  Grimes— 3. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Collamer,  Davis,  Fessen- 
den, Foster,  Harding,  Henderson, Hendricks,  Howe,  John- 
son, Lane  of  Indiana,  Morrill,  Riddle,  Sherman,  Sprague, 
Van  Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 18. 

So  the  bill  was  passed'. 

RELIEF  OF  SEAMliN  OF  LOST  VESSELS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  bill  (S.  No.  246) 
for  the  relief  of  officers,  seamen,  and  others  borne 
on  the  books  of  vessels  wrecked  or  lost  in  the  na- 
val service,  was  considered  as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole. 

It  proposes  to  authorize  the  accounting  officers 
of  the  Treasury,  under  the  direction  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  in  settling  the  accounts  of  offi- 
cers, seamen,  and  others,  borne  on  the  books  of 
any  vessel  in  the  Navy,  which  shall  have  been 
wrecked,  or  which  shall  have  been  unheard  from 
solong  that  her  wreck  may  be  presumed,  or  which 
shall  have  been  destroyed  or  lost,  with  the  rolls 
and  papers  necessary  to  a  regular  and  exact  set- 
tlement of  such  accounts,  to  fix  a  day  when  such 
wreck,  destruction,  or  loss  shall  be  deemed  and 
taken  to  have  occurred,  and  to  adjust  and  settle 
the  accounts  on  principles  of  equity  and  justice. 

Whenever  the  officers,  seamen,  or  others,  borne 
on  the  books  of  a  vessel  of  the  Navy,  shall  have 
lost  tlieir  clothing  or  other  personal  effects  by  the 
wreck,  destruction,  or  loss  of  such  vessel,  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  may  appoint  a  board  of  three 
officers  of  the  Navy,  including  a  paymaster,  to 
make  a  careful  examination  and  scrutiny  of 
claims  for  losses  so  incurred, and  the  board  is  to 
have  power,  with  the  approval  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  to  award  to  the  officer,  seaman,  or 
other  person,  who  may  have  incurred  such  loss, 
without  neglect  or  fault  on  his  part,  the  value  of 
the  property  lost  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  two 
months'  pay,  in  the  case  of  an  enlisted  man,  nor 
one  month's  sea  pay  in  any  other  case.  The 
benefit  of  the  act  is  to  be  extended  to  the  officers, 
seamen,  and  others,  borne  on  the  books  of  any 
vessel  of  the  Navy  wrecked,  destroyed,  or  lost 
during  the  present  war,  whose  accounts  shall  not 
have  been  settled ,  or  who  have  not  heretofore  been 
compensated  for  clothing  or  other  property  lost 
by  the  wreck,  destruction,  or  loss  of  such  vessel. 

The  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  proposed  to 
amend  the  bill  by  striking  out  the  word  "  c  fficer" 
before  "  seaman,"  in  line  ten  of  section  two,  and 
inserting  after  "  person"  the  words  "  not  an  offi- 
cer;" and  in  section  three  by  striking  out,  in  line 
two,  "officers,"  and  after  "others"  inserting 
"  not  officers." 

Mr.  HALE.  The  bill  was  prepared  at  tfie 
Navy  Department  and  sent  to  the  committee  for 
the  purpose  of  enabling  the  Department  to  settle 
these  matters  without  coming  to  Congress  for  a 
special  act  in  every  case.  They  inserted  the 
word  "officers"  so  as  to  extend  this  relief  to  offi- 
cers; but  as  the  uniform  practice  of  the  Govern- 
ment has  been  theother  way,  against  compensat- 
ing officers  under  such  circumstances,  the  com- 
mittee did  not  deem  it  advisable  to  make  that 
departure  at  this  time. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  and  the 
amendment  was  concurit;d  in.  The  bill  was  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading,  was  read 
the  third  time,  and  passed. 

HOUSE  BILLS  REFERRED. 

The  following  bills  and  joint  resolutions  from 
the  House  of  Representatives  were  read  twice  by 
their  titles,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs  and  the  Militia: 

A  bill  (No.  121)  for  the  relief  of  William  P. 
Richner,  seventy-seventh  regiment  of  Ohio  vol- 
unteer infantry; 

A  bill  (No.  543)  to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the 
irfedical  corps  of  the  Army; 

A  bill  (No.  545)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An 
act  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  horses  and 
other  property  destroyed  in  the  military  service 
of  the  UiBted  States;" 

A  bill  (No  546)  to  regulate  the  rank,  pay,  and 


3166 


THE  CO:N^GRESSIO]SrAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


emoluments  of  veterinary  surgeons  of  cavalry 
regiments; 

A  bill  (No.  548)  to  provide  for  the  relief  of 
James  Lindsay; 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  23)  for  the  relief  of  the 
officers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  Indian  regiments; 
and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  103)  for  the  relief  of 
Mary  Kellogg. 

ekicsson's  floating  batteries. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  joint  resolution 
(H.  R.  No.  95)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  to  amend  the  contract  with  John  Ericsson 
for  the  construction  of  tv/o  impregnable  floating 
batteries,  the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan,  was  con- 
sidered aa  in  Committee  of  the  Whole. 

It  is  recited  that  the  Navy  Department,  on  the 
28th  day  of  July,  1862,  entered  into  contract  with 
Captain  John  Ericsson,  of  the  city  of  New  York, 
for  the  construction  of  two  impregnable  floating 
batteries,  the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan;  and  that 
experience  with  a  similar  class  of  vessels  in  act- 
ual conflict  and  during  a  varied  service  of  more 
than  two  years  has  demonstrated  that  many  im- 
provements could  be  made  to  render  them  more 
complete  and  efiicient  as  vessels  of  war;  and  that 
these  improvements  have  added  largely  to  the  cost 
of  construction  of  each  of  these  vessels,  render- 
ing it  impossible  for  the  contractor  to  complete 
them  under  existing  arrangements;  and  that  it  is 
of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  honor  and  inter- 
ests of  the  country  that  they  should  be  finished 
and  ready  for  service  at  the  earliest  moment;  and 
it  is  therefore  proposed  to  authorize  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  amend  the  existing  contract  for 
the  construction  of  these  vessels,  so  far  as  it  re- 
lates to  the  Puritan,  and  to  appoint  a  competent 
board  to  ascertain  the  present  value,  as  far  as 
completed,  of  that  vessel,  and  of  the  material  on 
hand  deemed  actually  necessary  to  her  construc- 
tion, and  to  pay  to  Captain  John  Ericsson,  the 
contractor,  the  amount  of  valuation  so  ascer- 
tained ,  deducting  therefrom  any  sums  already  ad- 
vanced toward  the  completion  of  the  vessel;  and 
upon  this  payment  being  made  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  the  rights  of  the  contractor  to  the 
vessel  and  material,  or  any  portion  thereof,  are 
to  cease,  and  be  vested  wholly  and  absolutely  in 
the  United  States,  which  shall  thenceforth  pro- 
ceed to  complete  the  vessel  under  such  arrange- 
ments as  may  be  deemed   most  advantageous. 
The  Dictator  is  to  be  completed  by  the  contractor 
upon  the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  if  this 
resolution  had  not  been  passed.     No  action  is  to 
•  be  had  under  the  resolution  until  the  contractor 
shall  have  signified  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
in  writing,  his  acceptance  of  its  provisions  and 
his  willingness  to  superintend  to  completion  the 
construction  of  the  Puritan;  and  it  is  not  to  take 
eflfect  until  the  completion  and  delivery  of  the  Dic- 
tator.    That  it  sha+1  be  the  duty  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  in  carrying  the  resolution  into  exe- 
cution to  apportion  and  apply  to  the  Dictator,  in 
payment  for  that  vessel,  only  such  portion  of  the 
■  gross  contract  price  of  $2,300,000,  for  the  Dic- 
tator and  Puritan,  as  the  Dictator  woujd  justly 
be  entitled  to  if  both  vessels  had  been  completed 
at  the  price  and  in  the  mode  of  construction  spe- 
cified in  the  contract,  special  reference  being  had 
to  the  difference  of  cost  between  the  two  vessels, 
arising  from  the  diff"erence  in  their  construction 
provided  for  in  the  contract. 

Mr.  HALE.  As  this  resolution  provides  for 
a  modification  of  a  contract  and  the  advancement 
of  considerable  money,  1  will  simply  state  the 
facts  and  then  leave  the  ftiatter  to  the  Senate.  A 
memorial  was  sent  to  the  Senate  by  Captain 
Ericsson  asking  for  relief.  That  memorial  was 
transmitted  by  the  Naval  Committee  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  with  the  request  that  he  would 
make  any  suggestions  which  occurred  to  him  in 
regard  to  it.  He  sent  this  letter  to  the  committee: 
Navy  Department,  May  30,  1S64. 

Sir:  I  liave  the  honor  to  acknowlodge  the  receipt  of 
your  comniuiiicatioii  of  tlie  20th  inetant,  inclosing  tlie  pe- 
tition of  Jolin  Ericsson  asltinR  an  additional  allowance  on 
his  contract  to  construct  the  Dictator  and  Puritan,  and  re- 
questing the  views  of  the  Department  on  tlie  subject. 

Tlio  memorialist  is  tlie  well-known  inventor  of  the  tut- 
reted  class  of  naval  vv^sscls  which  have  been  recently  con- 
structed and  which  liave  rendered  invaluable  service  to  the 
country.  For  harbor  and  coast  defense,  the  turreted  ves- 
sels are  une(|iiiiled,and  althoufrh  but  briefly  in  service,  their 
great  strength,  wonderful  capabilily  of  endurance,  power 
of  resistance  and  efliciency  have  been  abundantly  proven. 

The  first  of  this  deacriptiou  of  vessels,  the  Monitor,  won 


for  herself  a  reputation  that  is  since  borne  by  vessels  of  her 
class.  Tried  as  an  experiment,  the  success  of  which  was 
doubted  by  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  those  who  were 
deemed  competent  judges,  she  nevertheless  proved  emi- 
nently successful,  and  in  conflict  with  the  Merrimac,  at  a 
critical  and  highly  interesting  moment,  rendered  memor- 
able service  to  the  country,  and  acquired  for  herself  his- 
toric renown.  One  of  her  successors,  the  Weehawken, 
also  built  by  the  memorialist,  performed  a  featsecond  only 
to  that  of  her  predecessor,  in  the  capture  of  the  formidably 
armored  steamer  Atlanta. 

The  prowess  and  success  of  the  Monitor,  which  was  of 
only  about  seven  hundred  and  seventy  tons  burden,  led  to 
an  arrangement  for  the  construction  of  two  vessels  on  sim- 
ilar principles,  but  vastly  greater  proportions — vessels  that 
could  and  would  in  conflict  overcome  the  most  formidable 
armored  ships  afloat. 

The  conflict  between  the  Monitor  and  Merrimac,  in 
Hampton  Roads,  took  place  in  March,  1862,  and  on  the  28th 
of  July,  following,  a  contract  was  made  with  the  memo- 
rialist for  the  Dictator  and  Puritan,  (both  included  in  one 
contract,)  whose  united  burden  is  six  thousand  two  hun- 
dred and  ninety  tons,  and  the  price  for  the  two  vessels  was 
stipulated  at  $2,300,000,  one  to  be  completed  in  nine 
months,  and  the  other  in  twelve  months,  from  the  date  of 
contract. 

These  vessels,  as  stated,  are  of  the  same  general  charac- 
ter as  those  for  harbor  defense.  The  memorialist  was 
aware  of  the  different  conditions  to  be  fulfilled,  the  plans 
and  specifications  having  been  deliberately  and  carefully 
prepared  by  himself.  In  making  this  contract  the  Depart- 
ment endeavored,  as  was  its  duty,  to  secure  terms  favorable 
to  the  Government,  but  without  inflicting  loss  npon  the 
contractor. 

So  far  as  the  work  is  completed,  it  is  but  justice  to  say 
that  it  is  in  all  respects  creditable  to  the  memorialist  and 
satisfactory  to  the  Department;  but  the  memorialist  claims 
that  in  consequence  of  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  material 
and  labor,  and  of  the  improvements  that  have  been  made 
as  the  work  has  progressed,  great  pecuniary  loss  has  be- 
fallen him.  Some  of  the  stipulations  in  the  contract  can- 
not be  fulfilled  until  the  vessels  are  completed  and  tested. 
Among  the  stipulations  proposed  by  the  contractor,  and 
which  is  embodied  in  the  contract,  is  one  that  the  vessels 
are  to  make  sixteen  knots  per  hour  for  fifteen  consecutive 
hours.  Should  this  part  of  the  agreement  be  accomplished 
it  will  be  a  great  feat ;  but  only  when  the  work  is  completed 
can  this  important  result,  one  of  the  essentials  to  the 
efiiciency  of  these  vessels,  be  realized. 

Alterations  and  improvements  have,  as  stated  in  the 
memorial,  been  suggested  and  introduced;  but  it  should 
also  be  stated  that  all  which  were  not  embraced  in  the 
specifications  of  the  original  contract  are  being  paid  for  as 
extra  as  the  work  progresses.  It  should  also  be  stated  that 
the  Department  has  not  ordered  any  additional  work  caus- 
ing delay,  and  is  not,  therefore,  in  any  degree  responsible 
for  any  advance  which  may  have  taken  place  in  the  cost  of 
labor  or  material  since  the  work  was  commenced. 

Tliat  the  memorialist  and  his  associates,  or  sub -contract- 
ors, are  liable  and  likely  to  sustain  a  loss  on  the  vast  ex- 
penditure that  has  been  made  under  the  original  contract 
is  not  questioned.  The  Department,  knowing  some  of  the 
embarrassments  attending  this  great  outlay,  has  extended 
its  favorable  consideration  to  this  case.  The  work  was 
novel ;  unanticipated  delays  intervened  ;  great  changes 
have  taAon  place  in  our  monetary  concerns  affecting  prices 
and  every  business  interest — for  none  of  which,  however, 
was  this  Department  responsible,  and  could  therefore  af- 
ford no  relief.  But  the  reservation  on  this,  as  on  previous 
contracts,  for  the  security  of  the  Government  and  for  the 
faithful  execution  of  the  "work,  is  one  fourth  of  the  whole 
amount.  In  order  to  aid  the  memorialist,  the  Department, 
in  the  case  of  the  Dictator,  which  is  nearest  completion, 
has  reduced  the  amount  of  this  reservation  to  the  ofte  sixth 
part,  and  has  paid  over  the  difference  to  the  contractor. 
When  the  remaining  vessel,  the  Puritan,  shall  have  at- 
tained a  corresponding  state  of  completion,  a  similar  pay- 
ment will  be  made  on  that  vessel,  provided  the  sureties, 
who  as  well  as  the  Government  are  interested  in  tlie  reser- 
vation, consent,  and  are  not  thereby  relieved  from  their 
liability. 

One  of  these  hulls  with  its  motive  machinery,  and  the 
turrets  for  brttli  vessels,  are  being  made  by  Mr.  Dclamater, 
of  New  York,  for  the  contractor.  The  hull  of  the  other  ves- 
sel is  built  forhim  by  the  Continental  iron-works  of  Brook- 
lyn, and  the  motive  machinery  by  the  Allaire  works  of  New 
York.  Each  and  all  of  these  are  likewise  doing  other  work 
forthis  Department  under  direct  contract  with  it.  TheDe- 
partment  has  no  information  in  relation  to  these  sub-con- 
tractors, either  as  to  the  price  or  manner  in  which  the  labor 
is  paid — or  when  or  from  whom  the  iron  or  other  material 
was  purchased  with  which  to  execute  the  contract — or 
whether  the  losses  are  to  fall  wholly  on  the  memorialist 
or  are  to  be  borne  in  part  by  the  sub-contractors,  who,  if 
sufferers,  may  hereafter  appeal  to  Congress  for  compensa- 
tion, o  .     dT 

These  are  matters  pro|"rly  to  b^onsidered  in  connec- 
tion with  the  merits  of  the  claim  presented  in  thisjnemo- 
rial. 

While,  as  remarked,  it  is  not  questioned  that  in  conse- 
quence ofchanges  which  have  taken  place  since  this  agree- 
ment was  made,  its  completion  is  hard  of  fulfillment,  it  is 
due  to  the  Department  to  say  that  it  entered  into  this  con- 
tract with  the  memorialist  on  terms  fixed  by  himself  and 
considered  fair  to  all,  and  all  work  not  specifically  included 
in  the  original  specifications  proposed  by  the  memorialist 
himself  is  paid  for  as  extra  by  the  Department. 

There  are  no  professional  or  technical  points  involved  in 
the  case. 

I  am  aware  of  no  complaint  against  the  Department  of 
severity  or  illlberality. 

The  case  is  one  that  presents  itself  to  Congress  for  fair 
and  liberal  consideration.  The  memorialist  has  been  a 
public  benefactor,  and  in  the  fullness  of  patriotic  zeal  has 
freely  given  to  his  country  the  productions  of  his  genius 
and  the  labors  of  a  remarkable  niiiul.  In  doing  this  and 
undertaking  to  furnish  the  Government  with  vessels  that 
should  give  it  maritime  supremacy,  ho  does  not  appear  to 


have  been  Influenced  by  pecuniary  motives.  His  work 
has  been  well  done  and  Is  worthy  of  the  Government 
and  country.  The  machinery  to  execute  his  contract  has, 
to  some  extent,  had  to  be  made  by  the  memorialist  in  order 
to  construct  his  vessels,  which  are  themselves  novel  in 
naval  architecture.  These  and  other  causes,  partly  at 
least  governmental,  contribute  to  make  this  case  an  un- 
usual one.  Of  the  wisdom  and  propriety  of  making  it  ex- 
ceptional, and  of  extending  relief  to  the  memorialist,  Con- 
gress can  alone  decide  and  must  be  the  exclusive  judge. 
The  memorial  is  herewith  returned. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant,  GIDEON  WELLES, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Hon.  John  P.  Hale,  Chairman  Committee  on  Naval  affairs, 
United  States  Senate. 

I  will  now  read  Mr.  Ericsson's  statement,  and 
leave  the  question  with. the  Senate: 

New  York,  June  12,  1864. 
Sir:  The  honorable  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  his  reply 
to  your  communication  of  the  20th  of  May,  requesting  the^ 
views  of  the  Department  on  the  subject  of  my  petition  for 
additional  allowance  on  the  contract  for  constructing  the 
Dictator  and  Puritan,  has  been  pleased  to  recammend  my 
case  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  Congress ;  but  the 
honorable  Secretary,  in  his  zeal  to  curtail  the  expenditure 
of  the  Department,  has  not  been  so  liberal  in  paying  for 
extra  work  as  his  communication  would  indicate,  for  not- 
withstanding the  positive  recommendation  of  Admiral 
Gregory  to  pay  the  whole  amount  claimed,  and  notwith- 
standing the  awards  in  my  favor  of  two  separate  hoards  of 
naval  officers  and  engineers,  more  than  one  third  of  the 
work  enumerated  in  my  supplemental  specification  for 
extra  work  has  been  ruled  out  by  the  Department  under 
the  assumption  (most  erroneous,  in  my  humble  opinion) 
that  it  formed  part  of  the  contract.  Nor  is  this  all,  for  the 
prices  in  my  supplemental  specification  were  fixed  a  year 
ago,  since  which  an  increase  of  thirty  per  cent,  on  labor 
and  materials  ha^  taken  place.  Again,  the  payment  of  the 
difference  of  eight  and  a  third  per  cent,  of  the  reservation, 
which  the  honorable  Secretary  promises  when  the  work 
on  the  Puritan  sliall  have  advanced  as  far  as  the  Dictator, 
namely,  when  the  vessel  is  nearly  ready  for  trial,  will 
come  too  late.  But  the  frank  statement  of  the  Secretary 
t)f  the  Navy  "tliatthc  memorialist  and  his  associates,  or 
sub-contractors,  are  liable  and  likely  to  sustain  a  loss  on 
the  vast  expenditure  that  has  been  made  under  the  origi- 
nal contract  is  not  questioned,"  together  with  his  forcible 
remark  that  •'  tlie  work  was  novel ;  unanticipated  delays 
intervened ;  great  changes  have  taken  place  in  our  mone- 
tary concerns  affectiitg  prices  and  every  business  inter- 
est"—these  statements  of  the  honorable  Secretary  would 
appear  to  he  all-sufficient  to  entitle  me  to  favorable  con- 
sideration. Congress,  I  feel  confident,  will  not  refuse  to 
grant  relief  in  view  of  the  peculiar  merits  of  the  case,  as 
set  forth  by  the  chief  of  the  Navy  Department. 

The  suggestion  of  the  honorable  Secretary  that  sub  con- 
tractors "who,  if  sufferers,  may  hereafter  appeal  to  Con- 
gress for  compensation,"  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  dispose  of 
at  once,  and  to  assure  you  that  unless  I  could  show  that 
all  claims  had  been  liquidated,  I  should  not  have  petitioned 
for  relief. 

For  the  satisfaction  of  the  Naval  Committee  and  Con- 
gress I  have  now  the  honor  to  transmit  acknowledgments! 
from  the  builders  of  the  ships  and  machinery,  together  wiUi 
tlieir  bonds  releasing  the  United  States. 

I  have  also  the  honorto  transmit  the  cashfer's  statement 
marked  A,  duly  sworn  to,  showing  that  up  to  June  11  the 
sum  of  $2,415,449  has  been  paid  out  in  cash  for  the  two 
ships.  In  addition  to  whichamouut  I  owe  tothesub-con- 
traciors  $94,542,  (see  statement  marked  B  ;)  together,  $2,- 
509.991.  To  meet  this  expenditure  I  have  received  from 
the'l^avy  Department  the  sum  of  $1,819,134,  as  per  state- 
ment marked  C.  It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  the  cash 
actually  paid  out  in  excess  of  receipts,  together  with  the 
money  now  due  to  the  sub-contractors,  amounts  to  $690,- 
857.  One  year's  intereji  on  this  sum,  at  seven  per  cent., 
would  amount  to  $48,359.  Mr.  Babcock  has,  however,  not 
included  in  his  statement  the  disbursements  attending  the 
negotiations  connected  with  raising  funds ;  but  as  the  build- 
ing of  the  vessels  has  occupied  over  twenty-two  months 
the  outlay  on  this  account  will  somewhat  exceed  $40,000, 
which,  added  to  the  before-named  $690,857,  shows  the 
actual  outlay  in  excess  of  receipts  to  bt  $730,857. 

To  complete  the  Dictator  agreeable  to  contract  will  re- 
quire, at  current  rates  of  materials  and  labor,  $196,747. 
The  Puritan,  with  her  two  turrets,  will  require  $520,279, 
as  shown  by  Mr.  Delamater's  certificates,  marked  E.  The 
foiegoing  sums,  added  together,  will  amount  to  $1,447,883. 
To  meet  this  outlay,  I  have  the  balance  to  be  paid  (after 
completion)  by  the  Navy  Department  on  the  original 
contract,  and  the  balance  due  on  extra  work,  together 
$866,446.  (See  statement  D.)  Accordingly  there  will  be 
a  deficiency  of  $581,437  to  be  made  good  by  myself  and 
associates.  But  as  the  reservation  will  not  be  paid  until 
several  months  after  delivery,  and  since  the  two  last  pay- 
ments under  the  contract  will  not  be  paid  until  after  de- 
livery of  the  two  ships  at  the  navy-yard,  the  sum  of 
$1,447,883  must  in  the  mean  time  be  raised  by  myself  and 
associates.  It  will  hardly  be  necessary  for  me  to  assure 
the  Naval  Committee  that  it  is  wholly  out  of  our  power  to 
furnish  such  an  amount,  and  that  therefore  the  ships  can- 
not be  furnished  unless  relief  is  granted  by  Congress. 
1  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

'      '    .  J.  ERICSSON. 

Hon.  John  P.  Hale,  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Naval 
affairs,  United  States  Senate. 

This  joint  resolution  proposes  to  grant  the  re* 
lief  asked  for,  which  is  substantially  that  he  shall 
go  on  and  perfect  the  ship  that  is  nearest  to  per- 
fection, and  that  the  Government  shall  take  the 
other  at  an  appraisement. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  wish  to  ask  the  chair- 
man of  the  Commiuoe  on- Naval  Ailairs  whotiier 
these  vessels  form  o  part  of  the  twenty  monitors 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


31B7 


that  it  is  understood  will  not  float  with  the  turret 
and  armament. 

Mr.  HALE.  No,  sir,  these  are  very  different 
things. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate, 
ordered  to  a  third  reading,  and  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  ANTFIOJMY.  I  am  in  favor  of  the  pur- 
pose of  this  resolution,  but  I  have  had  some  diffi- 
culty to  understand  whether  the  resolution  accom- 
plishes precisely  what  was  intended,  or  whether 
'it  does  not  go  beyond  what  was  intended.  No 
man  in  the  country,  I  am  sure,  can  have  a  higher 
admiration  for  the  genius  and  patriotism  and  de- 
votion to  country  of  Mr.  Ericsson.  I  do  not 
think  that  in  this  war  any  man  has  entitled  him- 
self more  to  the  public  gratitude.  I  have  no 
doubt  thatthesevesselshave  been  built  faithfully, 
and  that  their  construction  has  resulted  in  great 
loss  to  Mr.  Ericsson  and  those  associated  with 
him  in  this  work,  and  I  desire  that  they  should  be 
made  whole.  I  desire  that  the  contractors  should 
receive  from  the  Government  for  these  vessels 
every  dollar  which  they  have  expended,  and 
which  I  have  no  doubt  has  been  well  expended, 
and  then  I  desire  that  Mr.  Ericsson  should  have 
a  suitable  reward  for  his  exertions  and  discov- 
eries. But  I  wish  to  ask  tiie  chairman  of  the 
Naval  Committee  a  question  in  regard  to  the  ef- 
fect of  this  resolution.  These  vessels  were  con- 
tracted for  two  years  ago.  I  suppose  the  iron 
and  machinery  and  large  portions  of  the  work 
were  contracted  for  at  the  prices  then  prevalent, 
gold  being  a  great  deal  lower  than  it  is  to-day 
certainly.  Now,  are  we  to  take  the  Puritan  at  a 
valuation  based  on  the  present  prices  of  materials 
and  lei.bor.''  I  suppose  iron  is  worth  now  more 
than  double  what  it  was  when  tlie  iron  in  this 
vessel  was  bought.  Is  it  meant  that  we  are  to 
pay  for  the  vessel  what  it  would  cost  to  build  it 
now,  or  what  it  did  cost  at  the  time  the  materials 
were  purchased.''  The  latter,  I  think,  every  Sen- 
ator would  be  in  favor  of  allowing.  1  think  it 
would  not  be  fair  to  the  Government  to  pay  what 
it  would  cost  to  build  it  now. 

I  feel  great  reluctance  in  making  this  state- 
ment, because  I  am  very  desirous  that  Mr.  Erics- 
son and  the  very  honorable  gentlemen  who  have 
been  associated  with  him  in  performing  a  public 
service  should  come  out  of  it  well.  1  wish  the 
resolution  explained  in  the  particular  to  which  I 
have  referred:  I  suppose  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  can  do  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  This  is  a  very  important 
proposition.  I  desire  to  know  if  it  has  any  con- 
nection with  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  contract- 
ors for  the  double-enders. 

Mr.  FIALE.  Not  the  slightest  in  the  world. 
This  stands  by  itself;  it  has  no  connection  with 
any  other  bill. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  There  is  something  in  the 
point  made  by  the  Senator  from  Rhode  Island. 
The  appraisement  of  the  present  value  of  the  iron 
alone  might  give  to  the  contractors  an  enormous 
profit.  They  undoubtedly  purchased  the  iron 
much  lower  than  the  present  rates.  An  appraise- 
ment of  the  vessel  now  might  give  them  an  enor- 
mous profit  instead  of  simply  making  them 
whole.  I  am  disposed  to  vote  for  a  proposition 
to  make  Mr.  Ericsson  whole;  not  to  allow  him 
to  lose  anything,  because  it  was  an  experiment. 
1  am  doubtful  whether  the  resolution  as  it  statids 
would  not  give  too  much.  Not  being  a  member 
of  tlie  Naval  Committee  I  am  not  sufficiently  in- 
formed to  say  how  that  is. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  have  prepared  an  amend- 
ment to  be  submitted  if  it  meets  the  views  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Naval  Committee,  so  as  to  make 
the  joint  resolution  read  thus: 

Se  it  resolved,  S;c.,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  be, 
and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  amend  the  existing  con- 
tract for  the  construction  of  the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan, 
and  to  appoint.a  competent  board  to  ascertain  their  cost  as 
far  as  completed,  and  of  the  material  on  hand  deemed  ac- 
tually necessary  to  their  construction,  and  of  interest  on 
the  same,  and  to  pay  to  Captain  John  Ericsson,  the  con- 
tractor, the  amount  of  valuation  so  ascertained,  deducting 
,  therefrom  any  sums  already  advanced  toward  the  comple- 
tion of  said  vessels ;  and  that  on  said  payment  being  made 
by  the  Secretary  of  tlie  ^favy,  the  rights  of  the  contractor 
to  said  vessels  and  material  or  any  portion  thereof  shall 
cease,  and  be  vested  wholly  and  absolutely  in  the  United 
States,  which  shall  thenceforth  proceed  to  complete  said 
vessels  under  such  arrangements  as  may  be  deemed  most 
advantageous :  Provided,  That  noaction  ^lall  be  had  under 
this  resolution  until  said  contractor  shall  have  signified  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  in  writing,  his  acceptance  of 
its  provisions  and  his  willingness  to  superintend  to  com- 
pletion the  construction  of  said  vessels. 


^nd  be  it  further  resolved,  That  upon  the  completion  of 
said  vessels,  and  their  delivery  to  the  Government,  and 
their  acceptance,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  authorized 
and  directed  to  pay  to  John  Ericsson,  in  addition  to  such 
compensation  as  may  be  agreed  upon  for  his  services  in 
superintending  the  completion  of  said  vessels,  ttie  sum  of 
dollars. 

I  do  not  know  that  this  is  exactly  right,  but 
I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  suggest  it  to  the  Sen- 
ate. I  would  rather  pass  the  resolution  as  it  is 
than  not  pass  any  at  all,  for  I  think  some  relief 
is  due  to  him  and  his  associates.  I  understand 
it  is  their  opinion — and  they  are  gentlemen  who 
would  make  no  misrepresentations  on  the  subject 
— that  the  resolution  does  not  make  them  whole; 
but  at  the  same  time  they  would  rather  have  it 
than  a  better  one,  because  it  is  late  in  the  session 
and  they  fear  that  any  amendment  adopted  here 
may  not  be  acted  on  by  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives. There  is  also  another  consideration  of 
very  great  importance,  and  that  is  that  the  ves- 
sels ought  to  be  inrimediately  prosecuted  to  com- 
pletion; but  still  I  do  not  think  the  Government 
ought  to  pay  the  present  valuation  of  iron  and 
labor  that  was  bought  and  performed  two  years 
ago. 

Mr.  DIXON.  I  like  the  original  proposition 
better  than  this  amendment.  It  seems  to  mu  this 
complicates  the  matter,  and  I  do  not  see  that  it 
protects  the  Government  more  than  the  original 
proposition  as  passed  by  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, and  reported  by  our  committee. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  It  seems  to  me  that  to  pay 
Mr.  Ericsson  and  his  associates  the  present  value 
of  these  vessels  would  be  to  give  tiiem  a  profit 
of  at  least  one  hundred  per  cent,  on  the  entire 
cost  of  the  work.  That  cost  was  disbursed  by 
them  a  year  or  two  ago.  Probably  some  of  the 
contracts  v/ere  made  immediately  after  the  con- 
tract with  the  Government.  To  give  them  the 
entire  present  value  would  be  to  give  them  an  enor- 
mous profit  on  their  work.  They  ask  for  relief. 
Ordinarily  they  would  not  be  entitled  to  relief. 
They  made  a  contract  with  the  Government  which 
they  were  bound  to  perform,  and  if -it  were  an 
ordinary  case  I  would  not  extend  any  relief  to 
them.  But  ihe  case  of  Mr.  Ericsson  is  rather 
peculiar.  Here  was  a  new  invention,  a  species 
of  vessel  demanded  by  the  wants  of  the  Govei'n- 
ment,  useful  for  the  Government,  and  I  think  the 
Government  ought  to  bear  the  burden  of  the  loss, 
if  there  has  been  any,  in  the  experiment.  There 
is  no  reason  why  the  whole  burden  should  be 
thrown  on  Mr.  Ericsson  and  his  associates.  I 
am  willing  to  make  them  wJiole  and  allow  him 
a  reasonable  compensation  for  his  services  while 
superintending  these  vessels.  I  have  no  objection 
to  that;  but,  under  color  of  estimating  these  ves- 
sels at  their  present  value,  to  give  to  the  gentle- 
men who  built  them  an  enormous  profit,  I  think 
would  be  grossly  unjust  to  the  Government.  I 
hope  we  shall  not  do  so.*  I  am  perfectly  willing 
that  an  account  shall  be  rendered,  and  that  we 
shall  take  the  vessels  off  the  hands  of  these  gentle- 
men at  their  cost,  allowing  Mr.  Ericsson  a  reason- 
able compensation  for  his  personal  services.  I 
think  that  is  all  the  relief  we  can  properly  render, 
especially  in  the  present  condition  of  our  money 
affairs. 

Mr.  HALE.  There  is  no  mistake  about  this 
matter,  and  if  Senators  will  give  me  their  attention 
for  a  few  moments  I  think  I  can  make  them  un- 
derstand it.  There  is  only  one  vessel  to  be  ap- 
praised. The  Dictator  is  nearly  done,  and  Mr. 
Ericsson  is  to  go  on  and  finish  it  at  his  own  cost 
and  in  his  own  way.  To  appraise  the  other  at 
its  actual  cost,  without  taking  into  consideration 
its  present  value,  would  be  no  relief  at  all.  Mr. 
Ericsson  states  to  you  that  he  is  actually  behind- 
hand in  money  that  he  has  paid  out  on  these  two 
vessels,  overand  above  what  he  has  received  from 
the  Department,  without  casting  interest,  over  six 
hundred  and  ninety  thousand,  nearly  seven  hun- 
dred thousand,  dollars;  and  he  tells  you  further, 
that  to  complete  the  Dictator,  which  hehasgotto 
complete,  will  require  ;|196,C00,  and  upon  that 
there  will  be  an  enormous  loss.  How  is  it  to  be 
made  up?  The  Government  does  not  interfere  in 
the  case  of  the  Dictator;  he  is  to  go  on  and  com- 
plete it,  and  complete  it  at  an  enormous  loss.  How 
IS  that  to  be  made  up  to  him?  By  taking  the 
other  vessel  off  his  hands  at  its  present  value. 

I  do  not  understand  exactly  the  logic  of  the 
Senator  from  Rhode  Island.  Ho  says  he  is  will- 
ing to  make  Mr.  Ericsson  whole,  and  to  pay  him 


a  bonus  in  addition,  which  bonus  is  left  blank. 
One  of  the  gentlemen,  of  very  high  respectability, 
who  lias  been  associated  with  Mr.  Ericsson, and 
is  one  of  his  sureties  to  the  Government,  stated  to 
theicommittec  that  if  you  passed  the  resolution  in 
the  form  in  which  it  now  is  he  would  be  very 
glad  to  be  let  off  with  a  loss  of  $100,000  under  the 
resolution  as  it  now  stands.  You  should  remem- 
ber when  you  come  to  estimate  the  value  of  these 
vessels — there  are  two  of  them — that  there  was  to 
be  $2,300,000  paid  for  them,  v;hich  would  be 
$1,150,000  for  one,  allowing  them  to  be  equal. 

This  resolution  proposes  simply  togive  Captain 
Ericsson  for  the  $690,000  that  he  is  now  actually 
deficient  in  money  advances  what  can  be  made 
by  estimating  the  value  of  the  vessel  at  its  fair 
price.  That  is  all  the  relief  proposed.  It  will 
not  make  him  whole.  Such  was  the  testimony 
before  the  committee;  but  still  as  it  is  a  great  un- 
dertaking and  involves  immense  capital  he  is  will- 
ing to  take  this  rather  than  to  wait  for  anything  ■ 
further.  LeP  me  ask  my  friend  from  Iowa  if  he 
thinks  it  possible  that  the  increase  in  the  price  of 
iron  on  a  vessel  that  is  to  cost  a  little  over  $1,100,- 
000  can  be  such  that  Mr.  Ericsson  can  make  a 
profit.  We  know  that  he  is  now  out  of  pocket 
for  money  actually  advanced  $690,000,  and  nearly 
$200,000  are  required  to  finish  the  Dictator.  That 
will  be$900,000  that  he  will  be  outof  pocket;  and 
is  it  possible  that  he  can  make  that  amount  or 
anything  like  it  out  of  the  increased  value  of  the 
iron  which  is  now  in  the  Puritan  ?  for  that  is  all 
there  is  of  it.  The  other  vessel  we  do  not  inter- 
fere with. 

It  seems  to  me  if  we  are  going  to  do  anything 
we  had  better  do  this.  If  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Rhode  Island  should  be  adopted  it 
will  be  a  total  defeat  of  the  measure.  It  is  of 
immense  consequence  that  these  vessels  should 
be  prepared  and  ready  for  service.  The  Govern- 
ment wants  them,  and  wants  them  immediately. 
If  we  are  going  to  do  anything  we  had  better  do 
it  now. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  thought  it  was  on  the  amend- 
ment. 

Tlie  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
does  not  understand  the  amendment  to  be  pressed. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  1  shall  not  press  it.  I 
merely  wished  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  move  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to 
a  third  reading.  1  simply  desire  to  offer  the 
amendment  suggested  by  the  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
words  "  present  value"  wherever  they  occurand 
to  insert  "  actual  cost."  lam  not  familiar  enough 
with  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island  to  offer  it.  If  he  will  explain  it,  I  will 
offer  it. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  That  1  think  will  not  an- 
swer the  purpose,  because  undoubtedly  there  has 
been  a  loss  upon  the  Dictator,  and  if  Mr.  Erics- 
son is  compelled  to  bear  the  whole  loss  upon  the 
Dictator  and  then  is  only  paid  the  actual  cost  of 
the  Puritan,  he  will  be  largely  out  of  pocket. 
The  amendment  I  suggested  was  that  he  be  paid 
the  actual  cost  of  both  vessels  with  interest  upon 
that  sum. 

Mr.  SHERiVIAN.  If  the  Senator's  amend- 
ment is  prepared  and  he  will  hand  it  to  me  I  will 
offer  it. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Is  there  nothing  in  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  member  from  Rhode 
Island  that  does  not  go  beyond  that? 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Yes;  there  is  another  section 
giving  a  gratuity. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     I  thought  so.     , 

Mr.  GRIMES.  What  do  I  understand  to  be 
the  question  before  the  Senate? 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  There  is  no 
question  now  before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  will  offer  my  amendment 
in  order  to  test  the  sense  of  the  Senate  by  insert- 
ing the  words  "  actual  cost"  tor  "  present  value" 
where  they  occur  in  the  sixth  line,  and  if  liia 
Senate  should  adopt  that  as  the  rule  it  will  be 
very  easy  then  to  make  it  apply  to  both  the  Dic- 
tator and  the  Puritan. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.      1  may  be  incorrectly   in- 


3168 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22. 


formed,  but  I  learn  from  gentlemen  in  whom  I 
think  I  have  every  reason  to  rely,  that  even  with 
the  resolution  as  it  came  from  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives there  will  be  a  loss,  and  if  that  is  so, 
the  amendment  proposed  by  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  Ohio  and  included  in  the  amendment 
suggested  by  the  honorable  member  from  Rhode 
Jsland  will  make  that  loss  the  greater. 

The  facts,  as  I  understand  them,  are,  that  in 
consequence  of  alterations  in  the  vessels,  not  in- 
cluded in  the  original  contract,  the  expense  of 
their  construction  has  been  very  greatly  enhanced, 
and  that  that  expense  has  been  still  more  enhanced 
by  the  expense  of  all  the  material  that  they  have 
been  obliged  to  purchase.in  consequence  of  the 
depreciation  of  the  currency.  The  resolution  as 
it  came  from  the  House  of  Representatives  as- 
sumes that  we  are  to  pay  for  these  vessels  only 
what  they  are  worth  to  us,  no  more.  We  do  not 
propose  to  give  anything  to  Mr.  Ericsson  or  the 
sureties  of  Mr.  Ericsson  beyond  the  value  of  the 
vessels  to  us,  and  I  submit  that  if  tlee  vessels  are 
worth  so  much  to  us,  and  if  by  giving  that 
amount  to  Ericsson  v/e  still  leave  him  the  loser, 
that  it  is  exacting  a  very  hard  bargain  upon  him 
to  reduce  it  by  the  amendment  proposed  by  the 
honorable  member  from  Ohio  so  as  to  make  that 
loss  the  greater. 

Mr.  President,  I  had  some  experience  in  feel- 
ing the  great  boon  that  Ericsson  conferred  upon 
the  nation  by  the  discovery  of  what  are  called  his 
monitors.  The  Legislature  of  Maryland  was  in 
session  when  the  Merrimac  made  her  appearance 
at  Fortress  Monroe ,  and  when  she  destroyed  two 
of  the  finest  ships  of  the  Navy,  and  if  she  had  not 
been  worsted  she  would  evidently  have  been  able 
to  destroy  all  the  rest.  There  was  a  great  deal 
of  uneasiness  at  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake  as  to 
the  result.  When  the  morning  papers  conveyed 
to  us  the  tidings  that  that  little  vessel  called  the 
Monitor,  under  the  command  of  Worden,  had 
met  the  Merrimac,  whose  size  was  double  her 
own  and  more,  and  we  foiTnd  that  she  had  been 
able  to  drive  her  back  and  to  save  the  fleet,  there 
was  not  a  member  of  that  Legislature,  if  it  had 
been  asked  as  a  condition  upon  which  the  safety 
then  felt  had  been  procured,  would  not  have  voted 
millions  to  the  inventor  of  the  Monitor. 

But  these  two  vessels  are  not  monitors  such  as 
is  the  one  of  which  I  have  spoken.  They  are 
magnificent  ships,  and  he  who  is  destined  to  com- 
mand the  one,  selected  by  the  Department  for  his 
gallantry  and  skill,  has  told  me,  not  in  a  spirit  of 
boasting,  weeks  and  weeks  ago,  when  he  antici- 
pated to  be  afloat  upon  her,  that  upon  this  Dic- 
tator which  we  are  to  get  under  this  resolution 
he  would  not  be  afraid  to  meet  the  naval  arma- 
ments of  England  and  France  combined,  and  I 
have  confidence  in  his  judgment.  He  may  have 
overrated  her  ability,  but  he  could  not  have  over- 
rated it  to  such  an  extent  as  not  to  authorize 
us  in  relying  upon  his  judgment  that  she  is  more 
than  an  equal  to  any  two  of  the  ships  that  belong 
to  either  of  the  Governments  to  which  I  have  ad- 
verted. 

I  want  them  afloat.  This  resolution  puts  them 
afloat;  and  why  are  we  doubting  about  it?  Upon 
whatground  are  we  doubtingabout  it.>  Not  upon 
the  ground  that  the  vessels  are  not  worth  to  us  ev- 
ery dollar  at  which  anybody  could  appraise  them 
now,  but  because  if  we  give  to  that  inventor  who 
has  placed  us  in  a  situation  to  defy  the  navies  of 
the  world  what  they  are  worth  to  us,  it  is  possi- 
ble that  he  may  gain  rather  more  than  he  has 
expended. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  want  to  set  the  Senator  right 
on  that  point.  He  seems  to  labor  under  the  im- 
pression that  we  are  to  appraise  for  both  vessels. 
We  only  propose  to  pay  for  one. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  understand  that.  The 
honorable  member  reminds  me,  and  I  have  not 
forgotten  it,  that  we  are  to  get  the  Dictator  with- 
out any  appraisement,  and  the  only  one  that  is 
to  be  appraised  is  the  Puritan.  Appraised  how? 
By  what  standard?  Appraised  by  the  standard 
which  the  appraisers  may  suppose  to  be  her 
present  value;  and  should  we  halt  in  seeking  to 
enforce  a  hard  bargain,  as  the  result  has  proved 
it  to  be,  as  between  the  United  States  and  this  in- 
ventor, when  we  must  all  admit  that  with  those  two 
vessels  New  York  will  be  safe,  and  every  other 
port  of  the  United  States  will  be  safe  as  against  any 
incursion  ofany  naval  foe  coming  either  from  Eng- 
land or  from  France?     I  hope  not,  sir. 


Mr,  GRIMES.  I  have  not  looked  into  the 
matters  of  fact  connected  with  this  resolution ,  but 
if  I  understand  it  the  amendment  proposed  by  the 
Senator  from  Rhode  Island  has  altogether  a  dif- 
ferent effect  from  that  contemplated  by  the  Sena- 
tor from  Rhode  Island.  I  think  it  was  stated 
here  that  Captain  Ericsson,  if  this  resolution 
passed  as  it  came  to  us  from  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, woufd  at  any  rate  be  the  loser  to 
the  amount  of  p60,000. 

Mr.  HALE.     One  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  the  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Rhode  Island  be  adopted  ? 

Mr.  HALE.  I  speak  of  the  particularamend- 
ment  now  before  us. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  It  is  the  same  one.  I  believe 
that  the  Senator  from  Ohio  adopted  it.  It  would 
refund  to  Captain  Ericsson  every  dollar  he  has 
advanced,  making  him  entirely  harmless,  and 
then  he  has  another  amendment  which  he  pro- 
poses to  putonto  pay  agratuity  to  Captain  Eries-^ 
son.  I  will  read  the  resolution,  as  I  understand 
the  Senator  from  Rhode  Island  proposes  to  amend 
it: 

That  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  be,  and  he  is  hereby, 
authorized  to  amend  the  existing  contract  for  the  construc- 
tion of  tliese  vessels,  and  to  appoint  a  competent  board  to 
ascertain  the  actual  cost,  as  far  as  completed,  and  of  the 
material  on  hand  deemed  actually  necessary  to  their  con- 
struction, and  to  pay  Captain  John  Ericsson,  the  con- 
tractor, the  amount  of  valuation  so  ascertained,  deducting 
tlierefioni  any  sums  already  advanced  toward  the  comple- 
tion ofsaid  vessBls;  and  that  upon  said  payment  being  made 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  the  rights  of  the  contractor 
to  said  vessels  and  material  or  any  portion  thereof  shall 
cease  and  be  vested  wholly  and  absolutely  in  the  United 
States,  which  shall  thenceforth  proceed  to  complete  said 
vessels  under  such  arrangements  as  may  be  deemed  most 
advantageous,  &c. 

That  applies  to  both  the  Puritan  and  the  Dicta- 
tor. Then  it  directs  the  board  to  examine  the  ac- 
counts of  Captain  Ericsson  and  his  sureties,  see 
exactly  the  amount  that  has  been  expendetl  for 
material  and  for  labor  and  the  amount  of  material 
that  may  be  on  hand,  and  pay  it  to  him  and  his 
sureties.  There  is  no  particular  loss,  as  I  under- 
stand it.  If  there  is,  I  should  like  to  have  some 
gentleman  tell  me  where.  Then  it  proposes  after 
this  has  been  done,  after  we  have  paid  to  Captain 
Ericsson  everything  that  he  or  his  sureties  have 
advanced,  and  paid  him  for  all  his  labors,  that  we 
shall  go  on  and  complete  the  vessels,  and  the 
Senator  proposes  to  give  him  a  gratuity  besides. 
It  seems  to  me — I  may  be  rather  obtuse  and  not 
see  it — but  if  it  be  true,  as  no  doubt  it  is,  that 
Captain  Ericsson  would  be  the  loser  to  the  amount 
of  $100,000  by  the  original  proposition  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  he  will  be  certainly 
saved  that  $100,000  by  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Ohio. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.    Then  we  should  pay  more. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  But  we  do  pay  more.  We 
want  to  do  justice  to  Captain  Ericsson,  1  take  it; 
we  want  to  do  exactly  what  is  right,  and  if  it  costs 
more  let  us  payit.  It  is  saving  Captain  Ericsson 
harmless,  and  we  are  getting  our  vessels  at  what 
they  actually  cost.  I'hat  is  all  there  is  in  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  It  seems  to  me,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, that  there  are  two  substantial  objections  to 
the  amendment,  either  of  which  by  itself  would 
induce  me  to  vote  against  it.  The  first  one  is 
that  it  would  produce  delay;  these  vessels  would 
not  be  completed  nearly  as  speedily  as  if  we  passed 
the  resolution  reported  by  the  committee;  and 
that  is  to  me  a  fatal  objection  to  the  amendment, 
for  I  consider  promptness  as  it  regards  the  com- 
pletion of  these  vessels  aS  more  important  than 
money.  In  the  next  place,  I  believe  the  Go  vern- 
ent  would  lose  money  by  adopting  the  amend- 
ment. As  it  stands  at  present  the  board  to  be 
appointed  by  the  Secretary  to  estimate  the  value 
of  the  Puritan  will  not,  as  I  believe,  place  on  her 
any  fanciful  but  her  real  value;  and  that,  it  seems 
to  me,  the  Government  ought  to  be  willing  to  pay. 
No  doubt  her  present  value  will  be  somewhat 
more  than  she  has  cost  her  builders,  and  if  that 
were  the  only  ship,  if  it  stood  there  alone,  there 
might  by  possibility  be  an  objection;  but  when 
we  take  into  account  that  here  is  the  Dictator  by 
the  side  of  the  Puritan,  which  has  cost  her  build- 
ers vastly  more  than  the  contract  price,  they  hav- 
ing lost  upon  the  construction  of  that  vessel  al- 
ready something  near  half  a  million  dollars,  and 
that  loss  is  to  be  borne  by  the  present  builders, 
they  to  go  on  and  complete  the  Dictator  accord- 
ing to   the  contract  without  additional  allow- 


ances, it  seems  to  me  but  fair  that  we  should  allow 
something  to  the  contractors  on  the  price  of  the 
Puritan.  Estimating  herat  her  present  value  will 
not  byany  means  be  hard  upon  the  Government, 
while  it  will  certainly  not  be  extra  liberal  to  the 
builders  when  we  take  into  account  the  two  ves- 
sels. 

The  principle  of  the- amendment  proposed  is 
that  we  take  both  the  vessels  at  the  present  time 
at  their  cost,  ask  these  builders  to  show  their  ac- 
counts for  material  and  labor,  and  pay  them  so  ' 
that  they  are  made  whole,  and  we  then  take  the 
material  which  they  have  on  hand  necessary  for 
the  completion  of  the  two  vessels  ajnd  pay  to  the 
builders  a  fair  price  for  that.  We  cannot  do  that 
as  I  believe  without  a  greater  expenditure  of 
money  than  the  amount  which  we  shall  have  to 
pay  by  passing  this  resolution.  Besides,  the  more 
fatal  objection' is  the  delay  which  we  shall  un- 
doubtedly encounter  if  we  adopt  this  amendment, 
making  it  necessary  for  the  resolution  to  go  back 
to  the  House  of  Representatives  and  endangering 
the  passage  of  any  resolution  as  between  the 
Houses  between  this  and  the  lime  of  the  adjourn- 
ment, and  unless  something  is  done  these  vessels 
will  stop  where  they  are.  These  builders  have 
gone  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability.  They  have 
exhausted  their  means  and  exhausted  their  credit, 
and  there  is  required  a  million  dollars  or  there- 
abouts to  complete  the  vessels,  which  they  cannot 
raise.  The  result  therefore  will  be  that  these 
vessels  will  be  unfinished,  and  in  that  condition 
they  are  as  useless  to  the  Government  as  though 
not  a  blow  had  been  struck  upon  them. 

Under  these  circumstances  we  are,  as  it  seems 
to  me,  to  decide  between  a  speedy  completion  of 
these  vessels,  with  a  possible  payment,  it  is  true, 
of  a  little  more  money  than  we  might  get  them 
completed  for,  and  a  delay  of  their  completion  an 
indefinite  time.  Get  them  completed  speedily  is 
the  best  policy — the  truest  economy.  The  Sen- 
ator from  Maryland  [Mr.  Johnson]  has  very 
justly  observed  upon  the  obligation  of  the  country 
to  Captain  Ericsson.  Suppose  we  go  beyond  the 
strict  construction  of  this  contract  and  pay  far 
more  liberally  than  we  should  b6  compelled  to  do, 
we  do  nothing  more  than  what  we  ought  to  do  fora 
man  who  has  done  so  much  in  a  time  of  peril  and 
panic  to  save  large  portions  of  our  naval  and  com- 
mercial marine  from  destruction,  and  to  protect 
from  bombardment  and  ruin  the  most  flourishing 
cities  along  our  coast.  I  shall  vote  very  cheer- 
fully for  the  original  resolution  and  against  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  ask  the  unanimous  consent  of 
the  Senate  to  submit  a  motion  that  the  Senate  at 
half  past  four  o'clock  take  a  recess  until  seven 
o'clock. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 
_    The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  time  hav- 
ing arrived  at  which  the  Senate  has  ordered  are- 
cess 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  hope  we  shall  suspend 
action  on  that  for  a  couple  of  minutes.  I  desire 
to  move  that  the  business  brought  before  the 
body  by  the  Committee  on  Naval  Aff'airs  be  the 
special  order  for  the  night  session  to-night. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     That  motion  is  not  in  order. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  If  such  a 
■motion  were  agreed  to  it  could  be  repealed  the 
very  moment  the  Senate  came  together  again,  and 
it  would  be  competent  for  them  to  take  up  any 
other  business. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Nobody  would  think  of 
repealing  it  after  we  had  all  agreed  to  it. 

Mr.  WADE.  Mr.  President,  the  time  fixed 
for  the  recess  has  arrived. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senate 
will  now  take  a  recess  until  seven  o'clock. 


EVENING  SESSION. 
The  Senate  reassembled  at  seven  o'clock  p.  m. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMONICATION. 

The  PRESIDENT  jjro  tempore  laid  before  the 
Senate  a  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  conmiu- 
nicating,  in  compliance  with  a  resolution  of  the 
Senate  of  May  29,  a  copy  of  the  preliminary  re- 
portand  of  the  fitial  report  of  the  American  Freed- 
men's  Inquiring  Commission;  which  was  referred 
to  the  select  committee  on  slavery  and  freedmen. 

PETITION. 

Mr.  POMEROY  presented  additional  papers 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


TniKTY-EiGirni  Congress,  1st  Session. 


THURSDAY,  JUNE  23,  1864. 


New  Series No.  199.  ' 


in   support  of  the  claim  of  Henry  C.  Do  Ahna; 
which  were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Claims. 

GOVKRNMENT  INSANE  HOSPITAL. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  move  that  all  previous  or- 
ders be  suspended  in  order  to  take  up  a  little  res- 
olution that  1  introduced  before  the  recess  in  re- 
gard to  a  piece  of  land  connected  with  the  insane 
hospital  in  this  city.  It  will  take  only  long 
enough  to  read  it. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  70)  to  authorize  the 
acquisition  of  certain  land  for  the  use  of  the  Gov- 
ernment hospital  for  the  jnsane.  It  authorizes 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  deed  to  John 
Perkins  a  portion  of  the  extreme  south  point  or 
angle  of  the  farm  of  the  Government  hospital  for 
the  insane  in  exchange  for  two  acres  of  land  more 
or  less  now  owned  and  occupied  by  him,  and  sit- 
uated near  the  middle  of  tiiat  side  of  the  hospital 
farm  which  fronts  upon  the  public  road,  but  not 
more  than  three  acres  are  to  be  given  for  one  con- 
tained in  the  piece  of  land  belonging  to  Perkins 
or  in  that  proportion,  on  the  condition  that  Per- 
kins is  able  to  give  and  does  give  to  the  United 
States  a  good  and  sufficient  title  to  the  piece  of 
land  now  owned  and  occupied  by  him.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  further  authorized  to 
defray  the  expenses  ofmoving  the  dwelling-house 
on  the  preseniPerkins  tract  to  the  tract  exchanged 
for  it,  and  of  digging  and  walling  a  well  out  of 
any  appropriation  already  made  or  that  may  here- 
after be  made  for  inclosing  the  grounds  of  the 
hospital. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  If  any  Senator  wishes  an  ex- 
planation of  the  resolution  1  am  ready  to  give  it. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
without  amendment,  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for 
a  third  reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

LANDLORD  AND  TENANT  LAW. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  amend- 
ment of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  bill 
(S.  No.  138)  to  regulate  proceedings  in  cases  be- 
tween landlord  and  tenant  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, and 

On  motion  of  Mr.  MORRILL,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  disagree  to  tlie  amendments 
of  llie  House  of  Representatives  to  tlie  said  bill,  and  ask  a 
conference  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses 
thereon. 

Ordered,  That  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  Senate 
be  appointed  by  the  President  yro  tempore. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;jro  tempore  appointed  Mr 
MouRiLL,  Mr.  Harlan,  and  Mr.  Hendricks. 

BILL  INTRODUCED. 
Mr.  BUCKALEW  asked,  and  by  unanimous 
consent  obtained,  leave  to  introducea  bill  (S.  No. 
326)  for  therelief  of  C.  P.  Johnson,  of  Alabama; 
which  was  read  twice  by  its  titles  and  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Claims. 

EXPORTATION  OF  ARMS. 
Mr.  WADE  submitted  the  following  resolu- 
tion; which  was  considered  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, and  agreed  to: 

Resolved,  That  the  President,  If  not  Inconsistent  with 
the  public  interest,  be  requested  to  communicate  to  the 
Senate  any  orders  issued  by  the  Secretaries  of  War  and 
the  Treasury  in  regard  to  a  general  prohibition  to  export 
arms  and  niuiutions  of  war  from  the  United  States,  and 
especially  to  the  Mexican  republic,  and  any  orders  in  re- 
gard to  the  exportation  of  articles  contraband  of  war  for 
the  use  of  the  French  army  invading  Mexico. 

REPORT  ON  IMMIGRATION. 
Mr.  POWELL.     I  offer  the  following  resolu- 
tion, and  ask  for  its  present  consideration: 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re- 
quested to  inform  the  Senate  the  reasons  why  the  report 
ot  the  Commissioner  of  (mmigration  has  not  been  trans- 
mitted, as  requested  by  the  resolution  passed  on  the  26th 
day  of  March  last. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate  proceeded 
to  consider  the  resolution. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  the  form  of  the  res- 
olution is  not  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Senate^ 

Mr  POWELL.  If  the  Senator  will  allow  me', 
I  will  suggest  that  the  Sqnate  on   the  25th  of 

199 


I  have  no  objection  i.o  their 
insist  upon  it  that  that  is  not 


March  passed  a  resolution  simply  requesting  the 
President  to  transmit  to  the  Senate  the  report  of 
the  Commissioner  of  Immigration,  but  I  dare  say 
that  resolution  has  been  mislaid  or  overlooked, 
and  this  is  merely  to  remind  him  of  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  the  usual  words,  "  if 
not.incompatible  with  the  public  interests,"  ought 
to  be  inserted. 

Mr.  POWELL.     1  have  no  objection. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  we  had  better  follow 
theusage. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  no  objection  to  follow- 
ing the  usage,  but  that  never  has  been  the  usage 
until  within  the  last  three  years,  except  in  rela- 
tion to  diplomatic  correspondence. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon. 
1  think  always  in  a  call  upon  the  President  those 
words  have  been  inserted. 

Mr.  POWELL.  1  have  no  objection  to  the 
words  being  in. 

Mr.  GRIMES. 
being  put  in,  but  I 
the  rule. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  should  like  to  know  if 
this  is  a  call  upon  the  President. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Yes,  sir,  merely  inquiring 
the  reasons  why  he  has  not  transmitted  a  report 
that  was  asked  for  by  a  resolution  of  the  Senate 
of  the  25th  of  March. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  suggest  to  the  member 
from  Kentucky  that  perhaps  he  had  better  alter 
the  phraseology  of  his  resolution.  The  objection 
I  have  to  it  is  that  it  assumes  that  the  President 
has  designedly  omitted  to  answer  that  resolution. 
I  think  he  had  better  put  it  in  another  shape. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  put 
it  in  any  form  the  Senator  may  desire.  All  1 
want  is  the  report.  1  will  accept  any  suggestion 
made  by  the  Senator  from  Maryland. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Let  the  resolution  be  read 
aga  i  n . 

The  Secretary  read,  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re- 
quested, if  not  incompatible  with  the  public  interest,  to  in- 
form the  Senate  the  reasons  wliy  the  report  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  [mmigration  has  not  been  transmitted,  as  re- 
quested by  the  resolution  passed  on  the  25th  day  of  Alarch 
last. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  suggest  that  it  be  amended 
so  as  to  read  in  this  way: 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re- 
quested to  transmit  to  the  Senate  the  report  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  Immigration,  as  requested  by  the  resolution 
passed  on  the  25th  day  of  March  last 

I  do  not  believe  he  lias  known  any  thing  about  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  it  very  likely  it  has 
been  forgotten.  The  Senate  is  probably  aware 
that  there  is  a  list  occupying  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
pages  of  resolutions  passed  by  this  body  addressed 
to  the  President  and  never  answered. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  suppose  that  our  resolution 
of  the  25th  of  March  has  been  neglected  in  that 
way,  and  hence  I  wish  to  remind  the  President  of 
it.  I  am  willing  to  accept  any  phraseology,  I 
do  not  care  what  it  is.  I  am  not  stickling  about 
the  phraseology.  I  really  think,  however,  that 
the  words  "  not  incompatible  with  the  public  in- 
terests" are  not  proper  in  this  resolution,  because 
it  is  really  asking  why  he  has  not  answered  the 
other  resolution;  but  I  will  not  object  to  it. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  How'  did  those  words  get 
into  the  resolution.'  I  object  to  their  being  in- 
serted. 

Mr.  HALE.    I  call  for  the  order  of  the  evening. 

Mr.  FOSTER.     Wait  a  few  moments  longer. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  Who  can  imagine  it  incom- 
patible with  the  public  interests  to  publish  that 
report? 

Mr.  POWELL.    Let  it  go;  it  does  not  matter. 

Mr.  CARLILE.  The  Secretary  has  inserted 
those  words  in  the  resolution,  and  I  want  the 
judgment  of  the  Senate  whether  they  will  put 
those  words  in  or  not. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolu- 
tion will  be  read  as  modified. 

The  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

Resohed,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re- 
queated.  If  not  incoinpatiLile  with  ttici  public  latorestii,  to 


transmit  to  the  Senate  the  report  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Immigration,  as  requested  by  the  resolution  passed  on  the 
25th  day  of  March  last. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  move  to  strike  out  the 
words  "if  not  incompatible  with  the  public  in- 
terests." 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator  from 
Maryland  that  it  has  always  been  the  usage  in 
addressing  the  President  to  put  those  words  in. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Not  in  relation  to  such  a 
resolution  as  this. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  so,  in  every  resolu- 
tion upon  a  public  matter,  one  affecting  the  public 
interest. 

Mr.  POWELL.  The  original  resolution  did 
not  contain  those  words. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  resolution,  as  amended,  was  adopted. 

ISAAO    ALLEN. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  There  are  two  or  three  pen- 
sion bills  upon  the  table  reported  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Pensions.  They  are  private  bills. 
They  are  very  short,  and  I  believe  meritorious. 
I  do  not  think  they  will  occasion  any  debate,  and 
witlv  the  consent  of  the  Senator  from  New  Hamp- 
shire I  move  that  the  Senate  proceed  to  the  con- 
sideration of  House  bill  No.  453,  to  increase  tho 
pension  of  Isaac  Allen. 

•  The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate,  as 
in  Comtiiittee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill,  which  directs  the  Secretary  of  the  Inte- 
rior to  raise  the  pension  of  Isaac  Allen  from  a  half 
to  a  full  pension,  and  to  pay  him  such  increased 
pension  from  the  26ili  of  April,  1864,  and  to  con- 
tinue during  his  natural  life. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  read  the 
third  time,  and  passed. 

CHARLES  A.  HIGHBORN, 

On  motion  of  Mr.  FOSTER,  the  bill  (S.  No. 
303)  for  the  relief  of  Charles  A.  Hichborn  was 
read  a  second  time,  and  considered  by  tlie  Seriate 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole.  It  authorizes  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  place  the  name  of 
Charles  A.  Hichborn,  of  Boston,  in  the  State  of 
Massachusetts,  (orphan  son  of  the  late  Alexander 
Hichborn,  a  contract  surgeon  in  the  seventh  reg- 
iment United  States  infantry,  who  was  killed  at 
the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  on  the  3d  of  May, 
1863,)  upon  the  list  of  pensioners,  at  the  rate  of 
twenty  dollars  per  month,  to  commence  from  the 
1st  of  January,  1864,  and  to  continue  until  he  is 
sixteen  years  of  age. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

C.  A.  HAUN. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  FOSTER,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill  ( H .  R.  No.  466)  for  the  relief  of  the  widow 
of  C.  A.  Haun,  which  had  been  reported  from  the 
Committee  on  Pensions  with  an  amendment  in 
line  six  to  strike  out  the  words  "  with  the  pas- 
sage of  this  act,"  and  to  insert  "on  the  lltli  day 
of  December,  1861,"  and  in  line  eight  to  strike 
out  the  vvord.s  "  natural  life  or,"  before  the  word 
"  widowhood;"  so  that  the  bill  will  read: 

Re  it  enacted,  <5c.  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  be, 
and  he  W  hereby,  authorized  to  place  the  nameof  Mrs.  C. 
A.  Haun,  of  the  county  of  Greene  and  State;  of  Tennessee, 
on  the  pension  roll  at  the  rate  of  eiglit  dollars  per  month, 
to  commence  on  the  lltli  day  of  December,  1861,  and  to 
continue,  during  her  widowhood. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  wish  to  ask  the  Sena- 
tor  from  Connecticut  if  that  is  in  accordance  with 
the  genera!  laws  that  are  applicable  to  other  per- 
sons under  like  circumstances.  It  seems  to  mo 
that  in  relation  to  the  duration  of  the  pension  it 
is  not.- 

Mr.  FOSTER.  It  is"  during  her  widowhood," 
which  is  the  usual  rule. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Or  during  life  if  she  re- 
mains a  widow.  I  thought  the  law  was  ten  years. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  During  widowhood  is  the  rule 
now. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 


3170 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as n  mended, 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in  and  ordered 
to  be  engrossed,  and  the  bill  to  be  read  a  third 
time.     It  was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

MARTHA  JANE  SICAGGS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  FOSTER,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  347)  for  the  relief  of  Martha 
June  Skaggs.  It  directs  the  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior to  place  the  name  of  Martha  Jane  Skaggs, 
widow  of  Alfred  Sykes  Skaggs,  late  a  private  of 
company  E,  of  the  twenty-seventh  regiment  of 
Kentucky,  and  who  died  at  Elizabethtown,  Ken- 
tucky, on  the  27ih  of  January,  ]862,  upon  the 
pension  roll  from  that  date,  tocontinue  daring  her 
widowhood. 

The  Committee  on  Pensions  reported  the  bill 
with  an  amendment  in  lines  ten  and  eleven  to 
insert  the  words  "  at  the  rate  of  eight  dollars  per 
month." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendment  was  concurred  in  and  ordered 
to  be  engrossed,  and  the  bill  to  be  read  a  third 
time.     It  was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

SALE  OF  LAND  IN  IOWA. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  ask  the  indulgence  of 
the  Senate  to  take  up  Senate  bill  No.  301.  It  is 
to  provide  for  a  settler  in  Iowa.  It  is  a  Senate 
bill,  and  if  it  should  not  pass  now  the  probability 
is  that  it  cannot  pass  during  the  session.  It  will 
not  take  a  minute. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  must  insist  on  the  order  of  the 
evening.     I  have  given  way  long  enough. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  If  this  occupies  more' 
tlian  two  minutes  I  will  withdraw  from  the  field. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  have  given  way  a  great  deal, 
and  if  I  give  way  now  I  must  give  way  to  others. 
I  am  pressed  all  around. 

The  motion  of  Mr.  Hendricks  was  agreed  to; 
and  the  bill  (S.  No.  301)  for  the  sale  of  a  lot  of 
land  in  Iowa,  in  the  Fort  Crawford  reservation, 
was  read  a  second  time  and  considered  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole.  It  provides  that  it  may  be 
lawful  for  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land 
Office  to  cause  to  be  sold  a^fter  public  notice  the 
tract  described  as  lot  No.  1,  in  township  ninety- 
five' north,  of  range  three  west,  of  the  fifth  prin- 
cipal meridian,  in  the  State  of  Iowa,  situated  in 
wliat  is  known  as  the  Fort  Crawford  military 
reservation,  subject  to  such  minimum  price  per 
acre  as  the  Commissioner  may  establish  as  fair 
and  reasonable,  not  less  than  $2  50 per  acre;  and 
in  the  event  of  the  lot  not  being  disposed  of  at 
public  sale  the  Commissioner  is  authorized  tore- 
offer  it  at  public  sale, or  after  the  second  offering 
to  dispose  of  the  lot  at  such  minimum  as  he  may 
establish,  and  for  the  sale  so  made  a  patent  is  to 
issue  as  in  ordinary  cases. 

The  second  section  provides  that  if  it  shall  ap- 
pear that  there  are  any  other  lots  in  the  reserve 
not  disposed  of  by  the  United  States  it  may  be 
lawful  for  the  Commissioner  to  dispose  of  them 
in  the  manner  provided  in  the  foregoing  section. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

DIRECT  TAX  OF  WASHINGTON  COUNTY. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  I  move  to  take  up  the  bill 
(S.  No.  299)  authorizing  the  levy  court  of  Wash- 
ington county,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  to 
levy  and  collect  its  portion  of  the  direct  tax  im- 
posed by  the  act  of  Congress  of  August  5,  18G1. 
It  will  not  occupy  a  moment. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  hope  the  Senate,  if  they  ever 
propose  to  proceed  with  the  order  of  the  evening, 
will  begin  some  time  or  other, 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Thisbill  contains  buta  single 
section,  and  can  be  disposed  of  in  a  moment. 

Mr.  HALE.  If  I  give  way  to  every  appeal,  I 
should  give  way  all  night  and  to-morrow  too.  I 
cull  for  the  order  of  the  evening. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  There  is  no 
order  of  the  evening. 

Mr.  HALE.  Then  I  move  that  the  Senate 
proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  unfinished 
business  at  the  tiine  of  the  recess. 

The  PRESIDENT ;)ro<e?n;)o?-e.  That  motion 
is  not  in  order  until  the  motion  of  the  Senator 
from  Maine  is  dis|iosed  of. 

Mr.  HALE.     1  hope  it  will  be  voted  down. 


Mr.  MORRILL.  I  hope  the  Senate  will  allow 
this  little  bill  to  be  taken  up  and  passed  now,  so 
that  it  may  go  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
for  action  there.       • 

The  question  being  put,  there  were,  on  a  divis- 
ion— ayes  13,  noes  8;  no  quorum  voting. 

Mr.  PO.MEROY.    I  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  MORRILL.     I  will  withdraw  the  bill. 

Mr.  FOSTER.  It  will  be  necessary  to  call  the 
yeas  and  nays  any  way  in  order  to  get  a  quorum. 

Mr.  MORRILL.  Then,  as  the  yeas  and  nays 
miKst  be  culled,  1  will  insist  on  my  motion. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  17,  nays  16;  as  follows: 

VEAS— Messrs.  Brown,  Buckalew,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Cdllaiiier,  Fesseiicleii,  Grimes,  Harris,  Heiidriclfs,  Howe, 
Joluisori,  Moraan,  Morrill,  Powell,  Ilidille,  Vaw  Winkle, 
and  Wade— 17. 

NAYti— Messrs.  Aiitlioiiy,  Carlile,  Dixon,  Foster,  Hale, 
Harlan,  II  o  ward,  LaneofKaMsaSjPomeroy,  Ramsey,  Sauls- 
bury,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Willey,  and  Wil- 
son— 16. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Conness,  Cowan,  Davis,  Doolittle, 
Foot,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Mc- 
Dougall,  Nesinjtii,  Richardson,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Wil- 
kinson, and  Wright — 16. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate, 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  con- 
sider the  bill.  It  authorizes  the  levy  court  of 
Washington  county,  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
to  levy  and  collect,  in  the  same  manner  as  other 
county  taxes  in  the  county  of  Washington  are 
levied  and  collected,  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  the 
county's  proportion  of  the  direct  tax  imposed  on 
the  District  ofColumbiaby  the  act  of  Congress  ap- 
proved August  5,  18G1,  and  the  expense  and  cost 
of  collecting  the  same,  and  the  aggregate  of  direct 
tax  imposed  by  that  act  is  to  be  distributed  and 
apportioned  between  the  cities  of  Washington 
and  Georgetown,  and  that  part  of  the  county 
of  Washington  lying  outside  the  limits  of  those 
cities,  according  to  the  assessed  valuation  of  prop- 
erty made  in  the  jurisdiction  of  each  by  the  as- 
sessment last  prior  to  the  date  of  the  passage  of 
the  act  of  August  5,  1861. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Ericsson's  floating  batteries. 

Mr.  HALE.  1  now  move  that  we  proceed  to 
the  consideration  of  the  unfinished  business. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate  re- 
sumed the  consideration  of  the  joint  resolution 
(H.  R.  No.  95)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  to  amend  the  contract  with  John  Ericsson 
for  the  construction  of  two  impregnable  floating 
batteries,  the  Dictator  and  the  Puritan,  the  pend- 
ing question  being  on  the  amendment  of  Mr. 
Sherman,  in  line  six,  to  strike  out  the  words 
"  present  value"  and  to  insert  "  actual  cost." 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  a  third  read- 
ing, read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

CONTRACTORS  FOR  DOUBLE-ENDERS. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  now  move  to  postpone  all  prior 
orders,  and  that  the  Senate  proceed  to  the  con- 
sideration of  Senate  joint  resolution  No.  50. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to:  and  the  Senate,  as 
in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  resumed  the  con- 
sideration of  the  joint  resolution  (S.  No.  50)  for 
the  relief  of  the  contractors  for  the  machinery  of 
the  side-wheel  gunboats  known  as  double-enders, 
the  pending  question  being  on  the  amendment  of 
Mr.  Grimes  to  strike  out  all  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution after  the  word  "  that,"  where  it  first  oc- 
curs, and  to  insert: 

All  claims  based  upon  or  arising  from  the  contracts  of 
persons  wlio  contracted  with  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment for  the  machinery  and  engines  of  the  side-wheel  gun- 
boats, commonly  known  as  double-enders,  be,  and  the  same 
are  hereby,  referred  to  the  Court  Of  Claims  for  examination 
and  adjudication. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  On  that  I  ask  for  the  yeas 
and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  do  not  see  what  propri- 
ety there  is  in  referring  these  contracts  to  the 
Court  of  Claims.  I  do  not  see  how  the  Court  of 
Claims  can  take  any  jurisdiction  over  them  un- 
less we  pass  a  special  law  on  the  subject.  The 
Court  of  Claims  can  only  give  them  what  they 
are  awarded  under  the  contracts.  We  might  as 
well  refer  the  resolution  we  have  just  passed  for 
the  relief  of  Mr.  Ericsson  to  the  Court  of  Claims; 


much  better,  I  think.  They  are  entitled  to  noth- 
ing under  their  contracts  but  what  they  iiave  re- 
ceived. 

Mr.  Pi'esident,  I  will  slate  briefly  what  this 
case  is.  These  contractors  have  built  the  engines 
for  the  gunboats  known  as  double-enders.  They 
allege  in  their  memorial  to  Congress  that  they  did 
not  seek  these  contracts,  but  the  Department 
sought  them;  there  was  a  great  necessity  for  the 
immediate  construction  of  these  engines;  and 
they  were  told  that  the  engines  would  be  like 
those  of  the  Paul  Jones.  They  allege  that  after 
having  agreed  to  build  engines  of  that  con.struc- 
tion  they  were  required  by  the  Department  to 
build  engines  of  a  very  different  and  moi-e  costly 
character.  They  ask  that  if  they  have  built  en- 
gines more  costly  than  those  they  were  expected 
to  build  when  they  commenced  theirprcparations 
for  building,  there  may  be  a  board  of  investiga- 
tion to  decide  how  much  they  are  entitled  to,  or 
rather  that  is  the  resolution  that  the  committee 
report.  These  contractors  came  before  us  as  Mr. 
Ericsson  came,  and  asked  for  relief;  but  the  Com- 
mittee on  Naval  Affairs  did  not  think  that  they 
were  qualified  to  judge  of  the  measure  of  relief, 
and  perhaps  not  exactly  qualified  to  judge  if  any 
relief  at  all  was  due.  If  the  allegation  of  these 
gentlemen  is  correct,  and  I  believe  it  to  be  cor- 
rect, because  I  know  some  of  them  and  they  are 
highly  honorable  men,  then  they  have  built  for 
the  Government  different  engines  from  those  that 
they  contracted  to  build,  and  the  difference  in 
cost  has  all  been  for  the  advantage  and  benefit  of 
the  Government.  If  they  had  known  when  they 
commenced  the  work  what  kind  of  engines  they 
were  to  build,  they  would  have  contracted  at  a 
different  price,  and  the  Department  would  have 
conceded  different  terms. 

The  committee,  not  feeling  that  they  were  a 
proper  tribunal  to  decide  this  question,  have  re- 
ported this  joint  resolution  proposing  that  the 
question  shall  be  left  to  a  board  to  be  appointed 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  not,  as  usual  in  the 
case  of  referees,  one  of  the  referees  appointed  by 
the  one  party  and  another  by  the  other  and  an 
umpire  by  both,  but  that  the  whole  board  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  that 
when  the  board  shall  haveexamined  into  theiral- 
legations,  shall  have  decided,  in  the  first  place,  if 
they  are  entitled  to  any  relief,  and,  in  the  second 
place,  how  much,  they  shall  report  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  and  if  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  shall  approve  the  finding  of  the  board,  then 
they  shall  be  paid.  I  ask  if  that  is  not  fair.  I 
ask  if  that  is  not  due  to  men  who  have  contracted 
with  the  Government  and  have  performed  a  work 
different  from  what  they  contracted  to  perform. 
I  think  the  good  faith  of  the  Government  is 
pledged  to  this  measure. 

I  hope  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Sena- 
tor from  Iowa  will  not  be  adopted.  To  send  them 
to  the  Court  of  Claims  is  to  s^nd  them  nowhere, 
because  the  Court  of  Claims  can  only  pay  them 
what  is  due  under  a  contract.  They  do  not  pro- 
fess to  be  entitled  to  anything  under  a  contract. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  intended  to  record  a  silent 
vote  on  the  passage  of  this  resolution,  and  to  vote 
against  it,  but  the  remarks  of  the  Senator  from 
Rhode  Island  constrain  me  to  say  a  few  words 
in  opposition,  and  in  explanation  of  the  vote 
which  I  shall  give. 

Some  two  years  and  a  half  ago  the  Govern- 
ment contracted  with  certain  parties  for  the  con- 
struction of  twenty-eight  different  double-enders. 
Written  contracts  were  entered  into  with  each 
one  of  the  parties  in  relation  to  the  construction 
of  each  one  of  those  boats.  They  were  told,  and 
told  truly,  that  they  were  to  be  built  upon  the 
plan  of  the  Paul  Jones,  which  one  of  these  con- 
tractors built  and  furnished  to  the  Government 
for  $44,000.  Specifications  were  furnished  to 
these  contractors  at  the  time  the  contract  was  en- 
tered into,  specifying  in  detail  every  particular 
that  was  to  compose  the  engines  and  machinery. 
They  were  to  receive  $82,000  for  each  one  of 
these  engines — not  $44,000  which  was  received 
by  Mr.  Q,uintai-d  or  Mr.  Boardman,  I  forget 
which,  for  building  the  Paul  Jones,  but$82,0U0, 
showing  that  they  must  have  expected  to  build  a 
different  engine  from  that  which  was  in  the  Paul 
Jones.  They  built  exactly  similar  engines  to 
those  in  the  Paul  Jones,  save  that  they  built  en- 
gines corresponding  and  in  compliance  with  llio 
specifications  which  required  that  they  should  be 


1864. 


THE  OONGEESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3171 


rniule  of  heavier  material.     That  was  the  only- 
variation,  the  only  difference. 

These  contractors  now  come  before  Congress 
and  ask  us  to  go  behind   their  written  eontracts. 
If  you  will  look  at  the  resolution  you  will  observe 
tliut  the  committee  have  stricken  out  the  words 
"contracted  for"  in  the  twenty-first  line  and  in- 
serted (he  words  "  bargained  for."     1  have  con- 
versed with  these  gentlemen.     They  have  been 
to  see  me  about  it,  and  1  have  listened   to  their 
stories.  They  say  that  some  person  came  to  them 
who  represented  that  he  was  the  friend  of  the  en- 
gineer-in-chief of  the  Navy,  and  told  them  they 
would  be  required  to  build  under  these  contracts 
such  and  such  engines.     Although  after  that  time, 
long  after,  they  say,  they  entered  into  a  written 
contract,  yet  they  want  to  be  permitted  to  go  be- 
liind  that  written  contract,  and    they  say   they 
ought  not  to   be  compelled   to  fulfill  the  written 
contract,  because  some  considerable  time  anterior 
to  its  execution  they  liad  some  conversation  with 
some  other  party  whom  tliey  attempt  lo  identify 
as  being  connected  with  the  Navy  Department. 
JMr.  WILSON.     Who  was  that  other  party.' 
Mr.  GRIMES.    Somegenileman,  they  told  me, 
who  they  said  was  a  friend  of  Mr.  Isherwood. 
That  is  what  one  of  the  committee  that  came  on 
liere  told  me.     What  do  they  do?     They  go  be- 
fore the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  and  ask  them 
to  report  a  resolution  authorizing  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  appoint  a  commission  of  three  per- 
sons who  shall  go  behind  these  contracts  and  de- 
termine how  mu-ch  is  due  to  each  one  of  them. 
There  are  twenty-eight  of  them,  and  they  now 
say  that  the  amount  that  will  be  due  to  each  one 
of  them  will  be  not  to  exceed  $'20,000  on  the  aver- 
age.    That  would  amount  to  a  very  round  sum; 
but  how  much  it  will  be  by  the  time  the  investi- 
^  gaiion  is  closed  nobody  can  tell. 

This  resolution  does  not  specify  any  term  of 
ofHce  that  these  commissioners  are  to  hold.  It 
gives  them  no  compensation.  It  does  not  require 
them  even  to  take  an  oath.  It  defines  no  plaee  in 
which  they  shall  take  testimony.  It  does  not 
specify  in  what  manner  the  testimony  shall  be 
taken.  It  authorizes  them  to  make  a  report  in 
this  most  informal  of  all  manners,  and  then  upon 
that  report  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  author- 
iz.ed  to  pay  that  amount  whatever  it  may  be, 
without  coming  to  Congress  and  asking  Congress 
to  make  an  appropriation. 

One  great  objection  that  I  have  to  this  resolu- 
tion is  the  precedent  that  it  will  establish.  I  do 
not  know  of  any  reason,  if  we  pass  this  resolu- 
tion, why  the  man  who  made  wagons  for  the 
Army,  the  man  who  made  the  hulls  into  which 
these  engines  were  put,  every  man  who  has  done 
anything  for  the  public  service,  either  the  Army 
or  the  Navy  during  the  pendency  of  this  war,  will 
not  be  permitted  to  come  to  us  and  make  just  as 
strong  a  claim,  urge  it  just  as  forcibly,  and  be 
entitled  to  the  same  sort  of  relief  that  these  gen- 
tlemen are.  1  do  not  think  we  are  prepared  to 
listen  to  all  these  gentlemen  upon  such  a  basis 
as  this.    . 

It  has  been  said  that  these  contractors  were 
deceived  in  regard  to  the  work  they  were  to  per- 
form. Every  man  of  them  had  the  specifica- 
tions. They  say  they  had  not  any  drawings.  It  is 
not  usual  to  furnish  drawings;  it  never  is  usual 
to  furnish  drawings.  The  specifications,  every 
particular  of  each  one  of  the  engines  was  given 
to  them  in  detail  in  connection  with  their  contract. 
As  to  their  building  the  engines  in  exact  corre- 
spondence with  those  of  the  Paul  Jones,  that  is 
sufficiently  disproved,  first,  by  the  fact  that  the 
specifications  showed  the  contrary,  and,  in  the 
second  place,  by  the  fact  that  they  were  to  receive 
$82,000  each  for  these  engines,  while  for  the  Paul 
Jones  only  $44,000  was  paid;  and  some  o?  those 
engines  are  not  delivered  to-day. 

An  attem-pt  was  made  the  other  day  to  show 
by  the  letters  of  Mr.  Isherwood  that  he  had  ex- 
tended the  time  to  these  men.  Let  me  read  the 
letter  that  was  then  read: 

Navy  Department, 
Bdread  of  Steam  Engineering, 
September  12,  1882. 
Gentlemen:  Your  letter  of  tlielltli  instant  has  been  re- 
ceived, in  regard  to  the  time  of  completion  of  the  machinery 
of  the  two  paddle- wheel  steamers. 

'i'lie  Department  being  I'ully  aware  of  llie  difficulties  un- 
der which  all  contractors  for  this  species  of  worlc  now  la- 
bor, autliorizes  me  to  inform  you  that  it  will  not  exact  a 
rigorous  ronipliance  witli  the  strict  terms  of  your  contract, 
ill  regard  to  tlmt  and  forfeiture  for  delay,  but,  in  consider- 


ation of  this  liberality  on  its  part,  will  expect  yon  to  remit 
no  effort  and  to  use  all  possible  means  to  complete  the 
contracts  in  the  least  time  practicable. 

13.  F.J SHERWOOD, 

Chief  of  Bureau. 
Messrs.  Board.man,  Hoi.brook  &.  Co.,  Neptune   Works, 
New  York. 

Upon  the  condition  that  they  will  go  on  and  do 
the  best  in  their  power,  the  Department  told  them 
they  would  not  hold  them  to  astrict  performance 
in  point  of  time  or  in  regard  to  forfeiture  for  de- 
lay. 1  have  here  another  letter  written  by  the 
same  chief  of  bureau  to  Nelson  Curtiss,  Esq., 
of  the  Atlantic  Works,  Boston.  He  says,  and 
these,  I  understand,  are  the  only  two  letters  that 
have  been  written  on  this  subject: 

Navy  Department, 
Bureau  of  Steam  Engineering, 

September  IS,  1862. 

Sir  :  Some  time  since  you  informed  me  that  on  further 
cnnsidoratiou  you  mi!;ht  decide  to  build  the  machinery  of 
a  paddle-wheel  engine  of  fifty-eight  inches  diameter  of 
cylinder  and  eight  feet  nine  inches  stroke  of  piston. 

There  still  remains  one  of  those  engines  untaken.and 
you  can  have  it  on  the  same  terms  the  others  have  been 
accepted,  namely :  seven  months  time  and  .^SDjUliO  [)rice. 
It  is  proper  to  add  that  in  consideration  of  the  difficulty  of 
procuring  materials  and  labor,  the  Department  will  not  be 
rigorously  exacting  in  the  matter  of  time  and  forfeiture, 
provided  the  parties  have  faithfully  endeavored  to  e.Kccutc 
their  contract. 

1  inclose  herewith  ablankcontractforvourinformation. 
B.  F.  ISHERWOOD, 

Chief  of  Bureau. 

Nelson  Curtiss,  Esq.,  Atlantic  Works,  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Department  was  ex- 
ceedingly anxious  to  secure  the  taking  of  these 
contracts.  You  will  perceive  by  this  letter  how 
anxious  they  were.  They  merely  sent  the  papers 
with  the  specifications  and  with  a  blank  contract 
and  told  them  if  they  saw  fit  to  accept  it  on  such 
terms  and  such  time  they  could  have  the  contract; 
if  they  did  not  see  fit  to  accept  them  on  those 
terms  they  need  not  do  so.  They  had  the  con- 
tract written  out;  the  specifications  were  connected 
with  it.  There  was  no  trouble  then  in  connection 
with  it. 

If  I  deemed  it  necessary  on  this  motion  I  would 
go  on  and  explain  this  thing  further  and  analyze 
what  I  understand  to  be  the  principles  upon  which 
the  report  is  based  as  I  am  prepared  to  do  it  if  it 
becomes  necessary;  but  1  trust  that  the  amend- 
ment I  have  submitted  will  be  adopted.  If  these 
parties  have  any  claims,  any  equities  at  all,  I 
want  them  to  go  to  the  Court  of  Claims,  where  is 
some  machinery  by  which  testimony  can  betaken, 
where  the  rights  of  the  parties  can  be  properly 
adjudicated,  and  there  have  it  determined.  If  we 
have  not  given  that  court  jurisdiction  in  such 
cases,  amend  the  resolution  and  let  them  have 
jurisdiction.  1  want  to  deprive  no  man  of  his  just 
rights.  If  these  parties  are  entitled  to  a  single  cop- 
per, in  God's  name  let  them  have  it,  but  let  us 
not  establish  a  precedent  here  that  will  be,  in  my 
opinion,  most  dangerous  to  the  Treasury. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  The  Senator  from  Iowa 
objects  thatthese  commissioners  have  no  compen- 
sation, have  no  definite  powers,  are  required  to 
take  no  oath,  and  that  the  mode  in  which  they 
shall  take  testimony  is  not  prescribed.  I  remem- 
ber that  a  few  hours  ago  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
moved  to  amend  a  bill  by  appointing  a  commis- 
sion of  precisely  the  same  character. 
Mr.  GRIMES.  What  bill.? 
Mr.  ANTHONY.  The  bill  to  establish  a  navy- 
yard  at  Cairo.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  moved 
to  atnend  it  by  providing  for  a  commission.  Noth- 
ing was  said  about  compensation,  nothing  was 
said  about  an  oath,  but  it  was  left  to  the  Navy 
Department  to  determine,  and  that  is  where  it  is 
left  by  this  joint  resolution. 

It  is  objected  that  this  establishes  a  precedent. 
If  it  does,  I  think  it  is  time  we  established  such 
a  precedent.  What  have  been  our  precedents 
heretofore  At  this  very  session  we  have  paid 
away  large  sums  upon  the  opinions  of  a  commit- 
tee no  belter  informed  than  the  opinion  of  the 
Naval  Committee  in  this  case,  without  the  inter- 
vention of  any  board  whatever.  Not  long  since 
we  gave,  I  think  it  was  p.'i.OOO,  to  a  contractor 
who  had  furnished  Army  wagons.  The  con- 
tractor offered  the  wagons  to  the  quartermaster, 
who  refused  to  receive  them  on  the  ground  that 
they  were  unsuitable  for  the  Goverinneiit  service, 
although  they  had  passed  the  inspection  pre- 
scribed in  the  contiact.  The  Governntient  never 
received  oneof  tliose  wagons,  never  received  one 


dollar  of  value  from  them,  and  yet  this  Senate,  by 
a  very  decisive  vote,  in  which  1  fully  agreed,  paid    ' 
to  the  contractor  the  whole  price  of  his  Wi)gons. 
Mr.  WILSON.     It  has  not  passed  the  House 
of  Repi'esentatives. 

Mr.  ANTPIONY.  It  has  passed  the  Senate. 
In  another  case  a  contractor  agreed  to  deliver  a 
large  amount  of  corn  at  Baltimore;  he  brought 
the  corn  to  Baltimore;  t!i(iqufirtcriTiaster  refused 
to  receive  it;  the  corn  was  left  on  the  hands  of 
the  contractor;  the  market  fell;  and  a  bill  wtis 
introduced  here  and  passed,  the  Senator  from 
Iowa,  if  I  mistake  not,  advocating  it,  to  pay  the 
contractor  the  deterioration,  which  was  some 
thousands  of  dollars. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Oh,  no;  I  did  not  vote  for  it. 
Mr.  ANTHONY.  The  Senator'scolleague  in- 
troduced  it,  and  I  thought  the  Senator  always 
voted  with  his  colleague. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  He  is  responsible  for  hisacls, 
and  I  for  mine. 

Mr.  ANTFIONY.  I  think  I  may  safely  say 
that  in  this  case  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs 
have  no  doubt  whatever  that  these  men  are  en- 
titled to  relief,  but  they  do  not  think  that  they 
are  the  proper  judges  of  the  amount  of  relief  that 
should  be  granted;  they  do  not  think  they  are 
the  best  judges  of  the  fact  whether  they  are  en- 
titled to  relief  or  not,  and  they  propose  to  leave 
it  to  a  board  of  experts.  The  board  is  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  their 
award  is  to  bo  approved  by  the  Secretary  of  the  ■ 
Navy  before  any  money  can  be  paid  out.  Cun 
anything  be  fairer  than  that.' 

The  statement  which  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
makes  upon  this  subject  diiffers  in  many  respects 
from  that  which  is  made  by  the  f>erson3  inter- 
ested in  this  resolution,  whom  I  believe  to  be  very 
honorable  men,  and  men  who  are  not  willing  to 
deceive  the  Senate;  but  if  the  statement  of  the 
Senator  from  Iowa  is  strictly  true,  if  he  ha.'s  not 
been  misinformed  or  mistaken  about  it,  then  the 
board  would  award  nothing,  and  ought  not  to 
award  anything.  They  allege  that  they  com- 
menced all  the  preparations  for  the  construction 
of  these  engines  before  the  contract  was  diawn 
up,  before  the  specifications  were  given,  and  that 
they  did  this  at  the  request  of  the  Department; 
the  Department  was  in  great  haste  and  could  not 
wait;  and  that  when  they  received  the  contracts 
and  specifications  they  had  gone  so  far  forward 
in  the  work  of  preparation  that  to  break  off  would 
expose  them  to  as  much  loss  as  to  go  on.  It  is 
to  be  taken  into  consideration  also  that  the  value 
of  engines  when  the  Paul  Jones  was  built  is  very 
diffei-ent  from  the  value  of  engines  now. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  But  these  were  contracted  for 
two  years  ago. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  After  havjng  just  passed 
the  resolution  previous  to  this,  and  i  called  the 
attention  of  the  Senate  to  what  I  thought  was  a 
very  faulty  provision  in  it,  I  do  not  see  how  the 
Senate  can  refuse  to  submit  to  a  tribunal  of  our 
appointment  the  allegations  of  these  tnen.  They 
comprise  a  large  portion  of  the  mechanical  skill 
of  the  country.  They  have  given  their  services 
to  theGovernmentexpecting  in  the  way  of  honest 
business  to  make  a  profit,  and  they  have  been 
very  useful  to  the  Government.  They  have  been 
disappointed  in  their  profit,  and  1  do  not  think 
they  ought  to  have  any;  but  1  do  not  think  they 
ought  to  suffer  any  loss.  Although  I  believe 
neither  these  men  altogether  nor  any  other  men 
in  steam  navigation  have  done  anything  for  the 
country  like  whatMr.  Ericsson  has  done,  I  think, 
on  a  bare  statement  of  this  contract,  allowing 
nothing  to  the  personal  cliaracter  aiul  services  of 
the  applicant,  it  is  a  far  more  meriti-rious  case 
than  the  one  we  have  just  passed.  I  would  not 
ask  the  committee,  do  not  ask  the  Senate  lo  make 
any  appropriation.  They  merely  ask  for  a  board 
of  our  own  appointment  to  examine  and  decide 
whelherthesecontractors  ought  to  have  anything. 
To  send  them  to  the  Court  of  Claims  is  to  .«cnd 
them  nowhere.  You. might  as  well  send  them 
to  the  board  of  aldermen  of  the  city  of  Wnshing- 
toi>.  The  Court  of  Claims  has  no  sort  of  juris- 
diction of  the  case.  The  Court  of  Claims  could 
only  award  to  them  what  they  are  entitled  to 
under  their  contract,  but  that  is  not  what  they 
want.  They  do  not  profess  to  be  entitled  to  any- 
thing under  their  contiact,  Intt  they  allege  that 
they  are  entitled  to  something  for  the  services 
they  have  rendered  the  Government.     It. is  not 


8172 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


as  in  the  case  of  the  Army  wagons  and  of  the  corn 
to  which  I  have  alluded,  where  we  paid  men  for 
losses  they  lind  sustained  in  which  the  Govern- 
ment received  no  corresponding  advantage,  but 
for  every  dollar  that  these  contractors  have  ex- 
pended beyond  the  amount  that  they  contracted 
to  be  paid  the  Government  has  the  full  advantage; 
or  if  it  has  not,  then  the  board  will  award  them 
notliing  and  ought  to  award  them  nothing. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Will  the  Senator  allow  me  to 
interrupt  him  ? 

Mr.  ANTHONY.     Certainly. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  desire  to  inquire  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Rhode  Island  what  it  is  that  these  men 
claim,  whether  they  claim  that  they  have  done 
work  beyond  their  contract  and  not  specified  in 
their  contract. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.    They  do. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Oh,  no. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.     They  so  claim. 

Mr.  CLARK.  And  they  have  done  it  by  or- 
der of  the  Department.'' 

Mr.  ANTHONY.     They  so  allege. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Then  I  submit  if  that  be  so 
the  Court  of  Claims  is  ample  for  their  remuner- 
ation because  it  would  be  a  claim  founded  upon 
a  contract  express  or  implied.  They  would  have 
a  claim  for  what  they  had  done  under  the  ex- 
press contract  and  also  a  claim  for  what  they  had 
done  under  the  implied  contract  beyond  the  ex- 
press contract,  if  they  prove  the  work;  and  if 
they  prove  they  did  it  by  express  order  of  the 
Navy  Department,  though  it  might  not  be  a  writ- 
ten contract  it  would  be  an  express  verbal  con- 
tract, and  the  Court  of  Claims  now  by  law  has 
jurisdiction  over  all  such  cases,  and  there  is  no 
nec(!ssitv  for  passing  this  resolution. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  think  there  is  a  claim 
equitably,  not  legally.  There  is  no  legal  claim 
wliatever. 

Mr.  CLARK.  Then  it  cannot  be  on  the  ground 
on  which  the  Senator  states  it  and  on  the  ground 
stated  in  the  resolution.  If  thsy  claim  larger 
pay  for  work  done  under  a  contractand  for  which 
the  contract  does  not  provide,  and  if  they, in 
equity,  ought  to  have  that,  that  is  another  and  a 
distinct  matter;  but  if  that  be  so  1  never  would 
allow  a'commission  to  be  appointed  to  examine 
such  a  number  of  claims  as  these,  twenty-eight 
or  twenty-nine,  and  then  make  their  report  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  if  he  approve  it  he 
shall  order  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  pay 
all  those  claims. 

I  think  I  shall  submit  a  few  remarks  to  my 
colleague  if  ho  is  the  father  of  this  resolution  upon 
the  indefinite  appropriation  of  money.  I  desire 
before  we  appropriate  the  money  or  authorize 
anybody  to  pay  it  that  we  should  know  what  is 
the  amount  we  a_^re  to  pay.  The  most  that  I  would 
do  with  a  commission  of  this  kind  would  be  this: 
possibly — I  am  not  certain  that  I  N^ould  do  that 
—  1  would  authorize  the  raising  of  a  commission 
to  examine  into  these  claims  and  see  what  in 
equity  and  justice  those  men  ought  to  receive,  if 
anything,  beyond  their  contract,  if  they  have 
done  work  beyond  their  contract,  or  if  they  did 
not  have  a  fair  and  equitable  pay,  and  then  let 
the  board  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and 
he  send  the  report  to  Congress  to  let  Congress 
determine  what  is  to  be  paid  after  we  have  ascer- 
tained what  they  have  done  and  precisely  what 
they  claim. 

iSfow  we  are  in  this  position,  as  I  understand  it, 
no  Senator  yet  tells  us  what  this  claim  is.  The 
Senator  from  Rhode  Island  first  slates  that  the 
claim  is  a  legal  one  and  then  says  it  is  an  equita- 
ble claim.  Before  I  will  consent  that  this  com- 
mission shall  determine  upon  that,  I  want  to 
know  what  the  claim  is;  I  want  to  have  the  claim 
examined;  I  want  iheni  to  make  a  report  of  what 
ihey  find  to  be  the  facts  and  the  equities  of  the 
ci\se,  and  then  let  us  pass  upon  it.  1  do  not  like 
this  appropriation  in  advance  and  then  an  exam- 
ination afterwards.     I  do  not  think  it  wise. 

1  do  not  mean  to  prejudge  these  claims.  I  do 
not  mean  to  say  that  these  men  are  not  entitled  to 
something,  for  I  do  not  know  anything  about  it. 
If  they  are  entitled  to  anything  under  their  con- 
tract, or  for  work  done  by  order  of  the  Secretary 
of  ihc  Navy  beyond  the  contract,  then  the  Court 
of  Claims  is  ample  for  them.  It  is  a  court  where 
testimony  can  be  properly  taken,  the  parties  heard, 
a  regular  judgment  had,  and  the  money  paid. 

If  (heyclaim  upon  equitabltt  grounds  that  they 


have  not  been  fairly  paid  for  the  work  they  have 
done,  that  the  work  cost  them  a  great  deal  more 
than  they  expected, and  claim  in  such  a  way  that 
we  ought  to  pay  them  something,  then  I  want  to 
know  the  ground  of  the  claim  before  1  vote  the 
pay.  I  do  not  want  to  vote  the  pay  first  and  ex- 
amine it  afterwards.  I  want  to  know  how  much 
these  gentlemen  are  entitled  to  have.  An  equita- 
ble claim  of  this  kind,  especially  of  so  large  an 
amount,  because  there  are  twenty-eight  of  them, 
will  take  a  great  deal  of  money  out  of  the  Treas- 
ury, and  we  pass  it  blindly  if  we  pass  this  resolu- 
tion giving  them  just  what  this  commission  on 
the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  sliall 
say  they  ought  to  have. 

1  submit  whether  they  should  not  first  come  to 
Congress  and  let  us  see  what  they  are  entitled  to 
have  and  let  us  pass  upon  it.  I  think  in  a  case  of 
this  kind  we  ought  to  hold  the  purse-strings  and 
not  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He  lias  made 
his  contracts,  the  contracts  have  been  executed, 
and  probably  paid  the  contract  price.  I  do  not 
know  how  that  is;  but  we  are  asked  now  for 
something  beyond  the  contract  price  on  some 
equitable  ground  or  for  some  reason  or  other  or 
these  parties  would  not  be  here.  I  desire  to  know 
on  what  ground  they  stand,  what  amount  they 
desire,  and  what  their  claim  is  to  that  amount 
before  I  vote  it.  As  I  said  before  I  do  not  know 
but  that  they  are  entitled  to  it,  and  I  shall  cheer- 
fully vote  for  it  if  they  are.  I  will  not  hold  any 
of  these  men  down  to  any  rigid,  iron  rule,  if  they 
have  served  the  country  and  are  deserving,  be- 
cause they  unfortunately  for  themselves  made  a 
contract.  I  will  be  harsh  to  no  man,  but  at  the 
same  time  I  desire  to  see  that  they  do  not  defraud 
the  Government.  Let  them  state  their  case  fairly 
and  equitably  to  the  Government  before  we  vote 
to  pay  it. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  must  confess  my  surprise 
that  after  the  vote  we  have  just  passed  giving,  I 
suppose,  $600,000  or  $800,000  in  addition  toUie 
contract  price,  these  objections  of  every  kind, 
not  one  of  which  was  raised  in  the  preceding  case, 
should  be  brought  to  this.  The  Senator  from 
New  Hampshire  says  I  have  stated  that  the  case 
was  both  legal  and  equitable.  1  do  not  under- 
stand it  to  be  a  legal  claim  at  all.  1  understand 
it  to  be  purely  an  equitable  claim.  For  a  legal 
claim  they  have  their  legal  remedy;  for  an  equita- 
ble claim  they  have  no  remedy  except  here.  They 
have  served  their  Government  and  their  country 
faithfully.  They  have  given  their  mechanical 
skill,  their  capital,  and  their  time  to  the  service 
of  the  Navy.  Of  course  they  have  had  a  hard 
contract,  as  almost  any  contractors  must  have  for 
materials  and  work  under  the  constant  deprecia- 
tion of  the  currency;  but  for  that  they  neither  ask 
nor  are  they  entitled  to  ask  for  any  consideration. 
But  if,  as  they  allege,  they  have  rendered  to  the 
Government  different  and  more  valuable  work 
from  what  they  agreed  to  do,  I  submit  that  we  do 
not  do  them  justice,  we  do  not  do  ourselvesjus- 
tice,  we  do  not  do  the  country  justice  if  we  turn 
them  from  our  doors  without  a  hearing. 

These  parlies  ask  for  relief;  they  ask  us  to  do 
for  them  as  has  been  done  for  Mr.  Ericsson,  as 
was  done  in  the  case  which  my  friend  from  New 
Hampshire  [Mr.  Clark]  examined,  and  which 
I  concurred  m,  for  the  contractor  for  the  Army 
wagons,  as  was  done  in  the  case  brought  forward 
by  the  Senator  from  Iowa  [Mr.  Harlan]  for  the 
corn  contractor;  but  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  have  not  followed  those  precedents.  We 
have  not  given  them  the  measure  of  relief  that 
we  think  they  are  entitled  to,  because  we  do  not 
think  we  can  fairly  estimate  it;  but  we  ask  that 
a  tribunal  of  the  Government  erected  for  that 
purpose  shall  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
what,  after  a  full  examination,  in  the  opinion  of 
experts  they  are  entitled  to,  and  then,  it  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  concurs  with  that  opinion, 
they  may  Be  paid  for  the  amount  of  work  they 
have  furnislied  to  the  Government  beyond  what 
they  agreed  to  do. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  According  to  the  state- 
ment of  the  facts  of  this  case  made  by  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  it  presents  just  this  question  for  the 
decision  of  the  Senate:  whether,  where  men  have 
made  a  contract  with  the  Government  during  this 
war,  and  the  contract  has  not  resulted  in  a  profit 
to  them,  we  will  make  it  up  and  give  them  a 
profit  outsideof  and  beyond  the  contract;  in  other 
i  words,  whathcr  the  GoTernment  insures  every 


man  that  contracts  with  her  during  this  war  that 
he  shall  make  a  profit.  If  the  Senate  is  reedy  to 
take  that  position,  which  is  a  plain  one  and  a 
naked  one,  then  we  can  vote  for  this  resolution 
upon  the  statement  of  facts  presented  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  Lest  I  may  have  been  mis- 
taken in  my  statement  of  facts,  will  the  Senator 
allow  me  to  send  to  the  Secretary  and  have  rend 
a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.'  It  will 
be  seen  from  that  whether  I  am  right  or  whether 
the  Senator  from  Rhode  Island  is  right. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  It  can  be  read  in  a  few 
minutes.  If  we  take  the  case  as  stated  by  the 
Senator  from  Rhode  Island  it  is  this:  a  contract 
was  made  between  the  Government  and  these 
parties  for  the  construction  of  these  engines  at 
a  stipulated  price  according  to  specifications,  or 
at  least  the  engines  were  to  be  made  of  the  size 
and  style  of  a  certain  engine  agreed  upon  as  the 
model  and  standard;  but  after  the  contract  was 
made  the  Government  required  the  engine  to  be 
largerand  a  better  work.  If  that  be  the  case,  then 
how  do  these  parties  stand.'  I  do  not  claim  that 
in  such  a  case  they  would  be  required  to  do  the 
work  at  a  greater  cost  upon  a  different  model  than 
the  contract  contemplated  at  the  same  price;  but 
the  law  woutld  be  simply  this:  there  is  an  implied 
contract  between  them  and  the  Government  that 
they  shall  have  beyond  the  contract  price  the  dif- 
ference between  the  model  and  the  work  as  re- 
quired by  the  Government,  but  the  original  con- 
tract price  shall  be  the  standard  so  far  as  it  can 
be  applied  even  to  the  additional  work.  That 
would  be  the  law  between  individuals.  Then  if 
this  is  an  implied  contract  between  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  contractors,  as  it  would  be  in  a  like 
case  between  individuals,  the  parties  have  now 
under  the  existing  law  adequate  and  complete  re- 
lief in  the  Court  of  Claims,  because  it  is  founded 
upon  contract,  and  jurisdiction  is  given  to  the 
Court  of  Claims  already  overclaims  growingout 
of  a* con  tract;  and  this  is  an  implied  contract  be- 
tween the  Government  and  the  parties  that  the- 
Government  will  pay  for  additional  work  required 
beyond  the  model  which  was  the  standard  in  the 
contract. 

I  do  not  think  it  is  necessary  even  to  vote  for  the 
amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Iowa, 
because  these  contractors  have  their  remedy  in  the 
Court  of  Claims  under  the  implied  con  tract, and  the 
Court  of  Claims  in  numerous  decisions,  as  I  un- 
derstand, although  I  have  not  read  them — I  have 
received  my  information  mainly  from  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Claims  on  that  subject 
— have  recognized  implied  contracts  between  the 
Government  and  citizens  that  the  Government  is 
to  pay  what  a  thing  is  reasonably  worth,  where,  in 
the  same  state  of  facts  between  individuals,  the 
party  benefited  would  be  required  to  pay.  It  is 
plain  law.  If  a  man  contracts  with  a  mechanic 
to  build  him  a  house  according  to  specifications 
and  plans  and  drawings,  and  afterwards  by  agree- 
ment between  the  parties  the  house  is  required 
to  be  made  of  larger  dimensions  or  of  a  different 
style  of  work,  the  additional  cost  must  be  paid, 
but  the  price  agreed  upon  is  to  be  the  standard  so 
far  as  it  can  be  applied,  and  there  is  an  implied 
contract  for  the  payment  of  this  enhanced  price 
of  the  work.  That  applies  between  the  Govern- 
ment and  individuals,  and  it  seems  to  me  these 
parties  have  adequate  relief  in  the  Court  of  Claims 
according  to  the  statement  of  the  Senator  from 
Rhode  Island. 

Then,  Mr.  President,  if  they  have  a  relief  in 
the  Court  of  Claims,  ought  Congress  to  create  an 
extraordinary  tribunal  for  the  decision  of  their 
case.'  Why,  sir,  the  Court  of  Claims  has  its 
machinery  by  which  it  can  ascertain  the  rights 
of  the  Government  as  well  as  the  rights  of  the 
claimants;  it  has  its  solicitors,  its  means  of  bring- 
ing testimony  before  it;  and  I  think  it  is  the 
proper  tribunal  to  try  a  case  where  the  claim 
rests  upon  contract.  1  am  not  in  favor  and  do  not 
expect  to  vote  to  pay  a  party  by  special  legisla- 
tion or  to  create  special  and  extraordinary  tribu- 
nals where  the  party  has  a  complete  and  adequate 
remedy  iti  the  Court  of  Claims.  Let  him  go  there 
where  the  general  law  sends  all  citizens. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  controversy,  as  I  un- 
derstand it,  between  those  who  support  the  reso- 
lution as  recommended  by  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs  and  those  who  oppose  it  is  not  so 
much  agninst  the  propriety  of  making  an  allow- 


1864 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBB^ 


3173 


nnce  as  in  relation  to  the  tribunal  which  is  to  de- 
cide it.  The  resolution  selects  as  that  tribunal  a 
coinnussion  to  be  appointed  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  Those  who  oppose  it  say  that  the 
proper  tribunal  is  the  Court  of  Claims.  But  the 
opposition,  as  well  as  the  resolution  itself,  admit 
that  a  state  of  facts  may  exist,  and  possibly  does 
exist,  which  should  entitle  these  claimants  to 
some  relief.  Now,  so  far  as  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Court  of  Claims  is  concerned,  1  do  not  see, 
unless  you  confer  it  upon  them  by  statute,  that 
the  case  presented  by  tliis  resolution  is  one  in 
which  they  have  jurisdiction.  I  think  the  Sena- 
tor fiom  Rhode  Island,  speaking  in  behalf  of  the 
committee,  has  misapprehended  the  resolution; 
and  the  Senator  from  Iowa  and  the  Senator  from 
Indiana  also  misapprehended  the  resolution  in 
that  particular.  The  resolution  states  that  these 
parties  entered  into  contracts  to  furnish  machin- 
ery for  the  side-wheel  gunboats  known  as  double- 
endcrs.  It  does  not  proceed  to  say  that  what 
they  did  afterwards  was  done  under.any  other 
contract  than  the  original  contract;  but  it  pro- 
ceeds to  say  that  a  board  of  competent  persons 
is  to  examine  the  claim  of  the  contractors.  What 
for?  "For  additional  compensation  for  con- 
structing the  same,  [the  engines,]  and  to  report 
to  the  Department  what  losses  have  been  suffered 
by  said  contractors  upon  their  contracts."  That 
is  all.  It  does  not  assume,  it  does  not  state  di- 
rectly or  by  implication  that  any  other  contract 
has  been  made  than  the  original  contract;  but  it 
states  that  in  the  execution  of  the  original  con- 
tract the  contractors  have  sustained  losses.  If 
that  be  so  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  the  Court  of 
Claims  have  no  jurisdiction  at  all. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  The  Senator  does  not 
understand  me  as  assuming  that  state  of  facts. 

JVlr.  JOHNSON.  I  know,  but  I  am  saying 
that  that  is  the  state  of  facts  set  forth  by  this  res- 
olution. It  is  not  alleged  on  the  face  of  the  reso- 
lution that  anything  was  done  by  the  Navy  De- 
partment as  between  the  Navy  Department  and 
the  contractors  which  alters  in  any  way  the  con- 
tract originally  entered  into,  but  the  resolution 
stales  that  in  the  performance  of  their  contract 
the  contractors  have  incurred  losses.  The  board 
are  first  to  ascertain  if  losses  have  been  incurred 
in  point  of  fact,  not  whether  the  United  States  are 
bound  by  contract  to  make  good  the  losses,  but 
whether  in  point  of  fact  the  contractors  have  suf- 
fered pecuniarily  in  an  honest  endeavor  to  com- 
ply with  their  contract.  Having  ascertained  that, 
then  they  are  further  to  ascertain,  if  there  were 
losses,  whether  those  parties  are  justly  entitled 
to  relief,  and  what,  if  any,  relief — "what,  if  any, 
additional  allowances  ought  in  equity  to  be  made 
to  them  by  the  Government;"  that  is  all. 

It  is  an  appeal  to  the  equity  of  Congress,  not 
founded  upon  the  existence  ofany  contract  creating 
in  the  sense  of  the  law  an  equity  in  which  a  court 
of  chancery,  orin  which  the  Court  of  Claims,  if  it 
had  chancery  jurisdiction,  could  give  any  relief, 
but  an  equity  founded  in  the  justice  of  Congress, 
founded  upon  the  fact,  if  it  shall  turn  out  to  be  the 
fact,  that  this  contract  has  been  honestly  complied 
with  upon  the  part  of  the  contractors.  But  it  has 
been  complied  with  by  llieir  incurring  losses, and 
■whether  the  Government  will  indemnify  them  as 
against  those  losses,  whether  it  is  just  that  they 
shall  be  indemnified,  and  to  whatextent  they  shall 
be  indemnified,  is  a  matter  to  be  submitted  to  this 
board  and  nothing  else;  and  when  that  is  done  the 
decision  of  the  board  is  notto  be  conclusive  by  this 
resolution.  It  is  to  go  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  for  his  approval.  His  approval  of  what.' 
His  approval  of  the  decision  of  the  board.  First, 
has  the  board  correctly  decided  that  losses  have 
been  sustained.'  Secondly,  have  they  decided  cor- 
rectly the  amount  of  the  losses.'  And  thirdly, 
have  they  decided  correctly  whether  under  all 
circumstances  in  a  controversy  as  between  an  in- 
dividual who  has  rendered  a  service  of  this  sort 
to  the  Government  under  a  contract  which  has 
left  him  a  loser,  it  is  just  and  equitable  that  the 
Government  should  make  him  good  .' 

I  know,  Mr.  President,  that  the  principle  which 
is  involved  in  this  resolution,  if  carried  out  in  all 
cases,  will  lead  to  mischievous  results;  but  that 
was  equally  true  of  the  resolution  which  we 
passed  just  now.  We  have,  by  a  resolution  passed 
a  short  time  since,  discharged  the  contractor  who 
undertook  to  build  the  new  vessels,  the  Puritan 
und  the  Dictator,  from  responsibility  under  that 


contract,  and  we  have  gone  further  and  have  told 
him  that  we  will  take  one  of  the  vessels  at  its 
present  value;  for  everybody  knows,  and  the  hon- 
orable member  from  Ohio  was  right  in  suppos- 
ing, that  the  present  value  of  the  Dictator,  that  is 
to  say,  the  value  of  her  materials  as  they  are  now 
in  her,  and  the  value  of  the  workmansliip  as  the 
workmanship  is  now  in  her,  is  to  give  these  con- 
tractors perhaps  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  they 
were  entitled  to  by  their  contract  price;  but  yet 
we  have  done  it.  Why  ?  Because  a  great  Gov- 
ernment when  dealing  with  its  citizens  in  a  mat- 
ter of  this  description,  where  they  have  aided  them 
in  placing  them  in  a  condition  to  meet  the  exi- 
gency in  which  the  country  is,  will  never  be  in- 
fluenced by  these  nice  and  strictly  legal  principles 
which  govern  contracts  as  between  man  and  man 
or  govern  ordinary  contracts  as  between  the  Gov- 
ernment and  individuals. 

But  how  is  it  as  between  individuals?  I  do  not 
now  speak  of  all;  but  how  would  it  be  as  between 
the  honorable  member  from  Indiana  or  the  hon- 
orable member  from  Iowa  and  another  person? 
I  assume — I  hope  the  assumption  is  true  in  point 
of  fact — that  they  are  millionaires.  They  enter 
into  a  contract  with  a  builder  to  put  up  a  house. 
They  are  strict  in  the  provisions  of  their  contract. 
It  is  to  be  built  for  $-20,000.  Itturnsout  that  the 
builder  has  expended  ^40,000,  and  that  the  liouse 
which  my  friend  from  Iowa  and  my  friend  from 
Indiana,  according  to  the  assumption,  will  be  the 
owner  of,  is  worth  j^40,000;  would  they  let  the 
builder  who  contracted  with  them  be  ruined,  or 
would  they  make  an  allowance,  a  generous  allow- 
ance? And  if  a  generous  man  would  interfere 
and  save  the  party  from  ruin,  a/o7-Ho?'i  will  a  gen- 
erous nation  interpose  and  prevent  a  contractor 
from  being  ruined. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  from  Maryland 
has  put  this  matter  upon  precisely  the  right 
ground.  It  i^  an  appeal  to  our  generosity.  He 
understands  the  case  exactly.  There  is  not  the 
slightest  claim  on  the  part  of  these  contractors 
that  there  has  been  the  slightest  deviation  from 
their  contracts.  They  have  not  been  required  to 
do  anything  in  connection  with  this  machinery 
that  they  did  not  stipulate  to  do  in  their  contract. 
They  admit  it;  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  says 
it,  and  it  is  true  as  he  has  said  that  this  is  an  ap- 
peal to  the  liberality,  the  generosity,  and  the  be- 
neficence of  Congress.  It  is  also  true  that  if  we 
grant  it  in  this  case  we  shall  liave  appeals  made 
to  us  day  after  day  and  day  after  day,  upon  the 
authority  of  this  precedent,  just  as  we  have  had 
appeals  made  to  us  because  we  have  already  this 
evening  decided  in  favor  of  the  Ericsson  claim, 
or  because  on  a  prior  day  of  the  session  we  de- 
cided in  favor  of  some  man  who  furnished  the 
Government  corn,  and  another  man  who  furnished 
it  wagons.     -•> 

If  the  Senator  from  Maryland  will  permit  me, 
I  want  to  call  his  attention  to  some  slight  differ- 
ence between  the  Ericsson  case  and  this.  I  voted 
in  favor  of  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Sherman,]  but  that  was 
unsuccessful;  but  still  there  is  a  vast  difference 
between  the  Ericsson  case  and  the  case  now  under 
consideration.  In  the  Ericsson  case  they  were 
very  large  iron  steamers,  sea-going  vessels.  The 
iron  was  the  principal  article  that  was  used  in 
them.  By  the  direction  of  the  Navy  Department 
very  material  changes  had  been  made  in  the  con- 
struction of  those  vessels  since  the  original  con- 
tract was  entered  into.  The  term  of  completion, 
therefore,  has  been  protracted  in  consequence  of 
those  changes,  and  the  loss  that  Ericsson  and  his 
sureties  were  likely  to  sustain,  and  would  have 
sustained  but  for  the  passage  of  the  joint  reso- 
lution, grew  out  of  and  was  in  consequence  of  the 
act  of  our  own  Administration  in  changing  the 
form  of  the  construction  of  the  vessels.  But  that 
is  not  the  case  in  relation  to  the  vessels  now  under 
consideration.  There  has  not  been  the  slightest 
change  from  the  original  contract;  the  specifi- 
cations have  been  implicitly  followed  so  far  as 
the  machinery  has  been  constructed  by  the  con- 
tractors. They  have  never  been  Vequired  to  change 
them,  and  they  have  not  changed  them  in  the 
smallest  degree.  The  Secretary's  letter  says  so, 
and  the  contractors  themselves  say  so. 

One  word  in  reply  to  the  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island.  He  thinks  that  I  am  guilty  of  a  great  in- 
consistency because  I  proposed  to  refer  the  ques- 
tion of  the  location  of  a  naval  depot  at  Cairo  to 


a  commission  of  seven  commissioned  and  sworn 
officers  of  the  Navy  to  investigate  and  reportand 
I  am  unwilling  to  create  a  new  judicial  tribunal 
(for  it  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  that)  for  the 
purpose  of  investigating  questions  in  connection 
with  these  claims.  I  think  the  Senator  upon  re- 
flection will  see  that  there  is  all  the  difference  in 
the  world  between  directing  our  own  servants  to 
go  out  and  investigate  a  given  subject  for  us  and 
report  to  us,  where  there  is  no  money  involved, 
where  there  is  no  necessity  for  taking  testimony, 
where  there  is  no  necessity  for  passing  a  judicial 
opinion,  but  merely  to  investigate  certain  phys- 
ical facts,  with  which  they  are  supposed  to  be,a8 
experts,  perfectly  familiar,  and  creatir.g  a  new 
tribunal  to  proceed  to  investigate  facts  and  then 
render  a  judgment  upon  the  facta  that  shall  be 
found. 

Mr.  HALE.  If  the  statement  made  by  the 
Senator  from  Iowa  be  correct,  there  cannot  be  the 
slightest  harm  in  passing  this  resolution,  for  no- 
body can  give  them  a  cent  under  it  under  his  state- 
ment, because  it  will  be  seen  that  the  closing  pro- 
vision of  the  resolution  is  in  these  words: 

Provided,  That  such  ndditional  compensation  shsll  In 
no  case  exceed  an  amount  wliicli, compared  with  the  price 
stipulated  in  the  contract,  fliall  be  in  due  proportion  to« 
tlie  excess  in  weight  of  tlie  engines  built  over  such  as  were 
contracted  lor,  except  for  alterations  in  form  or  material 
made  by  express  order  of  the  Government. 

That  is  all  they  can  get. 

Mr.  COWAN.  If  the  Senator  will  allow  me 

Mr.  HALE.  I  do  notgive  way.  1  hare  given 
way  all  the  evening. 

Mr.  COWAN.  I  should  like  to  have  an  ex- 
planation, how  it  comes  that  these  engines  were 
built  of  a  different  size  from  those  contracted  for, 
unless  it  was  by  express  orders  of  the  Govern- 
ment.    Is  there  any  evidence  of  that  ? 

Mr.  HALE.     Mr.  President 

Mr.  GRIMES.  The  Senator  will  allow  me  to 
observe  that  I  think  on  his  motion  the  word  "  con- 
tracted" was  stricken  out  and  the  word  "  bar- 
gained" inserted. 

Mr.  HALE.  Yes,  sir,  and  I  will  explain  the 
reason  why  that  was  done.  The  reason  was  this: 
these  contractors  went  to  the  Navy  Department 
and  made  a  bargain  for  the  construction  of  this 
machinery,  but  the  contract  was  not  reduced  to 
writing,  and  it  never  has  been  and  it  never  is  the 
practice  of  the  Department,  as  I  have  been  in- 
formed, to  reduce  them  to  writing.  They  send 
out  a  contract  and  allow  the  man  who  is  to  per- 
form the  work  to  sign  it,  and  then  it  is  returned  to 
the  Department,  and  they  put  it  on  file  and  keep 
it;  but  the  contract  is  never  what  it  purports  to 
be  and  what  it  ought  to  be,  a  contract  signed  by 
two  parties.  After  they  made  the  bargain,  be- 
fore the  contract  was  issued,  they  went  to  work 
and  by  the  time  the  contract  was  sent  to  them 
for  signature  they  had  proceeded  so  far  that  they 
could  not  back  out;  they  would  have  to  abandon 
the  whole  of  it;  they  were  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Government;  they  must  either  take  such  a  con- 
tract as  the  Government  would  give  them,  or  else 
throw  up  the  work,  by  which  they  would  have 
lost  infinitely  more  than  they  now  do. 

The  allegation  that  they  make  is  that  they  were 
to  build  engines  similar  to  those  of  the  Paul  Jones, 
and  their  allegation  further  is  that  they  were  as- 
sured by  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Steam  Engi- 
neering that  the  weight  of  the  engines  that  they 
were  ultimately  ordered  to  make  would  not  ex- 
ceed the  weight  of  those  of  the  Paul  Jones  above 
ten  or  fifteen  per  cent,  at  the  most,  whereas  in 
point  of  fact  they  did  exceed  them  by  nearly 
eiglity  per  cent.  This  resolution  is  so  constructed 
that  no  board  can  give  them  a  cent  over  and  above 
the  weight  of  the  engines  which  they  did  build, 
over  and  above  those  which  they  contracted  to 
build,  except  the  alterations  that  were  made  by 
the  express  order  of  the  Government;  that  is  all. 

This  is  not  a  case  of  special  pleading;  it  is  not 
a  case  for  legal  technical  niceties;  but  it  is  a  fair, 
equitable,  honest  claim  for  the  excess  in  weight 
ot  the  engines  that  they  built  over  those  they 
contracted  to  build,  and  for  alterations  made  by 
the  express  directions  of  the  Government.  It  is 
impossible  for  one  of  those  contractors  to  contend 
with  the  Government.  1  remember  reading  of 
some  English  judge — I  do  not  remember  pre- 
cisely who,  but  my  friend  from  Pennsylvania  can 
tell  me — when  it  was  proposed  in  a  court  of  law 
to  send  a  party  to  a  court  of  chancery,  said, 
"Would  your  lordship  send  a  fellow-being  there?" 


3174 


THE  COJN-GRESSIOJSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


[Laughter.]  When  these  parties  come  here  with 
such  a  claim  as  this,  clear  and  explicit,  such 
as  I  think  will  commend  itself  to  the  unbiased 
judgment  of  every  candid  mind,  are  they  to  be 
told  that  they  must  go  and  make  out  a  legal  case 
in  the  Court  of  Claims?  Sir,  we  are  spending 
money  very  fast  indeed ,  faster  than  we  can  afford ; 
but  1  tell  you  we  can  expend  money  faster  than 
we  can  afford  to  treat  these  contractors  with  in- 
justice, with  oppression,  or  even  with  harshness. 
They  are  the  men  who  combine  the  mechanical 
skill  and  enterprise  and  industry  of  the  country. 
They  are  the  men  we  liave  to  rely  upon.  If  we 
ever  make  the  attempt  to  construct  light-draught 
monitors  that  will  float,  they  are  the  men  that  have 
got  to  do  it;  and  we  ought  not,  to  say  the  least 
of  it,  so  conduct  ourselves  toward  them  that 
Chey  shall  feel  that  of  all  places  on  earth  where 
they  will  go  for  business  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  is  the  last. 

Mr.  President,  1  do  not  vvant  to  be  lavish  with 
the  public  Treasury;  I  do  not  want  to  be  liberal 
at  the  expense  of  the  publicTreasury;  but  I  want 
to  be  just,  and  1  think  justice  requires  that  we 
should  give  them  the  relief  they  ask.  What  do 
the  Navy  Department  want .'  Are  the  Navy  De- 
partment afraid  to  trust  themselves.'  We  pro- 
pose that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  himself,  the 
man  who  made  the  contract,  shall  appoint  the 
board,  ivnd  he  may  take,  as  the  Senator  from  Iowa 
says  lie  proposed  to  take,  in  his  proposition  for  a 
commission  a  short  time  since,  sworn  officers  of 
our  own.  He  can  have  these  men  sworn  just  as 
much  as  he  pleases;  but  let  me  say  right  here  I 
would  not  give  a  cent  for  the  oath  of  any  man 
living.  It  is  not  worth  the  paper  upon  which  it 
is  written.  A  man  whose  moral  nature  does  not 
bind  him  to  what  is  required  and  expected  of  him 
will  not  find  the  sanction  of  an  oath  weigh  very 
heavy  upon  him ;  and  where  you  have  got  a  man 
that  you  think  you  require  an  oath  of,  you  have 
got  a  man  whose  integrity  you  do  not  fully  trust, 
and  for  such  a  man  as  that  an  oath  has  no  obli- 
gation. 

1  have  no  feeling  and  no  interest  in  this  matter 
except  what  I  think  the  very  best  interest  of  the 
Government  requires.  Sir,  we  cannot  afford  to 
quarrel  with  the  mechanical  industry,  with  the 
mechanical  ingenuity,  with  the  mechanical  enter- 
prise, and  with  the  mechanical  capital  of  this 
whole  country  on  such  an  issue  as  this.  They 
simply  ask  that  the  verj'-  Department  that  has 
employed  them,  the  Department  that  knows  all 
-about  it,  the  Department  that  has  in  its  own 
breast  tlie  knowledge  of  how  this  transaction  is, 
shall  take  such  means  as  they  see  fit  by  a  board 
to  inform  themselves  of  the  true  state  of  fact, 
and  llien  to  pay  them  what  they  are  entitled  to 
over  and  above  their  contract,  and  for  what  was 
done  by  the  express  order  of  the  Government. 
It  seems  to  me  the  Government  that  is  not  will- 
ing to  do  that  is  not  willing  to  do  what  is  right, 
is  not  willing  to  do  what  is  just  and  equitable 
between  man  and  man.  Having  said  this  much, 
1  leave  the  subject. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  great  diversity  of 
opinion  among  the  Senators  who  have  favored  this 
resolution,  in  my  judgment  shows  that  it  ought 
not  to  pass.  The  Senator  from  New  Hampshire 
says  it  is  simply  a  legal  claim  growing  out  of  the 
fact  that  the  Government  undertook  to  change  the 
contract  or  the  specifications  after  the  contract 
was  entered  into,  by  enlarging  the  character  of  the 
work  and  making  it  more  expensive,  and  there- 
fore these  parties  have  a  right  to  additional  com- 
pensation. If  that  claim  is  true,  the  Court  of 
Claims  would  undoubtedly  assess  the  increased 
cost  of  Uiis  work  caused  by  the  changes  made  at 
the  Navy  Department.  But  I  am  told  there  is  a 
paper  upon  the  Secretary's  desk  from  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  in  which  he  denies  that  there 
were  any  changes  made  since  these  contracts  were 
entered  into. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  will  read  it  with  the  permis- 
sion of  the  Senator. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  should  be  glad  to  have  it 
read. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  will  road  for  the  information 
of  the  Senate  a  portion  of  a  letter  addressed  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  on  tiiis  subject.  Speaking  of  these  con- 
tracts, he  says: 

"  The  contracts  in   question  wore  made  undor  a  public 
advertisement  fully  expressing  all  the  requirements,  and 


all  the  offers  under  this  advertisement  will  be  found  on 
page  78D  of  the  documents  accompanying  the  President's 
message  of  December,  1862." 

It  will  thus  be  observed  that  they  were  made 
two  years  ago. 

"  From  that  exhibit  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Department 
accepted  the  offers  made  by  responsible  ship-builders  who 
-were  well  acquainted  with  such  matters.  Some  of  the  of- 
fers were  at  most  exorbitant  rates,  and  the  average  price,  to 
which  the  petitioners  refer,  is  no  guide  as  to  the  value — it 
happening  that  the  lowest  bidders  were  partiesof  great  ex- 
perience and  known  reputation." 

Again,  he  says: 

"The  hulls  were  all  completed  witliin  the  time  specified 
in  the  contract,  and  none  of  tliem  were  liable  from  delay. 
Whatever  rise  there  may  have  been  in  materials  or  labor 
took  place  within  ihe  time  contemplated  by  them  for  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  work.  All  these  parties  voluntarily  accepted 
the  offer  of  the  Department, and  applications  were  made  for 
contracts  on  the  same  lerms  by  otiier  parties,  after  the  De- 
partment had  agreed  for  all  the  vessels  it  wanted.  The 
parties  knew  the  vessels  were  to  be  completed  in  every 
respect  for  naval  service,  and  their  contract  stated,  as  they 
say  it  does,  that  there  were  to  be  no  extra  bills  on  that  ac- 
count. 

"  With  regard  to  the  steam  machinery  of  these  vessels,  it 
is  of  a  well-known  type,  and  many  of  the  petitioners  liad 
already  constructed  similar  machinery  for  the  Department. 
The  S[)ecifications  were  so  complete,  and  the  form  of  ma- 
chinery so  well  known,  that  it  is  lielieved  the  builders  in 
this  case,  as  they  did  in  that  first  referred  to,  could  with- 
out ditiiculty  have  made  their  own  drawings.  It  is  well 
undersiood  that  the  estimate  of  cost  is  ahvays  made  from 
the  specifications.  The  advertisement  was  very  full,  and 
the  Di^partment  has  exacted  no  more  than  what  was  ex- 
pressed in  it  and  the  specifications.  A  considerable  num- 
ber of  these  engine  contracts  were  taken  after  the  work  liad 
been  connnenced  by  other  parties." 

Again,  he  says: 

"  The  Department  makes  and  sanctions  no  contract  with 
the  understanding  that  its  conditions  are  not  to  be  com- 
plied with,  and  it  always  furnishes  the  (ullest  information 
as  to  the  quantity  and  quality  of  its  vkfork,  and  the  peti- 
tioners have  on  these  jjoints  only  expressed  their  own 
views  and  wishes. 

"  These  contracts  were  made  with  care  and  deliberation 
for  the  true  interest  of  the  Government,  and  only  reason- 
able otters  of  experienced  persons  well.known  and  com- 
petent to  do  such  work  were  accepted.  The  Department 
has  not  increased  the  cost  of  this  work  by  any  action  of 
its  own,  and  if  by  any  causes  beyond  its  control  these  con- 
tractors have,  as  they  state,  suffered  a  loss,  it  is  for  Con- 
gress to  exercise  such  liberality  as  in  its  wisdom  it  may 
see  proper.  This  Department  lias  no  funds  and  has  made 
no  estimate  to  supply  any  such  cost  as  this  exercise  of 
liberality  will  occasion,  and  it  is  unwilling  to  assume  the 
position  of  encouraging  additional  expenditures  after  hav- 
ing taken  all  proper  means  to  obtain  the  work  on  the  best 
terms  lor  the  public  interest." 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Now,  Mr.  President,  the 
case  made  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  shows 
that  these  men  engaged  in  this  contract  with  their 
eyes  open;  the  specifications  were  written;  they 
were  intelligent  men,  and  they  knew  the  character 
af  the  work;  they  had  been  engaged  in  similar 
work;  they  had  built  similar  engines;  other  par- 
ties agreed  to  do  the  same  work  at  the  same  or 
similar  prices;  and  other  parties  did  do  the  same 
work  at  the  same  prices.  It  is  the  clearest  possi- 
ble case  of  a  contract  not  varied  in  the  slightest 
particular.  We  have  here  the  statement  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  there  was  no  additional 
expense  put  upon  these  contractors.  They  were- 
simply  required  to  perform  a  contract  reduced  to 
writing,  perfectly  familiar  to  them,  they  being 
intelligent  men,  knowing  all  about  the  nature  of 
the  business,  there  being  no  experiment  about  it 
— a  simple  contract  for  the  building  of  steam  en- 
gines; but  it  seems,  or  at  least  they  claim,  that 
they  have  suffered  loss.  It  is  purely  and  simply 
a  claim  growing  out  of  a  contract  not  varied  in 
the  least. 

But  suppose  what  the  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire  claims  is  true;  suppose  the  contract 
has  been  varied  by  orders  of  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment; in  such  a  case  the  Navy  Department  are 
bound  by  the  law  and  bound  by  the  contract  to 
give  additional  compensation,  according  to  the 
well-known  rule  laid  down  by  the  Senator  f7om 
Indiana;  and  in  such  a  case,  if  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment should  refuse  to  give  this  additional  com- 
pensation, it  is  the  duty  of  the  Court  of  Claims 
to  enforce  the  contract  against  the  Government, 
and  to  render  judgment  against  the  Government 
for  the  increased  expenditures  put  upon  these  par- 
ties by  the  change  of  the  contiact;  so  that  their 
remedy  is  plain. 

The  truth  is  the  Senator  from  Maryland  very 
frankly  stated  the  only  ground  upon  which  this 
claim  can  be  justified;  and  that  is,  that  perhaps 
they  have  lost  money  by  their  contract.  If  we 
are  going  to  act  upon  such  a  rule  there  will  be  no 
end  to  the  claims  that  will  be  brought  before  Con- 


gress. There  is  no  equity  in  this  claim  that  can- 
not be  made  in  favor  of  every  contractor  who  has 
contracted  with  the  Government  and  lost  money. 
I  know  of  hundreds  and  thousands  of  contractors 
who  have  lost  money  on  particular  contracts,  but 
have  more  than  made  up"  that  loss  on  other  con- 
tracts. I  have  no  doubt  these  very  contractors 
have  had  contracts  with  the  Government  on  which 
they  have  made  large  sums.  It  is  a  well-known 
fact  that  nearly  all  the  contractors  with  the  Gov- 
ernment, especially  for  this  kind  of  work,  have 
made  large  sums  of  money.  They  select  this  par- 
ticular contract  on  which  they  claim  to  have  suf- 
fered a  loss,  and  they  ask  the  Government  to  make 
good  that  loss;  but  they  will  not  refund  to  the 
Government  any  of  the  exorbitant  profits  they 
have  made  on  other  contracts. 

There  never  wasa  claim  presented  in  Congress, j 
in  my  judgment,  more  groundless  than  this. 
There  is  no  equity  in  it,  because  these  parties 
simply  stand  upon  their  own  contract;  they  have 
no  right  to  claim  anything  more.  They  made 
this  contract  with  their  eyes  open,  being  intelli- 
gent men.  They  were  not,  like  Mr.  Ericsson, 
engaged  in  an  experiment  in  which  the  Govern- 
ment have  got  the  benefit  of  the  experiment,  but 
they  engaged  in  a  business  with  which  they  were 
perfectly  familiar,  and  every  item  of  their  work 
they  could  estimate  beforehand.  I  say  there  is 
no  claim  either  in  law  or  in  equity  to  these  par- 
ties"; and  if  you  extend  this  rule  now  any  further, 
Congress  will  be  flooded  from  all  parts  of  the 
country  with  claims.  The  man  thathas  sold  corn 
to  the  Army  for  a  price  less,  probably,  than  he 
could  deliver  it  at,  would  have  a  much  stronger 
claim,  because  lie  could  say  that  he  could  not  an- 
ticipate that  the  price  of  corn  would  rise  so  much 
in  the  market  and  he  would  lose  by  his  contract- — 
precisely  the  same  kind  of  claim. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  We  have  paid  one  such 
claim  at  this  session. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  If  we  have  made  such  a 
precedent  we  ought  to  trample  it  under  our  fee.t. 
1  voted  against  that  case,  and  against  the  case  of 
the  wagons.  There  was  another  wrong  prece- 
dent. Those  wagons  and  that  corn  and  this  con- 
tract to-day  will  cost  this  Government  millions 
of  dollars,  because  the  precedent  will  not  be  for- 
gotten. Wemustcorrectthose  precedents.  Those 
precedents,  if  followed,  and  this  precedent,  if  fol- 
lowed, would  compel  the  Government  to  make 
good  the  loss  of  every  contractor,  whatever  might 
have  been  the  nature  of  his  contract. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  If  the  Senator  will  allow  me, 
I  think  he  misapprehends  the  corn  contract. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  do  not  go  into  it  at  all, 
because  I  do  not  know  the  particulars. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  I  desire  to  state,  as  my  name 
has  been  coupled  with  it 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  trust  the  Senator  will  wait 
until  1  get  through. 

Mr.  HARLAN.  It  will  take  but  a  moment. 
The  parties  contracted  to  deliver  a  large  quantity 
of  corn  at  Baltimore,  and  they  delivered  it  in  pur- 
suance of  the  contract  at  the  time  and  place  named 
in  the  contract;  but  the  Governmetit  officers  were 
unable  or  refused  to  receive  it.  The  contractors 
stored  it  at  their  own  expense  for  several  months, 
appealing  to  the  head  of  the  Department,  but  the 
Government  still  refused  to  take  it,  and  they  then 
sold  it  at  the  highest  price  it  commanded  in  the 
market,  and  claimed  the  difference  between  what 
it  sold  for  and  the  contract  price,  charging  noth- 
ing forstorageor  the  interestof  the  money  or  their 
time  and  trouble. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  That  makes  a  perfectly 
clear  case  of  claim  against  the  Government;  and 
the  only  controversy  that  could  arise  in  such  a 
case  would  be  whether  it  ought  not  to  have  been 
sent  to  the  Court  of  Claims.  Undoubtedly  the 
Court  of  Claims  would  have  administered  justice. 
But  here  is  a  case  where  there  is  no  such  claim 
whatever;  where  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in- 
forms us  the  contract  has  not  been  varied  to  their 
injury  in  the  slightest  degree. 

'Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  should  like  to  ask  the 
Senator  from  Ohio  a  question. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.     Certainly. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  Suppose  it  shall  appear 
that  the  contractors  were  informed  by  the  De- 
partment that  the  engines  would  weigh  from  ten 
to  fifteen  per  cent,  more  than  those  of  the  Paul 
Jones,  and  they  undertook  the  construction  of  the 
engines  with  that  understanding,  and  suppose  it 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3175 


slmll  appear  that  the  engines  really  did  weigh 
from  fifty  to  eighty  per  cent,  more  than  the  en- 
gines of  the  Paul  Jones,  does  he  deny  that  there 
would  be  any  claim  on  anybody  for  that,  and  if 
there  is  a  claim,  on  whom? 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  know  the  fact,  and  the 
Senator  knows  it,  that  the  specifications  for  these 
engines  give  the  size,  the  length,  the  form,  and 
the  shape;  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in- 
forms us  that  some  of  these  contractors  built 
identically  the  same  kind  of  engines  provided 
for  in  tiiis  contract. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  But  the  contractors  had 
commenced  constructing  the  engines  and  had  corn- 
mitted  themselves  in  the  work  so  far  that  they 
could  not  discontinue  without  a  loss  equal  to  that 
which  they  would  sustain  by  completing  it,  and 
in  which  case  they  would  have  liad  no  claim  on 
the  Government.  They  had  done  all  this  before 
the  contracts  and  specifications  were  presented  to 
them.  That  is  their  allegation;  and  if  that  alle- 
gation is  not  true,  if  they  do  not  prove  that  be- 
fore the  board,  they  will  not  be  entitled  to  any- 
thing; but  if  they  do  prove  it,  they  ought  to  have 
something. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Here  is  the  reply:  If  they 
make  out  the  kind  of  case  to  which  the  Senator 
refers,  of  a  change  of  contract  or  even  a  decep- 
tion, at  any  rate  a  change  of  contract,  we  have 
provided  by  law  a  tribunal  before  whom  they 
can  appear.  We  pay  the  judges  of  the  Court  of 
Claims,  and  we  have  lawyers  there  to  protect  us; 
and  shall. we  for  every  claim  asserted  against  the 
Government  pay  a  new  tribunal  of  men  who  are 
not  provided  for  by  law,  with  no  protection  what- 
ever for  the  Government,  no  way  in  which  you 
can  obtain  the  evidence.'  I  think  not.  How 
would  these  commissioners  ascertain  the  claim.' 
You  would  appoint  three  commissioners  and  they 
would  go  mousing  along  the  Atlanticcoast,  wher- 
ever these  double-enders  have  been  built.  How 
would  they  ascertain  the  cost  of  these  double- 
enders.'  How  would  they  know  that  these  par- 
tics  liave  lost  money.'  How  would  they  know 
what  money  they  lost  by  the  contract?  What 
rules  of  evidence  would  they  have  ?  What  means 
of  cross-examining  witnesses?  They  would  go 
from  port  to  port,  entertained  everywhere  by  the 
contractors. themselves,  with  no  means  to  exam- 
ine witnesses,  no  opportunity  to  examine  even 
these  contractors  under  oath,  no  power  to  admin- 
ister an  oath.  It  is  now  proposed  to  create  this 
wandering  tribunal  of  irresponsible  men,  without 
any  checks  thrown  around  it  by  law,  to  ascer- 
tain and  adjudicate  a  claim  against  the  Govern- 
ment, which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is 
bound  lo  pny  nolens  volens,  without  any  authority 
of  Congress  hereafter  to  supervise  their  action  ! 
Why,  sir,  it  is  a  monstrous  proposition,  it  seems 
to  me. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon; 
the  Secretary  is  not  bound  to  pay  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  Secretary  is  bound  to 
pay  it  "  out  of  any  money  in  the  Treasury  not 
otherwise  appropriated." 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  beg  the  Senator's  pardon. 
If  he  will  read  the  resolution  he  will  find  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Ti-easury  is  not  bound  to  pay 
one  cent  of  the  award. 

Mr..  SHERMAN.  "The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  pay 
to  said  contractors,  severally,  the  sums  adjudged 
to  be  due  them  in  equity  by  said  board."  It  is 
his  duty  to  pay  it. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.     If  he  approves  the  award. 
Mr.  SHERMAN.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury has  no  power  over  the  award;  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  approves  the  award. 

Mr.  ANTHONY.  I  should  say  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy.  Of  course  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  vi?ill  pay  it  on  the  order  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Why  organize  this  com- 
mission? We  have  a  letter  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  on  our  table  stating  that  these  par- 
ties have  no  claim  whatever  on  account  of  any 
change  of  the  contract;  that  they  made  their  bids 
with  their  eyes  open.  Why  then  appoint  this 
perambulating  coinmission  in  order  to  bring  up 
facts  to  bear  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  about 
it?    It  seems  to  me  there  is  no  ground  for  it. 

There  is  another  point  which  seems  to  me  is 
very  strong.  Our  purpose  in  inviting  bids  is  to 
induce  coaipetitionandtoget  the  lowest  responsi- 


ble bidder.  But  if  a  man  can  put  in  a  low  bid 
and  get  a  contract  with  a  full  knowledge  that  if 
he  loses  money  by  it  he  can  come  to  Congress 
and  have  a  roving  commission  to  examine  into  the 
amount  of  his  losses  and  have  those  losses  repaid, 
the  consequence  will  be  that  you  will  always 
have  fraudulent  bidders.  They  will  bid  any  price 
whatever,  an  inadequate  price,  and  they  will  rely 
upon  the  precedent  established  in  this  case  to 
come  in,  and  that  Congress  will  make  good  their 
losses,  that  they  will  vote,  them  a  commission, 
and  they  will  escort  them  to  their  factories  or 
founderies  and  show  them  theirbooks,and  prob- 
ably mislead  them  as  to  the  cost  of  the  articles 
furnished.  I  tell  you,  sir,  the  times  are  so  ripe 
that  we  must  guard  all  the  avenues  which  ap- 
proach the  public  Treasury. 

The  Senator  from  Maryland  was  very  happy 
and  very  eloquent  to-day  about  the  services  of 
Mr.  Ericsson,  and  moved  our  pity  and  our  sym- 
pathy very  much  on  his  account;  but  he  could 
not  excite  any  pity  or  sympathy  for  these  con- 
tractors who  made  these  bids  with  their  eyes 
open.  He  told  us  that  a  millionaire  would  not 
allow  a  workman  to  work  for  him  and  lose  money. 
The  Government  of  the.United  States  is  not  in 
the  condition  of  a  millionaire.  It  may  disburse 
millions  of  money,  but  it  borrows  all  that  it  dis- 
burses now.  It  is  in  no  condition  to  be  magnan- 
imous or  liberal;  it  must  be  just,  and  no  more. 

I  hope  therefore  this  resolution  will  be  referred 
to  the  Court  of  Claims;  and  if  these  parties  have 
got  any  just  claims  as  a  matter  of  course  they 
will  there  be  adjudicated.  If  that  motion  should 
not  prevail,  I  shall  submit  some  amendments  I 
have  prepared  to  the  resolution. 

ThePRESIDlNGOFFICER,(Mr.  FosTEnin 
the  chair.)  The  question  is  on  the  amendment 
offered  by  the  Senator  from  Iowa  to  the  resolu- 
tion reported  from  the  Committee  on  Naval  Af- 
fairs. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  have  modified  my  propo- 
sition, and  Task  the  Secretary  to  read  it  as  I  now 
propose  it. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment,  to  strike 
out  all  of  the  joint  resolution  after  the  word 
"  that"  where  it  first  occurs,  and  to  insert: 

All  claims  based  upon  or  aiisinc  from  the  contracts  with 
per.'ons  wliocoiitr.icted  with  the  Government  of  the  United 
Stales  for  the  machinery  and  engines  of  the  side-vvlieel 
gunboats  commonly  known  as  "double-enders"  be,  and 
the  same  are  hereby,  referred  to  the  Court  of  Claims  for 
examination  and  adjudication;  and  said  court  is  hereby 
authorized  to  examine  and  report  to  Congress  what  amount 
of  work  said  contractors  have  done,  and  what  amount  of 
materials  they  liave  furnished  in  addition  to  their  contract, 
and  wliat  is  the  fair  value  of  the  same. 

The  question  bein;,'  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  18,  nays  1.5;  as  follows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Clark,  Collamer,  Cowan,  Foot,  Foster, 
Grimes,  Harlan,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Langtof  Kansas,  Morgan, 
Pomeroy,  Powell,  Saulsbnry,  Sliernian,  Ten  Eyck,  Trum- 
bull, Van  Winkle,  and  Wilson— 18. 

NAYS  —  Mes'srs.  Anthony,  Chandler,  Dixon,  Hale,  Har- 
ris, Johnson,  McDougall,  Morrill,  Ramsey,  Richardson, 
Riddle,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Wade,  and  Willey — 15. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Brown,  Buckalew,Carlile,  Conness, 
Davis,  Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hen- 
dricks, Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Nesmilti,  Wilkinson,  and 
Wright— 16. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  view  I  take  of  this 
claim  is,  that  if  the  resolution  stands  as  amended 
by  the  Senate,  the  Court  of  Claims  will  have  no 
jurisdiction  over  the  matter  at  all,  and  if  the  hon- 
orable member  fi-om  Iowa  will  so  modify  his 
amendment  as  to  give  the  court  jurisdiction 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  understand  from  all  the  law- 
yers around  me  that  it  does  give  jurisdiction. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  opinion  of  the  court  is 
a  very  different  one,  or  has  been  in  the  past. 

Mr.  CLARK.  I  will  read  the  section  of  the 
law,  with  the  permission  of  the  Senator  from 
Maryland: 

"  That  all  petitions  and  bills  praying  or  providing  for  the 
satisfaction  of  private  claims  against  the  Government, 
founded  upon  any  law  of  Congress,  or  upon  any  regulation 
of  an  Executive  Department,  or  upon  any  contract,  express 
or  implied,  witli  the  Govei'nment  of  the  United  States, 
shall,  unless  otherwise  ordered  by  resolution  of  the  House 
in  which  the  same  are  presented  or  introduced,  be  trans- 
mitted by  ihe  Secretary  of  the  Senate  or  the  Clerk  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  with  all  the  accompanying  docu- 
ments, to  the  court  aforesaid." 

I  drew  the  addition  to  the  amendment  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  that  jurisdiction. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
as  amended,  and  the  amendment  was  concurred 
in.     The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  en- 


grossed for  a  third  reading,  was  read  the   third 
time,  and  passed. 

RANK  OP  WARRANT  OFFICERS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  bill  (H.R.No. 
470)  to  authorize  assimilated  rank  to  be  given  to 
the  warrant  officers  of  the  United  States  Navy ,  and 
for  other  purposes,  was  considered  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole. 

It  proposes  to  authorize  'the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  give  assimilated  rank  to  the  war- 
rant officers  of  the  Navy,  namely,  boatswains, 
gunners,  carpenters,  and  sailmakers,  as  follows: 
after  five  years  of  service  to  rank  with  ensigns; 
and  after  ten  years'service  to  rank  with  masters. 
They  are  hereafter  to  be  known  as  "  warrant  of- 
ficers in  the  naval  service  of  the  United  States," 
and  to  be  so  entered  on  the  Naval  Register.  The 
bill  also  provides  that  in  all  cases  where  it  has 
been  or  ntiay  be  found  necessary  during  the  pres- 
ent war  to  detain  in  confinement  persona  found 
on  board  of  captured  vessels,  the  expenses  of  the 
detention  of  such  persons,  when  not  chargeable 
to  the  proceeds  of  prize  or  other  fund,  shall  be 
paid  out  of  the  appropriation  for  defraying  the 
expenses  of  suits  in  which  the  United  States  are 
concerned,  and  that  the  expenses  of  prisoners 
sentenced  by  naval  court-martial  to  confinement 
in  a  penitentiary  shall  be  defrayed  from  the  same 
fund.  The  bill  also  authorizes  the  following  ad- 
dition to  be  made  to  the  clerical  force  now  author- 
ized by  law  in  the  Navy  Department:  Bureau  of 
Provisions  and  Clothing,  two  clerks  of  the  third 
class  and  two  of  the  first  class;  Bureau  of  Ord- 
nance, one  clerk  of  the  third  class;  Bureau  of 
Equipment  and  Recruiting,  one  clerk  of  the  sec- 
ond class  and  one  clerk  of  the  first  class. 

The  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  proposed  to 
amend  the  bill  in  section  one,  line  three,  after  the 
word  "  authorized,"  by  inserting"  if  in  his  judg- 
tTient  itshall  be  conducive  to  the  interests  of  the 
service;"  so  as  to  read: 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  hereby  author- 
ized, if  in  liis  judgment  it  shall  be  conducive  to  the  inter- 
ests of  tlie  service,  to  give  assimilatedrank  to  the  warrant 
officers,  &c. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  and  the 
amendment  was  concurred  in.  The  amendment 
was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  the  bill  to  be  read 
a  third  time.  The  bill  was  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

KITTISRY  NAVAL  HOSPITAL. 


On  motion  of  Mr.  HALE,  the  bill  (S.  No. 
308)  repealing  so  much  of  an  act  to  supply  de- 
ficiencies in  tlie  appropriations  for  the  service  of 
the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1864,  and 
for  other  purposes,  approved  March  14,  1864,  as 
appropriates  $25,000  for  erectinga  naval  hospital 
at  Kittery,  Maine,  was  considered  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  should  like  to  inquire 
of  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire  what  are 
the  reasons  that  led  the  Committee  on  Naval  Af- 
fairs to  report  that  bill. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  will  state  them  very  briefly,  for 
I  do  not  want  to  go  into  a  long  statement.  There 
has  been  a  controversy  as  to  where  this  hospi- 
tal should  be  put;  I  will  not  go  into  that  con- 
test. Unfortunately,  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of 
Medicine  and  Surgery  liad  formed  and  expressed 
an  opinion  upon  it,  that  the  hospital  ought  to  be 
built  within  the  precincts  of  the  present  navy- 
yard,  and  he  had  further  expressed  not  a  very 
complimentary  opinion  af  the  action  of  Congres.'s 
in  taking  a  different  view  of  it,  as  may  be  fcjund 
in  the  letter  from  which  I  will  read.  In  a  letter 
dated  January  9,  1863,  he  said: 

"  It  will  be  noticed  the  bill  locates  the  hospital  legisla- 
tively, without  reference  to  the  question  whether  the  i:iland 
bo  the  most  or  least  judicious  situation  for  it,  and  postpones 
all  work  upon  the  needed  improvement  until  the  irrelevant 
subject  of  purchase  of  the  island  be  adjusted.  It  will  thus 
be  seen  tliat  all  the  delay  in  regard  to  tlie  erection  of  a  hos- 
pital has  arisen  from  the  unfortunate  commingling  of  pub- 
lic with  private  interests,  and  it  will  doubtless  continue  till 
these  interests  are  separated." 

In  the  deficiency  bill  this  year  Congress  appro- 
priated $25,000  for  building  the  hospital;  and  this 
Dr.  Whelan,  who  had  expressed  an  opinion  ad- 
verse to  its  location  on  Seavcy's  island  and  in 
favor  of  building  it  in  the  yard,  addressed  a  note 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  .Navy  suggesting  to  him 
the  appointmentof  a  board  to  locate  the  hospital, 
and  that   board,  he   very  modestly  suggested, 


ai76 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22^ 


should  be  composed  of  himself  and  two  or  three 
surgeons.  I  will  read  the  letter;  it  is  a  very  sin- 
gular letter: 

Na.vy  Department, 
BuREAD  OF  Medicine  and  Scroery,  March  18,1864. 

Sir:  Aji  act  of  Congress  (No.  24)  to  supply  deficiencies 
In  file  appropriations  for  the  service  of  tliu  tiscal  year  end- 
ing June  30, 1861,  appropriates  .■3i2.5,Oi)0  for  erecting  a  naval 
hospital  at  Kittery,  Maine;  and  according  to  the  debate  fn 
the  Senate,  as  reported  in  the  Daily  Globe  of  the  13th  ul- 
timo, it  was  the  understanding  that  tlie  site  was  to  be  se- 
lected within  or  without  the  limits  of  the  navy-yard,  as 
might  be  found  most  judicious  and  expedient. 

As  considerable  feeling  has  been  manifested  on  the  sub- 
ject, as  the  selection  of  a  site  may  or  may  not  involve  ad- 
ditional outlays  of  money,  I  have  tlie  honor  to  suggest  that 
this  subject  may  be  confided  to  a  board  consisting  of  Com- 
modore John  Pope,  United  States  Navy,  Surgeon  Charles 
Chase,  United  States  Navy,  the  .«urgeou  of  the  navy-yard, 
Portsmouth,  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Medicine  and  Sur- 
gery, subject,  of  course,  to  the  final  approval  of  the  hon- 
orable Secretary  of  the  Navy.  The  board  to  meet  at  the 
navy-yard,  Portsmouth,  on  Friday,  lhe25tli  inStaiit. 

Commodore  Pope  and  Surgeon  Chase  are  selected  be- 
cause of  their  long  service  at  Portsmouth  station,  and  con- 
sequent familiarity  witli  the  topography. 

It  is  important  the  work  should  be  commenced  as  early 
as  practicable,  to  have  it  completed,  if  possible,  before 
winter  sets  in. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  WIIELAN. 
Hon.  GiDEpN  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Nai>y. 

Dr.  Wlielan,  having  given  an  opinion  on  the 
case,  suggests  to  tlie  Secretary  toapjiointa  board 
of  four  members  and  to  put  upon  it  hiinself  and 
two  of  his  subordinates;  and  a  report  was  made 
favorable  to  his  views,  which  is  tiot  at  all  strange. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  intimates  in  a  let- 
ter which  I  heive  before  me  that  he  will  await 
the  action  of  Congress,  and  if  there  is  no  legisla- 
tion he  will  build  the  hospital  within  the  yard. 
It  is  the  opinion  of  those  conversant  with  that 
yard  that  that  would  be  injudicious  and  they 
would  rather  it  should  await  the  action  of  another 
session  ofCongress;  they  would  rather  not  have 
any  hospital  there  than  have  it  built  in  the  pres- 
ent yard,  wiiich  in  effect  would  destroy  the  yard. 
After  it  was  understood  what  was  going  on,  a 
memorial  was  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  in  which  it  was  stated: 

"  We  should  much  prefer  seeing  the  law  making  the  ap- 
propriation for  the  hospital  repealed  to  having  It  thus  ex- 
pended. Besides,  we  cannot  conceive  what  can  induce 
the  Government  to  place  this  hospital  on  this  particular 
yard,  when  it  has  not  been  done  iti  any  other  navy-yard, 
so  far  as  we  are  advised,  in  the  United  States." 

That  memorial  was  signed  by  L.  M.  Morrill, 
Senator  froin  Maine;  F.  A.  Pike,  Representative 
from  Maine;  Daniel  Clark,  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire;  John  H.  Rice,  Representative  from 
Maine;  E.  H.  Rollins,  Representative  from  New 
Hampshire;  S.  Perham,  Representative  from 
Maine;  J.  W.  Patterson,  Representative  from 
New  Hampshire;  J.  G.  Bl.4ine,  Repi-esentalive 
from  Maine;  Daniel  Marct,  Representative 
from  New  Hampshire,  and  myself.  This  remon- 
Btrance  against  uuilding  the  hospital  within  the 
yard  was  signed  by  every  member  of  Congress 
from  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Mr.  Sweat,  the  Representative  from 
the  first  district  of  Maine,  and  the  Senator  from 
Maine,  [Mr.  Fessenden.]  The  latter  appended 
to  the  ttiemorial  the  following: 

"  I  am  of  opinion  that  no  new  hospital  sliould  be  erected 
within  the  present  limits  of  the  yard,  and  that  the  law  of 
Congress  should  bcexeeute(l,if  it  can  be,  consistently  with 
the  best  interests  of  the  Government.  As,  however,  it  is 
merely  an  appropriation,  I  think  the  whole  matter  is  within 
the  discretion  of  the  Secretary." 

I  am  authorized  by  Mr.  Sweat,  who  at  the 
time  this  memorial  was  signed  was  out  of  the 
city,  to  say  tiiat  he  fully  concurred  in  it,  and  he 
wanted  to  sign  it  afterwards,  but  I  told  him  the 
papers  were  out  of  my  hands.  The  members 
from  the  two  States  particularly  interested  in  the 
work  think  the  public  interests  will  be  subserved 
by  postponing  the  appropriation  till  the  next  ses- 
sion of  Congress  rather  than  by  erecting  it  within 
the  yard. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  and  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading. 

Mr.  FESSENDEN.  I  do  not  feel  disposed  to 
interfere  with  the  action  of  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs,  from  whom  this  bill  comes,  if  they 
have  investigated  it.  In  pursuance  of  my  duty 
aa  a  member  of  the  Cominittee  on  Finance  I  re- 
ported the  bill  coniaining  the  appropriation  which 
It  is  now  proposed  to  rejieal.  If  there  had  been 
any  land  owned  by  the  Government  outside  of 
the  yard  and  connected  witli  iton  which  this  hos- 
pital could  be  placed  I  should  have  preferred  to 


limit  it  ill  that  way,  according  to  the  general  idea 
I  have  on  the  subject.  It  was  expected  that  such 
land  might  be  purchased,  and  with  that  view  the 
appropriation  was  worded  as  it  was,  to  leave  the 
whole  matter  in  the  discieiion  of  the  Navy  De- 
partment to  act,  they  having  already  authority  to 
purchase  certain  land  outside  of  the  yard  if  they 
choose  to  do  so.  I  have  a  general  opinion — and 
that  was  the  opinion  I  meant  to  express  in  sign- 
ing that  paper — that  it  is  not  good  policy  as  a 
general  rule,  especially  where  a  yard  is  quite  lim- 
ited in  its  extent,  to  put  a  hospital  inside  of  the 
yard  or  very  near  it.  I  was  of  opinion,  how- 
ever, that  under  all  the  circumstances  of  this  case, 
an  appropriation  having  been  made  for  the  pur- 
chase of  land  outside  the  yard  on  Seavey's  island 
and  a  hospital  being  needed,  it  was  best  to  make 
the  appropriation  and  leave  it  to  the  discretion  of 
the  Department,  they  not  being  obliged  to  spend 
the  money  this  year  or  next  year.  I  so  expressed 
myself  in  the  opinion  I  appended  to  the  paper 
which  had  already  been  signed  by  my  colleagues, 
with  one  exception,  I  believe,  before  I  saw  it, 
and  by  the  delegation  from  New  Hampshire. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  shall  interpose  no 
sort  of  objection  to  the  opinion  expressed  by  the 
Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  which  is  perhaps 
the  more  proper  tribunal  to  judge  of  this  matter. 
I  leave  it  to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate  upon  the 
statement  that  has  been  made.  I  think  a  hospital 
is  very  much  needed  there,  especially  at  the  pres- 
ent time.  The  result  of  the  repeal  will  be  to  post- 
pone the  erection  of  the  hospital  for  another  year, 
riie  Senate  can  judge  perhaps  better  than  I  can 
what  it  is  advisable  to  do  in  relation  to  the  mat- 
ter; but  I  make  no  objection  to  the  bill. 

The  bill  was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

PUNISHMENT  FOR  ENTICING  TO  DESERT. 

Mr.  HALE.  After  the  Senate  met  this  morn- 
ing, I  received  a  communication  from  the  United 
Slates  district  attorney  for  Massachusetts,  sug- 
gesting an  amendment  in  the  criminal  law.  The 
bill  (S.  No.  324)  was  introduced  and  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs.  The  committee 
have  instructed  me  to  report  it  back  with  an 
amendinent,  and  as  it  is  very  brief  I  ask  to  have 
the  bill  considered  now. 

By  unanimous  consent,  the  bill  (S.  No.-324) 
prescribing  the  punishment  for  enticitig  or  aiding 
seamen  to  desert  the  naval  service  of  the  United 
States  was  considered  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole.  It  provides  that  any  person  who  shall 
entice,  or  procure,  or  attempt,  or  eiTdeavor  to  en- 
tice or  procure  any  seaman  or  other  person  in  the 
naval  service  of  the  United  States,  or  who  has 
been  recruited  for  such  service,  to  desert  there- 
from, or  who  shall  in  any  wise  aid  or  assist  any 
such  seaman  or.pther  person  in  deserting  or  in 
attempting  to  desert,  or  who  shall  harbor,  con- 
ceal, protect,  or  in  any  wise  assist  any  such  sea- 
man or  other  person  who  may  have  deserted  from 
the  naval  service  knowing  him  to  have  deserted, 
or  who  shall  refuse  to  give  up  and  deliver  any 
such  person  on  the  demand  of  any  officer  author- 
ized to  receive  him,  shall  be  punished  by  im- 
prisonment not  less  than  six  months  nor  more 
than  three  years, and  by  fine  not  more  than  $2,000. 

The  amendment  of  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  was  to  add  to  the  resolution,  "  to  be  en- 
forced in  any  court  of  the  United  States  having 
jurisdiction." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  and  the 
amendment  was  concurred  in.  The  bill  was  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading,  was 
read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

NAVAL  PENSION  FUND. 

Mr.  HALE.  I  rise  now  to  present  the  last 
piece  of  business  which  the  Naval  Comtnittee 
have  to  offer.  After  the  ineeting  of  the  Senate 
this  morning  I  received  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  a  joint  resolution  relating  to  the  investment 
of  the  naval  pension  fuiid.  It  was  introduced 
and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs, 
and  they  have  unanimously  instructed  me  to  re- 
port it  back  and  ask  for  its  present  consideration. 

By  unanimous  consent  the  joint  resolution  (S. 
No.  69)  regulating  the  investment  of  tlic  naval 
pension  fund  was  considered  as  in  Committee 
of  the  Whole.  It  proposes  to  direct  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  as  trustee  of  the  naval  pension 
fund,  to  cause  to  be  invested  in  the  registered 


securities  of  the  United  States  on  the  1st  of  Janu- 
ary and  1st  of  July  of  each  year  so  much  of  the 
fund  then  in  theTreasury  as  may  not  be  required 
for  the  payment  of  naval  pensions  for  the  then  cur- 
rent fiscal  year;  and  the  interest,  payable  in  coin, 
is  to  be  exchanged  for  legal  currency  at  the  current 
rates  of  prem.iumon  gold,  the  amount  to  be  placed 
to  the  credit  of  the  fund.  There  is  a  proviso  that 
nothing  contained  in  the  resolution  is  to  be  so 
construed  as  to  interfere  with  the  payment  of 
naval  pensions  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
as  now  regulated  by  law. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Sen- 
ate, ordered  to  be  engrossed  for  a  third  reading, 
read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

REPEAL  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAWS. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  now  move  that  the  Senate 
proceed  with  the  consideration  of  the  House  bill 
No.  512. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  will  not  oppose  the 
Senator's  niotion  to-night;  but  there  are  several 
very  important  bills  from  the  Committee  on  Com- 
merce which  I  shall  ask  the  Senate  to  consider 
to-morrow.  .Some  of  them  have  to  go  to  the 
House  of  Representatives;  others  coming  from 
that  House  are  to  be  perfected,  and  it  is  import- 
ant that  early  action  should  be  had.  I  will  spend 
to-night  with  gi'eat  pleasure  with  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  on  his  bill,  but  to-morrow  I 
shall  demand  the  day  for  the  Committee  on 
Commerce. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Very  well;  let  u£i  proceed, 
then. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
do  now  adjourn.  Let  us  have  one  day  without 
the  "  nigger." 

Mr.  SUMNER  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays  on 
the  motion  to  adjourn,  and  they  were  ordered; 
and  being  taken,  resulted — ayes  8,  nays  28;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Carlile,  Cowan,  Powell,  Richardson, 
Riddle,  Saul.-sbury,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 8. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Buckalew,  Chandler, 
Clark,  Dixon,  Foot,  Foster  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan  Harris, 
Howard,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Mc- 
Dougall,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Pomeroy,  Ramsey,  Sherman, 
Sprague,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and  Wil- 
son—28. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  CoIlamer,Conness, Davis,  Doolitile, 
Fessenden,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Howe, 
Nesmith,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright — 13. 

So  the  Senate  refused  to  adjourn. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Foster 
in  the  chair.)  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  to  proceed  to 
the  consideration  of  House  bill  No.  512.    • 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  On  that  I  ask  for  the 
yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     What  is  the  bill? 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  title  of 
the  bill  will  be  read  for  informotion. 

The  Secretary.  "A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  512)  to 
repeal  the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1850,  and  all  acts 
and  parts  of  acts  for  the  rendition  of  fugitive 
slaves." 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  think  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  [Mr.  Davis]  had  the  flooron  that  bill. 
1  am  just  informed  that  he  is  too  sick  to  be  in  at- 
tendance to-night.  I  suggest,  therefore,  to  the 
honorable  member  from  Massachusetts  that  he 
ought  not  to  pi-es8  the  bill  to-night. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky 
has  had  ample  notice.  He  knew  that  this  bill 
would  be  moved  as  soon  as  I  could  get  the  floor. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  honorable  nnemberdid 
not  hear  me,  1  am  sure,  or  he  would  not  have 
made  such  an  answer.  I  said  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  was  sick. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Whathehasto  say  is,  as  he 
has  announced,  a  second  edition  of  a  speech  on 
Massachusetts.  He  can  make  that  as  well  on 
any  other  bill  as  on  this. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  do  not  know  what  he  is 
going  to  say. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  He  announced  that  yesterday. 
We  understand  it  on  this  side. 

Mr.  WILSON.  We  shall  have  up  another  bill 
on  which  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  can  make 
his  speech. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Speaking  from  an  experi- 
ence of  some  years  before  the  honorable  member 
from  Massachusetts  became  a  member  of  thi.s 
body  as  well  as  since,  I  have  never  knosvn  a 
bill  pressetl  in  the  absence  of  a  Senator  who  had 


1864. 


THE  OOj^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8177 


the  floor  upon  the  bill  and  expressed  a  desire  to 
debate  it. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  Senator  is  entirely  mis- 
taken if  he  supposes  any  one  had  the  floor  on  lliis 
bill. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky 
had  the  floor  whon  it  was  up  before. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  beg;  the  Senator's  pardon. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  understand  it  tobeso;and 
he  is  sick  and  unable  to  be  here. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  public  business  cannot 
wait.  Again  and  again  has  this  measure  been 
postponed  in  deference  to  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, fie  was  aware  when  lie  went  away  this 
afternoon  that  it  would  be  pressed  thisevening  if  I 
could  get  the  floor. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     That  I  understand. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  And  further,  he  had  ihegood- 
ness  to  announce  to  us  yesterday  the  subject  of 
lys  speech,  which  was  the  second  edition  of  a 
speech  on  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Is  not  Massachusetts  a  very 
good  subject  to  make  a  speech  about.'  All  I 
mean  to  say  is,  that  I  understand  that  when  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky  was  advised  that  an  effort 
would  be  made  to-night  to  take  up  the  bill  he  in- 
tended to  be  here;  but  since  he  left  the  Senate 
Chamber  he  has  become  so  sick  that  he  cannot  be 
here.  I  have  no  particular  desire  to  hear  the  Sen- 
ator from  Kentucky  or  the  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts debate  this  bill;  I  certainly  have  no  de- 
sire to  debate  it  myself;  but  under  all  the  circum- 
stances I  think  the  courtesy  which  we  owe  to 
each  other  would  rather  require  that  the  bill 
should  go  over  until  the  morning.  It  will  not  be 
a  neglect  of  the  public  business;  there  is  plenty 
of  other  business.  I  do  not  think  the  country 
will  suffer  much  if  the  act  of  1793  is  permitted 
to  remain  on  the  statute-book.  It  will  not  be 
operative;  it  is  a  mere  matter  of  sentiment  with 
the  honorable  member  from  Massachusetts;  the 
bill  can  have  no  practical  effect  in  the  world. 

Mr.  POWELL.  In  addition  to  what  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maryland  has  said,  I  will  slate  to  the 
Senate  that  my  colleague  left  the  Chamber  un- 
well this  evening,  and  he  requested  me  particu- 
larly, if  this  bill  should  be  called  up  (which  he 
hardly  expected,  supposing  the  niglit  would  be 
occupied  with  the  bills  of  the  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire)  to  inform  the  Senate  that  he  was  too 
unwell  to  remain  in  the  Chamber,  that  he  desired 
to  discuss  the  bill,  and  would  be  ready  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  discussion  to-morrow. 

The  question  being  taken,  resulted — yeas  26, 
nays  12;  as  follows: 

VEAS  —  Mpfsis.  Anthony,  nrown,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Dixon,Fes.seM(icn,Foot,Fo.-'tor,  Grimes,  Hiilo,  Harlan,  [lur- 
fis,  Howard,  IJovve,  Lane  of  Kansas,  McDmniail,  Morgan, 
Morriil,  Pnninroy,  Uamsity,  Sliernian,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
Ten  Eyck,  Wade,  and  Wilson— 126. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Johnson, 
L;inR  of  Indiana,  Powell,  KIchardson,  Riddle,  Saulsbury, 
Trnmliull,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 12. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  CoUamer,  Conness,  Davis,  Doolittle, 
Harding,  lU'iiderson,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Nesmith,  Wilkin- 
son, and  Wright — 11. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  "pro  Umpore.  The  bill  is 
before  the  Senate  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole". 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  I  move  that  the  Sen- 
ate proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive  busi- 
ness. There  are  some  executive  messages  on 
the  table  which  I  think  should  be  referred. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  hope  not.  I  hope  the  Sen- 
ate will  vote  on  this  bill.  Let  us  settle  it,  and 
then  we  can  go  into  executive  session. 

Mr.  POWELL.  You  cannot  get  a  vote  on  it 
to-night. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Let  us  try. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  1  will  say  to  the  Senator 
■who  has  the  bill  in  charge  that  it  is  not  possible 
to  take  a  vote  on  it  to-night. 

Mr.  SUMNER  and  others.     We  will  trv 

Mr.  HO  WA RD  and  Mr.  WADE.  We  can  get 
It  by  morning. 

Mr.  xMcDOUGALL.     It  cannot  be  done. 
_   The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.    The  question 
18  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  that 
the  Senate  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  execu- 
tive business. 

A  division  was  culled  for,  and  the  ayes  were  16 
and  the  noe-s  19. 

Mr.  POVVELL  asked   for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
.  —yeas  15,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  B.uckalew,Cwlile,  Cowan,  Foot,  foster, 


Grimes,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Powell,  Richardson, 
Riddle,  Saulsbnry,  Trunihull,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 10. 

NAYS — Mt's.srs.  Aniliony,  lirown,  Chandler,  Clark,  Dix- 
on, Fesscnden,  Harlan,  H;irris,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of 
Kansas,  McDougall,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Ponicroy,  Ramsey, 
Sherman,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Wade,  and  Wilson 
22. 

ABSENT— Me.ssrs.  Collamcr,  Conness,  Davis,  Doolittle, 
Hale,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Nesmitli, 
Wilkinson,  and  Wright— 12. 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  move  that  the  bill  be 
indefinitely  postponed. 

The  question  being  put,  there  were,  on  a  divis- 
ion, 8  ayes  and  18  noes. 

Mr.  POWELL.     1  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
Is  it  not  loo  late  to  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
after  the  result  has  been  declared.' 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER,  (Mr.  Foster.) 
The  Chair  was  announcing  the  decision  at  the 
time  the  yeas  and  nays  were  demanded.  The 
Chair  would  prefer  taking  the  sense  of  the  Senate 
as  to  ordering  the  yeas  and  nays  rather  than  re- 
fuse to  entertain  the  call. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  ask  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  whether  he  was  instructed  by  his  col- 
league to  ask  for  a  postponement. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  was  requested  to  announce 
that  he  was  sick  and  unable  to  be  here  to-night, 
but  would  be  ready  to  proceed  with  the  discus- 
sion at  any  time  after  to-night.  I  have  already 
so  stated  to  the  Senate,  but  it  affords  me  great 
pleasure  to  restate  it. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  did  not  understand  it 
before.    I  think  thatstatementshould  besuflicient. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  All  we  want  is  to  give 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky  an  opportunity  to  be 
heard. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware  to 
postpone  the  bill  indefinitely. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  11,  nays  25;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Buekalevv,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Johnson, 
McDougall,  Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle,  SauUbury,  Van 
Winkle,  and  Willey— 11. 

N.\YS — Messrs.  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark,  Dixon,  Fes- 
jenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris,  How- 
ard, Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Pomeroy, 
Ramsey,  Sherman,  .=!prague,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trum- 
bull, VVade,  and  VVilson — 25. 

A  BSENT — Messrs.  Anthony,  Collamer,  Conness,  Davis, 
Doolittle,  Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Lane  of 
Indiana,  Nesmith,  Wilkinson,  p.nd  Wright— 13. 

So  the  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  I  move  that  the  Sen- 
ate now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  executive 
business. 

xMr.  SUMNER.     I  hope  not. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  As  the  motion  is  debata- 
ble to  a  limited  extent,  1  desire  to  say  a  word.  It 
is  manifest  that  a  majority  of  the  Senate  desire 
action  upon  this  bill;  it  is  right  that  they  should 
have  it;  the  majority  should  control  in  all  deliber- 
ative bodies.  The  session  is  drawing  so  near  to 
a  close  that  unreasonable  time  ought  not  to  be 
wasted.  If  I  supposed  the  debate  on  this  bill 
would  not  be  prolonged  merely  for  the  purpose 
of  exhausting  lime  unreasonably,  I  should  un- 
doubtedly vote  to  go  into  executive  session  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
a  riglit  to  be  heard  at  a  time  when  he  will  be  able 
to  be  here;  but  if  we  are  to  have  a  prolonged  con- 
test over  this  bill,  and  dilatory  motions  are  to  be 
resorted  to,  we  may  as  well  have  the  contest  to- 
night as  at  any  other  time.  If  Senators  who  are 
opposed  to  the  bill,  and  who  desire  to  vote  against 
it,  will  say  that  tliatis  not  their  purpose, but  that 
ihey  siiTiply  desire  to  secure  to  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  the  right  to  be  heard  to  a  reasonable 
exttiiit,  I  shall  vote  with  them  to  go  into  execu- 
tive session.  If  it  is  proposed  to  renew  this  con- 
test again  by  dilatory  motions  and  the  like  at  a 
future  time  after  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  shall 
have  been  heard,  we  may  as  well  have  the  con- 
test now.  My  vote,  therefore,  will  depend  en- 
tirely on  what  Senators  say  about  it.  If  they 
propose  to  resort  to  these  parliamentary  tactics, 
these  interminable  propositions  for  delay,  inerely 
to  defeat  a  vote  upon  a  bill  which  the  majority 
have  a  right  to  pass,  I  am  perfectly  willing  now 
to  go  into  a  contest  of  physical  endurance;  but  if 
they  siinply  wish  to  secure  the  right  of  discus* 
sion  to  an  absent  ititmber,  I  will  vote  with  them 
logo  into  executive  session. 


Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  wish  to  say  that  so  far 
as  my  course  to-night  is  concerned,  I  am  gov- 
erned entirely  by  the  wishes  of  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky,  who  desires  an  opportunity  to  bo 
heard  on  this  subject.  That  is  my  sole  reason 
for  my  action  so  far. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  ask  the  Senator  from 
Delaware,  then,  if  after  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky shall  have  been  heard  he  desires  or  in- 
tends to  resort  to  any  dilatory  motions. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  do  not.  I  never 
dreamed  of  such  a  thing. 

Mr.  WILLEY.  1  am  one  of  those  who  voted 
against  taking  up  this  bill.  I  did  so  with  some 
reluctance,  but  I  did  so  simply  because  I  was 
told  by  the  friends  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
that  he  desired  to  be  heard  on  this  question.  I 
had  no  other  purpose  than  to  afford  him  an  op- 
portunity to  be  heard.  I  am  not  very  well  versed 
in  such  matters;  but  I  had  supposed  that  when  a 
Senator  of  the  age,  ability,  and  standing  of  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky  (however  much  I  may 
differ  from  him  on  many  fundamental  questions) 
announced  through  a  friend  on  this  floor  that  he 
desired  to  be  heard,  the  ordinary  courtesy  of  the 
body  would  require  that  opportunity  should  be 
allowed  for  that  purpose. 

I  desire  to  say,  however,  that  I  am  willing  at 
any  time  to  have  this  question  decided.  1  do  not 
want  to  be  understood  as  interposing  anything  in 
the  way  of  a  speedy  decision  upon  it.  The  de- 
cision has  got  to  come.  The  majority  of  the  Sen- 
ate have  a  right  to  record  their  votes,  and  I  do  not 
wish  to  be  understood  as  interposing  any  factious 
opposition  to  it.  Of  course  1  am  opposed  to  the 
bill  on  principle.  There  is  nothing  practical  in 
it  at  the  present  time.  It  is  simply  a  matter  of 
sentiment,  nothing  more.  If  it  is  now  under- 
stood to  be  the  sentiment  of  the  majority  of  the 
Senate,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber,  that 
they  do  not  intend  to  let  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky be  heard,  but  intend  to  press  this  bill  to  a 
vote  to-night,  I  suggest  respectfully  to  those  with 
whom  I  have  acted  to  submit  at  once  and  let  that 
result  come  now  which  must  inevitably  come 
sooner  or  later.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood 
as  standing  here  to  detain  the  Senate,  or  contrib- 
uting by  my  vote  to  detain  it,  from  any  factious 
motives,  i  have  been  operated  upon  simply  by 
my  sense  of  oblig.ation  and  courtesy  to  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Kentucky,  who,  I  understood 
in  good  faith,  had  advised  his  friends  on  this  floor 
that  he  desired  to  address  the  Senate  on  this  sub- 
ject. Now,  if  a  majority  of  the  Senate  say  that 
this  matter  is  to  be  pressed  to-night,  I  will  yield  at 
once.  I  see  no  advantage  in  protracting  a  boot- 
less contest. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  I  can  meet  the  Sen- 
ators half  way.  I  propose  that  we  shall  go  on 
to-night  and  perfect  the  bill,  but  suspend  taking 
the  vote  on  its  final  passage  in  order  to  give  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky  an  opportunity  of  being 
heard.     It  seems  to  me  that  is  fair. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Permit  me  to  ask  the  Sen- 
ator how  he  proposes  to  perfect  the  bill,  it  is  to 
repeal  the  former  laws. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     That  is  all. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     That  is  perfect. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  regard  it  as  perfect,  but  I 
did  not  know  but  that  the  Senator  from  Mary- 
land might  have  some  proposition  to  offer  which 
might  add  to  its  completeness. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky 
might  wish  to  be  heard  on  the  amendment  if  one 
be  offered. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  bill  simply  repeals  all 
laws  for  the  rendition  of  fugitives. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Then  the  bill  is  perfect  in 
your  opinion. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     I  regard  it  as  perfect. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  thought  the  honorable 
member  proposed  to  be  permitted  first  to  perfect 
the  bill. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  have  nothing  to  propose  to 
it;  but  I  asked  that  the  Senate  would  proceed  to- 
night, take  the  bill  out  of  committee,  and  pass  it 
through  its  stages,  leaving  the  last  stage  not  acted 
upon  in  order  to  give  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
an  opportunity  to  be  heard. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  is  no  objection  to 
that,  1  suppose. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  presume  there  can  be  no 
objection  to  it,  and  that  will  get  us  some  way 
toward  the  end. 


8178 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


Mr.  LANE,  of  Indiana.  1  have  made  no  dila- 
tory motion.  I  have  moved  to  go  into  execu- 
tive session  because  I  thought  it  was  important 
to  do  so  in  order  to  refer  some  executive  mes- 
sages. 1  am  perfectly  ready  to  vote  on  this  or 
any  other  measure  precisely  when  it  comes  up; 
but  I  believe  it  more  important  to  refer  those  mes- 
sages than  to  waste  the  night  in  an  idle  discus- 
sion about  this  bill  when  we  can  get  no  vote. 

The  question  being  put,  there  were,  on  a  di- 
vision— 17  ayes  and  17  noes. 

Mr.  POWELL  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeas  16,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Foot,  Fos- 
ter, Grimes,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana,  McDousall,  Pow- 
ell, Uicliardsoii,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman,  Trumbull, 
and  Van  Winkle— 16. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Dixon,  Fessenden,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris,  Howard,  Howe, 
Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Porneroy,  Ramsey, 
Sprngue,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson 
—22. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collamer,  Conness,  Davis,  Doolittle, 
Harding,  Henderson,  Hendricks,  Hicks,  Nesmith,  Wilkin- 
son, and  Wright — 11. 

So  the  Senate  refused  to  go  into  executive  ses- 
sion. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  move  that  this  bill  be  post- 
poned until  the  first  Monday  of  December  next. 

The  question  being  put,  a  division  was  called 
for  by  Mr.  Powell. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  In  order  to  save  time,  I  call 
for  the  yeas  and  nays.     [Laughter.] 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  shall  not  vote  for  the  pres- 
ent motion,  because,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  appar- 
ently a  mere  dilatory  motion,  one  that  cannot  be 
carried;  it  keeps  us  here  without  accomplishing 
any  purpose;  and  secondly,  because,  as  I  under- 
stood the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  he  is  per- 
fectly willing,  as  far  as  he  is  concerned,  that  the 
bill  shall  be  to-night  put  in  such  a  situation  as  to 
be  called  up  in  the  morning,  and  that  then  there 
shall  be  a  vote  upon  it.  If  a  majority  of  the  Sen- 
ate are  in  favor  of  the  passage  of  the  bill,  as  far 
as  I  am  concerned  I  recognize  their  right  to  pass  . 
it,  and  I  shall  interpose,  by  no  vote  of  mine,  any 
obstacle  merely  for  the  purpose  of  delaying  the 
action  of  the  Senate.  I  have  been  governed  in 
what  I  have  done  heretofore  this  evening  on  this 
subject  by  what  I  supposed  to  be  due  in  courtesy 
:  to  the  Senator  from  Kentucky.  I  hope  my  friend 
from  Kentucky,  who  is  here,  will  withdraw  his 
motion  and  let  the  course  suggested  by  the  friends 
of  the  bill  be  taken;  that  is  to  say,  that  the  bill 
be  placed  in  a  situation  to  be  voted  upon  finally 
to-morrow,  so  as  to  give  the  colleague  of  my 
friend  from  Kentucky,  who  is  here,  an  opportu- 
nity to  be  heard. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  think  it  probable  that  my 
colleague  may  want  to  move  some  amendments 
to  the  bill.  If  the  bill  be  put  to  the  third  reading 
now,  the  opportunity  of  oflFering  amendments 
will  be  cut  off.  I  know  there  is  a  controversy 
as  to  whether  the  law  of  1793  shall  stand. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     That  will  be  open. 

Mr.  POWELL.  The  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts proposes  to  let  it  go  through  every  stage 
but  its  final  passage.  To  that,  of  course,  I  can- 
not consent.  The  truth  is  that  I  wish  to  teach 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  whatcourtesy  is. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  think  I  shall  not  learn  much 
from  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  have  no  idea  that  you  will. 
You  have  too  much  to  learn. 

Mr.  RIDDLE.  I  see  that  there  is  no  prospect 
of  doing  anything  to-night,  and  I  move  that  the 
Senate  adjourn. 

Mr.  HOWARD  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken,  resulted 
— yeus  12,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS  —  Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Lane  of 
indiana,  Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Sherman, 
Trumbull,  Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 12. 

NAYS  — ftlessrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Dixon,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Hale,  Harlan,  Howard,  Howe, 
.lohiiKcm,  Lane  of  Kansas,  McDougall,  Morgan,  Morrill, 
Rameny,  Sprngue,  Sunmer,  Ten  Eyck,  Wade,  and  Wil- 
son—22. 

AI!SENT— Mfifsrs.  Collamer,  Conness,  Davis,  Doolit- 
tlr,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harding,  Harris,  Henderson,  Hen- 
riiicks,  Hicks,  Nesmilh,  Pomeroy,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright 
— 15. 

So  the  Senate  refused  to  adjourn. 
The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.    The  question 
recurs  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Ken- 


tacky,  to  postpone  the  further  consideration  of 
the  bill  till  the  first  Monday  of  December  next. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Before  that  vote  is  taken,  I 
desire  to  say  that  I  think  my  friend  from  Ken- 
tucky is  mistaken  as  to  what  will  be  the  situation 
of  the  bill  if  the  course  suggested  by  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  be  adopted  by  the  Senate. 
The  bill  is  now  before  us  as  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  and  all  that  he  proposes,  as  1  understand 
him,  is  that  it  shall  be  reported  to  the  Senate,  and 
there  stop  for  the  night.  To-morrow  morning, 
in  the  Senate,  the  bill  will  be  open  to  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  POWELL.  That  was  not  the  proposi- 
tion which  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  made 
to  me.  He  wanted  to  push  the  bill  through  all 
the  readings  to  its  final  passage.  That  I  declined. 
I  am  perfectly  willing  to  let  the  bill  be  reported 
to  the  Senate,  and  then  adjourn. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  Very  well,  then,  we  are 
agreed.  The  proposition  I  made  to  the  Senator 
from  Kentucky  was  as  he  states.  I*did  hope  to 
carry  the  bill  to  its  last  stage  to-night;  but  as  the 
Senator  intimates  that  possibly  his  colleague  may 
wish  to  mov^  amendments,  I  do  not  desire  to 
carry  it  to  a  stage  that  shall  preclude  amendment, 
but  I  do  wish  to  carry  it  as  far  as  I  can  to-night. 
Therefore  I  accept  the  suggestion  of  the  Senator 
from  Maryland. 

Mr.  POWELL.  If  the  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts had  made  that  proposition  before,  I 
should  have  accepted  it;  but  he  did  not  make  it, 
and 

Sevei'al  Senators.     He  makes  it  now. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Very  well;  1  accept  it.  I 
withdraw  my  motion. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  motion 
can  be  withdrawn  only  by  unanimous  consent, 
the  yeas  and  nays  having  been  ordered.  The 
Chair  hears  no  objection.  The  motion  to  post- 
pone is  withdrawn.  The  bill  is  before  the  Senate 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  open  to  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  have  an  amendment  to 
offer. 

Several  Senators.     Offer  it  to-morrow  in  the 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Very  well;  I  would  just 
as  lief  do  it  to-morrow. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment. 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.  1  suppose  there  is  no 
further  business  to-night.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Will  the  Senator  withdraw 
that  motion  to  let  us  have  an  executive  session 
to  refer  some  documents.' 

Mr.  BUCKALEW.     Certainly. 

Mr.  WILSON.     I  move  an  executive  session. 

Tlie  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  after  some  time 
spent  in  the  considei-ation  of  executive  business, 
the  doors  were  reopened,  and 

The  Senate  adjourned. 


HOUSE  OP  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Wednesday,  June  22,  1864. 
The  House  met  at  twelve  o'clock,  m.     Prayer 
by  Rev.  Mr.  Ferrie. 
The  Journal  of  yesterday  was  read  and  approved. 

CALIFORNIA  LAND  TITLES. 

Mr.  JULIAN  asked  unanimous  consent  to  re- 
port back  from  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands 
a  bill  (S.  No.  109)  to  expedite  the  'settlement  of 
titles  to  land  in  the  State  of  California. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  Let  the  bill 
be  read. 

The  bill  was  read. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  That  is  a 
very  long  and  a  very  important  bill,  and  it  may 
be  a  very  proper  one.  If  so,  I  do  not  wish  to 
interfere  with  its  passage,  and  it  may  be  proper 
to  pass  it  at  this  session.  I  propose  to  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  that  the  bill  shall  be  consid- 
ered as  reported,  and  that  it  be  printed  and  recom- 
mitted to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands  with 
liberty  to  report  it  back  at  any  time  after  it  is 
printed.  With  the  gentleman's  permission  I  will 
make  that  motion. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ADJOURNMENT  OF  CONGRESS. 
Mr.  STILES,  by  unanimous  consent,  intro- 


duced the  following  resolution;  which  was  read, 
considei-ed,  and  agreed  to: 

Resolveil,  (the  Senate  concurring,)  That  the  President  of 
the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  adjourn  their 
respective  Houses  for  the  present  session  on  Thursday  the 
30tli  of  June,  at  twelve  o'clock,  m. 

PENNSYLVANIA  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 

Mr.  DAWES,  from  the  Committee  of  Elec- 
tions, to  whom  were  referred  the  memorial  and 
accoimpanying  documents  of  Charles  W.  Carri- 
gan,  contesting  the  seat  of  M.  Russell  Thayer, 
made  a  report,  accompanied  by  the  following  res- 
olutions: 

Resolved,  That  Charles  W..Carrigan  is  not  entitled  to  a 
seat  in  this  House  as  Representative  in  the  Thirly-Eighlh 
Congress  from  tlie  fifth  congressional  district  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Resolvett,  That  M.  Russell  Thayer  is  entitled  to  a  scat 
in  this  House  as  Representative  in  the  Thirty-Eighth  Con- 
gress from  the  fifth  congressional  district  in  Pennsylvania. 

The  1-eport  and  resolutions  were  laid  on  tiie 
table,  and  oi-dered  to  be  printed. 

REPRESENTATION  OF  ARKANSAS. 

Mr.  DAWES.  The  Committee  of  Elections, 
to  whom  were  referred  the  credentials  of  certain 
gentlemen  claiming  to  be  Representatives  from 
the  Slate  of  Arkansas,  have  instructed  me  to  re- 
port a  joint  resolution  which  I  ask  may  be  read, 
and  if  in  the  opinion  of  the  Chair  it  is  a  question 
of  privilege,  I  will  call  it  up  at  some'future  day; 
if  not  a  question  of  privilege,  I  shall  ask  to  have 
its  consideration  assigned  for  some  particular  time. 

The  joint  resolutions  was  read,  as  follows: 

Resolved,  4'c.,  That  there  be  appointed  by  the  President, 
by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  a  commission  con- 
sisting of  three  persons,  residents  of  States  not  involved 
in  the  present  rebellion,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  during  the 
recess  of  the  presentCongressto  visit  those  States  declared 
by  the  proclamation  of  the  President  to  have  been  in  re- 
bellion, and  which  liave  already  taken  or  may  before  the 
next  session  of  the  present  Congress  take  measures  to  es- 
tablish or  reorganize  State  governments,  and  after  careful 
examination  and  hearing  testimony  report  to  the  President 
for  the  information  of  Congress  at  as  early  a  day  in  the 
next  session  as  possible  all  such  evidence  as  tliey  may  be 
able  to  obtain  upon  tlie  question,  whether  the  loyal  people 
in  any  such  States  have  succeeded  in  reeslahlisliing  a  State 
government,  to  what  extent  such  State  government  repre- 
sents and  has  the  support  of  the  loyal  people  in  such  Slate, 
and  what  is  the  ability  of  such  people  therein  to  maintain 
the  same  against  domestic  violence. 

Resolved  further.  That  ui\til  Congress  shall  be  satisfied 
upon  evidence  submitted  to  them  that  the  rebellion  has  so 
far  been  suppressed  in  any  such  State  that  there  has  been 
established  therein  a  State  government,  republican  in 
form,  and  prohibiting  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  same, 
and  so  firmly  established  as  to  be  able  to  maintain  itself 
against  domestic  violence,  representation  from  any  .such 
State  ought  not  to  be  admitted  into  either  branch  of  Con- 
gress. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  is  in  doubt  as  to 
whether  this  is  a  question  of  privilege.  Various 
questions  of  privilege  have  been  decided  as  such 
by  the  House,  which  are  stated  in  pages  145  and 
146  of  the  Digest.  There  are  no  precedents  for 
this  case  of  course,  for  no  similar  questions  have 
arisen  before.  If  the  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts desires  it,  the  Chair  will  submit  the  ques- 
tion to  the  House  whether  it  shall  be  entertained 
as  a  matter  ofprivilege. 

Mr.  DAWES.  1  will  state  that  I  do  not  de- 
sire to  consider  the  joint  resolution  at  this  time. 
I  merely  wished  to  know  whether  this  was  to  be 
considered  as  a  question  of  privilege.  If  not,  I 
wish  to  fix  a  day  for  its  consideration. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  has  already  de- 
cided that  in  his  judgment  it  is  not  a  question  of 
privilege. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Then  I  object  to  the  reso- 
lution being  entertained,  and  to  any  remarks  be- 
ing made  upon  it  by  the  gentlenaan  from  Massa- 

cllUSG  Its 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  thinks  it  maybe 
submitted  to  the  House  whether  it  will  be  enter- 
tained as  a  question  of  privilege.  The  Digest 
says  that "  when  a  proposition  is  submitted  which 
relates  to  the  privileges  of  the  House  it  is  his 
duty  [the  Speaker's]  to  entertain  it  at  least  to  the 
extent  of  submitting  the  question  to  the  House 
as  to  whether  or  not  it  presents  a  question  of 
privilege." 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  suppose  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion but  what  the  Committee  of  Elections  hiive 
the  right  to  make  the  report  a  question  of  privi- 
lege. It  touches  the  right  of  certain  gentlemen 
to  their  seats  here,  and  it  only  involves  a  mode 
adopted  by  the  Committee  of  Elections  to  secure 
the  taking  of  testimony  which  will  enable  them 
more  'intelligently  to  determine  upon  the  qucs- 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3179 


tions  before  us  touching  what  they  suppose  to  be 
the  riglit  of  these  gentlemen  to  seats  in  this  House. 
There  can  be  no  doubt,  therefore,  as  to  the  right 
of  the  committee  to  malce  this  reportas  aquestion 
of  privilege.  Tlie  only  difference  between  this 
and  tiie  ordinary  resolutions  which  are  reported 
is,  that  this  is  a  joint  resolution,  inasmuch  as  the 
President  woultl  not  feel  himself  authorized  to 
constitute  such  a  commission  simply  upon  the 
resolution  of  the  House.  It  must  be  by  joint  res- 
olution to  enable  the  President  to  appoint  a  com- 
mission to  take  testimony  touching  the  right  of  a 
member  to  his  seat  in  this  House. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  The  Chair  has  decided  that 
the  resolution  cannot  bd entertained  as  a  question 
of  privilege,  and  I  object  to  debate  upon  it. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chairoverrules  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts.  If 
the  gentleman  has  the  right  to  report  this  resolu- 
tion as  a  question  of  privilege  he  has  the  same 
right  to  considcritasaquestion  of  privilege.  The 
joint  resolution  seems  to  be  prospective  in  its 
character,  and  cannot,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Chair, 
be  brought  within  the  rule  which  permits  the  re- 
ception of  iheordinary  reports  of  the  Committee 
of  Elections  relative  to  the  rights  of  members  to 
their  seats. 

Mr.  DAWES.  It  is  a  resolution  which  the 
Committee  of  Elections  have  deemed  essential  to 
determine  the  right  of  claimants  to  seats  in  the 
House. 

Mr.  MALLORY.     Is  this  question  debatable  ? 
The  SPEAKER.     It  is  not. 
Mr.  MALLORY.     I  object  to  debate. 
Mr.  COX.     1  do  not  suppose  there  is  any  ob- 
jection to  this  joint  resolution  being  reported  and 
ordered  to  be  printed,  if  it  is  not  to  be  called  up 
as  a  question  of  privilege. 

Mr.  DAWES.  This  joint  resolution  as  I  un- 
derstand is  before  the  House.  I  do  not  desire  ac- 
tion upon  it  at  this  time,  but  if  it  is  not  subject  to 
be  called  up  as  a  question  of  privilege  I  desire  to 
have  it  postponed  until  a  day  certain,  in  order 
that  it  may  be  considered  and  passed  during  the 
present  session. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  rise  to  a  ques- 
tion of  privilege.  I  desire  to  present  a  minority 
report  in  this  case. 

The  SPEAKER.  If  the  majority  report  is 
not  in  order  as  a  question  of  privilege,  a  minority 
report  cannot  be  entertained  as  such. 

Mr.  COX.  1  hope  the  report  of  the  minority 
will  be  read.  The  majority  report  was  read,  and 
I  ask  that  the  minority  report  may  also  be  read. 
Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  understood 
there  was  no  objection  to  the  reports  of  the  major- 
ity and  minority  being  read  and  printed.  The 
majority  report  has  been  read,  and  I  now  ask 
that  the  minority  report  may  also  be  read. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  Chair  will  say  that  a 
minority  report  cannot  be  received  by  the  House 
at  any  time  except  by  unanirtious  consent.  If 
there  be  no  objection  the  minority  report  will  be 
received  and  read. 
Mr.  WILSON 
jmenced? 

_  The  SPEAKER.  It  has  not.  The  firstques- 
tion  will  be  on  the  Pacific  railroad  bill,  which  is 
the  unfinished  business  from  last  evening,  and 
then  upon  the  bill  for  a  naval  depot  at  Cairo, 
and  next  on  the  bill  in  regard  to  the  conscription. 
All  these  will  have  to  be  disposed  of  before  the 
piorning  hour  commences. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  understand  that  the  majority 
and  minority  reports  have  been  i-eceived  and  or- 
dered to  be  printed." 

The  SPEAKER.  That  will  be  considered  to 
be  the  understanding  of  the  House. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  now  ask  that  some  day  be 
set  apart  for  the  consideration  of  this  subject. 

Mr.  WAC)SWORTH.  1  object  to  this  thing 
coming  in  unless  there  is  a  motion  to  reconsider, 
and  that  motion  is  laid  on  the  table.  I  do  not 
want  it  to  come  in  with  the  understanding  that  it 
Bhall  not  be  acted  on  and  then  be  brought  up  on  a 
motion  to  reconsider  and  pressed  through. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  will  vote  with  the  gentleman 
for  that  motion. 

The  motion  to  reconsider  was  laid  on  the  table. 
Mr.  COX.     I  ask  that  the  resolutions  of  the 
minority  may  be  read. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 
-      Whereas  by  article  six  of  tlie  Constitution  of  tlie  United 
Btates  it  and  tlie  laws  made  iti  pursuance  tliereof  are  de- 


Has  the  morning  hour  com- 


clared  to  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  Iniid,  and  every  act 
of  secession  by  any  State  is  in  direct  violation  of  such  su- 
preme laws:  Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  acts  of  secessioti  by  the  Legislatures 
of  the  several  States  whose  people  are  now  in  rebellion 
are  mere  nullities,  having  no  torce  or  effect  to  change  the 
rclationeither  of  States  themselves  or  of  the  people  thereof 
toward  the  General  Government;  and  that  by  such  acts 
the  people  neither  freed  themselves  from  the  penalties  at- 
taching by  law  to  treason  nor  lost  any  rights  as  citizens  of 
the  States  and  United  States,  except  such  as  may  follow 
upon  conviction  of  crime;  that  the  duty  of  the  people  of 
such  States  to  send  true  and  loyal  men  to  Congress,  and  the 
right  so  to  do  as  consequent  upon  the  duty,  still  remain 
by  force  of  the  Constitution,  requiring  no  act  of  the  [^resi- 
dent or  Congress  to  confirm  them  ;'  that  no  State  can  under 
the  Constitution  assent  to  the  presence  ofarmed  rebels  from 
other  States  within  its  borders,  and  that  any  act  of  the  au- 
thorities of  a  State  giving  such  assent  is  a  nullity  ;  that  the 
entrance  of  sucli  armed  rebels  of  one  State  upon  Territo- 
ries of  another  is  an  invasion  from  which  by  article  four  of 
the  ConslJtution  the  United  States  are  bound  to  proti.'ct 
the  invaded  State  ;  that  this  obligation  of  protection  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  is  due  to  each  citizen  individu- 
ally as  a  consequence  of  his  duty  of  allegiance,  and  con- 
tinues so  long  as  there  is  a  single  loyal  citizen  in  a  State 
oppressed  by  such  invasion  ;  that  so  long  as  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  of  the  United  States  cannot  be  enforced  in 
any  congressional  district  on  account  of  the  presence  of 
armed  rebels  there  can  be  no  free  election,  and  a  person 
claiming  a  seat  tlirough  an  election  under  such  circum- 
stances should  be  rejected. 

Be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  Constitution  in  article 
two  determines  the  qualifications  of  electors  for  Represent- 
atives, and  that  any  order  of  the  President  or  act  of  Con- 
gress changing  such  qualifications  would  be  a  usurpation 
and  a  nullity. 

Be  it  farther  resolveil,  That  whenever  by  pestilence,  for- 
eign invasion,  or  domestic  consfiiracy,  the  oflicers  of  a 
State  required  by  its  laws  to  conduct  an  election  have 
been  destroyed  or  carried  olf,  the  State  does  not  thereby 
cease  to  exist,  nor  do  its  people  forfeit  their  rights  as  citi- 
zens of  the  States  or  of  the  United  States,  but,  from  the 
very  necessity  of  the  case,  and  by  virtue  of  the  power  im- 
pliedly reserved  to  the  people,  they  may,  in  a  practicable 
and  reasonable  manner,  sup|)ly  the  deficiency,  and  hold  an 
election,  conducting  it,  however  as  far  as  possible,  in  con- 
formity with  the  existing  laws  and  constitution  of  the  State ; 
and  the  duty  of  Congress  in  passing  upon  such  an  election 
claimed  to  be  held  under  such  circumstances  is  limited  to 
ascertaining  whether  it  was  a  fair  expression  of  a  majority 
of  the  peo[iJe,  and  in  the  mode  of  conducting  it  departed 
from  the  general  laws  of  the  State  only  so  far  as  was  neces- 
sary to  supply  the  deficiency  of  otiicers  required  to  conduct 
the  election. 

Be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  right  of  the  claimants 
from  Arkansas  should  be  determined  by  the  principles  here 
enunciated;  and  if  they  shall  satisfy  this  House  that  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  and  of  the 
State  held  peaceful  sway  over  their  respective  districts, 
that  in  their  elections  they  departed  in  nothing  IVcna  the 
Constitution  and  existing  laws  of  that  State,  save  in  sup- 
plying requisite  officers,  and  that  they  received  a  vote  of  a 
maj(n"ilyin  their  respective  districts,  then  tliey  are  entitled 
to  seats,  but  not  otherwise. 

Mr.  ROSS.  The  Chair  has  decided  that  this 
is  not  a  question  of  privilege,  and  I  therefore  ob- 
ject to  its  being  brought  before  the  House. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  objection  comes  too 
late.  The  reports  have  been  received  and  ordered 
to  be  printed,  and  a  motion  to  reconsider  and  lay 
on  the  table  agreed  to. 

Mr.  DAWES.  1  now  move  that  the  further 
consideration  of  the  subject  be  postponed  until 
Saturday  next  at  one  o'clock. 

Mr.  COX.  I  move  that  it  be  postponed  till  the 
first  Monday  in  December  next. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  This  is  in  direct  contraven- 
tion of  the  understanding  of  the  House,  which 
was  that  these  reports  should  be  ordered  to  be 
printed,  and  that  the  subject  should  not  be  brought 
up  for  consideration. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.  I  only  withdrew  my 
objection  on  the  express  understanding  that  the 
subject  should  not  be  brought  before  us  for  con- 
sideration. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  reports  were  received 
and  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  a  motion  to  re- 
consider was  laid  on  the  table. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  have  only  to  say  that  this 
is  in  direct  contravention  of  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  House. 

Mr.  COX  moved  that  the  whole  subject  be  laid 
on  the  table. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  43, 
noes  G3. 

Mr.  ROSS  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  NOBLE  demanded  tellers  on  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

Tellers  were  not  ordered;  and  the  yeas  and  nays 
were  not  ordered". 

So  the  House  refused  to  lay  the  subject  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  COX.     I  now  demand  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  motion  to  postpone  this  subject  until  the 
next  session. 
I       The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 


The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  negative — yeas  50,  nays  78,  not  voting  54;  as 
follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  William  .1.  Allen.  An- 
cona,  Augustus  C.  Baldwin,  Blair,  IJliss,  Drooks,  Chanler, 
Coffroth.Cox,  Cravens,  Dawson,  Dcnison,  Eden,E(lgerton, 
Finck,  Harding,  Harrington,  Benjamin  G.  Harris,  llerrick, 
Holman,  Philip  Johnson,  William  Johnson,  Kalblleisch, 
ICernan,  Lazear,  Long,  Mallory,  I'Jarej-,  McAllisler,  iVIc- 
Do\vell,  James  R.  Morris,  Morrison,  Noble,  Odell,  John 
O'Neill,  Pruyn,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  Rogers,  James  H.  Rol- 
lins, Koss,  John  B.Steele,  William  G.  Steele,  Stiles,  Strousr, 
Stuart,  Wadsworth,  Wheeler,  Chilton  A.  Wliite,  and  Joseph 
W.  White— 50. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  Ames,  Anderson,  Arnold, 
Ashley,  Baily,  John  D.  Baldwin,  Baxter,  Beaman,  Blow,' 
Boutvvell,  Boyd,  Brooniall,  William  G.  Brown,  Ambrose 
W.  Clark,  t''reeinan  Clarke',  Cobb, Colo,  Thomas  T.  Uavis, 
Dawes,  Deming,  Dixon,  Donnelly,  Cckley,  Eliot,  Fentoii, 
Frank,  Ganson,  Good),  Hale,  lligby,  Asalid  W.  Hubbaril, 
John  IL  Hubbard,  Ingersoll,  Julian,  Ka.-son,  Kelley,  Fran- 
cis W.  KellogE,  Orlando  Kellogg,  Knox,  Longyear,  Marvin, 
McBride,  McClnrg.  Sanniel  F.  Miller,  Moorliead,  Daniel 
Morris,  Amos  Myers,  Leonard  Myers,  Norton,  Charles 
O'Neill,  Ortli,  Patterson,  Perhani,  Pike,  Ponieroy,  Price, 
Alexander  H.  Rice,  John  H.  Rice,  Edward  H.  Rollins, 
Sehenck,  Scofield,  Sloan,  Sinithers,  Stevens,  Thayer, 
Thomas, Tracy,  Upson,  Van  Valkenburgh,  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burne,  William  B.  Washburn,  Webster,  Whaley,  Wilder, 
Wilson,  and  Windom— 78. 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  Blaine,  Brandegee,  James  9. 
Brown,  Clay,  Creswell,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Driggs,  Du- 
mont,  Eld  ridge,  English,  Earns  worth,  Garfield,  Grider,  Grin- 
ned, Grisvvold,  Half,  Charles  M.  Harris,  Hooper,  Hotchkiss, 
Hulburd,  Hutchins,  Jenckes,  ICing,  Knapp.Law,  Lc  Blond, 
Littlejohn,  Loan,  Mclndoe,  McKinney,  Middleton,  Wil- 
liam 11.  Miller,  Morrill.  Nelson,  Pendleton,  Perry,  Radford, 
William  H.  Randall,  Robinson,  Scott,  Shannon,  Smith, 
Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Sweat,  Voorhees,  Ward,  Wil- 
liams, Winfield,  Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Wood- 
bridge,  and  Yeaman — 54. 

So  the  House  refused  to  postpone  the  subject 
until  the  first  Monday  of  December  next. 

Mr.  DAWES  demanded  the  previous  question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered;  and  under  the  operation 
thei-eof  the  subject  was  postponed  till  next  Sat- 
urday at  one  o'clock. 

PENNSYLVANIA  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 

Mr.  SCOFIELD,  from  the  Committee  of  Elec- 
tions, submitted  a  report  accompanied  by  the  fol- 
lowing resolutions: 

Resolved,  That  John  Kline  la  not  entitled  to  a  seat  in 
this  House  as  a  Representative  in  the  Thirty  Eighth  Con- 
gress from  the  third  congressional  district  of  Pennsylvania. 

Resolved,  That  Leonard  Myers  is  entilled  to  the  seat  now 
occupied  by  him  as  a  Representative  in  the  Thirty-Eighth 
Congress  from  the  third  congressional  district  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

The  report  was  laid  on  the  table,  and  ordered  to 
be  printed. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  do  not  concur  with  the  ma- 
jority of  the  committee  in  the  ruling  by  which 
the  contestant  in  this  case  was  denied  process  to 
summon  witnesses  to  prove  certain  allegations  in 
his  notice  of  contest.  I  am  of  opinion  that  v;hen 
a  party  has  conformed  his  allegations  to  the  stat- 
ute he  is  entilled,  as  of  right,  to  the  production 
of  any  legal  testimony  that  will  tend  to  prove 
such  allegations;  and  that  neither  the  law  nor 
usage  of  the  Flouse  requires  of  him  to  first  show 
probable  cause  to  believe  that  his  allegation  is 
true  before  he  can  have  such  process  as  will  pro- 
duce the  evidence  to  prove  it  so.  Whether  I 
should  ultimately  concur  with  the  committee  in 
the  final  conclusion  to  which  they  have  arrived 
would  depend,  of  course,  upon  the  character  of 
such  testimony  when  produced. 

Mr.  GANSON.  1  desire  to  say  that  I  concur 
fully  with  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Elections  in  the  views  he  has  justexpressed,and 
I  hope  the  House  will  sustain  him  when  they  are 
called  upon  to  act  in  this  case. 

Mr.  ORTH.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Flouse  to  make  a  report  from  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.  I  object;  and  I  give 
notice  that  I  will  give  unanimous  consent  to 
nothing. 

Mr.  COFFROTH.  I  ask  permission  that  Fri- 
day next  be  set  apart  exclusively  for  the  consid- 
eration of  private  bills. 

Mr.  WADSWORTH.     I  object. 

WITHDRAWAL  OP  PAPERS. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I  ask  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  House  to  withdraw  from  the  files  of 
the  House  the  papers  in  the  case  of  L.  J.  Rose. 
They  were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Indian 
Affairs,  but  no  action  was  taken  on  them  by  the 
committee,  and  they  were  reported  back  and  laid 


3180 


THE  CONGRESSIOIi^AL  GLOBE. 


June  "22^ 


upon  the  table.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to  with- 
draw them  from  the  files  of  the  House. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  For  what 
purpose? 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  It  is  the  intention  of  the 
6etitioner  to  present  his  claim  to  one  of  the  De- 
partments of  the  Government. 

No  objection  being;  made,  tlie  leave  wasj»ranted. 

Mr.  INGERSOLL.  I  ask  leave  to  offer  a  res- 
olution for  reference  to  the  Committee  on  Print- 
{x)g. 

Mr.  MALLORY.     I  object. 

PACIFIC  RAILROAD. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  demand  the  reg- 
ular order  of  business. 

The  House  resumed,  as  the  regular  order  of 
business,  the  consideration  of  the  unfinished  busi- 
ness of  yesterday,  being  bill  of  the  House  No. 
438,  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line 
from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and 
to  secure  to  the  Government  the  use  of  the  same 
for  postal,  military,  and  other  purposes,"  ap- 
proved July  1,  1862,  the  question  being  upon  the 
motion  to  lay  on  the  table  the  motion  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  House  agreed  to  Mr. 
Wilson's  amendment. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  offer  the  following  amend- 
ment to  come  in  at  the  end  of  the  bill  as  additional 
sections: 

wjiirf  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Burlington  nnd  Mis- 
souri River  Railroad  Company,  a  corporation  organized 
under  and  by  virtue  of  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  be, 
and  hereby  is,  antljorizcd  to  extend  its  road  througli  the 
Territory  of  Nebraska  from  the  point  where  It  strikes  the 
Jllssourl  river,  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Platte  river,  to 
some  point  not  further  west  than  tlie  one  hundredth  me- 
ridian of  west  longitude,  to  as  to  connect  by  the  most  prac- 
ticable route  with  the  main  trunk  of  the  Union  Pacific  rail- 
road, or  that  part  of  it  which  runs  from  Omaha  to  the  said 
one  hundredth  meridian  of  west  longitude  ;  and  for  the  pur- 
pose of  enabling  said  Burlington  and  Missouri  River  Rail- 
road Company  to  construet  that  portion  of  their  road  herecn 
authorized  the  right  of  way  through  the  public  lands  is 
hereby  granted  to  said  company  for  the  construction  of  said 
road  ;  and  the  right,  power,  and  authority  is  hereby  given 
to  said  company  to  take  from  the  public  lands  adjacent  to 
the  line  of  said  road  earth,  stone,  timber,  and  other  ma- 
terials for  the  construction  thereof.  Said  right  of  way  is 
granted  to  said  ccnnpany  to  the  extent  of  two  hundred  feet 
where  it  may  pass  over  the  public  lands,  including  all  ne- 
cessary grounds  for  stations,  buildings,  workshops,  depots, 
machine  sliops,  svvitehes,  side  tracks,  turntables,  and 
water  stations.  And  the  United  States  shall  extinguish  as 
rapidly  as  may  be  the  Indian  titles  to  all  lands  falling  under 
(he  operation  of  this  section  and  required  for  tlie  said  right 
Of  way  and  grant  of  land  herein  made. 

Sec.  — .  Aiiiihe  itfurlhercnactcti.  That  for  the  purpose  of 
niding  in  the  construction  of  said  road  there  be,  and  is 
herel)y,  granted  to  the  said  Burlington  and  Missouri  River 
Railroad  Company  every  alternate  section  of  public  lands 

{excepting  mineral  lands  as  provided  in  this  act)  designated 
)y  odd  numbers  to  the  amount  of  ten  allcrnatc  seciioiis 
per  mile  on  each  aide  of  said  road  on  the  line  thereof,  and 
not  sold,  reserved,  or  otherwise  disposed  of  by  the  United 
Btates,  and  to  which  a  preemption  or  homestead  claim  may 
rot  have  attached  at  the  time  the  line  of  said  road  is  det'- 
Initely  fixed:  Provided,  That  said  company  shall  accept 
this  grant  within  one  year  from  the  passage  of  this  act  by 
filing  such  acceptance  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
and  shall  also  establish  the  line  of  said  road,  and  file  a  map 
thereof  with  the  Secretary  o(  ihe  Interior  within  one  year 
of  the  date  of  said  acceptance,  vvlien  the  said  .Secretary 
shall  withdraw  the  lands  embraced  in  this  grant  from  mar- 
ket. 

And  he  it  further  enacted,  l(c..  That  whenever  said  Bur- 
lington and  Missouri  River  Railroad  Company  shall  have 
completed  twenty  consecutive  miles  of  the  road  mentioned 
in  the  foregoing  sections,  in  the  manner  provided  for  other 
roads  mentioned  in  this  act  and  the  actto  whicli  this  is  an 
nmendment,  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  ap- 
point three  commissioners  to  examine  and  report  to  him  in 
relation  thereto;  and  if  itshall  appear  to  him  that  twenty 
miles  of  said  road  have  been  completed  as  required  by  this 
act,  then,  upon  certificate  of  said  commissioners  to  that 
effect,  patents  shall  be  issued  conveying  the  right  and  title 
to  said  lands  to  said  company  on  each  side  of  said  road  as 
far  as  the  same  ia  completed,  to  the  aniountaforesaid  ;  and 
Bueh  examination,  report,  and  conveyance  by  patents 
shall  continue  fr6m  time  to  lime  in  like  manner  until  said 
road  shall  have  been  completed.  And  the  President  shall 
appoint  said  commissioners  and  fill  vacancies  in  said  com- 
mission, as  provided  in  relation  to  other  roads  mentioned  in 
the  act  to  which  this  is  an  ainendinent.  And  the  said  com- 
pany shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities 
erantedto  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joricph  Railroad  Company 
by  the  said  last-mentioned  act  so  far  as  the  same  may  be 
applicable. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Thigproposition  has  been  be- 
fore the  select  committee  on  the  Pacific  railroad, 
nnd  is  concurred  in  by  them.  It  contains  no  pro- 
vision in  reference  to  bonds,  but  merely  the  same 
grant  of  lands  which  is  given  to  other  companies. 
There  ia  no  obligation  upon  the  part  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  issue  bonds,  or  to  pay  money,  or  any- 
thing of  that  kind. 


I  say  the  amendment  has  the  concurrence  of  the 
select  committee,  as  I  am  informed  by  the  chair- 
man. I  demand  the  previous  question  upon  the 
amendment. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put;  and  under  the 
operation  thereof  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  amendment  was  agreed  to;  and  also 
moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsideron  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
theirSecretary,  informed  the  House  that  the  Sen- 
ate had  passed  acts  of  the  following  titles;  in  which 
the  concurrence  of  the  House  was  requested: 

An  act  (No.  298)  to  incorporate  the  Potomac 
Ferry  Company; 

An  act  (No.  321)  to  authorize  the  corporation 
of  Washington  to  levy  and  collect  ihe  direct  tax 
imposed  by  act  approved  August  5,  1861;  and 

An  act  (No.  11,'))  to  amend  an  actentitled  "An 
act  to  define  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  levy 
court  of  the  county  of  Washington,  District  of 
Columbia." 

Also,  that  the  Senate  has  passed  bills  of  the 
House  of  the  following  titles,  severally  with 
amendments;  in  which  the  concurrence  of  the 
House  was  requested: 

An  act  (No.  495)  to  amend  the  charter  of  the 
WashingtonandGeorgetown  Railroad  Company; 
and 

An  act  (No.  442)  to  authorize  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  negotiate  with  certain  In- 
dians of  Middle  Oregon  for  the  relinquishment  of 
certain  rights  secured  to  them  by  treaty. 

PACIFIC  RAILROAD AGAIN. 

Mr.  LOAN.  I  move  to  amend  the  sixth  sec- 
tion by  adding  thereto  the  following: 

Section  thirteen  of  the  act  to  which  this  is  ainendatory 
Is  hereby  amended  by  striking  out  the  words  "  Hannibal 
and  St.  Joseph"  wherever  they  occiu-  in  said  section,  and 
inserting  in  lieu  thereof"  St.  Joseph  and  Denver  City." 

There  are  several  amendments  I  desire  to  offer 
all  touching  the  same  question,  and  with  the  per- 
mission of  the  House  1  will  state  the  whole  ground 
upon  which  the  amendments  are  based  in  a  few 
brief  remarks,  so  that  the  House  may  under- 
stand the  ol>jects  I  have  in  view. 

The  object  of  granting  aid  in  the  construction 
of  this  road,  as  I  understand  it,  is,  as  declared  in 
the  charter,  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the 
general  welfare  of  the  country.  That  being  the 
object  had  in  view,  we  have  provided  for  the  loca- 
tion of  a  main  trunk  on  the  one  hundredth  degree 
of  longitude  west,  with  branches  from  that  point 
east  to  the  Missouri  river,  and  have  authorized 
certain  railroad  companies  to  construct  those 
branch  roads  froin  the  Missouri  river  to  the  main 
trunk.  In  doing  this  the  authority  conferred  upon 
these  branch  roads  is  in  the  nature  of  a  trust  con- 
ferred by  the  Government  upon  these  corpora- 
tions for  the  construction  of  these  parts  of  this 
national  work,  first  for  the  benefit  of  the  public, 
and,  secondly,  for  the  incidental  advantages 
which  may  result  to  the  roads  themselves. 

If  this  supposition  as  to  the  object  of  granting 
aid  in  constructing  these  branches  be  correct. 
Congress  has  the  control  of  the  matter  at  this 
time,  and  can  direct  what  corporation  shall  con- 
struct them. 

Among  other  things  they  have  provided  for  the 
construction  of  a  branch  west  by  the  Hannibal 
and  St.  Joseph  railroad.  They  have  provided 
furthermore  for  the  construction  of  a  branch  from 
Kansas  City  by  the  Leavenworth  and  Pawnee 
road.  They  have  also  provided  in  this  bill  for  the 
construction  of  a  branch  from  Leavenworth,  in- 
tersecting the  Pawnee  branch,  to  Lawrence,  and 
a  branch  from  Omaha,  intersectingeither  the  main 
trunk  or  some  branch  of  it. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  This  is  a  matter  with  which 
I  am  not  at  all  acquainted.  I  would  ask  the  gen- 
tleman if  there  is  sucli  a  company  chartered  as 
the  St.  Joseph  and  Denver  Railroad  Company. 

Mr.  LOAN.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  STEVENS.     Where  is  it  to  run.? 

Mr.  LOAN,  it  runs  from  St.  Joseph  to  Denver 
City,  in  Colorado.  The  company  has  been  organ- 
ized and  a  portion  of  the  road  has  been  completed, 
but  the  operations  of  the  company  have  been  in- 
terrupted by  the   rebellion,   which   has   thrown 


everything  in  that  part  of  the  country  into  con- 
fusion. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Has  the  Hannibal  and  St. 
Joseph  Railroad  Company  made  any  portion  of 
the  road  under  this  franchise.' 

Mr.  LOAN.  So  far  as  1  am  advised,  it  has  not. 
I  propose  speaking  upon  that  point. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  would  like  to  ask  whether 
this  new  road  is  the  same  one  to  which  it  is  said 
the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  Railroad  Company 
have  assigned  their  franchise? 

Mr.  LOAN.     It  is  not. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  will  not  trouble  the  gen- 
tleman with  further  questions. 

Mr.  LOAN.  The  St.Joseph  and  Denver  City 
Railroad  Company  is,  like  the  Hannibal  and  St. 
Joseph  Railroad  Company,a  corporation  well 
known  in  the  western  coijntry.  It  has  commenced 
the  construction  of  its  road  and  has  graded  the 
road-bed  for  some  twelve  miles;  it  has  the  track 
laid  down  for  four  or  five  miles,  and  has  the  iron  to 
lay  it  for  more  than  twelve  miles  already  upon  the 
ground. 

But,  as  I  was  e.bout  saying.  Congress,  in  au- 
thorizing the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  Railroad 
Company  to  construct  this  branch,  put  into  the 
charter  a  requirement  that  it  should  pass  the  town 
of  Atchison,  in  Kansas.  This  town  of  Atchison  is 
represented  at  the  otherend  of  the  Capitol  by  Sen- 
ator PoMEROY,  who  is  one  of  the  proprietors  of 
the  town,  and  the  member  of  the  Thirty-Seventh 
Congress  from  the  district  which  I  now  represent 
w^,  as  I  have  been  informed,  another  proprietor 
of  the  town  of  Atchison.  It  was  necessary,  in 
order  to  promote  individual  interests  in  the  town 
of  Atchison,  to  make  a  deflection  to  the  south, 
so  that  this  branch  road  should  run  by  that  town. 
This  rendered  the  franchise  conferred  upon  the 
Hannibaland  St.Joseph Companyentirely  worth- 
less to  them;  it  destroyed  its  entire  value;  they 
could  notconstruct  the  road  on  the  terms  proposed, 
and,  considering  the  franchise  of  no  value  to  them 
whatever,  they  assigned  it  to  the  Atchison  and 
Pike's  Peak  Railroad  Company,  of  which  Seiia- 
tor  PoMEROY  seems  to  be  the  sole  representative. 
The  object  of  all  this  was  not  to  promote  the  pub- 
lic interests  or  the  public  welfare  in  the  construc- 
tion of  a  branch  to  the  Pacific  railroad,  but  to 
promote  the  individual  interests  of  certain  gentle- 
men who  propose  to  construct  a  road  not  where 
the  public  interests  require  it,  butin  such  a  direc- 
tion as  will  put  money  into  their  pockets.  The 
franchise  being  utterly  worthless  to  the  Hannibal 
and  St.  Joseph  Railroad  Company,  they  have  as- 
signed it  without  any  consideration,  as  a  mere 
gratuity,  to  the  Atchison  and  Pike's  Peak  Rail- 
road Company,  and  as  they  have  declined  to  con- 
struct this  branch  road,  I  desire  that  Congress 
shall  give  this  franchise  to  a  corporation  that  will 
construct  the  road  under  their  charter. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentle- 
man from  Missouri  one  otherquestion.  I  desire 
to  inquire  whether  aid  for  more  than  a  hundred 
miles  is  granted  by  his  amendment  to  this  road. 

Mr.  LOAN.     No,  sir. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  It  is  the  same  as  the  original 
grant? 

Mr.  LOAN.  Just  the  same.  What  I  desire 
is  to  get  a  road  that  will  run  west  connecting  the 
eastern  country  with  the  western  country , and  not 
to  build  a  side  road  for  the  individual  benefit  of 
particular  gentlemen  who  manage  legislation  here 
so  as  to  accomplish  their  own  ends.  We  have  a 
continuous  line  of  railroad  now  from  Philadel- 
phia through  Harrisburg,  Pittsburg,  Columbus, 
Springfield,  and  Hannibal,  to  St.  Joseph,  all  now 
in  ruiming  order,  except  some  twenty  miles  be- 
tween the  Illinois  river  and  the  Mississippi  river, 
on  which  they  are  laying  down  the  iron  at  this 
time. 

The  general  course  of  the  road  from  St.Joseph 
lies  north  of  west.  But  the  charter  requires  a  de- 
flection of  twelve  miles  from  a  direct  course  south 
to  Atchison,  and  then  a  return  to  the  line.  Now, 
sir,  no  company  can  afford  to  build  a  road  with 
such  conditions,  and  no  company  will  build  it. 

This  amendment  if  adopted  will  secure  a  con- 
tinuous line  of  road  from  Philadelphia  west  near 
the  fortieth  parallel  of  north  latitude  to  the  irmin 
trunk  of  the  Pacific  road.  If  this  amendment  is 
adopted  the  St.  Joseph  and  Denver  City  Company 
will  build  the  road,  and  they  ask  for  no  additional 
aid  from  the  Government.  They  ask  for  no  ad- 
ditional grant,  but  they  do  ask  the  authority  to 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8181. 


build  tliis  road  in  a  westerly  direction  instead  of  a 
southerly  or  southwesterly  direction. 

1  ask  the  House  to  consider  for  one  moment 
what  will  be  the  effect  of  building,  as  is  authorized 
under  this  bill  as  it  now  exists,  three  parallel 
roads  having  their  eastern  termini  on  theiUissouri 
river  within  thirty-two  miles  north  and  south, 
while  a  stretch  of  country  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  or  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  wide  is  with- 
out any  branch  whatever.  Can  any  gentleman  in 
this  House  see  any  public  necessity  of  three  par- 
allel branches  of  this  road  running  within  a  strip 
of  thirty-two  miles  wide, while  a  strip  one  hundred 
and  thirty  or  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  wide 
above  is  left  without  any  branch  whatever? 

And  again,  the  eastern  termini  of  these  branches 
are  at  Kansas  City,  Atchison, and  Leavenworth, 
and  not  one  of  them  has  an  eastern  connection  or 
will  have  for  years  to  come.  The  only  eastern 
connection  that  can  be  had  at  present  is  through 
the  city  of  St.  Josepli,  and  it  is  a  singular  fact 
that  in  the  bill  as  now  presented  the  only  point 
by  which  the  road  can  at  present,  or  for  years  to 
come,  make  a  connection  with  the  East  is  left 
out  of  the  bill.  There  is  no  connection  with 
Atchison,  Kansas  City,  or  Leavenworth,  and  the 
only  means  in  prospect  for  such  a  connection  is 
through  the  Missouri  Pacific  railroad,  and  that 
will  not  be  completed  for  years. 

The  amendment  I  have  ofll'ered  proposes  the 
only  means  of  remedying  that  difficulty.  It  pro- 
vides for  a  connection  with  a  point  with  \i'hicli  a 
continuous  connection  with  the  East  has  been 
krpt  up  in  spite  of  the  war;  a  point  which,  for  the 
last  ten  or  fifteen  years,  has  been  the  great  central 
point  for  the  outfitting  and  starting  of  traders  and 
emigrants  across  the  jilains,  and  has  been  selected 
for  that  purpose  bccausoof  its  very  superior  ad- 
vantages for  the  purpose.  Why,  sir,  within  the 
last  forty  days  not  less  than  two  hundred  wagons 
per  day  have  been  outfitted  and  started  across  the 
plains  from  that  point. 

1  submit,  tiierefore,  that  to  make  the  termini 
of  the  branch  roads  at  the  points  mentioned  in  the 
bill  not  only  presents  the  anomaly  of  three  par- 
allel roads  within  a  strip  of  thirty-two  miles,  but 
tliat  of  leaving  the  whole  travel  of  the  West  en- 
tirely unprovided  for  for  want  of  an  easttrn  con- 
nection. Tlie  bill  provides  for  one  branch  having 
its  ttrrniriusat  Omaha  and  one  having  its  terminus 
at  Sioux  City.  Many  years  will  elapse  before  the 
public  demand  for  railroad  communication  will 
require  any  connection  with  those  points. 

With  this  explanation  I  hope  this  anieiidment 
will  be  passed,  and  unless  some  gentleman  desires 
to  be  heard  upon  it  I  will  demand  the  previous 
question. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered  to  be  put. 

On  the  adoption  of  the  amendment  submitted 
by  Mr.  Loan  37  voted  in  the  affirmative  and  35 
ill  the  negative — no  quorum. 

The  SPEAKERordeied  tellers;  and  appointed 
Messrs.  Loan  and  Hutchins. 

The  House  again  divided;  and  the  tellers  re- 
ported— ayes  58,  noes  38. 

So  the  amendment  was  adopted. 
_  Mr.  DAWES.     1  move  to  add  to  the  ninth  sec- 
tion the  following: 

Jiiid -pro I'iiJed  further.  That  any  company  authorized  by 
this  act  <<)  construct  its  road  and  telegrapli  line  from  the 
Mi.-souri  river  to  tlie  initial  point  ulorejiaid  may  construct 
its  road  and  tclcigrapli  lino  so  as  to  connect  vvitli  the  Union 
Pacific  railro.vl  al  any  point  westvv-ardly  of  such  initial 
point  in  case  such  company  shall  deem  such  westward  con- 
nection more  practicable  or  desirable;  and  in  aid  of  the 
construction  of  so  mucii  of  ita  road  and  telegraph  line  as 
shall  so  be  a  departure  from  tlie  route  hereinbefore  provided 
for  its  road,  such  company  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  bene- 
fits and  be  subject  to  all  the  conditions  and  restrictions  of 
this  act :  Provided  furtker,  however,  Tliat  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States  shall  not  be  issued  to  such  company  for  a 
greater  amount  than  is  hereinbefore  provided;  nor  shall 
such  C(mipany.be  entitled  to  receive  any  greater  amount  of 
alternate  sections  of  publiclands  tlitin  are  also  herein  pro- 
vided. 

I  do  not  think  there  can  beany  objection  to  the 
amendment. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  As  I  understand  it  I  do  not 
object  to  it;  but  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman  to  in- 
sert after  the  word  "nor,"  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  amendment,  these  words: 

If  the  same  be  united  with  the  Union  Pacific  railroad 
on  the  one  hundredth  degree  of  longitude. 

Mr.  DAWES.     I  accept  that  as  a  modification 
of  my  amendment. 
Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  think  that  ths  gfe«t 


mistake  in  reference  to  the  Pacific  railroad  has 
been  in  recognizing  so  many  companies  over  the 
same  degrees  of  longitude.  If  the  energy  of  rail- 
road men  had  been  confined  to  one  line  from  the 
Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean  I  am  sure  that 
the  work  would  haveiseen  much  further  advanced 
than  it  is  now.  I  have  always  regretted  proposi- 
tions to  add  on  other  companies;  and  I  fear  that 
the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts will  have  the  same  effect. 

I  cannot  perceive  how  the  objection  alluded  to 
by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa  can  be  available. 
They  may  continue  a  parallel  railroad  any  dis- 
tance beyond  the  one  hundredth  degree  of  longi- 
tude. There  is  quite  a  space  between  Leaven- 
worth and  the  Platte  and  Republican  fork  where 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  may  fix  the 
point;  and  it  will  doubtless  fix  on  the  road  that 
will  reach  that  point  first.  It  is  far  out  upon  the 
plains,  and  I  see  no  necessity  for  allowing  these 
other  roads.  The  parties  who  are  willing  to  build 
them  are  sufficiently  accommodated  now. 

I  do  not  like  to  oppose  a  proposition  of  this 
kind,  but,  as  a  citizen  of  the  Pacific  coast,  1  want 
to  see  a  road  built,  and  am  therefore  against  any- 
thing that  will  retard  the  accomplishment  of  that 
object. 

Mr.  DAWES.  I  am  with  the  gentleman  in 
favor  of  the  object  he  seeks  to  attain,  and  if  I 
thought  my  amendment  would  have  the  effect  he 
suggests  I  would  withdraw  it.  My  amendment 
is  necessary  in  order  to  enable  these  roads  to 
avoid  mountains  and  sharp  turns,  and  to  make 
them  upon  the  shortest  line. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  If  I  understand  the  amend- 
ment I  see  no  objection  to  it.  If  a  road  reaches 
the  one  hundredth  degree  of  longitude  fifty  miles 
north  or  south  of  the  initial  point,  instead  of  com- 
pelling it  to  turn  to  the  right  or  left,  it  permits  it  to 
continue  on  and  strike  the  line  in  the  shortestand 
best  way. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  PRUYN.    I  move  to  add  the  following: 

The  President  of  the  United  States  shall,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  appoint  a  board  of 
commissioners,  tocoiisist  of  seven  persons,  who  shall  have 
and  possess  all  the  powers  now  vested  in  the  Union  Pa- 
cific ilailroad  Company  under  the  act  entitled  "An  act  to 
aid  in  the  construction  of  a  railroad  and  telegraph  line 
from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  to  secure 
to  the  Government  the  use  of  the  same  forposttil,  military, 
and  other  purposes,"  approved  July  1,  1862;  and  the  said 
commissioners  sliall  proceed  without  delay  to  construct 
the  said  railroad  and  telegrapli  line  as  authorized  by  the 
said  act.  The  said  commissioners  shall  not  be  entitled  to 
any  compensation  for  their  services,  but  their  necessary 
expenses,  to  he  audited  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
shall  be  paid  to  them  respectively. 

I  had  this  amendment  read  last  night,  and  gave 
notice  that  I  would  offer  it  when  I  had  the  oppor- 
tunity. If  the  House  shall  come  to  the  conclu- 
sion to  adopt  it  I  will  then  move  to  refer  the  bill 
back  to  the  special  committee  to  make  it  conform 
to  the  amendment  and  carry  out  the  detail.  The 
Government  are  to  contribute  some  ninety-eight 
per  cent,  of  the  amount  needed  for  the  construc- 
tion of  the  road;  and  the  question  is  substan- 
tially whether  the  work  shall'  be  controlled  by 
the  Government  or  by  those  who  only  contribute 
two  per  cent,  of  its  cost. 

Now,  my  view  of  the  matter  is  that  the  Gov- 
ernment should, through  its  own  commissioners, 
build  the  road  directly  instead  of  doing  it  indirectly, 
and  it  will  spend  no  more  money  in  that  way 
than  in  the  present  mode,  save  the  comparatively 
small  sum  of  ^2,000,000,  and  it  would  not  part 
with  any  of  its  lands.  I  liave  no  objection  to  an 
organization  which,  by  contributing  a  proper 
amount  for  this  purpose,  would  really,  in  view 
of  the  hazard  it  incurs,  become  entitled  to  some- 
thing— some  large  grant,  even,  if  you  please,  from 
Government — for  the  expenditure  it  may  make 
and  the  risk  it  may  run. 

Mr.  PRICE.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman  a 
question.  I  understand  him  to  say  he  is  opposed 
to  the  Government  adding  anything  more  to  the 
grant  already  rnade,  or  to  furnish  any  other  fa- 
cilities, unless  the  Government  takes  control  of 
the  work.  Now  I  desire  to  ask  him  whether  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  did  not,  after  the  or- 
ganization of  the  Pacific  Union  Railroad  Com- 
pany, offer  a  resolution  either  in  the  board  of 
directors  or  stockholders  not  to  do  any  work 
toward  the  construction  of  the  road  until  they 
should  have  additional  legislation  upon  the  sub- 
ject .' 


Mr.  PRUYN.  I  will  answer  the  gentleman. 
Before  most  of  the  gentlemen  who  now  have  the 
control  of  this  road  had  anything  to  do  with  it, 
when  parties  were  desirous  to  save  the  charter, 
I,  in  company  with  several  gentlemen  in  New 
York  with  whom  I  had  been  invited  to  act,  en- 
deavored with  that  view  to  obtain  subscriptions 
to  this  stock,  or  rather  my  associates  did,  and  it 
was  then  understood,  not  by  any  agreement  in 
legal  form,  for  that  could  not  be  made,  that  if  the 
necessary  amount  of  capital  was  subscribed  fur- 
ther legislation  would  be  needed  by  Congress  on 
several  points  before  it  would  be  proper  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  work,  and  that  in  the  mean  time  the 
requisite  surveys  and  examinations  for  the  line 
of  the  road  should  be  made.  If  the  legislation  of 
Congress  should  not  justify  individual  enterprise 
going  on  with  the  undertaking,  or  if  Congress 
should  come  to  the  conclusion  that  some  other 
mode  was  desirable  to  carry  it  on,  then  the  sub- 
scription money  paid  in  should  be  refunded,  de- 
ducting any  amount  which  might  have  been  paid 
for  incidental  expenses  and  surveys.  Their  man- 
ifest object  in  this  was  to  promote  the  work  by 
procuring  the  necessary  surveys,  and  again  bring 
the  subject  before  Congress  that  it  might  in  some 
way  be  placed  upon  a  footing  which  would  lead 
to  its  being  successfully  carried  through. 

Now,  sir,  if  Congress  prefer  that  a  private  cor- 
poration should  go  on  with  this  enterprise,  and 
that  in  consideration  of  ^2,000,000,  or  of  any 
other  amount,  they  should  be  entitled  to  this  fran- 
chise, with  the  large  land  grants  proposed,  they 
will  say  so  by  adopting  the  bill  before  you  in  the 
shape  in  which  it  is  reported.  But  I  wish  to  asK 
the  House,  in  view  of  the  facts  now  before  us, 
and  of  all  the  considerations  which  have  been  pre- 
sented in  regard  to  this  enterprise,  looking  to 
what  the  Government  must  do — and  it  must  sub- 
stantially do  every  thing — whether  it  is  not  better 
at  once,  if  this  great  work  is  to  be  thoroughly 
prosecuted,  that  the  Government  should  at  once 
take  hold  of  it.  I  appeal  to  every  gentleman 
present  whether  in  case  this  road  will  not  take 
care  of  itself,  this  company  or  any  other  company 
or  any  individuals  can  be  expected  to  conhibute 
from  year  to  year  to  carry  on  and  support  it.'  If, 
therefore,  the  operation  be  unsuccessful,  it  must 
necessarily  come  back  upon  the  Government.  If 
it  be  successful,  we  are  parting  with  a  vast  do- 
main with  a  great  amount  of  property  for  a  very 
trifling  consideration. 

Now,  I  lay  out  of  view  the  fact  that  in  the 
scheme  re|)orted  by  the  committee  they  propose 
that  the  company  shall  raise  !(j,50,000,000  on  ita 
own  bonds,  for  the  reason  that  the  Government 
lien  being  subordinate  to  the  first  lien,  it  in  fact 
devolves  on  the  Government  to  take  care  of  the 
company  should  any  difficulty  arise  in  its  affairs. 
My  purpose,  as  I  before  stated,  if  the  House 
should  adopt  this  amendment,  is  to  move  to  re- 
commit the  bill  to  the  committee  to  reframe  it  ac- 
cording to  the  principle  which  this  amendment 
affirms;  and  I  wish  here  in  view  of  some  things 
which  have  occurred  during  this  discussion  to 
say,  if  I  have  not  stated  it  fully  already,  that  I 
have  nothing  to  say  in  regard  to  the  individuals 
concerned  in  the  management  of  this  road.  In 
my  argument  last  night  I  assumed  everything  in 
their  favor.  I  am  willing  to  assume  it  now.  I 
make  no  attack  here  upon  individuals.  I  have 
nothing  to  say  on  that  score.  There  is  no  ques- 
tion that  these  gentlemen  are  abundantly  able  to 
pay  in  the  capital  they  have  subscribed.  I  have  no 
doubt  they  are  prepared  to  go  on  with  the  work. 
But  the  question  for  the  House  to  decide  is 
whether,  looking  at  the  vast  amount  involved  and 
the  great  interests  at  stake,  this  is  the  true  way 
to  build  this  road.  I  think  not,  and  I  hope  my 
amendment  will  be  adopted. 

Mr.  SWEAT.     I  did  not  intend  to  say  any- 
thing upon  this  subject,  fori  supposed  that,  being 
thoroughly  understood,  there  would  be  but  slight 
opposition  to  the  passage  of  the  bill  as  reported 
by  the  committee.     Least  of  all  did  I  expect  op- 
position  from  such  a  gentleman   as  he  who  has 
just  taken  his  seat,  [Mr.  Prutn,]  a  gentleman  of   i 
liberal  views,  and  who  understands  the  railroad    . 
system  of  this  country  as  well,  perhaps,  as  any   ; 
gentleman  upon  this  floor;  but  I  can  construe  his 
proposition  in  no  other  way  than  this,  that  it  is 
intended  to  defeat  the  passage  of  the  bill  now  be- 
fore the  House.     I   wish  to  ask  the  gentleman 
from  New  Yoi'k  whether  this  proposition  of  hia 


3182 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


for  the  appointment  of  seven  commissionei-s  to 
act  without  pay  to  build  the  Union  Pacific  rail- 
road to  tlie  Pacific  ocean  is  or  is  not  founded 
upon  the  idea  that  the  company  as  now  organ- 
ized are  either  not  trustworthy  or  are  incompe- 
tent to  carry  on  the  charge  to  wliich  they  have 
committed  themselves? 

Mr.  PRUYN.  Not  at  all.  My  whole  argu- 
ment was  framed  upon  an  entirely  different  basis. 
I  laid  out  of  the  question  the  personal  character 
and  capacity  of  the  company,  and  simply  claimed 
that  as  this  is  a  Government  work,  for  which  the 
Government  is  to  pay,  we  ought  to  build  it  ac- 
cordingly, and  get  the  benefit. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  The  gentleman  either  wishes 
to  have  the  Union  Pacific  railroad  built  or  he 
wishes  it  not.  1  can  infer  nothing  else  from  his 
argument  than  that  he  is  not  willing  that  it  should 
be  built  under  the  present  organization.  Is  the 
gentleman  willing  that  it  shall  be? 

Mr,  PRUYN.  I  declared  last  evening  that  I 
was  earnestly  in  favor  of  the  construction  of  this 
road,  and  had  been  for  years,  and  that  I  was  one 
of  the  parties  instrumental  in  saving  the  charter; 
but  that  I  thought  we  could  construct  this  road, 
and  ought  to  construct  it,  in  view  of  the  large 
stake  the  Government  has  in  it,  in  another  way 
than  that  proposed  by  the  committee. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  Has  the  organization  of  the 
company  changed  since  the  gentleman  interested 
himself  in  it  by  becoming  a  stockholder  ? 

Mr.  PRUYN.  That  was  before  the  organiza- 
tion. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  It  has  always  been  the  theory, 
at  all  events  of  gentlemen  upon  this  side  of  the 
House,  that  the  Government  ought  not  to  appoint 
their  own  Federal  agents  for  any  great  work  of 
internal  improvemetit.  That  is  the  doctrine  upon 
which  we  have  all  stood,  and  that  is  the  doctrine 
upon  which  the  gentleman  from  New  York  and 
his  associates  have  always  stood.  He  now  pro- 
poses to  place  the  construction  of  the  m.ost  stu- 
pendous work  ever  undertaken  on  the  face  of  the 
earth  in  the  shape  of  a  railroad  in  the  hands  of 
immediate  agents  of  the  Federal  Government. 
Now,  does  lie  suppose  that  men  can  be  found 
who  will  carry  on  this  work  to  a  successful  term- 
ination ufion  any  such  basis  or  theory  as  he  has 
suggested?  If  v/e  adopt  the  proposition  of  the 
gentleman  all  that  has  been  done  under  the  legis- 
lation of  1862,  the  organization  that  lias  been 
formed,  all  the  money  that  has  been  subscribed, 
all  the  surveys  that  have  been  made,  everything 
goes  for  nothing;  we  are  thrown  back  to  where 
we  were  before  the  legislation  of  1862,  and  must 
start  anew.  I  trust  that  that  proposition,  which 
is  ignoring  entirely  this  bill,  will  not  be  enter- 
tained for  one  moment  by  this  Plouse. 

Although  not  anxious  to  speak  on  this  bill,  yet 
as  1  am  a  member  of  the  special  committee  that 
reported  it,  1  desire  to  say  a  single  word.  I  have 
served  with  that  committee,  and  I  need  not  say 
how  faithfully  I  have  done  so.  But  I  can  assure 
the  House  that  that  committee  of  fourteen  has 
worked  faithfully,  honestly,  and  with  as  praise- 
worthy a  desire  to  save  the  public  money  as  can 
animate  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  who  spoke 
last  evening,  [Mr.  Washburne.] 

One  of  the  first  propositions  made  to  the  com- 
mittee was  for  us  to  decide  whether,  in  the  pres- 
ent embarrassed  state  of  the  Government,  we 
would  call  upon  the  Government  for  another  dol- 
larof  aid  to  build  this  road.  The  committee  was 
unanimous  in  the  decision  tJiat,  in  view  of  the 
present  demands^on  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States,  we  could*not,  with  propriety,  be  called 
upon  to  embarrass  the  Government  by  appropri- 
ating one  other  dollar  or  one  other  bond  for  the 
road.  On  examining  the  bill  of  1862  we  found 
in  it  some  provisions  that  were  undoubtedly  in- 
troduced by  the  enemies  of  the  bill,  who  were  de- 
termined to  kill  it  by  such  amendments  as  would 
prevent  the  acceptance  of  the  bill  by  the  friends 
of  the  road.  We  felt  it  our  duty  to  allow  certain 
'  facilities  to  the  road  while  refusing  a  further 
dollar  of  aid. 

From  the  attack  made  on  the  bill  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois  last  night,  a  person  not  un- 
derstandirig  this  bill  as  connected  with  the  first 
one,  v/ould  well  suppose  that  some  heinous  crime 
had  been  attempted  to  be  committed.  Ineednot 
say  that,  in  my  judgment,  the  committee  are  as 
loyal  and  as  economical  of  the  funds  of  the  Gov- 
ernment as  is  the  gentleman  from  Illinois.  Now, 


what  does  the  committee  propose  to  do  by  this 
bill?  Simply  to  give  certain  facilities.  In  the 
law  of  1862  a  provision  was  made  that  if  any  one 
of  these  roads  (and  there  are  various  roads  con- 
nected with  this  line  from  the  meridian  of  longi- 
tude mentioned  to  the  Pacific  ocean)  failed  in  ful- 
filling and  complying  with  every  single  condition 
the  whole  line  should  be  forfeited  to  the  Govern- 
ment, no  matter  whether  they  had  expended  tens 
of  thousands  or  millions  of  dollars.  We  thought 
that  an  exceeding  hardship  on  the  company;  and 
this  bill  provides  that  the  failure  to  comply  with 
the  conditions  by  a  single  section  or  branch  shall 
not  work  a  forfeiture  of  all  that  has  been  done 
from  beginning  to  end.  I  submit  whether  that 
was  not  a  fair  thing  to  do. 

That  is  one  of  the  horrible  things  that  the  com- 
mittee has  done.  I  wish  to  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois,  who  says  he  has  been  a  friend  of 
this  road  longer  than  anybody  else,  whether  he 
would  justify  the  committee  in  that  or  whether  he 
disapproves  of  it? 

Mr.WASHBURNE,ofIllinois.  Idonotknow 
what  the  gentleman  refers  to. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  I  will  repeat  the  question. 
The  bill  before  the  Plouse  provides  that  the  fail- 
ure of  any  one  company  to  comply  fully  with 
the  conditions  and  requirements  of  the  act  shall 
not  work  a  forfeiture  of  the  road  of  any  other 
company. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  suggest  to  my  colleague 
on  the  committee  that  the  question  is  now  simply 
on  the  amendment,  and  that  he  had  better  leave  the 
merits  of  the  case  till  we  get'  through  the  amend- 
ment.    He  is  a  little  out  of  order. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  I  am  willing  to  take  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  Chair.  But  as  the  gentlem.an  from 
Illinois  did  offera  proposition  a  few  minutes  ago 
to  repeal  the  tenth  section,  I  trust  the  House  will 
bear  with  me  a  single  moment  in  reference  to 
that,  as  I  do  not  propose  to  trouble  the  House 
again  upon  it.  The  proposition  of  that  section  is 
simply  that  the  company  may  put  on  the  rail- 
road and  telegraph  line  a  mortgage  equal  per  mile 
to  that  of  the  Government  bonds.  By  the  bill  of 
1862  the  company  was  to  receive  §16, 000  for  that 
part  of  the  road  built  over  the  valley ,  $48,000  for 
that  pait  of  the  road  built  over  the  mountains, 
and  $32,000  for  that  part  built  between  the  mount- 
ains, which  is  in  fact  a  very  difficult  and  mount- 
ainous region. 

Now,  the  proposition  is  that  the  company  shall 
issue  a  mortgage  to  secure  their  bonds  to  an  equal 
amount,  and  that  their  mortgage  shall  take  pre- 
cedence over  that  of  the  Government. 

Now,  I  submit,  as  the  gentleman  who  is  chair- 
man of  the  special  committee  on  this  subject  did 
last  evening  to  the  distinguished  economist  from 
Illinois,  [Mr.  Washburne,]  that  if  this  road  was 
secure  for  the  loan  which  was  proposed  two  years 
ago,  it  must  certainly  be  secure  for  the  additional 
amount  which  it  is  now  proposed  to  put  upon  it. 

Mr.  SHANNON.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Maine  to  allow  the  previous  question  to  be  moved 
on  the  amendment  pending  of  the  gentleman  from 
New  York,  and  then  to  allow  a  vote  to  be  taken 
upon  the  proposition  of  the  gentleman  from  Illi- 
nois. The  debate  upon  the  general  bill  may  then 
proceed  with  less  embarrassment. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  desire  to 
make  a  remark  just  here. 

The  SPEAKER.  The  gentleman  from  Maine 
[Mr.  Sweat]  is  entitled  to  the  floor  and  has  not 
yielded  it. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  The  gentleman  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  Prutn,]  before  me,  desires  to  make 
an  explanation.    I  will  yield  to  him. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  desire  to  ask  the  gentleman  if 
he  heard  the  remarks  I  made  on  this  question 
last  evening? 

Mr.  SWEAT.     I  did. 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  am  surprised,  if  the  gentle- 
man heard  those  remarks,  that  he  should  have  in- 
dulged in  the  line  of  observations  which  he  did 
this  morning.  I  very  briefly  referred  last  night  to 
my  interest  in  the  road  years  since,  and  I  certainly 
said  nothing  which  ought  to  lead-him  or  any  gen- 
tleman to  suppose  that  the  remarks  I  submitted 
to  the  House  were  induced  by  any  other  than  the 
strongest  interest  and  desire  to  see  the  work  suc- 
ceed. I  believe  the  road  will  be  built  sooner,  more 
thoroughly,  and  more  effectually,  in  the  way  I 
have  proposed  than  in  any  other  way,  and  I  submit 
that  my  motives  should  be  as  liberally  and  as  fairly 


construed  as  those  of  the  gentleman  from  Maine. 
My  friendship,  my  active  friendship, if  you  please, 
for  this  road,  dates  many  years  further  back  than 
that  of  the  gentleman  from  Maine. 

One  other  word  in  regard  to  what  fell  from  the 
gentleman,  and  I  will  yield  the  floor.  He  says 
that  if  my  project  be  adopted  all  the  work  that  has 
been  done  since  1862  will  fall.  Not  at  all;  the 
work  that  has  been  done  would  be  turned  over  to 
the  Government  after  paying  for  its  cost.  The 
surveys  which  have  been  made  would  of  course 
be  just  as  available,  and  everything  would  proceed 
without  delay. 

The  gentleman  mistakes  when  he  supposes  that 
persons  of  high  reputation,  standing,  and  charac- 
ter cannot  be  obtained  to  occupy  positions  as  Com- 
missioners under  an  act  of  this  kind.  Sir,  if  this 
proposition  be  adopted  I  should  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  saying  that  I  would  be  prepared  when  the 
proper  time  came  to  name  gentlemen  of  such  char- 
acter, position,  and  standing  before  the  country 
as  no  member  upon  this  floor  would  venture  to 
question,  and  who  would  undertake  to  supervise 
the  construction  of  this  road  without  being  paid 
a  dollar  for  it. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  Before  the  gentleman  takes  his 
seat  I  desire  to  ask  him  if  he  supposes  this  road 
can  be  built  by  the  Government  under  the  super- 
vision of  these  Federal  agents  for  anything  like 
the  amount  a  company  composed  of  gentlemen 
who  are  supposed  to  have  some  interest  in  the 
matter  could  build  it  for? 

Mr.  PRUYN.  I  will  answer  the  gentleman  by 
saying  that  I  do  believe  the  road  could  be  built  by 
the  Government  under  the  supervision  of  sucli 
men  as  I  would  have  appointed — men  outside  of 
all  political  connection  with  the  Government,  and 
of  high  standing  and  character — not  only  cheaper,  • 
but  better  and  more  useful  for  the  great  purposes 
for  which  the  road  is  to  be  constructed,  than  any 
company  would  be  likelyto  build  it,  because  they 
would  have  in  view  all  the  great  elements  of  dur- 
ability and  usefulness  which  should  belong  to  a 
great  national  work  of  this  kind  to  a  greater 
extent  than  any  company  could  be  expected  to 
have. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  One  single  word  more.  We 
ought  to  exercise  a  little  common  sense  in  this 
matter,  and  then  we  will  arrive  at  a  right  con- 
clusion. Everybody  knows  that  the  great  railroad 
system  of  this  country  has  been  pushed  forward 
not  merely  by  a  feeling  of  loyally  and  patriotism, 
or  simply  for  the  improvement  of  the  public  do- 
main, but  by  motives  founded  on  self-interest. 
Most  of  the  transactions  of  life  are  entered  upon 
and  urged  to  their  completion  by  mixed  motives 
rather  than  by  a  single  one,  and  railroads  are  no 
exception  to  this  truth.  My  opinion  is  that 
names  alone  will  not  build  the  Union  Pacific  rail- 
road. Money  is  needed,  and  I  am  for  intrusting 
this  great  work  to  men  who  are  willing  to  give 
their  time,  energies,  and  capital  to  it,  and  am 
therefore  opposed  to  breaking  up  the  present  or- 
ganization and  giving  it  to  the  disinterested  gen- 
tlemen, acting  as  agents  of  the  Government,  as 
suggested  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  The  morning  hour  has  nearly 
expired,  and  I  hope  that  the  gentleman  will  yield 
to  me  to  demand  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  I  will  demand  it  myself.  [ 
demand  the  previous  question  on  the  pending 
amendment. 

The  previous  question  was  seconded,  and  the 
main  question  ordered. 

Mr.  PIOOPER.  Is  it  in  order  to  go  into  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
now? 

The  SPEAKER.  It  can  be  done  by  a  majority 

vote. 

ENROLLED  BILLS. 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  that  they  had  examined  and  found 
truly  enrolled  bills  of  the  following  titles;  when 
the  Speaker  signed  the  same: 

An  act  (S.  No.  265)  to  expedite  and  regulate  the 
printing  of  the  public  documents,  and  for  other 
purposes;  and 

An  act  (S.  No.  306)  to  grant  to  the  State  of 
California  certain  lands  for  State  prison  purposes. 

LOAN  BILL. 

Mr.,  HOOPER.  I  move  that  the  rules  be  sus- 
pended, and  the  House  resolve  itself  into  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Wiiole  on  the  state  of  the  Union  to 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3183 


take  up  the  loan  bill  which  was  made  the  special 
order  (or  to-day. 

The  House  divided  ;  and  there  were — ayes  57, 
noes  35. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Tlie  House  accordingly  resolved  itself  into  the 
Committee  oftheWhole  on  the  stateof  the  Union, 
(Mr.  BouTWELL  in  the  chair,)  and  proceeded  to 
the  consideration  of  House  bill  No.  540,  to  pro- 
vide ways  and  means  for  the  support  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  for  other  pur])oses. 

Mr*.  yOOL^ER.  I  move  that  the  first  reading 
of  the  bill  l)c  dispensed  with. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  object. 

The  bill  was  read  a  first  time  for  information, 
and  then  the  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  it  by  sec- 
tions for  amendments. 

'I'lie  first  section  was  read,  as  follows: 

Tliat  tlie  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury  be,  and  he  Is  hereby, 
injtliorized  to  borrow,  I'rom  time  to  time,  on  the  credit  of 
the  United  States,  $4U0,U0O,O0O,  and  to  issue  therefor  cou- 
pon or  registered  bonds  of  the  United  States,  redeemable 
at  the  pleasure  ofthe  Government  after  any  period  not  less 
than  five  nor  more  than  tliirty  years,  or,  if  deemed  expe- 
dient, made  payable  at  any  period  not  more  than  forty  years 
from  date.  And  said  bojids  shall  be  of  such  denominations 
as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  shall  direct,  not  less  than 
fifty  dollars,  and  bear  an  annual  interest  not  exceeding  six 
per  cent.,  payable  semi-annually  in  coin.  And  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  may  dispose  of  such  bonds,  or  any  part 
thereof,  and  of  any  bonds  commonly  known  as  five-twenties 
remaining  unsold,  in  the  United  States,  or,  if  he  shall  find 
it  expedient,  in  Europe,  at  any  time,  on  such  terms  as  he 
may  deem  most  advisable,  for  lawful  money  ofthe  United 
States,  or,  at  his  discretion,  for  Treasury  notes,  certifieates 
of  indebtedness,  or  certificates  of  deposit  issued  under  any 
act  of  Congress.  And  all  bonds.  Treasury  notes,  and  other 
obligations  ofthe  United  States  shall  be,  exempt  from  tax- 
ation by  or  under  State  or  municipal  authority. 

Mr.  HOOPER  moved  after  the  word  "terms," 
in  the  eighteenth  line,  to  insert  the  words  "and 
conditions." 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  move  tostrike  out  the  last 
clause,  which  is  in  these  words: 

And  all  bonds.  Treasury  notes,  and  other  obligations  of 
the  United  States  shall  be  exempt  from  taxation  by  or  un- 
der State  or  municipal  authority. 

It  will  be  observed,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this 
goes  further  than  any  legislation  wc  have  had  on 
this  subject.  This  embraces  bonds,  Treasury 
notes,  and  othei-  obligations  of  the  United  States. 
Other  obligations  will  be  construed  by  the  courts 
to  mean  legal-tender  notes.  It  will  also  einbrace 
certificates  of  indebtedness.  It  would  extend  to 
the  interest-bearing  Treasury  notes  now  out,  and 
to  all  those  authorized  by  the  second  section  of  this 
act.  It  will  cover  the  entire  floating  wealth  ofthe 
coutitry.  It  withdraws  this  large  amount  of  cap- 
ital from  Stale  and  municipal  taxation. 

I  am  wrong  in  saying  that  it  will  eniJbrace  all  of 
the  floating  wealth  of  the  country.  It  would  not 
apply  to  the  notes  of  the  national  banks,  or  to  the 
notes  issued  by  the  local  banks  in  the  country;  but 
it  would  cover  $450,000,000  of  Treasury  notes.  It 
would  embrace  all  those  now  out,  and  all  anthor- 
ized  by  the  second  section  of  this  act. 

While  it  may  be  an  argument  in  favor  of  this 
provision  that  it  is  necessary  for  the  bonds  thein- 
selves  to  prevent  their  depreciation  as  compared 
with  those  which  have  preceded  them,  still  the 
whole  question  comes  up,  and  we  will  be  told  that 
the  subject  is  already  affected  by  legislation  and 
that  this  provision  has  been  applied  to  loans  now 
in  force  Now  I  never  thought  that  it  was  in  the 
power  of  Congress  to  limit  the  right  of  taxation 
for  State  and  municipal  purposes.  When  we  did 
so  it  was  an  unwarrantable  assumption  of  power. 

It  was  not  expected  the  mischief  would  be  so 
great  when  the  first  law  was  passed;  but  now  the 
full  extent  ofthe  evil  can  be  foreseen.  I  do  not 
believe  it  does  or  can  inure  to  the  benefit  of  any 
other  class  of  people  than  the  large  capitalists, 
The  great  mass  of  the  people  have  none  of  these 
bonds;  they  are  in  the  hands  of  the  banks  and  of 
the  large  capitalists.  It  enables  a  man  to  with- 
draw all  of  his  means  from  State  and  municipal 
taxation,  and  makes  tlve  burden  of  taxation  un- 
necessarily heavy  upon  the  poorer  class  of  people. 
The  capitalists  and  those  having  no  investments 
in  real  estate  and  inerchandise,  the  men  least  ben- 
eficial to,the  country,  are  thus  permitted  to  es- 
cape the  just  burdens  of  the  Government;  and  all 
the  burden  is  thrown  upon  labor  and  upon  capi- 
tal invested  in  real  estate  and  in  the  common  com- 
modities of  the  entire  country. 

I  trust  that  the  importance  of  this  subject,  as 
it  must  affect  the  whole  financial  interests  of  the 


country,  will  command  the  serious  consideration 
of  this  House,  and  that  the  principle,  already 
bad  enough,  ingrafted  upon  our  legislation  con- 
nected with  these  public  securities  will  not  at 
least  be  extended  beyond  the  limits  already  es- 
tablished. If  this  entire  provision  is  notstricken 
out  I  hope  it  will  be  confined  at  least  to  bonds 
alone,  and  not  extended  to  Treasury  notes  and 
other  obligations  ofthe  United  States. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  hope  that  amendment  will 
not  be  adopted.  Every  other  loan  bill  under 
which  obligations  ofthe  Government  are  now  in 
circulation  contains  a  similar  clause,  and  I  trust 
we  shall  not  make  this  bill  an  exception. 

The  gentleman  says  it  exempts  United  States 
notes  issued  for  circulation.  I  understand,  how- 
ever, that  this  provision  applies  only  to  the  in- 
terest-bearing obligations  of  the  GoverniTient.  If, 
however,  the  gentleman  thinks  that  the  provision 
would  be  safer  with  an  amendment  in  that  re- 
spect, I  am  willing  it  should  be  made. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  These  Treasury  notes  are  in- 
terest-bearing paper.  The  difference  between 
them  and  legal  tender  is  that  the  one  kind  bears 
interest  while  the  other  does  not.  The  term 
"  Treasury  notes,"  as  made  use  of  here,  refers  to 
the  notes  provided  for  in  the  second  section  of 
this  bill.  The  language  is,"  Treasury  notes  and 
other  obligations  of  the  United  States."  If  "Treas- 
ury notes"  would  not  embrace  legal  tender,  the 
other  term,  "and  other  obligations  of  the  United 
States, "ofcourse  would  embrace  allothers  which 
the  Government  has  issued. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  Would  the  gentleman  pro- 
pose that  legal-tender  notes  should  be  subject  to 
State  and  municipal  taxation.' 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  understand  the  gentleman 
to  ask  whether  any  notes  should  be  subject  to 
State  and  municipal  taxation.  Surely  they  should 
be;  otherwise  all  that  a  wealthy  man  has  to  do  to 
get  rid  of  State  taxation  is  to  convert  his  property 
iiilo  money,  which  of  all  other  things  is  the  most 
tangible  wealth,  and  should  be  taxed. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  It  would  be  very  unfair  to 
subject  him  to  municipal  taxation  when  he  has 
done  that,  as  he  would  have  no  income  on  which 
to  pay  a  tax. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  If  a  man  is  to  be  taxed  on 
personal  estate  he  is  to  be  taxed  upon  that  which 
is  money,  which  is  personal  estate.  If  1  under- 
stand this  provision,  a  man  who  has  property  in 
currency  would  not  be  taxed  at  all. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  will  state  to  the  gentleman 
from  iMassachusetts  that  in  Kentucky  the  tax- 
gatherer  asks  the  tax-payer  what  he  is  worth  in 
money  after  all  hisdebtsare  paid.  If  he  answers 
five  or  ten  thousand  dollars,  he  is  taxed  upon  that 
amount.  If  you  exempt  legal-tender  notes  from 
taxation,  and  the  tax-gatherer  asks  me  that  ques- 
tion and  I  say  I  am  worth  §10,000  in  legal-tender 
notes,  then  he  is  at  once  prohibited  from  taxing 
me,  and  I  am  free  from  taxation  of  any  kind. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  I  wish  to  ask  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  a  question  for  information. 
Will  the  gentleman  state  upon  what  theory  it  is 
thought  advisable  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  that  bonds,  Treasury  notes,  and  other 
obligations  of  the  Government  should  be  exempt 
from  taxation  by  State  authority? 

Mr.  HOOPER.  In  reply  I  would  say  that  I 
do  not  think  the  committee  looked  to  any  theory 
about  it.  They  found  the  general  practice  since 
the  commencement  of  the  Government  h'ad  been 
to  exempt  from  taxation  the  obligations  of  the 
Government  issued  by  the  United  States  under 
loan  bills. 

Mr.  SWEAT.  I  supposed  that  the  theory  was 
this,  that  the  bonds  would  be  much  sooner  taken 
up  if  they  were  to  be  exempt  from  taxation.  If 
that  be  the  theory  I  think.il  is  a  mistaken  one; 
for  it  is  getting  to  be  so  unpopular  in  many  por- 
tions ofthe  country  for  men  to  hold  bonds  which 
are  not  subject  to  taxation  by  Stale  legislation, 
that  men  are  becoming  unwilling  to  take  the  odium 
upon  themselves,  which  they  must  necessarily  do 
if  it  be  known  that  they  have  invested  a  large  por- 
tion of  their  surplus  funds  in  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States.  I  believe  if  the  bonds  were  sub- 
ject to  taxation  men  would  be  more  willing  to  take 
them  than  they  are  now  when  they  are  exempt. 
I  was  never  more  struck  with  the  force  of  this 
idea  than  I  was  when  1  heard  a  remark  made  by 
a  very  distinguished  gentleman,  a  warm  friend  of 
this  Administration,  and  1  may  say,  without  men- 


tioning his  name,  one  of  the  justices  of  the  .Su- 
preme Court  of  tlie  United  States.  He  said  that 
he,  for  one,  would  be  unwilling  to  take  bonds  that 
were  to  be  exempt  from  taxation  by  the  munici- 
pal laws  of  the  State  where  he  lived,  for  the  reason 
that  he  believed  the  .system  would  become  so  odi- 
ous before  many  months  hud  gone  by  that  a  man 
would  find  it  difficult  to  live  in  ti  neighborhood 
where  it  was  known  tliat  he  had  invested  his  sur- 
plus funds  in  Government  bonds,  thereby  escap- 
ing taxation  on  his  personal  property. 

I  think  it  would  work  better  to  let  it  be  known 
at  once  that  the  mnn  who  invests  his  money  in 
Government  bonds  shall  pay  State  taxes  upon  the 
property  so  invested,  the  same  as  upon  other 
property. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  If  the  indebtedness  created 
by  the  United  States  in  the  conduct  of  this  war 
is  to  be  taken  at  home,  it  is  *to  consume  pretty 
much  the  entire  surplus  wealth  of  the  country; 
it  is  to  be  measured  by  thousands  of  millions.  I 
say  further,  that  to-day  Great  Britain  with  its 
present  debt  owned  abroad  would  be  bankrupt; 
because  it  would  have  to  export  gold  to  pay  the 
interest.  Great  Britain  bears  the  debt  simply 
because  it  holds  its  own  debt;  and  so  it  is  an  ob- 
ject for  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  hold  this 
debt;  but  at  the  same  time  a  proposition  to  ex- 
empt that  debt  from  taxation.  Slate  or  municipal, 
is  in  effect  a  proposition  to  exempt  it  from  taxa- 
tion altogether;  because,  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  there  is  no  power  by  which 
a  direct  tax  can  be  laid  that  can  reach  it.  You 
can  only,  under  a  direct  tax,  reach  land  and 
slaves. 

Now,  I  am  utterly  opposed  to  this  proposition. 
I  have  given  the  last  vote  1  shall  ever  give  in  this 
Congress  to  exempt  from  taxation,  in  any  form 
in  which  it  may  be  laid  on  any  other  species  of 
property,  money  invested  in  the  securities  or  in- 
debtedness of  the  United  States.  I  believe  that 
money  invested  in  the  bonds  of  the  State  of  New 
York  or  in  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  should 
be  subject  to  exactly  the  saine  taxation  as  the 
same  money  would  be  if  invested  in  any  other  se- 
curities of  whatever  nature.  I  have  voted  for  this 
proposition  heretofore;  but  1  believe  the  principle 
is  a  vicious  one.  I  believe  that  if  the  debt  is  to  be 
paid  it  is  to  be  paid  by  subjecting  it  to  taxation 
like  other  property.  1  believe  that  if  the  holders 
ofthe  bonds  knew  their  own  interest  they  would 
come  to  Congress  and  themselves  ask  to  have  the 
exemption  from  taxation  contained  in  formerlaws 
repealed.  It  is  for  their  benefit,  and  for  that  of 
the  whole  people,  that  this  property  should  be 
subject  to  taxation.  For  one,  1  never  will  know- 
ingly vote  for  .such  a  principle  hereafter. 

Mr.  GANSON.  The  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  Hooper,]  in  justificaiion  of  this 
provision,  stated  that  it  had  been  the  uniform 
custom  to  exempt  obligations  of  this  kind  from 
State  and  municipal  taxation.  Now,  sir,  I  think 
there  is  nothing  in  that  view  of  the  case  thatshould 
influence  this  House  in  its  action  in  any  degree. 
We  all  know  that  prior  to  the  rebellion  and  the 
debt  it  brought  upon  the  country  the  Stale  tax- 
ation, and  the  municipal  taxation,  with  the  ex- 
ception, perhaps,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  was 
comparatively  trifling,  but  in  future  the  chief  part 
of  the  taxes  to  be  raised  in  the  States  are  the  di- 
rect consequence  of  the  pending  rebellion.  The 
State  of  New  York,  including  county,  city,  and 
town  obligations,  to-day  has  an  indebtedness  of 
^50,000,000,  which  was  incurred  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  soldiers  to  fill  your  Army.  The  taxes 
to  pay  that  debt  should  be  imposed  upon  Federal 
obligations  as  well  as  upon  other  property.  There 
is  no  sense  ii>exempting  Federal  obligations  from 
their  share  of  the  burden  thus  imposed.  I  say, 
therefore,  that  when  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts refers  to  the  past  practice  of  this  Govern- 
ment he  makes  a  false  reference,  and  one  having 
no  weight  whatever  upon  the  subject  now  under 
consideration. 

When  hereafter  the  people  come  to  understand 
this  matter  and  see  that  this  indebtedness  waa 
contracted  solely  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing 
this  rebellion,  and  when  they  see  that  personal 
property  invested  in  Government  obligations  is 
exempt  from  taxation,  the  holders  of  such  obli- 
gations and  the  system  also  will  become  perfectly 
odious.  It  is  for  that  reason  that  I  have  uniformly 
upon  this  floor  opposed  exempting  the  national 
bunks  from  State  or  municipal  taxation,  and  for 


3184 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22. 


the  same  reason  I  oppose  the  exemption  of  these 
obligations.  I  liope  tliat  the  House  will  cease 
from  this  day  forward  to  exempt  such  obligations 
from  taxation.  The  people  are  ready  and  willing 
to  pay  whatever  tfixos  arc  necessary,  bat  they 
will  insist  tlial  taxation  shall  bear  equally  upon 
all  classes  and  upon  all  kinds  of  property.  Par- 
tial legislation  in  thisrespectis particularly  unjust. 

Mr.  tMA.LLORY.  I  move  toamend  the  amend- 
ment of  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Hol- 
man]  by  i.nscrting  the  words  "  authorized  to  be 
issued  by  this  act;"  so  that  it  will  read,  "and 
all  bonds,  Treasury  notes,  and  other  obligations 
of  the  United  States  authorized  to  be  issued  by 
this  act."  As  an  abstract  question  I  agree  witli 
both  gentlemen  from  New  York  [Messrs.  Gan- 
soN  and  Pomerot]  in  all  they  liave  said  against 
the  policy  of  exempting  United  States  bonds  from 
State  and  municipaP  taxation.  Yet  I  can  see 
now  the  subjecting  the  bonds  provided  for  in  this 
bill  to  taxation — leaving  the  bonds  heretofore  is- 
sued exempted — would  have  the  effect  of  embar- 
rassing the  Government  by  rendering  their  sale 
in  the  market  difficult.  If  I  could  get  rid  of  the 
impression  that  a  due  regard  to  the  honor  of  the 
Government  would  prevent  us  doing  it  I  would 
vote  now  for  a  proposition  to  remove  the  exemp- 
tion which  the^e  bonds  enjoy  from  taxation.  But 
I  consider  that  a  closed  question.  We  have 
adopted  that  policy.  It  is  settled  and  fixed.  All 
the  bonds  of  the  Government  heretofore  sold,  by 
which  money  has  been  raised  to  carry  on  this 
war,  are  now,  by  the  provisions  of  the  law,  ex- 
empt from  taxation.  And  it  would  be  an  invid- 
ious discrimination  against  the  batch  of  bonds 
proposed  to  be  issued  under  the  bill  to  provide 
that  they  shall  be  subject  to  taxation.  It  may  be 
possible,  as  has  been  suggested  by  some  persons, 
tliat  the  wary  and  astute  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts [Mr.  Hooper]  may  aim  at  something 
else  than  the  mereexeinption  of  these  bonds  from 
taxation  by  the  phraseology  used  in  this  bill.  1 
do  not  charge  this  upon  him.  I  do  not  say  that 
I  have  eveti  a  suspicion  that  he  entertains  such  a 
purpose.  I  merely  suggest  that  it  is  within  the 
range  of  possibility  that  such  a  thing  is  contem- 
plated. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  When  the  gentleman  from 
Kentucky  offered  his  amendment  I  rose  to  say 
that  I  concurred  in  it,  and  that  I  thoughtit  should 
be  put  in  the  bill. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Then  I  recant  everything 
tliat  1  said,  for  it  is  impossible  to  suspect  thcgen- 
tleman  from  Massachusetts  of  any  such  motive. 
My  proposition  would  put  the  matter  on  the  true 
ground,  would  put  these  bonds  on  an  equality 
with  all  the  Qther  bonds  of  the  Government,  and 
would  be  nothing  but  just.  I  repeat  that  if  i  was 
satisfied  that  to  do  so  would  not  be  a  breach  of 
faith  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  I  would  be 
willing  to  go  for  an  act  repealing  the  law  exempt- 
ing these  bonds  from  taxation. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  ask  the  gentleman  from 
Kentucky  whether,  because  we  exempt  some  of 
these  bonds  from  taxation  we  mustgoon  eontin- 
uously  until,  as  has  been  said  by  my  colleague, 
[Mr.  PoMEROY,]  all  the  wealth  of  the  States  shall 
be  exempt  from  taxation?  I  ask  him  whether  it 
would  not  be  better  to  cure  the  evil  by  raising 
even  the  rate  of  interest. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  Perhaps  that  would  be  bet- 
ter, but  no  one  has  suggested  that  the  rate  of  in- 
terest should  be  increased  in  this  bill.  I  take  the 
bill  as  it  stands.  My  argument  is  addressed  to 
the  existing  state  of  facts.  Still  I  cotitend  that, 
however  desirable  it  may  be  to  stop  this  practice, 
I  do  not  see  how,  with  any  |)ropriety,  it  can  be 
done,  unless  we  go  back,  retrace  our  steps,  and 
correct  our  previous  legislation  on  the  subject. 
But  there  is  an  obstacle  to  that  course,  which  it  is 
very  difficult  to  gel  over:  that  is,  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  Governinent.  As  a  member  of  the 
House  I  have  voted  against  every  bill  exempting 
Government  bonds  from  State  and  municipal  tax- 
ation. The  sin,  if  it  be  one,  does  not  lie  at  my 
door.  My  skirts  are  clear.  The  pledge  was 
given  not  with  my  consent  but  against  my  re- 
monstrance. But  I  am  unwilling,  at  this  late  day, 
when  the  Government  is  in  need  of  the  money 
that  is  to  be  raised  by  this  bill,  to  say  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, virtually  that  it  may  sell  these  bonds  but 
that  its  fight  will  be  restricted  in  such  a  way  as 
to  render  it  impossible  to  get  purchasers  for  these 
bonds. 


Mr.  KERNAN.  There  is  one  suggestion  that 
T  desire  to  make  in  reply  to  what  has  been  said 
by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky.  All  that  I 
could  say  as  to  the  general  policy  of  the  meas- 
ure 1ms  been  very  well  said  by  other  gentlemen. 
But  I  may  be  pardoned  for  calling  attention  to  this 
now,  as  1  did  it  once  before,  from  the  fact  that  I 
have  been  personally  instructed  by  portions  of 
my  constituents,  irrespective  of  party  ties,  to  try 
and  obviate  this  which  they  complain  of  as  a 
great  evil  in  their  midst — the  exempting  much  of 
the  wealth  of  the  district  from  its  liability  to  mu- 
nicipal and  State  taxation.  Now,  it  can  be  rem- 
edied without  changing  the  rate  of  interest.  If  we 
strike  out  this  clause  all  there  will  be  of  it  will  be 
that  the  Government  \yill  realize  just  so  much 
less  as  the  State  and  municipal  taxes  are  esti- 
mated at,  and  it  will  be  better  for  the  Govern- 
ment to  sell  them  at  a  little  less  in  the  market  and 
thus  begin  to  change  the  character  of  our  bonds 
in  this  respect  than  to  go  on  in  the  same  way  be- 
cause others  heretofore  issued  have  been  exempted 
from  taxation.  Ifwe  go  on  exemptingthese bonds 
from  State  and  municipal  taxation  we  shall  find 
hereafter,  as  has  been  said,  so  much  irritation, 
annoyance,  and  odium  attached  to  holding  these 
bonds  in  the  community  that  men  \yill  hesitate  to 
take  them.  It  will  enable  a  man  witU  $100,000 
invested  in  Government  bonds  to  enjoy  all  the 
privileges  and  benefits  of  State  and  municipal 
governments  without  bearing  any  share  of  the 
burdens  in  supporting  them. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  The  gentleman  from  New 
York  will  allow  me  to  say  that  if  he  will  go  with 
me  not  only  in  striking  out  the  clause  or  section 
which  exempts  these  bonds  from  State  taxation, 
but  will  also  go  with  me  in  insertingan  additional 
section  repealing  all  laws  and  parts  of  laws  here- 
tofore passed  exempting  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States  from  State  or  municipal  authority,  the 
bonds  will  then  all  be  placed  upon  the  same  foot- 
ing. So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  having  protested 
in  the  outset  arainst  the  exemption,  1  do  not  feel 
myself  bound  by  that  action  of  the  House.  I  do 
not  know  how  gentlemen  oyer  on  the  other  side 
of  the  House  who  are  responsible  for  it  may  feel. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  will  say  that  in  obedience  to 
instructions  from  my  own  constituents  1  intro- 
duced a  resolution,  which  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  directing  them  to  in- 
quire into  the  expediency  of  reporting  some  plan 
for  the  repeal  of  this  legislation  exempting  the 
bonds  of  the  Government  from  taxation  by  State 
or  local  authorities,  or  in  some  other  way  of  ob- 
viating the  injuswce  which  that  legislation  in- 
volves  

Mr.  NOBLE.  I  wish  to  propound  to  the  gen- 
tleman this  question.  Has  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment any  power  under  the  Constitution  to  ex- 
empt any  property  from  State  taxation,  and  if  so, 
where  does  that  power  come  from  ? 

Mr.  KERNAN.  The  power  has  been  denied; 
but  I  did  not  propose  at  this  time  to  go  into  an 
argument  upon  the  constitutional  question,  or  to 
place  this  proposition  upon  that  ground  at  all. 
I  know  it  has  been  said  that  the  power  did  not 
exist.  I  believe,  also,  that  there  was  a  case  de- 
cided in  reference  to  this  matter  in  which  it  was 
held  that  the  Government  had  the  power  to  ex- 
empt from  taxation  all  their  bonds. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  The  decision  was,  I  think, 
that  they  had  power  to  exempt  bank  franciiises 
from  taxation. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  However  that  may  be,  I  do 
not  propose  to  place  this  proposition  upon  that 
ground.  1  think  it  is  belter  for  the  Government 
to  make  its  bonds  sufficiently  secure;  but  by  pla- 
cing them  altogether  beyond  the  power  of  State 
Legislatures,  or  beyond  the  power  of  any  local 
authorities  to  tax  them,  there  will  be  attached  to 
them  the  odium  of  enabling  the  capitalists  who 
hold  them  to  avoid  their  fair  share  of  the  burdens 
of  the  Slate  and  municipal  governments  under 
which  they  live.  1  am  informed  that  men  of 
wealtl  are  in  the  habit  of  purchasing  say  §50,000 
of  these  bonds,  of  holding  them  just  long  enough 
to  swear  tljem  against  their  taxes,  and  then  sell- 
ing them  in  market.  I  trust  that  this  clause  of 
the  section  will  be  stricken  out,  and  that  the  bonds 
we  are  hereafter  to  issue  will  be  subject  to  tax- 
ation the  same  as  other  property,  even  if  we  can- 
not change  the  law  in  relation   to  bonds  hereto- 


fore issued. 
Mr.  HOLMAN. 


I  wish  to  call  the  attention  f 


of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  who  ha» 
charge  of  this  bill,  to  the  fact  that  it  has  not  been 
heretofore  the  uniform  custom  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  exempt  its  bonds  from  State  and  local 
taxation.  From  the  hasty  examination  I  have 
been  able  to  give  the  laws  heretofore  passed  au- 
thorizing the  issue  of  bonds,  I  cannot  find  that 
they  have  been  thus  exempted  prior  to  the  act  of 
February  25,  1862;  and  even  in  respect  to  that 
act  1  find  the  language  is  materially  different  from 
that  employed  in  this  bill.  That  act  provides  for 
the  exemption  "  of  all  stocks,  bonds,  and  other 
securities  of  the  United  States,"  intending  mani- 
festly not  to  embrace  the  legal-tender  notes,  but 
simply  the  public  securities,  such  as  are  described 
as  the  permanent  debt  of  the  Government. 

Mr.  HOOPER.     What  is  the  page  ? 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Page  346  of  the  Statutes  at 
Large.  The  language  here  made  use  of  is  strik- 
ingly diflferent.  The  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts says  that  he  is  following  precedent,  and  I 
think  I  present  the  first  one  that  can  be  found  in 
the  statutes.  It  embraces  all  bonds,  stocks,  or 
other  public  securities,  and  here  the  language  is 
bonds.  Treasury  notes,  or  other  obligations  of 
the  United  States.  It  not  only  applies  to  those 
now  out,  but  to  those  authorized  to  be  issued  by 
this  act.  'You  have  in  circulation  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  million  dollars  of  interest-bearing 
Treasury  notes.  I  believe  that  the  number  of 
these  notes  in  circulation  is  not  generally  known, 
but  it  is  not  much  below  two  hundred  and  fifty 
million  dollars. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  thank  the  gentleman  from 
Indiana  for  the  suggestion.  This  bill  further  on 
authorizes  the  issuing  of  additional. fractional  cur- 
rency, and  my  amendment  would  exempt  that 
from  taxation  for  Stale  and  municipal  purposes. 
I  withdraw  my  amendment. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  It  is  not  alone  additional 
fractional  currency,  but  this  bill  authorizes  the 
issuing  of  legal-tender  notes  to  supply  the  places 
of  those  which  are  withdrawn.  It  was  for  that 
purpose  we  appropriated  the  other  day  $440,000 
for  plates,  paper,  &c. 

Beyond  all  that  I  wish  to  call  attention  to  this 
fact:  of  these  instruments  designed  to  circulate 
as  currency,  as  legal-tender  notes,  {^250,000,000 
are  now  out,  and  $200,000,000  more  are  provided 
by  the  express  terms  of  this  act.  All  these 
$450,000,000  of  interest-bearing  Treasury  notes 
are  exempted  from  taxation  for  State  or  munici- 
pal purposes.  What  then?  One  half  of  the  cur- 
rency of  the  country  would  be  exempt  from  tax- 
ation for  State  or  municipal  purposes. 

I  desire  to  call  attention  to  a  fact  independent 
of  that  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  striking  out 
this  provision  or  anything  of  the  kind,  and  that 
is  that  it  will  operate  to  produce  great  inequality 
of  taxation.  Take  the  rural  portion  of  the  coun- 
try. There  the  wealth  consists  in  lands,  stock, 
and  farming  implements.  The  lands  are  made 
valuable  year  after  year  by  the  labor  of  our  citi- 
zens. There  everything  is  taxed  for  Stale  and 
municipal  purposes  as  well  as  for  national  pur- 
poses; not  a  thing  escapes;  but  in  the  midstof  the 
large  centers  of  trade,  where  capital  is  centralized 
and  where  the  bonds  of  the  Government  are  held 
in  the  main,  there  they  are  to  have  extraordinary 
advantages,  and  wealth  is  to  be  exempt  from  this 
taxation.  It  does  not  operate  equally  and  fairly; 
it  throws  the  burden  of  taxation  heavily  upon 
the  producing  classes  of  our  people. 

If  we  committed  an  error  on  ihe25'th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1862,  it  is  desirable  that  that  error  should  not 
be  perpetuated  any  longer  than  is  indispensably 
necessary.  I  would  increase  the  rate  of  interest, 
or  sell  the  bonds  for  a  correspondingly  smaller 
amount  rather  than  produce  this  inequality  of  tax- 
ation. It  would  then  be  relieved  from  the  objec- 
tion that  capital  is  exempted  froin  its  share  of  the 
burdens  of  Government.  For  if  these  bonds  are 
exempted  from  taxation  it  must  excite  great  in- 
dignation on  the  part  of  the  people  in  the  agricul- 
tural regions  of  the  country.  I  firmly  believe  that 
if  we  strike  out  that  provision  in  this  bill  it  will 
enhance  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  benefi- 
cence of  the  Government  more  than  by  anything 
else  we  can  do. 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  reaches  every  citizen.  It 
makes  those  who  do  not  hold  these  bonds  feel 
that  they  are  compelled  to  bear  a  burden  that 
others  are  not  compelled  to  bear.  For  the  pur- 
poses of  my  argument  I  will  state  a  case.     1  know 


^'H 


fff^  f-gj3t^jinwi)aiM*.'Hi  iBtirarfsoixiin  .i^r^y'vyy^^^ir^  j,i>'^''^^riJB^fli»'T^i**^g?'J'>/iW'^'*arn"'VTy'^^'"'^'^^  atjsTJtKi  scxs^xMyaaar^mx 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  PUBLISHEF/  BY  JOHN  G.  RIVES.  AVASHINGTON,  J).  C. 


Thirty-Eighth  Conghess,  1st  Session, 


FRIDAY,  JUNE  24,  1864. 


New  Series No.  200. 


BnnrnTTtiwwT^mtTrsa^ 


a  citizen,  wlio  lius  no  fiimily,  who  iiad  an  estate 
of  ^5,000  vvhicli  he  invested  in  the  recent  issue 
of  bonds,  realizing  enough  to  subsist  t\  man  of 
moderate  expenditure.  He  is  relieved  from  all 
taxation.  There  are  unsurmountabl.e  objections 
to  the  continuance  of  thi.s  policy.  Tlie  evil  is 
novt^  not  so  great  as  it  will  be  by  the  accumulation 
of  this  species  of  wealth  in  the  hands  of  a  class. 
It  ought  not  to  be  continued  when  we  .see  tlie 
extent  of  the  evil.  It  was  first  passed  on  Febru- 
ary 25,  1862,  at  a  moment  of  enthusiasm  when 
we  thought  tile  war  would  speedily  be  terminated, 
and  tlie  measure  was  not  examined  with  care. 
We  have  reached  a  point  when  it  is  possible  for 
us  to  understand  what  must  be  the  extent  of  the 
national  debt  and  to  what  extent  these  bonds 
must  be  thrown  upon  the  country,  and  therefore 
it  does  seem  to  me  tliat  it  becomes  a  special  sub- 
ject of  interest,  and  indeed  of  absolute,  impera- 
tive necessity,  that  the  effect  of  this  S|i(,'cies  of 
legislation  should  attract  and  receive  unusual  at- 
tention. 

One  other  remark;  if  the  House  should  determ- 
ine not  to  strike  out  this  whole  language  and 
adopt  what  some  gentlemen  think  is  the  wiser 
policy  of  letting  this  species  of  wealth  bear  its 
ordinary  burden,  certainly  a  broader  principle 
than  that  laid  down  in  former  acts  should  not  be 
adopted.  If  the  House  refuses  to  strik'e  out  this 
paragraph;  at  any  rate  the  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts will  himself  suggest  the  propriety  of 
substituting  the  exact  words  of  former  acts,  and 
not  make  the  principle  worse  and  more  destruc- 
tive. I  hope  we  shall  attempt  to  amend  the  error 
which  has  manifestly  been  committed. 

Mr.  HOTCHKISS.  I  shall  not  occupy  the 
time  of  the  committee  with  any  extended  remarks 
upon  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Indiana, 
l)ut  I  shall  content  myself  with  simply  defining 
my  position.  What  I  said  when  the  currency 
bill  was  before  the  House  and  the  committee 
would  perhaps  be  sufficient  to  justify  me  in  al- 
lowing this  opportunity  to  pass  by  without  say- 
ing anything  ujion  the  sul  ject;  but  it  is  due  to  a 
question  of  the  importance  of  this  that  the  posi- 
tion of  every  member  should  be  understood  not 
only  by  this  committee  but  by  the  country,  and 
it  should  be  known  to  the  country  who  indoi-scs 
at  this  late  day  such  a  vicious  principle  as  creat- 
inga  privileged  class  ofmoneyed  men  in  thiscoun- 
try — men  whose  whole  wealth  is  to  be  exempted 
by  the  legislation  of  Congress  from  bearing  the 
burdens  that  we  are  imposing  upon  ourselves  to 
carry  on  this  war,  and  that,  too,  baaed  upon  the 
idea  that  we  cannot  get  money  unless  wc  raise 
up  such  a  privileged  class  in  this  country,  and 
exempt  them  from  taxation  and  make  them  a 
moneyed  aristocracy. 

Why,  these  wealthy  men  who  have  this  money, 
and  whose  favor  we  want  to  court  by  partial  legis- 
lation, ought  to  understand  that  wo  own  the 
wealth  of  the  country,  and  that  we  have  not  got 
to  beg  it  at  their  hands,  but  have  the  power  any 
day  to  take  it.  Tli(;gold  in  the  miser's  chest  and 
the  cattle  on  a  thousand  hills  are  ours,  and  it  is 
the  millions  of  this  country  that  are  to  control 
that  treasure,  and  not  the  few  that  happen  to  have 
possession  of  it  to-day. 

And  I  ask  gentlemen  how  they  are  to  go  before 
the  country  and  ask  localities,  ask  counties  and 
Stales  to  offer  bounties  to  men  to  enlist,  and  to  im- 
pose taxes  upon  the  people  at  the  same  time  that 
ihey  exempt  the  wealth  of  the  country  from  tax- 
ation, and  ca'st  the  burden  entjrely  upon  the  labor 
of  the  country.  It  is  about  time  that  this  mock 
legislation,  this  foolish  legislation,  should  be  ven- 
tilated before  the  country,  and  the  class  of  men 
who  are  urging  this  policy  upon  tiie  country  will 
regret  it  to  the  day  of  their  death.  This  war  is 
not  going  to  last  forever.  The  time  will  come 
when  every  species  of  legislation,  however  ridic- 
ulous it  may  be,  cannot  be  forced  upon  this  coun- 
try upon  the  plea  that  it  is  necessary  to  adopt 
such  legislation  to  carry  on  the  war.  The  time 
for  paying  our  debts  will  come,  and  then  if  the 
poor  and  the  laboring  men  are  the  only  ones  who 
have  to  pay  the  taxes,  they  will  pay  them,  but 

200 


they  will  be  a  far  happier  class  in  the  commiinily 
than  the  rich  men  will  be  who  enjoy  this  exemp- 
tion. 

Besides,  the  rich  men  do  not  claim  thi.s  exemp- 
tion. Men  who  have  wealth  to  loan  to  the  Gov- 
ernment do  not  claim  it.  Men  loan  their  money 
to  the  Government  from  patriotic  motives — men 
of  sn)all  means  and  men  of  large  means.  They 
know  they  can  employ  their  money  in  business 
to  Isetter  advantage,  but  ihey  say  they  want  to 
loan  their  money  to  the  Government  as  a  matter 
of  duty,  t\nd  they  do  not  tell  you  they  want  their 
bonds  exempt  from  State  and  municipal  taxation. 

Mr.  Chairmati,  I  have  said  perhaps  more  than  I 
ought  to  have  said.  I  only  wish  to  have  my  po- 
sition understood.  The  New  York"  members  vvfant 
laws  enacted  here  that  will  command  the  sym[ia- 
thyand  Rup|)ort  of  the  people.  And,  sir,  1  speak 
from  authority  and  by  authority  here.  I  know 
what  the  people  want.  -  They  do  not  want  such 
wiciced  legislation  as  this.  Tliey  want  to  put 
down  the  rebellion.  They  will  furnish  men  and 
means  for  that  purpose;  and  I  challenge  the' men 
who  bring  forward  these  laws  to  compare  tiotes 
with  me  to-day.  I  represent  a  district  that  is 
foremost  in  this  matter.  It  has  got  as  good  a 
record  as  any  district  in  the  Union.  There  is  but 
one  voice  there  on  this  subject,  and  I  will  express 
that  voice  here,  and  other  men  may  take  care  of 
their  own  interests.  The  men  who  vote  to  ex- 
empt any  species  of  property,  United  States  se- 
curities or  anything  else  in  this  country,  from 
taxation  of  any  kind  that  the  people  choose  to 
impose,  will  have  a  fearful  record  to  meet  here- 
after. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  I-  had  occasion,  early  in 
the  session,  to  express  my  views  upon  the  ques- 
tion now  under  consideration,  and  I  am  glad  to 
find  that  the  House  is  waking  up  to  the  import- 
ance of  that  questit)n.  I  do  not  propose  tiow  to 
repeat  anything  1  said  on  that  occasion.  I  pro- 
pose to  address  myself  to  the  sugjiestioii  made  by 
the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Mallory,] 
that  inasmuch  as  the  Government  has  commenced 
the  system  of  exempting  these  Government  is- 
sues from  State  and  municipal  taxation,  it  is  per- 
haps better  to  continue  it.  It  scents  to  mo  tiiatif 
the  Government  was  wrong  in  exempting  the  fiist 
issues  t'rom  taxation,  the  sooner  we  abandon  the 
vicious  principle  the  bctti;r  it  will  be  for  the 
country. 

Mr.  MALLOR,Y.  The  gentleman  will  do  me 
the  justice  to  say  tiiat  I  expressed  a  willingness 
to  vote  for  an  amendment  to  this  bill  repealing  all 
acts  by  which  this  preference  isgiven  to  the  bonds 
of  the  United  States.  I  amop[)osed  to  the  whole 
policy,  and  I  vyould  vote  for  a  law  repealing  all 
the  laws  now  existing  exempting  the  l)ond.s  and 
securities  of  the  United  States  from  taxation. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  If  it  could  be  done  with- 
outbreiiking  faith  with  the  bond-holders  who  have 
taken  the  bonds  under  a  pledge  that  they  should 
not  be  taxed,  I  would  vote  with  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  to  repeal  the  laws  exempting 
these  bonds.  But  the  Government,  in  violation 
in  mjr  judgment  of  the  true  principle,  saw  fit  to 
exempt  by  law  these  bonds  from  taxation,  and 
men  have  purchased  them  under  the  pledge  that 
they  should  not  be  taxed.  I  am  for  keeping  faith 
with  them.  But  I  am  also  in  favor  of  placing  all 
future  issues  under  this  or  any  other  bill  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  position  in  respect  to  taxation  as 
every  other  species  of  property. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  I  am  for  keeping  all  the 
faith  1  ever  filedged  to  the  holders  of  these  bonds. 
I  never  pledged  my  faith  to  this  .system.  I  have 
voted  against  it;  and  when  I  said  I  would^vote 
to  repeal  all  these  laws,  1  did  not  intend  to  inti- 
mate that  gentlemen  who  voted  for  this  policy 
could  change  their  course  and  vote  with  me.  I  do 
not  suppose  they  would  do  so.  But  the  gentle- 
man from  Illinois  would  not  violate  any  pledge 
he  has  made  in  voting  with  me,  because  he  has 
always  voted  against  exempting  these  bonds  from 
taxation. 

Mr.  J.  C.  ALLEN.  It  is  true  I  voted  against 
it;  but  a  majority  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 


States  have  issued  the  bonds,  and  [lut  them  in 
the  market  with  the  pledge  that  they  should  not 
be  taxed.  In  my  judgment,  it  wimld  be  had  faith 
to  repeal  that  law  now,  since  the  iionds  have  been 
purchased  under  an  implied  pledge,  to  say  the 
least  of  it,  that  they  should  be  exempt  from  tax- 
ation. 

The  point  I  make  is  that  the  principle  is  wrong. 
I  have  olijected  to  it  lieretofore,  and  I  am  now 
satisfied  that  a  majority  of  the  House  believe 
that  the  bonds  ought  not  to  have  been  thus  issued. 
I  am  satisfied  that  a  majority  of  the  House  be- 
lieves that  bonds  issued  hereafter  ought  not  to  be 
exempt  from  taxation,  and  this  is  as  good  a  time 
to  change  the  policy  of  the  Government  as  any 
in  the  future  will  be.  If  it  was  wrong  heretofore 
it  would  be  wrong  in  the  future;  and  if  it  ia  wrong 
let  us  set  it  right  now. 

1  desire  simply  to  add  further,  that  in  my  judg- 
ment this  principle  of  exempting  Government 
securities  from  taxation  has  heretofore  done  more 
to  sap  the  ftiith  of  the  masses  of  the  people  in 
the  financial  fioliey  o^  the  Government  than  any- 
thing else,  and  that  its  continuance  will  engender 
strife,  bitterness,  and  discord,  and  throw  upon 
this  system  of  legislation  an' obloquy  from  which 
it  can  never  be  relieved. 

Mr.  BROOMALL.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  incline 
to  the  notion  that  it  makes  very  little  difference 
whether  the  portion  of  the  section  proposed  to  be 
stricken  out  be  stricken  out  or  not.  I  think,  al- 
though 1  do  not  speak  positively,  that  even  then 
these  bonds  would  be  exempt  from  taxation.  I 
therefore  suggest  to  the  gentleman  from  Indiana 
that  if  he  intends  really  to  make  these  bonds  tax- 
able for  State  and  municipal  purposes  he  .should 
convert  this  provision  into  oneaflirniative,  making 
them  so  taxable,  in  order  that  the  question  may 
not  be  left  in  any  doubt. 

I  will  give  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  one  ad- 
ditional reason  for  making  these  bonds  liable  to 
State  and  municipal  taxation,  which  probably  did 
not  strike  him.  It  is  this:  if  the  bonds  are  made 
taxable  for  State  and  municipal  purposes,  we  will 
have  to  give  a  greater  nominal  amount  of  bonds 
to  raise  a  given  amount  of  money.  By  our  so 
doing  we  will  be  benefiting  the  loyal  States.  When 
the  (iebt  comes  to  be  paid,  it  will  have  to  be  paid 
as  well  by  the  rebel  States  as  the  loyal  States. 
Hence  striking  out  this  provision  and  putting  in 
one  of  the  opposite  character,  is  to  some  extent 
legislating  in  favor  of  loyal  States  and  discrim- 
inating against  those  in  rebellion.  I  ask  the  gen- 
tleman to  think  over  that  reason, and  when,  if  he 
thinks  proper  to  do  so,  he  shall  modify  his  amend- 
ment so  as  to  make  it  effectual,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  I  siiall  vote  for  it. 

IVIr.  NOBLE.  I  do  not  propose  to  detain  the 
committee  more  than  a  single  moment,  but  I  want 
to  take  issue  with  the  gentleman  from  Illinois, 
[Mr.  .T.  C.  Allen,]  and  1  merely  rise  for  that  |iur- 
[iose.  1  contend  that  from  the  beginning  it  was 
illegal,  contrary  to  the  Constitution,  in  violation 
of  that  instrument,  for  Congress  to  attempt  to  ex- 
empt any  property  from  State  legislation.  I  con- 
tend that  the  States  of  the  Union  have  no  other 
means  of  sustaining  themselves  from  year  to 
year  than  by  the  taxation  of  real  and  ])ersonal 
property  in  the  hands  of  their  citizens.  And  I 
contend  that  the  Congress  of  tlie  United  States 
has  no  right  or  power  to  exempt  any  clas.s  or 
portion  of  the  property  of  individual  citizena 
from  its  just  proportion  of  State  taxation. 

I  say,  therefore,  that  while  I  am  ready  at  any 
time  to  repudiate  such  a  policy,  I  claim  that  in 
doing  so  I  am  not  acting  i»i  bad  taith,  for  I  con- 
tend that  it  was  always  illegal  and  unconstitu- 
tional for  the  Federal  Government  to  exempt 
properly  from  State  and  municipal  taxation.  If 
the  Federal  Government  has  a  right  to  exempt 
bonds  owned  by  individuals  from  taxation  in  the 
States,  why  might  it  not  extend  tiial  power  to 
other  classes  of  property,  and  thus  cut  off  the 
means  by  which  a  State  government  is  carried  on  .' 
I  merely  wish  to  put  myself  on  the  record  against 
the  declaration  of  my  friend  from  Illinois. 

Mr,  HOLMAN.  '  Tiiere  seems  to  be  a  good 


3186 


THE  OONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  22, 


deal  of  force  in  the  sue;'o:est.ion  of  the  j^eiUleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Broomall.]  Siill  I 
hardly  conceive  that  it  can  be  necessary  to  assert 
affiriviatively  that  these  securities  shall  not  be  sub- 
ject to  State  or  municipal  taxation.  The  provis- 
ion of  the  act  of  1862  making  such  exemption  is 
only  applicable  to  the  securities  issued  under  tiiat 
act.  It  does  not  seem  to  me  desii-able  as  a  ques- 
tion of  policy  that  we  shall  put  on  the  statute- 
book  a  provision  that  these  bonds  shall  be  sub- 
ject to  State  and  municifial  taxation.  To  avoid 
the  possibility  of  any  mistake  there  might  be  a 
clause  inserted  providing  that  the  bonds  and  other 
securities  to  be  issued  under  this  act  shall  be  sLib- 
ject  to  State  taxation.  But  1  will  hold  on  to  my 
first  motion  to  amend  by  strikingout  the  last  sen- 
tence of  the  first  section. 

Mr.  STEVENS  called  for  tellers  on  Mr.  Hol- 
man's  amendment. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Messrs.  Stevens 
and  HoLMAN  were  appointed. 

The  committee  divided ;  and  the  tellers  reported 
— ayes  61,  noes  44. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  nov/  move  to  insert  at  the 
end  of  the  first  section  these  words,  "  and  that  the 
bonds  and  other  obligations  issued  under  this  act 
shall  be  suliject  to  State  and  municipal  taxation.  " 

Mr.  NOBLE.  1  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment by  sul>stituting  the  folTowing: 

And  all  lioiids,  Treasury  notes,  and  otiier  obligations  of 
the  United  States,  pjiall  be  subject  to  Stale  and  municipal 
taxation,  on  eiinai  terms,  the  same  as  otlier  piopeity. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  suppose  the  object  is  to 
prevent  the  Kale  of  bonds  so  as  to  prevent  the  fur- 
ther indebtedness  of  th.e  United  States.  The  vote 
already  taken  has  been  sufficietit,  I  think,  to  en- 
tirely prevent  the  sale  of  any  one  of  these  bonds. 
I  do  not  believe  that  if  we  adopt  that  provision, 
end  it  comes  to  be  known,  by  implication  even, 
that  States  iriay  tax  these  bonds,  one  dollar  will 
ever  be  invested  in  them. 

The  policy  of  the  Government  has  heretofore 
been  not  to  allow  State  taxation  of  the  bonds  of 
the  General  Government  for  two  reasons:  in  the 
first  [)lace,  that  they  would  meet  with  a  readier 
sale  if  not  subject  to  State  taxation;  and  in  the 
second  place,  that  the  Government  might,  in  a 
case  of  extraordinary  necessity  like  the  present, 
monopolize  the  entire  revenue  to  be  derived  from 
this  description  of  taxation. 

But  it  seems  that  now  the  gentleman  from  In- 
diana proi)osis  directly  to  grant  permission  to 
all  the  States  to  lax  the  bonds  of  theGoveitmtent. 
Sir,  no  man  of  any  wisdom  as  a  capitalist  will 
ever  invest  a  dollar  in  bonds  of  that  kind.  Why, 
sir,  it  would  subject  the  governmental  bonds  to 
every  whim  and  every  change  of  politics  in  every 
State,  ifd  particular  Adminstration  of  theGovern- 
ment  was  unpopular  with  the  authorities  of  a  par- 
ticular State,  and  they  desired  to  place  themselves 
in  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  the  Government,  all 
they  would  have  to  do  would  be  to  tax  the  bonds  of 
the  Government  out  of  existence;  to  tax  them  to 
such  an  extent  as  would  be  impossible  for  the 
Government  to  stand.  That  is  the  altitude  in  which 
honorable  gentlemen  have  [jiaced  the  country  by 
the  vote  which  lias  just  been  taken. 

Of  course  every  gentleman  has  th.e  right  to  vote 
as  he  pleases,  but  it  ought  to  be  known  that  the 
effect  of  it  is  to  place  the  Government  at  the  mercy 
of  the  whims,  caprice,  and  malignity  of  any  polit- 
ical party  happening  for  the  time  being  to  be  in 
control  of  a  State  government. 

Now,  sir,  if  when  we  come  into  the  House  the 
amendment  which  has  just  passed  this  committee 
should  be  adopted,  I  hope  my  friend  from  Massa- 
chusetts, who  has  charge  of  this  bill,  will  be  wise 
enough  to  withdraw  it,  and  notattempt  to  put  upon 
the  majket  bonds  which  no  prudent  man  Vwillever 
buy. 

Mr.  HOTCHKISS.  I  regret  as  much  as  any 
member  of  this  House  can  to  differ  with  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania  who  last  addressed  the 
comntittee,  but  I  must  be  permitted  to  remark 
that  during  the  present  session  we  have  heard 
tliia  same  argument  againyi  taxing  the  holders  of 
bank  stock  based  upon  Government  securities. 
It  was  predicted  then  that  the  wholescheme  would 
be  a  failure,  that  no  wise  capitalist  would  invest 
his  money  in  such  stock  if  it  was  to  be  subject  to 
State  taxation,  and  to  the  malignity  of  any  fiai-ty 
that  might  come  into  power.  Sir,  1  for  one  have 
no  fear  of  the  malignity  of  parties.     Parties  are 


always  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  they  will 
be  very  apt  to  so  shape  their  legislation  as  to  suit 
tlie  people  and  keep  in  power  unless  they  are 
very  unwise,  and  a  very  unwise  party  will  not 
reinain  in  power  long  enough  to  inflict  any  per- 
manent injury  upon  the  country. 

I  only  wish  to  say  that  in  spite  of  all  these  pre- 
dictions of  failure,  we  ingrafted  this  principle 
npon  the  bank  bill,  and  the  law  to-day  is  popular, 
so  popular  that  all  the  banks  will  organize  under 
it.  it  will  be  a  popular  system,  because  it  com- 
mends itself  to  the  sympatliies  of  the  people.  It 
appeals  to  thi^ir  sense  of  justice.  It  may  be  an 
unfortunate  time  now  to  adopt  any  sucli  proposi- 
tion ,  but  I  tliink  not. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Do  I  understand  the  gentle- 
man to  say  that  by  the  bank  law  the  bonds  of  the 
United  Stat(-s  are  taxable  by  States.' 

Mr.  IIOTCHKfSS.     In  effect  they  are. 

Mr.  STEVENS  On  the  contrary  they  are 
expressly  excepted. 

i\lr.  HOTCHKISS.  By  the  bank  law  tlie  full 
value  of  shares  in  these  banks  is  taxable,  and 
that  portion  of  the  full  value  of  these  shares  which 
is  based  upon  Government  securities  is  taxable 
the  same  as  that  based  on  any  other  securities. 
The  vi^hole  countjy,  and  I  believe  every  branch 
of  the  Government,  acquiesced  in  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  I  propose  by  the  amendment 
I  have  submitted  that  the  bonds  and  securities 
authorized  to  be  issued  under  this  act  shall  be 
subject  to  State  and  municipal  taxation.  The 
amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  No- 
ble] proposes  that  all  the  bonds  and  securities 
issued  under  tb's  and  'brmer  act?  shall  be  subject 
to  State  and  municii:.dl  taxation.  That  is  tlie 
difference  between  them. 

Mr.  KERNAN.  I  would  suggest  the  follow- 
ing as  a  substitute  for  both  the  pending  amend- 
ments: 

And  that  the  owners  of  all  bonds  and  obligations  issued 
under  and  by  virtue  of  tliis  act  sliall  be  liable  to  State  and 
municipal  taxation  npon  the  value  tliereot' to  the  same  ex- 
tent tliat  they  are  liable  to  State  ta.xation  on  any  other  se- 
curities or  similar  personal  estate  owned  by  them. 

Mr.  NOBLE.  My  amendment  is  in  the  exact 
words  of  the  act. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  ask  the 
gentleman  to  yield  to  me  thatl  may  move  that  the 
committee  rise  in  order  to  dispense  with  the  even- 
ing session. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.     I  yield  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois,  moved  that 
the  committee. rise. 

The  cotnmiitee  divided;  and  there  were — ayes 
42,  noes  43. 
Mr.  FENTON  demanded  tellers. 
Tellers  were  ordered  ;  and  Messrs. Washburne, 
of  Illinois,  and  Holman,   were  apfioirited. 

The  committee  again  divided;  and  tiie  tellers 
reported — ayes  60,  noes  28. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

So  the  committee  rose;  and  the  Speaker  having 
resumed  the  chair,  Mr.  Boutwell  reported  that 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  had,  according  to  order,  had  the  Union 
generally  under  consideration,  and  particularly 
House  bill  No.  540,  to  [H'ovide  ways  and  means 
for  the  .support  of  the  Government,  and  for  other 
purposes,  and  had  come  to  no  resolution  thereon. 

DISPENSING  WITH  TIIE  EVENING  SESSION. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  move  that 
the  evening  session  for  this  evening  be  dispensed 
witii. 

The  House  divided;  and  there  were — ayes  60, 
noes  25. 

Mr.  WiLSON  demanded  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  v/ere  ordered. 

The  question  was  taken;  and  it  was  decided  in 
the  affirmative — yeas  71,  nays  64,  not  voting  47; 
as  follows: 

YE.A.S  —  Messrs.  William  J.  Allen,  Ancona,  Ashley, 
John  D.  liakhvin,  Baxter,  15liss,  13oy(l,  James  S.  Brown, 
Chancer,  Freeman  Clarke,  Cox,  Cravens,  Dawes,  Dawson, 
Deming,  Dentson,  Donnelly,  Eden,  Eldridgc,  Eliot,  Eng- 
lish, Fenton,  Frank,  Garfield,  Goocli,  Grider,  Harding, 
llarriinuon,  Herriek,  Ilolnian,  Hooper,  llotchkiss,  Inger- 
soll,  I'liilip  Johnson,  William  Johnson.  Julian,  Kalbfleisch, 
Oilando  ICellogg,  Knapp,  Mallory,  Alarey,  Marvin,  Morrill, 
Monisiui,  Nelson,  Ncalon,  Odeli,  Orth,  I'endleton,  I'er- 
hani,  Perry,  I'ike,  Pruyn,  Uadlord,  Samuel  J.  Uaudall, 
Ahjxander  II.  Ivice,  Edward  11.  Itollins,  James  S,  Kollins, 
Seolield,  Smilhers,  Stiles,  Strouse,  Stuart.  'I'liayer, 
Thomas,  Tracy,  Ups(ni,  Wadsvvortli,  Elihu  B.  Washburne, 
Webster,  and  VVinlield — 71. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Alley,  Allison,  .^nlcs,  Augustus  C.  Bald- 


win, Blair,  Blow,  Boutwell,  Brooks,  Broomall,  Ambrose 
W.  Clark,  Cobb,  Cole,  Creswell,  Thomas  T.  Davis,  Dixon, 
Driggs,  Eekley,  Edgerton,Finek,  Gan>oii,  [lale,  neujainin 
G.  Harris,  Iligby,  Asahel  VV.  Ilulibard,  John  11.  Iluiibard, 
[Inlbnrd,  Kelley,  Francis  W.  Kellogg,  Kernan,  Knox,  La- 
7,'-ar,  Loan,  Long,  Longyear,  McAllister,  rdeCride,  Me- 
Clurg,  McDowell,  MeKinney,  Samutd  F.  Miller,  iSIoor- 
head,  Daniel  Morris,  James  R'.  Morris,  Amos  iSlyers,  Leon- 
ard Myers,  Noble,  Charles  O'Neill,  Pnmeroy,  I'riee,  John 
11.  Rice,  Scott,  Shannon,  Sloan,  John  R.  Steele,  William  G. 
Steele,  Stevens,  Sweat,  William  B.  Washburn,  Wheeler, 
Joseph  W.  White,  Williams,  Wilder,  Wilson,  and  Win- 
dom^64.  • 

NOT  VOTING— Messrs.  James  C.  Allen,  Anderson,  .Ar- 
nold, Baily,  Beamnn,  Blaine,  Brandegee,  William  G. 
Brown,  Clay.  Coft'rotli,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  Diimont, 
Farnsvvoitli,  Grinnell,  Griswold,  Hall,  Charles  M.  Harris, 
Hutchins,  Jenckes,  Kasson,  King,  Law,LeDlond,  Liitle- 
jolin,  Melndoe,  Middleton,  William  H.  Miller,  John 
O'Neill,  Patterson,  William  H.  Randall,  Robinson,  Rogers, 
Ross,  Schenck,  Smith,  Spalding,  Starr,  Stebbins,  Van 
Valk'enbnrgh,  Voorhees,  Ward,  Wlialey,  Chilton  A.  White, 
Benjamin  Wood,  Fernando  Wood,  Woodbridge,  and  Yea- 
man — 47. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 
WASHINGTON  AND  GEORGETOWN  RAILROAD. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  moved  that  the 
Flouse  disagree  to  the  amendment  of  the  Senate 
to  FIouss  bill  No.  495,  to  amend  the  charter  of 
the  Washington  atid  Georgetown  Railroad  Com- 
pany, and  ask  for  a  committee  of  conference  on 
the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Speaker 
appointed  Messrs.  Steele  of  New  York,l?RicE, 
and  Washburne  of  Illinois,  as  the  conferees  on 
the  part  of  the  House. 

ENROLLED  BILLS.*- 

Mr.  COBB,  from  the  Committee  on  Enrolled 
Bills,  reported  that  they  had  examined  and  found 
truly  enrolled  bills  of  the  following  titles;  when 
the  Speaker  signed  the  same: 

An  act  (H.R.  No.  434)  to  authorize  the  bailiffof 
the  orphans'  court  in  the  county  of  Washington 
and  District  of  Columbia  to  serve  processes  issued 
by  said  court,  and  for  other  purposes;  and 

An  act  (H.  R.  No.  240)  making  appropriations 
for  the  current  and  contingent  expenses  of  the  In- 
dian department  and  for  fulfilling  treaty  stipula- 
tions with  various  Indian  tribes  for  the  year  end- 
ing .Tune  30,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  ORTH  moved  that  the  House  adjourn. 

The  motion  was  disagreed  to. 

LOAN  BILL AGA^IN. 

Mr.  HOOPER  moved  that  all  general  debate  in 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  on  the  loan  bill  be  closed  in  five  minutes 
after  its  consideration  shall  be  resumed. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HOOPER  moved  that  the  rules  be  sus- 
pended and  the  House  resolve  itself  into  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  House  accordingly  resolved  itself  into  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union,  (Mr.  Boutwell  in  the  chair,)  and  resumed 
the  consideration  of  the  loan  bill,  on  which  Mr. 
Holman  was  entitled  to  the  floor. 

iVlr.  HOLMAN.  I  wish  to  state  some  points 
of  difference  between  the  pending  propositions. 
My  friend  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Noble]  proposes  to 
tax  all  securities  of  the  United  States  issued  un- 
der this  or  any  former  law.  I  do  not  think  that 
will  hold  good.  While  I  would  be  very  glad  to 
concur  in  the  views  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio, 
I  do  not  believe  the  national  faith  should  be  ini- 
^paired  in  the  slightest  degree.  Further,  if  the  law 
exempting  these  bonds  from  taxation  is  not  con- 
stitutional, as  my  friend  contends,  as  a  matter  of 
course  we  get  rid  of  that  embarrassment  through 
the  courts  of  justice;  if  it  is  constitutional  we  are 
strikinga  terrible  blow  at  the  creditand  good  faith 
of  the  country.  That  ought  to  be  preserved  and 
retained,  whatever  errors  we  ourselves  may  have 
committed. 

Mr.  BROWN,  of  Wisconsin.  I  simply  wish 
to  say  that  I  entirely  dissent  from  the  doctrine 
that  a  party  who  has  not  voted  for  a  past  contract 
or  a  past  obligation  entered  into  by  the  Govern- 
ment is  not  bound  by  that  contract.  I  believe  it 
is  due  to  the  country  that  every  contract  we  iiavc 
entered  into  should  be  kept  in  good  faith;  but  I 
believe,  also,  that  the  provision  by  which  these 
bonds  are  exempted  from  taxation  is  almost  fatal 
to  the  country,  and  that  now  we  should  depart 
from  our  past  policy  in  that  respect. 

I  wish,  in  addition,  to  suggest  that  if  it  becomes 


; 


THE  OONGKESSIONIL  GLOBh. 


3187 


pi'oper,  by  the  overruling  of  the  other  amend- 
ments,  to  offer  a  proviso  which  will  place  thits 
malter  in  a  better  shape  than  the  amendments 
which  have  been  oft'ered  to  this  section,  I  shall 
then  move  to  add,  by  way  of  proviso,  the  fol- 
lowitig: 

Prooiiled,  hoxvever,  Tliat  notliing  in  tliis  act  contained 
'J\rU  be  construed  to  exempt  bonds  issued  uiuler  tliis  act 
fioni  tnxation  lor  State  and  municipal  purposes  in  tlie  same 
ratio  as  other  personal  property. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  move  to  amend  by  strik- 
ing out  the  whole  of  the  fir.st  section  after  the 
onactine:  clau.se,  and  inserting  what  I  send  to  the 
Clerk 's\lesk. 

Mr.  NOBLE.  1  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 
There  are  already  two  amendments  pending,  and 
1  apprehend  I  hey  must  be  disposed  of  before  an- 
other can  be  interposed. 

The  CHAiRlMAN.  The  gentleman  can  offer 
his  amendment  to  strike  out  an  entire  section,  but 
the  question  must  first  be  taken  on  the  motion  to 
perfect  the  section  proposed  to  be  stricken  out. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  1  will  ask  to  have  my  amend- 
ment read.  Jt  is  to  strike  out  the  first  section 
after  the  enacting- clause  and  insert  what  the  Clerk 
will  read. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Tiiar  tlie  Secretary  of  llie  Treasury  lie,  and  lie  is  liereby, 
authorized  lo  borrow,  from  tinn;  to  time,  on  llie  credit  of 
the  United  States,  fglUO,()0(l,OiJ'J,  and  lo  issue  tlicretor  cou- 
pon or  rej^istered  boudsof  the  ITnited  States,  redeemable  at 
the  pleasur(.'  of  the  Government  after  any  period  not  less 
than  twenty  nor  more  than  thirty  years,  and,  if  deemed  ex- 
pedient, nirnie  payable  at  any  peiHod  not  more  tlian  forty 
years  frojn  date,^ayable  in  coin.  And  said  bonds  shall  be 
of  such  denominations  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
shall  direct,  not  less  than  fiity  dollars,  and  bear  an  annnal 
iiin'rest  not  exceeding  eiirbt  per  cent.,  payable  semi-annu- 
ally, luid  ihi'  iiiti'rest  on  all  bonds  heretofore  issued,  payable 
aniMirdly,  may  be  paid  semi-annnally  ;  and  in  lirn  olsueli 
bonds,  unihorized  to  be  issnr'd,  the  Secreetary  of  the  Treus 
ury  may  issue  bonds,  bearint;  interest,  payable  semi  anim- 
ally.  And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  dispose  of 
(iueh  bonds,  or  any  part  thereof,  in  the  United  States,  or,  if 
lie  shall  tind  it  expedient,  in  Europe,  at  any  time,  on  such 
terms  as  be  may  deem  most  advisable,  for  lawful  money  of 
the  United  States,  or,  at  his  discretion,  I'orTreasury  notes, 
ceniliealesof  inclel>t(!dness,or  certificates  of  deposit  l^suecl 
under  any  act  of  Congress.  And  be  may  also  issue  in  ex- 
change forTrea>ury  notes  beretofore  issueil  bearing  seven 
and  llire(;  tenths  per  cent,  interest  besides  the  six  per  cent, 
bonds  heretofore  authorized,  like  bonds  of  the  denomina- 
tionsuf.ftlOOand  of.goO.  y\nd  all  bonds.  Treasury  notes,  and 
other obliaaiions  ol'the  United  States  shall  he  exempt  from 
taxation  by  or  under  State  or  municipal  authority. 

The  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Noele  lo  the 
amendment  offered  by  Mr.  IIolman  was  rjot 
agreed  to. 

Mr.  KERNAN  offered  the  following  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  Mr.  Holman's  amendment 

And  that  the  owners  of  the  bonds  and  obligations  Issued 
under  and  by  virtue  of  the  provisions  of  tins  act  shall  be  li- 
able to  Slate  and  nnniieipal  taxation  upon  the  value  thereof 
to  the  same  exteiit  as  they  are  liable  to  such  taxation  upon 
any  other  securities  or  similar  personal  estate  owned  by 
them. 

Mr.  PR,UYN.  I  would  inquire  of  my  col- 
league if  tliat  would  not  be  tlrt  effect  of  the  law 
if  no  such  amendment  were  embraced  in  it. 

Mr.  KER,\'AN.  It  is  thought  by  some  that 
it  would  not.  Tlie  amendment  can  do  no  harm. 
Tlie  dfcisidtis  of  some  of  the  courts  would  leave 
the  matter  in  doubt. 

Mr.  PHUYN.  It  would  rather  go  to  show 
the  sense  of  the  FJouse  as  to  the  necessity  of 
sucli  a  provision.  If  it  is  understood  that  this  is 
merely  by  way  of  precaution,  I  am  willing  to 
vote  for  it. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  To  avoid  the  consumption 
of  time,  inasmuch  as  the  proposition  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York  has  submitted  by  vjixy  of  a 
substitute  is  the  same  as  the  amendment  1  have 
submitted,  only  differing  in  phraseology,  and  in 
this,  that  mine  [iroposed  nolimitupon  theextent 
of  State  taxation,  while  his  limits  it  by  the  ex- 
tent of  other  taxation  imposed  by  the  State,  I  will 
accept  his  amendment. 

Mr.  FIOO'PER,  upon  the  amendment  as  iTiodi- 
ficd,  dcniandeil  tellers. 

Tellers  were  ordered;  and  Mr.  Washburn,  of 
MwRsach usetts, ami  Mr.  Kernan,  were  appointed. 

'I'liecotnniittre  divided;  and  the  teller«  reported 
; — ayes  56,  noes  59. 

So  the  am.endment  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  I  now  desire  to  offer  m.y 
proposition.  I  do  not,  however,  wisli  to  disturb 
the  action  of  the  gentleman  who  has  charge  of 
tliis  bill  until  he  has  perfected  it,  and  perhaps  he 
will  give  mii  an  opportunity  to  offer  the  amend- 


ment in  the  House.  If  so,  I  will  not  delay  the 
committee  now. 

Mr.  HOOPER.     I  will. 

Mr.  GANSON.  1  shall  have  no  objection  to 
tliat  provided  the  proposition  last  voted  upon  be 
allowed  to  come  in  in  the  same  way. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  Well,  sir,  unless  the  pre- 
vious question  is  demanded  I  shall  have  a  right 
to  offer  it  in  the  Flouse,  and  therefore,  as  I  do  not 
v;ish  to  delay  the  bill  now  I  will  not  offer  it,  but 
v/ill  only  give  notice  that  1  shall  propose  it  in  the 
Ilouse. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  wish  to  inquire  of  the  gen- 
tleman who  reported  the  bill  how  inuch  money 
there  is  appropriated  in  it.>  Wiiat  is  the  amount 
of  tlie  loan.'  In  order  to  do  that  I  move  to  strike 
out  $400,000,000.  By  the  act  of  March  3.  18G3, 
there  were  appropriated  $900,000,000.  The  act 
was  not  exactly  clear,  but  the  preaumption  is  that 
tliat  loan  ends  v/ith  the  current  fiscal  year.  1 
wish  to  know  fiom  the  genlleman  from  Massa- 
chusetls  [Mr.  Hooper]  if  that' loan  of  ^900,000,- 
000  ends  with  the  fiscal  year  ending  30th  June, 
1864. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  If  the  gentleman  will  look  at 
the  clo.«iing  paragraph  of  the  third  section  he  will 
see  that  if  there  is  any  doubt  about  it  this  bill  set- 
tles that  douljt. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  Thegentleman  will  permitme 
to  inquire  what  is  the  amount  of  loan  provided 
for  in  this  bill.' 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  understand  the  amount  to  be 
aboiit  four  hundred  million  dollars,  and  whatever 
may  remain  unused  of  the  loan  provided  for  by  the 
act  of  March  3,  1863. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  As  I  read  the  bill,  there  are 
1^400,000,000  in  the  first  section.  Then  in  the 
i'ouith  section  there  is  a  temjjorai'y  loan  of  |il50,- 
000,000;  and  in  the  third  section,  to  which  the 
gentleman  lias  alluded,  there  are  the  §200,000,000 
appropriated  under  the  act  of  March  3,  1863. 
That  gives  a  total  of  1^750,000,000  for  the  next 
fiscal  year.     Am  I  liijlit.' 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I'lie  gentleman  is  not  rightin 
this:  that  there  has  already  been  issued,  under 
the  act  of  March  3, 1863,  about  half  of  the  amount 
aulhorizi'd.  This  bill  proposes  to  authorize  the 
issuing  of  what  remains  of  that  amount.  The 
object  in  keeping  alive  that  act  is  that  the  plates 
used  in  printing  may  be  available.  Under  the 
fourth  section  of  the  bill  there  is  autliority  to  re- 
ceive temporary  deposits,  but  no  authority  to 
make  any  i.ssue. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  I  am  desirous  of  ascertaining 
the  amount  of  obligation  wliich  we  shall  incur 
under  this  bill.  I  uiidrrstand  now  that  the  first 
section  appropriates  $400,000,000,  the  section  for 
a  temporary  loan  $150,000,000,  and  jl,-200,000,000 
under  the'  act  of  March  3,  1863,  making  in  all 
$750,000,000  for  the  fiscal  year. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  Let  nie  correct  the  gentleman 
on  on(>  point.  Theaggregate  of  tiie  temporary  loan 
is  $150,000,000;  but  a  portion  (^f  that  lias  already 
been  taken;  it  has  already   reached   !^75,000,000. 

Mr.  BR-OOKS.  Has  thegentleman  made  any 
calculation  siiflicieiii  to  satisfy  his  own  mind  that 
the  loans  authorized  by  this  hill  will  be  .sufficient 
to  cover  the  expenditures  of  the  coming  fiscal 
year.' 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  prefer  to  take  tlie  authority 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  rather  than  to 
rely  upon  my  own  judginent,  and  he  is  satisfied 
that  this  will  be  enough. 

1  v.'ould  again  call  the  attention  of  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York  to  the  fact  that  the  author- 
ity for  the  temporary  loan  already  exists,  and 
this  bill  merely  increases  the  rate  of  interest  to  six 
per  cent.  The  former  bill  limited  the  rate  of  in- 
terest to  five  per  cent. 

Mr.  BROOKS.  1  withdraw  my  amendment 
and  move  to  insert  in  tlie  ninth  line  the  words 
"payable  in  coin."  Tlio.9e  words  are  not  in  this 
bill,  although  ihey  arc  in  the  bill  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Stevens.] 

Mr.  HOOPER.  The  bill  of  last  year— the 
•§900, COO, 000  bill— contained  these  v/ords,  but  it 
was  not  deemed  necessary  or  considered  expedi- 
ent to  insert  tliein  in  this  bill.  1  will  send  up  to 
the  desk  and  ask  to  have  read,  as  a  part  of  my 
reply  to  the  gentleman,  a  letter  froin  vlie  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  which  was  published  ,somc 
time  ago,  giving  liis  views  upon  that  point. 

Mr.  GANSON.    1  would  like  toask  thca-entlc- 


man  from  Ma-ssachusetta  whether  this  bill  was 
prepared  in  view  of  the  fact  lhat.gold  i.s  g'ling  up 
to  245  under  tin-  operation  of  the  gold  lull. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  beff  leave  to  say  iliat  iliis 
bill  was  prepared  before  the  great  lise  in  iroid, 
and  1  suppose  that  that  rise  may  lie  aacribi  d  to 
the  opposition  of  the  otlier  side  of  the  Plouse-  to 
this  bill.  I  ask  that  the  letter  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  may  be  read. 

The  Clerk  read,  as  follows: 

Treasury  Department,  May  18,  1&'54. 

Sir  :  Your  letter  of  the  13th  instant,  m.ikiiia  inquiries  iii 
regard  to  the  kind  of  currency  with  which  the  five-twenty 
years  six  percent,  and  the  three  years  seven-thirty  percent, 
notes  arc  to  he  redeemed,  has  been  received. 

It  has  been  the  constant  usage  of  the  Department  to  re- 
deem all  coupon  and  registered  bonds  forming  part  of  tliH 
funded  or  permanent  debt  of  the  United  States  in  coin, 
and  this  usage  has  not  been  deviated  from  during  my  ad- 
minl.trationof  its  afi"air.<. 

All  the  Treasury  notes  and  other  obligations  forming  part 
of  the  temporary  loan  are  payable  and  will  be  redeemed  in 
lawful  money;  that  is  to  say,  in  United  States  notes*  until 
after  the  ie:-uinptioii  of  specie  payments,  v/hen  they  also 
will  doubtless  be  redeemed  in  coin,  or  equivalent  notes. 

The  five-twenty  sixes  belin;  payable  twenty  years  from 
date,  though  redeemable  after  live  years,  are  considered  as 
belonging  lo  the  funded  or  perniau'-nl  debt,  and  so  also  are 
the  twenty  years  sixes  into  which  the  three  years  seven- 
thirty  notes  are  convertible.  These  bonds,  tlierefore,  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  of  the  Government,  are  payablo  in 
coin. 

The  three  years  seven-thirty  Treasury  notes  are  part  of 
the  temporary  loan,  and  will  be  paid  in  United  States  notes,* 
unless  holders  prefer  conversion  to  payment. 

Very  respectfully,  S.  P.  (UIASE, 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Mr.  BROOKS  withdrew  his  amendment. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  move  to  amend  the  second 
section  of  the  bill  by  inserting  after  tlie  word 
"  notes"  the  words  "of  sueJi  denominations  as 
shall  be  .'bund  expedient,"  not  less  than  one  dol- 
lar; so  that  it  will  read: 

And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  redeem  ami 
cause  to  be  canceled  and  destroyed  any  Treasury  notes  or 
United  States  notes  heretofore  issued  under  authority  of 
previous  acts  of  Congress,  and  sub,..titute,  in  lieu  thereof, 
an  equal  amount  of  Treasury  notes  such  as  are  authorized 
by  this  act,  or  ol' other  United  States  notes,  of  tueli  denom- 
inations as  shall  be  found  expedient. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  move  the  following  as  a 
substitute  for  the  second  section  of  the  bill: 

Sec.  2.  Andhc  it  further  enacted.  That  the  Secri^tary  of 
the  Treasury  may  issue,  upon  the  credit  of  the  United 
States,  bonds  of  any  denoinlnation  not  less  than  $100,  pay- 
able in  lawful  moni-'y  three  years  from  the  date  thereof,  and 
bearing  interest  not  exceeding  eight  per  cent,  per  annum, 
payable  semi-annually  in  lawful  money,  and  may  receive 
at  par  therefor  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States, 
Treasury  notes,  certifleates  of  indebtedness,  or  certificates 
of  deposit  issued  under  any  act  of  Congress.  And  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  in  addition  to  the  total  aniounis  of 
bonds  aulliorized  by  the  first  and  second  sections  of  this 
act,  shall  issue  at  par,  in  redemption  of  any  outstanding 
notes,  certificates  of  deposit,  or  certificates  of  indebtedness 
of  the  United  Stat<'s,  bonds  similar  to  those  hereinbefore  in 
this  second  section  authorized,  in  denominations  of  not  less 
llian  $100,  or  of  like  denominalLons  similar  to  those  au- 
thorized by  the  first  section,  and  payable  five  years  from 
date,  with  interest  at  six  percent.,  payable  semi-annually. 
And  tile  .Se'crciary  of  the  Treasury  is  lurther  autlunized  to 
issue,  in  lieu  of  any  bonds  heretofore  authorized  by  law, 
and  not  nowisstied  in  pursuance  thereof,  bonds  similar  to 
and  ill  the  denominations  hereby  authorized.  All  out- 
standing notes,  other  than  United  States  notes,  sball  ci^ase 
to  be  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  public  orprivate  indebt- 
edness on  and  after  the  1st  day  of  October.  I8S4.  And  no 
notes,  other  iJian  United  States  notes,  tball  liereafiler  be 
issued  or  reissued.  Nor  shall  the  total  amount  o(  United 
States  notes  issued  or  to  be  issued  ever  exceed  .f  400,000,000, 
and  such  additional  sum,  not  exceeding  ,*5O,O0U,O0U,  as 
may  be  temporarily  required  for  the  redemption  of  tempo- 
rary loan. 

Mr.  STEVENS.  That  is  a  very  important 
proposition  and  should  not  be  acted  upon  this 
evening.   I  move  that  the  committee  do  now  rise. 

The  motion  was  agreed  lo. 

So  thecommittee  rose;  and  the  Speaker  having 
resumed  the  chair,  Mr.  Boutwell  reported  that 
the  Committee  of  the  Wholeonthe  state  of  the 
Union-  had  had  under  consideration  the  Union 
generally,  and  particularly  House  bill  No.  540, 
to  provide  ways  and  means  for  the  support  of  the 
Government,  and  for  other  purposes,  and  had 
come  to  no  n-solution  thereon. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  ask  that  the  amendment 
which  I  have  just  offered  may  be  printed. 

It  was  so  ordered. 

And  then,  on  motion  of  Mr.  KELLOGG,  of 
Michigan,  (at  fivp  o'clock,  p.  m.,)  the  House  ud- 
jourwettl. 

*  Tlie  words  "  oi-  uattonal  currency"  sbould  have  been 
inserted. 


3188 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23^ 


IN  SENATE. 
Thursday,  Jime  23,  1864. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  FOOT,  and  by  unanimous 
eon.sei)t,  the  reading  o/ the  Journal  was  dispensed 
will). 

PETITIONS  AND  MEMORIALS. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  six  petitions  of  citizens 
of  Vermont,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mil- 
itary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  were  ordered  to  lie  on 
the  table,  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands  having 
reported  a  hill  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  MORGAN  presented  a  petition  of  citizens 
of  New  York,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill 
(H.  R.  No.  27C)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the  mil- 
itary or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  home- 
steads on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in  insur- 
rectionary districts;  which  was  ordered  to  lie  on 
the  table. 

Mr.  HARRIS  presented  two  petitions  of  citi- 
zens of  New  York,  praying  for  the  passage  of  tlie 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  276)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the 
miliiary  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States 
homesteads  on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in 
insurrectionary  districts;  which  were  ordered  to 
lie  on  the  table. 

Mr.  SUMNER  ]iresenied  four  petitions  of  men 
and  women  of  the'  United  Slates,  praying  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  such  an  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  as  will  forever  prohibit  its  ex- 
istence in  any  portion  of  the  Union;  which  were 
referred  to  the  select  committee  on  slavery  and 
freed  men. 

REPORTS  FRG.M  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  NESMITH,  from  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  was  re- 
ferred joint  resolution  (S.  No.  43)  authorizing 
the  settlement  of  the  accounts  of  the  late  Captain 
Daniel  Hebard,  of  the  United  States  volunteers, 
reported  it  without  amendment. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL,  from  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary,  to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (S.  No. 
317)  providing  for  bail  in  certain  cases  of  mili- 
•itary  arrests,  reported  it  with  an  amendment. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  45) 
to  enable  the  Secretary  of  tlie  Tr(_'asury  to  obtain 
the  title  to  certain  property  in  Carson  City  and 
Territory  of  Nevada,  for  the  purposes  of  a  branch 
mint  located  in  said  place,  reported  it  without 
amendment. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  533)  to  provide 
for  ascertaining  and  adjusting  claims  against  the 
Government  for  injury  or  destruciion  of  property 
by  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  or  by  military 
authoi-ity,  during  the  present  rebellion,  reported 
it  without  amendment,  and  that  it  ought  not  to 
pass. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  305)  to  restrict 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  and  to 
provide  for  the  payment  of  certain  demands  for 
quartermaster's  stores  and  subsistence  supplies 
furnished  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  asked 
to  JDe  discharged  from  its  further  consideration; 
which  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON,  from  the  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  was  referred 
the  joint  resolution  (H.R.No.  103)  for  the  relief 
of  iVlary  Kellogg,  asked  to  be  discharged  from  its 
further  consideration,  and  that  it  be  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Navai  AlTairs;  which  was 
agreed  to. 

He  also,  frorr.  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill.(H.  R.  No.  546)  to  regulate 
the  rank,  pay,  and  emoliiments  of  veterinary  sur- 
geons of  cavalry  regiments,  reported  it  without 
amendment. 

Mr.  DOOLTTTLE,  from  the  Committee  on 
Indian  Alfairs,  to  whom  was  referred  the  petition 
of"  the  Miami  Indians,  praying  for  the  payment 
ofallrged  arrearages  due  them,  reported  a  bill  (S. 
No.  327)  for  the  relief  of  Thomas  Richard ville, 
and  other  Indiana  Miami  Indians,  now  residing 
in  the  State  of  Kansas;  which  was  read  and 
passed  to  a  second  reading,  and  the  petition  and 
accompanying  papers  were  ordered  to  be  printed. 

Mr.  HARRIS,  from  the  Coinmitlee  on  tlie  Ju- 


diciary, to  whom  was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
274)  in  relation  to  the  computation  of  the  time 
within  which  an  indictment  may  be  found  against 
persons  charged  with  crimes  against  the  laws  of 
tlie  United  States,  reported  it  without  amendment 
and  that  it  ought  not  to  pass. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE,  from  the  Committee  on  Com- 
merce, to  wliom  was  referred  the  bill  (S.No.  322) 
to  change  the  name  of  the  steamboat  Magnet, 
of  Buffalo,  to  Home,  reported  it  without  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  ANTHONY,  from  the  Committee  on 
Claims,  to  whom  was  referred  the  memorial  of 
N.  S.  Brenton,  paymaster  United  States  Army, 
submitted  a  report  (No;  92)  accompanied  by  a 
bill  (S.  No.  328)  for  the  relief  of  Major  N.  S. 
Brenton,  a  paymaster  in  the  United  States  Army; 
which  was  read  and  passed  to  a  second  reading, 
and  the  report  was  ordered  to  be  printed. 

He  also,  from  the  same  committee,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  memorial  of  William  H.  Jame- 
son, paymaster  United  States  Army,  reported  a 
bill  (S.  No.  329)  for  the  relief  of  William  H. 
Jameson,  a  paymaster  in  the  United  States  Army; 
which  was  read  and  passed  to  a  second  reading. 

SUPPRKSSION  OF  A  NEWSPAPER. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  oiTer  the  following  resolu- 
tion, which  I  ask  to  have  considered  now,  if  there 
is  no  o'jjection  to  it. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  Let  it  be  read  for  information. 

The  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

Whereas  a  niilitiny  order  lias  been  recently  issued  in 
the  State  of  Kentucky  pioliiliitiiig  the  chculatioii  in  said 
State  of  ilie  Ciiiciiuiati  liiquiiev,  a  newspaper  printed  and 
published  at  Ciiicinnali,  Oiiio;  and  whereas  a  free  press 
is  ess<'iitial  1o  maintain  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  peo- 
|)le :  Tiierefore, 

Roeolved,  That  the  President  be  requested  to  cause  the 
aforesaid  military  order  to  bo  revoked,  and  that  the  Presi- 
dent be  further  requested  to  issue  such  orders  as  will  pre- 
vent tlie  military  authorities  from  encroaching  upon  the 
freedom  of  the  press  in  the  future. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     Let  that  resolution  lie  over. 

Mr.  POWELL.    1  will  ask  to  have  it  printed. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  resolu- 
tion not  having  been  received,  it  cannot  be  or- 
dered to  pe  printed. 

Mr.  POWELL.  It  is  received,  but  lies  over 
under  the  rule. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
understands  objection  to  be  made. 

Mr.  POWELL.  Objection  is  made  to  its  con- 
sideration at  the  present  time.  There  is  no  ob- 
jection made  to  its  reception. 

Mr.  CONNESS.  I  called  for  its  reading  for 
information. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
will  inquire  whether  there  is  any  objection  to  the 
reception  of  the  resolution. 

Mr.  CONNESS.     Yes,  sir. 

I  ask  the  Senator  to  allow 
printed  and  lie  over  under 


Very  well;  I  withdraw  the 


Mr.  POWELL, 
the  resolution   to   bi 
the  rule. 

Mr.  CONNESS. 
objection. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Then,  there 
being  no  objection  to  the  recejition  of  the  reso- 
lution, the  question  is  on  the  motion  that  it  be 
printed. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CLAIM  AGAINST  HENRY  W.  DEPUY. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON  submitted  the  following 
resolution;  which  was  considered  by  unanimous 
consent,  and  agreed  to: 

Resolved,  Tliat  tlie  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  be  re- 
qupsli'd  to  coininunicate  to  the  Senate  a  copy  of  ilie  letter 
of  E.  13.  French,  Second  Auditor  of  ilie  Treasuiy,  dated 
iVIaich  15,  1B64,  and  addressed  to  Henry .VV.  Depuy,  late 
ngOMt  for  the  Pawnee  Indians,  chiimiiig  from  Mr.  bepuy 
the  immediate  payment  of  a  sum  of  money  alleged  to  l)e  due 
the  United  States,  logelher  vvitli  tlie  evidence  upini  which 
said  alleged  iiidehteduess  Wiis  founded.  And  that  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  be  liirther  leqnested  to  communicate 
to  the  Senate  a  copy  of  Mr.  Depuy's  reply  to  the  Second 
Auditor,  dated  March  IS,  1864,  togi.'tlier  with  a  statement 
of  the  otheial  action  taken  thereupon. 

EXAMINATION  Otf  ARMY  OFFICERS. 

Mr.  WILSON.  The  Committee  on  Military 
Afl'airs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  were  referred 
the  amendments  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  the  bill  (S.  No.  85)  to  provide  for  the  cxtim- 
ination  of  certain  officers  of  the  Army,  have  di- 
rected me  to  report  in  favor  of  concurring  in  those 
amendments,  and  if  there  be  no  objection  I  should 
like  to  have  them  acted  upon  now. 


There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate  proceeded 
to  consider  the  amendments  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives to  tlie  bill. 

Mr.^VILSON.  1  move  that  the  Senate  con- 
cur in  the  amendments  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

IRISH  NATIONAL  FAIR. 

Mr.  COWAN.  The  Committee  on  Finance,  to' 
whom  was  referred  the  joint  resolution  (FI.  R. 
No.  68)  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  release  certain  goods  from  the  payment  of 
duties,  have  had  the  same  under  consideration, 
and  have  instructed  me  to  report  it  back  with  an 
amendment,  which  they  offer  by  way  of  substi- 
tute. If  there  be  no  objection,  I  ask  for  its  im- 
mediate consideration. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider 
thejoint  resolution.  The  amendmentof  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance  was  to  strike  out  all  of  the 
original  resolution  after  the  enacting  clause  in  the 
following  words: 

That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  be,  and  he  is  hereby, 
authorized,  in  his  discretion,  t<»  remit  the  duties  on  all" 
goods  and  articles  imported  into  the  United  Stafs  for,  and 
donated  to,  any  fair  lield,  or  to  be  held,  for  the  benctit  of 
the  Sanitary  Commission  and  Christian  Association,  or 
either  of  them  ;  also  on  all  goods  and  articles  imported  and 
donated  to  the  Iri.^li  National  Fair  recently  held  at  Chicago. 
And  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  also  hereby  author- 
ized, in  his  discretion,  to  release  such  fairs  from  payment 
of  auction  and  lottery  licenses  for  auction^iud  loUerics  at 
such  fairs. 

And  to  insert  in  lieu  thereof: 

That  the  Secretary  of  t!ie  Treasury  be,  and  he  is  hcreiiy, 
authorized  to  release  and  discharge  the  Irish  iVational  Fair 
recently  held  in  Chicago  of  and  from  all  liahility  heietofore 
incurred  for  or  on  account  of  having  sold  goods  and  lot- 
tery tickets  without  license  or  slamps,  and  of  and  from  the 
payment  of  all  license  or  stamp  duties  or  penaUies  incurred 
by  reason  of  the  sales  aforesaid. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
as  amended,  and  the  amendment  was  concurred 
in  and  ordered  to  be  engrossed,  and  the  joint  res- 
olution was  ordered  to  be  read  a  third  time.  It 
was  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  COWAN,  its  title  was 
amended  so  as  to  read:  "A  joint  resolution  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  release 
certain  parties  from  liability  or  payment  of  duties 
and  penalties  therein  mentioned." 

I*AJOR  MORRIS  S.  MILLER. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  The  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to  whom  was  referred  the 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  107)  for  the  relief  of 
Major  Morris  S.  Miller,  of  the  quartermaster's 
dopanment,  have  directed  me  to  report  it  back 
without  amendment,  and  with  a  recommendation 
that  it  pass.  If  tlrtre  be  no  objection,  I  should 
like  to  have  it  acted  upon  at  once.  It  is  a  matter 
that  will  occasion  no  debate. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider  the 
joint  resolution  ,  which  directs  the  proper  account- 
ing officers  of  the  Treasury  to  credit  the  account 
of  Major  Morris  S.  Miller,  quartermaster  United 
States  Army,  with  the  sum  of  about  thirty-seven 
thousand  dollars,  or  so  mueh  thereof  as  was  paid 
by  him  during  the  years  1859  and  1860,  to  the  re- 
spective firms  of  Russell,  Majors  &  Waddell, 
Brown  &  Russell,  and  Majors  &  Russell,  upon 
the  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Q,uar- 
termaster  General,  or  either  of  them. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
without  amendment. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Is  there  any  report  in  this 
case.'     If  there  is  I  should  like  to  hear  it. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  There  is  no  report  in  the 
case.  This  is  a  House  resolution.  1  send  to  the 
Secretary  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  War  in 
explanation  of  it,  which  I  ask  to  have  read. 

The  Secretary  read,  as  follows: 

War  Department,  [ 

Washington  City,  June  6,  1864.  ' 
Sir:  In  reply  to  your  note  I  have  the  honor  to  state  that 
in  my  opinion  the  payments  made  by  Major  Miller,  assist- 
atit  quartermaster,  under  the  express  order  of  John  U. 
Floyd,  Secretary  of  War,  ought  to  be  crediteii  in  the  seltlc- 
mei'it  of  the  quartermaster's  accounts,  and  that  the  account- 
ing oiReer  of  ihe  Treasuiy  erred  in  lejeciing  such  credits. 
Justice  to  a  subordinate  officer  wlio  acted  in  obedience  to 
and  under  constraint  of  the  orders  of  the  head  of  the  De- 
partment to  wliich  the  officer  belongs,  requires  that  author- 


1864. 


THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


3189 


ity  sliould  be  given  by  act  of  Congress  to  reopen  the  ac- 
coutit  and  niako  all  just  credits  and  allowances. 
Your  obedient  servant, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
Hon.  J.  Pi  Farnsvitortii. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  That  is  not  at  all  satis- 
factory to  me;  1  do  not  know  how  it  may  be-  to 
the  Senate.  Here  is  a  joint  resolution  to  allow  a 
paymaster  some  thirty-seven  thousand  dollars,  i 
believe,  anrl  upon  what  ground  .^  Because  n  Sec- 
retary of  War  directed  him  to  pay  it.  If  that 
money  vi/as  jiaid  contrary  to  law,  if  John  B. 
Floyd  directed  tliisoflicer  to  pay  this  money  for 
an  impi'opcr  purpose,  are  we  to  sanction  the 
principle  that  Congress  will  come  in  and  refund 
the  money  to  hiin?  I  do  not  know  why  this  v^as 
paid  by  this  (^ficcr,  but  Ihis  letter  from  the  War 
Department  places  it  entirely  upon  the  ground 
that  his  superior  officer  ordered  hinii  to  pay  it. 
We  are  at  the  mercy  of  the  officers  of  the  Gov- 
ernment if  that  principle  is  to  prevail. 

It  may  be  that  this  was  a  proper  payment;  I 
do  not  know  about  that;  but  the  evidence  before 
the  Senate  and  the  point  of  the  communication 
from  the  War  Department  is  simply  this:  that 
John  B.  Floyd,  when  Secretary  of  War,  directed 
this  officer  to  make  certain  payments;  he  made 
them;  the  accounting  officers  of  theTreasury  de- 
cide that  they  were  not  jiroper  payments  and 
cannot  be  allowed,  and  Congress  is  now  to  pass 
a  law  to  refund  him  that  money  because  John  B. 
Floyd  directed  him  to  pay  it.  It  seems  to  me  it 
will  never  do  to  sanction  such  a  principle  as  that. 

I  should  like  to  know  what  this  payment  was 
for,  and  how  this  order  came  to  be  given  by  John 
B.  Floyd,  which  the  accounting  officers  of  the 
Treasury  will  not  allow. 

Mr.NESMlTH.  The  petition  of  Major  Miller 
is  very  short,  and  I  will  read  it  to  the  Senate. 
Tothe  honorable  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 

The  pelition  of  Major  Morris  S.  Miller,  quartermaster 
United  iStates  Army,  respectfully  sets  fortli  • 

Tiiat,  in  the  years  1859  and  18C0,  he  paid  certain  amounts 
to  the  respective  firms  (if  Kusscll,  Majors  &VVaddell,  Brown 
&  Russell,  atul  Majors  &  Russell ;  tliat,  on  the  examination 
of  the  accounts  at  the  Treasury,  certain  disallowances 
were  made  by  the  accounting  otlieers,  by  which  an  amount 
of- more  than  thirty-seven  tliousaiul  dollars  (.«37,0U0)  is 
charged  to  your  petitioner  at  the  Treasury  Dcjiartment ; 
that  these  accounts  were  paid  by  your  petitioner  on  posi- 
tive and  express  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  tlie 
Uuariermaster  General,  indorsed  in  writing  on  the  vouch- 
ers ;  tiiat  a  disobedience  of  those  orders  would  have  dis- 
missed your  petitioner  if  arraigned  therefor  before  a  court- 
ma.rtial;  that  the  present  Comptroller  has  decided  in  writ- 
ing that  in  such  a  case  the  re.-ponsibility  should  be  sought 
elsewhere  ;  that  the  President  has  express(*a  his  opinio[i  in 
writing  that  your  petitioner  should  not  be  made  to  lose  the 
money,  but  that  he  cannot  legally  and  properly  interfere; 
that  your  petitioner  is  therefore  under  the  necessity  of  ap- 
pealing to  Congress. 

He  therefore  prays  that  the  proper  accounting  officers  be, 
by  resolution,  directed  to  reconsider  the  case  of  your  peti- 
tioner and  to  settle  the  vouchers  referred  to  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  credit  to  your  petitioner  such  of  these  payments 
as^  were  made  by  the  positive  orders  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  and  of  your  petitioner's  immediate  superior,  the 
Quartermaster  General. 

And  your  petitioner  will  ever  pray. 

Very  respectfully, 

MOKRIS  S.  MILLER, 

Major,  (Quartermaster. 

Washington,  D.  C,  May  25, 1864. 

I  have  liere  also  the  opinion  of  the  Second  Comp- 
troller of  the  Treasury,  which  I  will  read: 

All.the  disallowed  vouchers  in  Major  Miller's  account 
having  been  acted  upon  by  my  predecessor  on  the  sann; 
state  of  facts  and  evidence  as  now  exi.^t,  I  am  precluded 
from  entertaining  an  appeal  from  hisdecisions.  But  in  my 
opinion  a  military  officer,  one  of  wliose  liigliest  duties  is 
obedience,  should  not  sutTer  for  obeying  the  orders  of  his 
superiors,  when  to  have  disoheyed  would  have  subjected 
him  to  punisinnent.  In  such  a  case  the  responsil)ilitv  should 
be  sought  elsewhere.  J.  M.  BRODHEAD, 

Comptroller. 

Second  Comptroller's  Office,  June  29,  1863. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  really  think  if  Senatoi-s 
■will  look  at  this  claim  they  will  see  the  danger  of 
passing  this  joint  resulution.  It  seems  now  that 
it  is  connected  with  the  famous  fraud  practiced 
upon  the  Government  by  Majors,  Waddell&  Co. 
Thei-e  are  claims  pending  against  this  Govern- 
ment now  in  the  Court  of  Claims,  and  that  have 
been  repeatedly  before  Congress,  amounting  to 
hundreds  of  thousands,  and  1  do  not  know  but  I 
may  say  of  millions  of  dollai-s  at  this  lime;  claims 
■winch  the. Secretary  of  War,  John  B.  Floyd, 
.allowed,  acceptances  which  he  himself  made! 
Now,  here  comes  up  a  little  claim — a  lutle  claim 
compared  with  these  larger  ones,  although  it 
amounts  to  some  thirty-seven  thousand  dollars 


— of  a  paymaster  who  says  that  he  paid  out  money 
in  pursuance  of  an  order  of  .Tohn  B.  Floyd  to 
thd'se  men  Ilossell,  Majors  &  Co.  The  account- 
ing officers  of  the  Treasury  say  that  this  money 
was  paid  without  authority  of  law,  and  they  re- 
fu.se  to  allow  it. 

The  Secretary  of  War  tells  us,  and  one  of  the 
Comptrollers  tells  us  in  a  communication  which 
has  been  read,  that  it  is*  not  for  a  subordinate 
officer  to  disobey;  that  he  would  have  subjected 
himself  to  court-martial  if  he  had  disobeyed,  and 
therefore  he  must  pay  out  the  money.  Sir,  1 
deny  that  proposition.  There  is  no  safety  if  that 
piojiosition  is  to  be  the  law  of  the  land.  The 
subordinate  officer,  if  that  order  was  contrary  to 
law,  should  have  taken  tlie  responsibility  of  dis- 
obeying it,  and  have  gone  before  the  court-mar- 
tial, and  the  court-martial  would  have  exonerated 
him.  The  Secretary  of  War  has  no  authority 
to  direct  a  paymastei^  to  pay  nrioney  to  me  or  to 
any  citizen  of  the  country  exceptin  pursuance  of 
law. 

1  really  think  this  will  be  establishing  a  very 
dangerous  precedent.  This  claim  comes  from  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  It  seems  to  me 
it  had  better  be  referred  to  our  Committee  on 
Claims,  and  let  ihem  examine  it.  I  only  know 
in  regard  to  it  what  iias  appeared  hei-e. 

Mr.  COLLAMER,.  I  have  not  attended  very 
closely  to  this  resolution,  and  I  wish  to  ask  a 
question.  The  business  ofa  paymaster  is  to  pay 
troops.     Was  this  nayment  made  to  any  troops.' 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  No,  sir;  it  was  made  to 
Russell  &  Majors,  contractors,  as  I  understand 
the  papers. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  The  payment  was  made  to 
Russell  &,  Majors  for  transportation.  It  is  not  a 
claim  appropriating  money  now.  Tliis  officer 
acted  in  obedience  to  the  order  of  the  Secretary 
of  War  and  the  Payrnaster  General.  The  ques- 
tion was  not  brought  before  him  in  any  judicial 
form  that  he  could  decide  as  to  the  right-or  the 
legality' of  the  claim.  The  vouchers  weresinifily 
indorsed  by  these  officers  that  their  order  to  a 
payment  should  add  no  discretion  in  the  case  to 
make  the  payment.  He  made  the  payment  in 
pursuance  of  those  orders,  and  the  then  Comp- 
troller decided  that  the  payment  was  improper. 
The  present  Comptroller  admits  the  propriety  of 
tlie  then  payment,  but  says  that  he  is  precluded 
from  reopening  a  decision  made  by  his  predeces- 
sor. All  that  this  resolution  asks  is  that  that 
decision  ma'v  be  reopened. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  A  paymaster  can  be  em- 
ployed as  the  agent  of  the  Government  in  no  way 
on  earth  to  pay  any  orders  whatever  except  to 
pay  troops. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  This  gentleman  is  not  a 
paymaster,  but  a  quartermaster  of  the  United 
States  Army,  who  paid  a  bill  for  transportation. 
If  I  used  the  word  "  paymaster"  I  used  it  im- 
properly. He  is  a  quartermaster  of  the  United 
States  Army,  engaged  in  making  payments  in 
pursuance  of  the  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  War 
and  the  d'tartermaster  General.  The  question 
of  the  legality  or  illegality  of  the  payment  was 
not  before  him  at  all,  ami  could  not  properly  be 
brought  before  him  for  judicial  examination.  He 
only  acted  upon  imperative  orders  sent  from  his 
superiors  to  disburse  a  certain  amount  of  money 
in  his  hands. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  profess  to  un- 
derstand thismatterexcept  what  appears  by  these 
papers.  If  he  paid  out  this  money  legally  there 
would  be  no  trouble  about  his  claim;  it  would  be 
allowed.  But  the  Secretary  of  War  in  his  com- 
munication ,  wluch  has  been  read  at  the  desk,  says 
that  the  account  of  this  quartermaster — 1  thought 
it  v/as  a  payment — ought  to  be  opened,  and  he 
allowed  the  sum  of  |i37, 000  which  he  paid  to  Rus- 
sell, Majors  &  Co.,  because  he  paid  it  in  pur- 
suance of  an  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and 
that  if  he  had  disobeyed  that  order  he  would  have 
subjected  himself  to  a  court-martial.  If  that  rule 
is  established  it  settles  the  principle  in  these  great 
claims  that  have  been  against  this  Government  for 
years.  The  persons  holding  these  acceptances 
of  John  B.  Floyd  paid  that  monej'  over  to  this 
same  firm  of  Russell,  Majors  &,  Waddell  on  the 
express  acceptance  in  wi'iting  of  Floyd,  and  we 
liave  refused  to  allow  those  claims.  JSTow  comes 
up  a  quartermaster  v/ho  claims  that  he  should  be 
allowed  5ii37,OOl)  that  he  paid  to  these  same  con- 
tractors for  transportation,  because  he  was  or- 


dered by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  pay  it.  I. "should 
like  to  have  this  matter  looked  into,  and  I  move 
that  it  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Claims, 
which  is  the  appropriate  committee  to  examine 
these  things.  That,  is  the  committee  to  which 
these  claims  have  been  presented  heretofore,  and  I 
think  it  ouirht  to  be  considered  by  that  committee. 

Mr.  COWAN.  1  should  like  to  remind  the 
Senator  from  Illinois  that  the  cases  arc  entirely 
different.  The  parties  who  purchased  Floyd's 
acceptances  were  not  officers;  they  were  not  sub- 
ordinates of  Floyd ;  they  were  money-lenders, 
speculators,  and  dealers  in  this  species  of  secu- 
rity. This,  I  understand,  is  a  payment  made  by 
a  quartermaster  in  pursuance  of  the  order  of  his 
superior.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Govern- 
ment had  some  kind  of  dealings  with  Russell,  Ma- 
jors &  Waddell.  How  was  it  possible  for  tlie 
quartermaster  to  know  v/hat  they  were.' 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  Why  is  it  not  allowed, 
then,  if  it  is  a  legal  claim.' 

Mr.  COWAN.  ■   I  do  not  know. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  The  accounting  officers 
decided  it  to  be  illegal. 

Mr.  COWAN.  I  understand  the  accounting 
■officer  to  say  that  it  was  legal,  but  he  is  precluded 
from  entertaining  an  appeal  from  the  judgment  of 
his  predecessor. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  If  the  Senator  will  allow 
me,  1  do  not  understand  the  accounting  officer  to 
decide  any  such  thing.  He  gives  that  as  a  rea- 
son why  he  will  not  open  it  for  reinvestigation. 

Mr.  COWAN.  I  understand  the  Senator  from 
Oregon  to  say  that  the  present  Comptroller  is  of 
the  opinion  that  the  payment  was  a  good  and 
valid  payment 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  I  do  not  think  the  paper 
shov/s  that, 

Mr.  COWAN.  But  that  in  consequence  of 
the  decision  of  his  ju'edecessor  he  cannot  now  en- 
tertain the  appeal  Irom  that  decision,  and  this  is 
simply  opening  the  case  and  allowing  him  to  re- 
adjudicate  upon  it.  If  that  is  the  case  I  think  it 
is  one. in  which  the  claimant  is  entitled  to  relief. 
I  do  not  see  why  it  should  be  otherwise. 

Mr.  NESMITH.  The  letter  of  Mr.  Brod- 
head  states: 

"All  the  disallowed  vouchers  iii  Major  Miller's  account 
having  been  acted  U|ioii  by  my  predecessor  on  the  same 
state  of  facts  and  evidence  as  now  exists,  I  am  preelndi'd 
from  entertaining  an  appeal  from  his  decisions.  But  in 
my  opniion  a  military  otiieer,  one  of  whose  higliest  duties 
is  obi'dience,  should  notsufi'er  lor obeyinglhe  ordi'isof  his 
siipi.riors,  wiii'ii  to  have  disobeyed  would  liave  ?ulijeeted 
liun  to  [luui^hment.  In  such  a  case  the  responsibility 
sliould  be  sought  elsewhere." 

This  matter  was  submitted  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  lie  gave  this  opinion: 

Ifit  is  true  that  Major  Miller  made  payments  under  ex- 
press order  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  a  matter  (/I  equitj' 
he,  Major  MilleT,  should  not  be  madr  to  lose  the  money; 
but  llieaecountingoffieerliaving settled  the  matter,  1  doubt 
both  the  legality  and  propriety  of  interference  hv  tlie  Presi- 
dent. .'\..  LINCOLN. 

JbVi/25,  1884. 

There  is  no  parallel  at  all  between  the  cases  re- 
ferred to  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  the  accept- 
ances of  Floyd,  and  the  payment  of  this  money. 
That  was  entirely  unauthorized  by  law  and  a 
fraud  upon  the  Goverimient,  but  this  is  a  jiay- 
ment  bya  party  who  is  not  alleged  to  have  been 
implicated  in  any  frauds  in  any  vvay,  but  who 
was  directed  by  his  superior  officer  to  make  a 
certain  payment  when  disobedience  of  that  order 
would  have  dismissed  him  from  the  service.  1 
do  not  think  the  argument  of  the  Senator  from 
Illinois  is  entirely  conclusive  as  to  what  should 
be  the  rights  and  duties  under  such  circumstances 
ofa  mere  disbursing  officer,  a  quartermaster  who 
has  to  pay  out  the  funds  in  his  hands.  When 
the  question  is  submitted  to  his  superiors,  both 
the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Q,uartermaster  Gen- 
eral, as  to  the  legality  of  the  payment,  they  are 
the  parties  to  decide  it,  and  when  the  matter  is 
referred  to  the  disbursing  officer  for  payment  he 
has  no  discrimination  in  the  matterexcept  to  pay 
the  order.  I  appeal  to  the  Senator  from  Illinois 
and  ask  him  if  he  thinks,  under  these  circum- 
stances, the  order  coming  before  him  indorsed  by 
these  superiors,  and  he  having  made  the  pay- 
ment directly  in  compliance  with  that  order,  this 
officer  should  beheld  responsible  for  this  money, 
particularly  when  he  had  no  discrimination  in  the 
matter,  tmd  the  judicial  question,  or  the  question 
of  the  legality  of  the  payment, could  not  possibly 
be  brought  before  him.-' 


3190 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


TiK-PRESlDENT  7)7-0  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  die  mouon  of  t!iu  Senator  from  [llinois  to 
ref  I'  ilie  jtint  resolution  to  the  Committee  on 
CIrtinis. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 
«Tiie  jointresolution  was'ideicd  toa  third  read- 
ing, and  was  i-ead  the  thiid  liine. 

Mr.  TRUMBULL.  1  ask  for  the  yeas  and 
nays  on  ihe  |)as;;t)>^f  of  the  joint  resolution. 

Tlie  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  29,  nays  3;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Anlliony,  Huckalf  w,  Carlile,  Ol.iik,  Col- 
lnnier,Coiiness,  Cowan,  Davis,  Dixon,  Foot,  I'ostcr,  H;ir- 
ris,  Hendricks,  limieof  (luliana,  Liane  ol' Kansas,  McDou- 
gall,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Nesniitli,  Powell,  Richardson,  Sauls- 
bury,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Tun  Eyck,  Wade,  Wil- 
ley,  and  Wilson — 29. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Dooliltle,  Harlan,  and  Trnnibull— 3. 

ABSENT  —  Messrs.  Brown,  Chandler,  Fossenden, 
Grimes,  Hale, Hardin?;,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Howaid,  Howe, 
Johnson,  Poineroy,  Ramsey,  Riddle,  Van  Wiidvle,  Wilkin- 
Bon,  and  VVriglit — 17. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

POST  ROUTE  BILL. 

Mr.COLLAMER.  I  am  directed  by  the  Com- 
mittf^e  on  Post  Offices  and  Post  Road.s,  to  whom 
was  referred  the  bill  (H.  R.'No.  532)  to  estab- 
lish certain  post  roads,  lo  report  it  back  to  the 
Senate  with  variousainendments  for  the  establish- 
ment of  additional  routes.  I  do  not  know  whether 
gentlemen  would  desire  lo  have  them  printed. 
If  there  is  no  desire  of  that  kind,  as  the  conunit- 
tee  propose  to  insert  all  the  routes  which  have 
been  applied  forwhicliare  not  already  post  roads 
or  are  not  already  in  the  bill,  the  amendments  may 
as  well  be  acted  upon  now,  and  the  bill  disposed 
of. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  I  should  not  think  it  was  ne- 
cessary t<i  (ifiiit  ihem. 

Mr.  WILSON.  We  can  act  upon  the  bill  at 
once,  and  coru'ur  in  the  I'eport  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  COLLAiVlER.  Then  laskforiiie  present 
considrration  of  the  bill,  and  I  will  move  that  the 
amendments  reported  from  the  committee  be  con- 
curred in. 

Therebeing;  no  objection,  the  Senate,  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  consider  the 
bill. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  suggest  that  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  read  tlie  bill  or  the  amendments.  Tt  is  a 
vei-y  [jiain  bill,  and  we  kiiov/  precisely  what  it  is 
and  what  it  contains.  1  think  we  had  better  con- 
cur in  the  amendmetits  without  reading  them,  and 
pass  the  bill. 

i\Ir.  COLLAMER.  The  bill  and  the  amend- 
ments relate  to  nothing  but  post  routes. 

The  PRESlivENT  pro  tempore.  The  reading 
will  be  dispensed  with,  if  there  be  no  objection. 
Tlie  question  will  be  on  agreeing  to  the  amend- 
nieiits  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Post  Otiicea 
and  Post  Roads, 

The  amendments  were  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  (he  Senate  as  amended, 
and  the  amendments  were  concurred  in  and  or- 
dered to  be  engrossed,  and  the  bill  to  be  read  a 
third  time.    Itv^/asread  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

PAYMENT  FOR  CAPTURED  HORSES. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  am  directed  by  the  Com- 
miiiee  on  Military  Affairs  and  the  Militia,  to 
whom  was  refcin  d  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  545)  to 
amend  an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  provide  for  the 
payment  of  horses  and  other  property  destroyed 
in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States,"  to 
report  it  back  without  amendment  and  rccom- 
mi-nd  its  passage.  The  bill  contains  but  one  brief 
section,  and  I  should  like  to  have  it  acted  upon 
now  if  there" be  no  objeetion. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  as  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  cmisider  the 
bill,  which  provides  that  the  act  to  which  it  is 
an  amendment  shall,  from  the  commencemerjt  of 
the  present  rebellion,  extend  to  and  embrace  all 
cases  of  the  loss  of  horses  by  any  officer,  non- 
commissioned officer,  or  private,  in  the  military 
service  of  the  United  States,  while  in  the  line  of 
their  duty  in  such  service,  by  capture  by  the 
enemy,  wheneverit  shall  apfiear  that  such  officer, 
iion-commi.ssioned  officer,  or  private  was  or  .■aliall 
be  ordered  by  his  superior  officer  to  surrender  to 
the  enemy,  and  such  capture  was  or  shall  be 
made  in  pursuance  of  such  surrender. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  without 
amendment,  ordered  to  a  thiril  reading,  read  the 
third  time,  and  passed. 


WESTERN  MILITARY  CLAIMS. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  1  am  directed  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance,  to  whoin  was  referred  the 
joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  87)  amentiatory  of 
an  act  to  provide  for  the  deficiency  in  the  ap- 
pro|>iiation  for  the  pay  of  officers  and  men  actu- 
ally employed  in  the  Western  department  or  de- 
partment of  Missouri,  to  report  it  back  without 
amendment  and  with  a  recotnmendatton  that  it 
pass;  and  as  it  will  take  but  ;i  moment  I  ask  for 
Its  present  consideration. 

Tiiere  being  no  objection,  the  Senate,  ns  in 
Comtnittee  of  the  Whole,  |iroceeded  to  consider 
the  joint  resolution.  It  provides  that  when  any 
person  or  persons  holding  atiy  powerof  attorney 
or  assignment  executed  subsequent  to  August  16, 
1863,  and  prior  to  January  22,  1864,  for  tiie  sum 
adjtulged  due  to  any  officer  or  soldier  by  the  com- 
missioners iippointed  under  joint  resolution  ap- 
pioved  February  16,  1863,  shall  have  paid  any 
money  to  any  officer  or  soldier  on  the  faith  of 
such  power  of  attorney  or  assignment,  the  ]iay- 
master  appointed  to  disburse  the  funds  appro- 
priated by  the  act  approved  January  22,  1864,  to 
provid<;  for  the  deficiency  in  the  appropriation  for 
the  jiay  of  officers  and  inen  actually  employed  in 
the  Western  department  or  di'|iartment  of  Mis- 
souri, shall  be  authorized  and  directed  to  pay  to 
such  person  or  persons  the  amount  thus  paid  to 
any  officer  or  soldier,  upon  such  attorney  or  as- 
signee making  and  filing  an  affidavit  to  the  effect 
that  the  amount  was  actually  paid  lo  the  officer  or 
soldier,  nnti  upon  the  paymaster  being  satisfied 
that  the  amount  was  actually  paid  ;  and  the  amount 
paid  such  attorney  or  assigtiee  under  this  resoltt- 
tion  is  to  be  deducted  from  the  amount  due  the 
officer  or  soldier,  anything  in  any  previous  action 
of  Congress  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
without  amendment,  ordered  to  a  third  reading, 
read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

ALEXANDER  CROSS. 

Mr.  WADE.  1  move  that  the  Senate  take  up 
House  joint  resolution  No.  39. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  the  Senate,  as 
in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  proceeded  to  con-" 
sider  the  joint  resolution  (H.  II.  No.  39)  for  the 
relief  of  Alexander  Cross. 

Alexander  Cro.^s  here'tofore  filed  his  petition  in 
the  Court  of  Claims  of  tiie  United  States,  prtiy- 
ing  relief  on  account  'of  certain  rents  alleged  to 
be  due  from  the  United  Stales  to  him  as  assigriee 
of  one  Daniel  Saffarans,  by  virtue  of  certain  al- 
leged contract  of  lease  between  Saffarans  (who  is 
now  deceased)  and  the  United  States;  and  the 
Court  of  Claims,  on  the  24th  of  January,  1859, 
rendered  a  decision  adverse  to  the  prayer  of  the 
petition,  on  the  sole  ground  of  an  alleged  techni- 
cal defect  in  the  assignment  of  the  lease  from 
Saffarans  to  the  petitioner.  The  joint  resolution 
therefore  proposes  to  rcimand  the  cause  to  the 
Court  of  Claims  for  a  further  hearing,  upon  the 
testimony  heretofore  filed  therein,  and  such  fur- 
ther testimony  as  either  party  may  take  and  file 
pursuant  to  the  rules  of  the  court;  and  if,  upon 
the  further  hearing  of  the  cause,  it  shall  appear 
(hat  the  petitioner  is  the  equitable  owner  of  the 
lease,  and  in  justice  and  equity  entitled  to  the 
rents  (if  any)  due  thereon  from  the  United  States, 
the  court  is  to  be  authorized  to  render  judgment 
therefor  in  his  favor,  notwithstanding  any  techni- 
cal detect  in  the  assignment  of  the  lease. 

The  Committee  on  Claims  reported  the  joint 
resolution  with  an  amendment  to  add  the  follow- 
ing proviso: 

I'rooidcd,  'J'haf,  no  money  shall  be  paid  out  of  the  Treas- 
ury upon  any  judgnicnt  which  may  be  rc^ndered  in  favor 
of  the  petitioner  in  said  cause  until  he  shall  have  tiled  with 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasmy  a  bond,  with  ample  secu- 
rity, in  such  sum  as  will  fully  iiulenniify  the  United  States 
against  any  deniaiul  which  may  bo  set  up  and  established 
by  or  on  beiialf  of  the  heirs  or  representatives  of  the  said 
Daniel  Saffarans,  deceased,  under  or  by  virtue  of  said  con- 
tract or  lease. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;)?-o  <emjoore.  The  Chair 
ctills  up  (he  special  order  of  the  day  at  this  hour, 
being  the  unfinished  business  of  yesterday ,  Flouse 
bill  No.  512. 

Mr.  WADE.  I  hope  that  will  be  informally 
passed  over  to  enable  us  to  take  the  quesdon  on 
this  resolution.     It  will  take  but  a  moment. 

Mr.  SUtMNER.  I  have  no  objection  to  the 
order  being  passed  over  informally  to  accoimmo- 
date  my  friend. 


The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
hears  no  objection  to  cotitinuing  the  considera- 
tion of  the  resolution  which  has  been  before  the 
Senate.  The  question  is  on  the  amendment  re- 
ported from  the  Committee  on  Claims. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Tlie  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate 
as  amended,  and  the  ainendnient  was  concurred 
in  and  ojdered  to  be  engrovssed.  The  resolution 
was  ordered  to  be  read  a  third  time;  and  it  was 
read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  HOUSE. 

A  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.  McPi-ierson,  its  Clerk,  aimounced  that 
the  House  had  disagreed  to  the  ametidments  of 
the  Senate  to  the  bill  of  the  HoifRe  (No.  495)  to 
amend  thecharter  of  the  Washington  and  George- 
town Railroad  Cotnpany,  asked  a  conference  on 
the  disagreeing  votesof  tlie  two  Houses  thereon, 
and  had  appointed  Mr.  Steele  of  New  York, 
Mr.  Price  of  Iowa,  and  Mr.  Washburne  of  Illi- 
nois, managers  at  the  same  on  its  part. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  agreed  to  the  amendment  of 
the  Senate  to  the  amendment  of  the  House  to  the 
bill  (S.  No.  26)  to  provide  for  the  pulilic  instrue-- 
tion  of  youth  in  the  county  of  Washington,  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  House 
of  Representatives  had  passed  a  bill  (No.  550)  (o 
establish  Colfax  street  in  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton and  District  of  Columbia;  in  which  it  re- 
quested the  concurrence  of  the  Senate. 

ENROLLED  BILLS  SIGNED. 

The  message  also  announced  that  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  had  signed  the 
followingenrolled  bills;  which  thereupon  received 
the  signature  of  (he  President  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate: 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  240)  making  appropriations 
for  the  current  and  contingent  ex|)enses  of  the 
Indian  dejiartment,  and  for  fulfilling  treaty  stipu- 
lations with  various  Indian  tribes  for  the  year  end- 
ing Juno  30,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes;  and 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  434)  to  authorize  the  bailiff 
of  the  orphans'  court  in  the  county  of  Washing- 
ton and  District  of  Columbia  to  serve  processes 
issued  by  said  court,  and  for  other  purposes. 

BILLS  BECOME  LAWS. 

The  message  further  announced  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  had  approved  and  signed 
on  the  20th  instant  the  following  bills  and  joint 
resolution: 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  40)  "making  appropriations 
for  the  consular  an'd  diplomatic  expenses  of  the 
Gove>-nment  for  the  year  ending  30th  June,  1865, 
and  for  other  purposes; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  179)  concerning  lands  in  the 
State  of  California; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  217)  to  confirm  certain  en- 
tries of  land  in  the  State  of  iVIissouri; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  227)  granting  lands  to  the 
State  of  Michigan  for  the  construction  of  certain 
wagon  roads  for  military  and  postal  purposes; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  290)  for  the  relief  of  Rhoda 
Wolcott,  widow  of  Henry  Wolcolt; 

A  bill  (PI.  R.  No.  356)  requiring  proof  of  pay- 
ment of  dudes  on  foreign  salt  before  payment  of 
(he  allowances  provided  for  by  the  ac(s  of  July 
29,  1813,  and  March  3,  1819; 

A  bill  (H.R.  No.486)  to  amend  anactentided 
"An  act  to  provide  a  temporary  government  for 
the  Territory  of  Idaho,"  approved  March  3, 1863; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  504)  to  authorize  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  to  sell  the  marine  hospital 
and  groundsat  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  to  purchase 
a  new  site  and  build  a  new  hospital; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  513)  to  detach  the  counties 
of  Calhoun  and  Branch  from  the  western  judicial 
district,  and  annex  the  same  to  the  eastern  dis- 
trict of  the  State  of  Michigan; 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  521)  to  amend  an  act  enti- 
tled "An  act  to  provide  for  the  claims  of  Peruvian 
citizens  under  the  convention  between  the  United 
States  and  Peru  of  the  12th  of  January,  18C3." 
approved  June  1,  1864;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (PI.  R.  No.  47)  for  the  relief 
of  Rev.  W.  B.  Matchett. 

WASHINGTON  AND  QEORGIiTOWN  KAILROAD. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  its  amend- 
ments to  the  bill  of  the  Plouse  (No.  495)  to  amend 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3191 


the  charlor  of  the  Washington  and  Georg;etown 
Railroad  Coinpnny,  disagreed  to  by  the  House  of 
Representatives;  and 

On  motion  of  Mr.  GRIiMES,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Seiiata  insist  upon  its  amendinonts 
to  llie  said  l)ill,  (U'^a,>,'rp.cd  to  l)y  Hie  House  of  Represeiita- 
tiviis,  and  aKrc:t!  to  liio  ron(('ie!iC(;  asked  by  tlie  House  on 
tlie  di:'agr(.'clii^'  votes  ot'liie  two  floiises  tliereoii. 

Orilcrcil,  Tliat  the  conferees  on  tlie  part  of  tlic  Senate 
he  appoiiitod  Ijy  the  President  ji?-o  tempore. 

Tile  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore  appointed  Mr. 
Wade,  Mr.  Willey,  and  Mr.  Riddle. 

HOUSE  Bir^L  REFERRED. 

The  bill  (No.  550)  to  e.stablish  Coifax  -street 
in  the  city  of  V/asliington  and  District  of  Colum- 
bia was  read  twice  by  its  title,  and  referred  to  tlie 
Comniitteo  on  the  Disti'ict  of  Columbia. 

REPEAL  OF  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAWS. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  re- 
sumed the  consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No. 
512)  to  repeal  the  fugitive  slave  act  of  1850,  and 
all  acis  and  parts  of  acts  for  the  rendition  of  fugi- 
tive slaves. 

Mr.  DAVIS  addressed  the  Senate  at  some 
length.  [His  speech  will  be  published  in  tiie 
Appendix  ] 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  move  to  strike  out  all 
after  the  enacting  clause  of  the  bill,  and  to  insert 
the  following: 

Tliat  no  person  heid  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  un- 
der the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  con- 
sequence of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged 
from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on 
claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be 
due  ;  and  Congress  sliall  pass  all  necessary  and  proper  laws 
for  the  rendition  of  all  sncli  persons  wlio  shall  so,  as  afore- 
eaid,  escape. 

I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 
The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 
Mr.  SAULSBURY.  It  will  be  perceived  that 
my  amendment  embodies  simply  the  words  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with  a  decla- 
ration that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  pass  all 
proper  and  necessary  laws  to  carry  the  provision 
of  the  Constitution  into  effect. 

1  have  stated  the  substance  of  the  amendment 
that  the  country  may  again  have  an  op[)ortunity 
to  observe  whether  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
is  willing  to  affirm  what  unquestionably  is  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  We  have  been 
told,  sir,  by  the  highest  judicial  authority  of  this 
country,  by  no  less  a  distinguished  jurist  than 
Judge  Story,  in  a  celebrated  case  where  the  con- 
stitutionality of  the  fugitive  slave  law  was  in- 
volved, tiiat  this  provision  of  the  Constitution, 
recited  iti  my  amendment,  was  one  of  the  com- 
promises of  ilie  instrument^  without  the  incorpo- 
ration of  whicli  into  the  instrument  the  formation 
of  a  Constitution  for  a  General  Government,  a 
coiTKUon  Government  between  the  States,  would 
have  been  impossible.  Sir,  from  the  very  foun- 
dation of  the  Government  after  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  there  was  no  statesman  whoever 
questioned  that  a  faithful  observance  of  this  con- 
stitutional requirement  was  obligatory  upon  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  As  we  have  been 
told  this  morning  by  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  Kentucky,  it  was  adopted  by  the  Federal 
Convention  without  a  dissenting  voice.  The  men 
wlio  framed  the  Constitution,  in  1793  passed  an 
act  of  Congres.s  to  carry  this  provision  of  the 
Constitution  into  effect.  That  act  met  with  the 
approval  of  the  Father  of  his  Country.  No  one 
of  the  men  who  were  witnesses  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Government,  or  participated  in  that 
establishment,  ever  questioned  either  its  validity 
or  its  wisdom;  and  never  until  these  modern  days, 
when  it  has  been  discovered,  to  the  amazement  of 
thoughtful  minds  throughout  the  world,  that  the 
tiegro  is  not  only  the  equal  but  a  little  better  than 
the  white  man,  was  the  correctness  of  theirjudg- 
ment  called  in  question. 

Sir,  whence  comes  this  spirit  to  demolish  the 

work  of  the  fathers  .'     By  what  means  is  it  that 

men  in  these  modern  days  have  become  so  much 

.    wiser  than  the  fathers  tliat  they  should  now  at- 

'    tempt  to   do  away  with   their  work?     Are    the 

statesmen  of  the  present  day  more  deeply  read  in 

the  principles  of  sound  government  than  were  the 

men  who  established  this  Government  ?     Sir,  we 

are  but  pigmies  in  comparison  with  giants,  and 

by  such  acts  as  these  we  only  demonstrate  that 

"  Pigmies  are  pigmies  still,  though  perehcd  on  Alps." 


But,  sir,  not  only  according  to  the  political 
views  of  the  present  diiy  is  it  wise  to  do  away 
with  all  the  work  of  the  great  men  who  preceded 
us,  but  we  have — I  had  like  to  have  stiid  the  au- 
dacity— we  have  tlie  presumiilion,  sir,  to  publish 
to  the  people  of  this  country  and  to  the  world  that 
we  are  not  only  wiser  but  purer  and  better  men; 
that  we  have  studied  more  deeply  and  nio  re  closely, 
and  I  presume  we  would  have  it  believed  that  we 
practice  more  consistently,  the  teachings  of  the 
divine  code  than  the  great,  the  good,  and  the  wise 
men  who  preceded  us,  and  that  George  Wash- 
ington and  the  men  associated  witii  him  in  revo- 
lutionary times,  and  during  the  period  in  which 
this  Constitution  was  formed,  v/ere  not  the  ^ood 
Christians  that  we  of  the  present  day  are.  Nov/, 
sir,  if  we  would  believe  what  is  to  be  met  with,  in 
every  newspaper  almost  that  hus  liberty  to  ex- 
press its  ojiinions,  anif  if  vjq  would  look  in  the 
so-called  religious  conventions  of  the  present  day, 
that  which  they  approved  is  contrary  to  the  word 
of  God.  J  put  it  to  you,  sir,  and  I  put  it  to  the 
country,  who  believes, _even  viewing  this  que'S- 
tion  in  its  religious  aspect,  that  your  religious 
synods,  conventions,  gatherings  of  ministers, 
have  the  same  piety,  the  same  reverence  for  God, 
and  the  same  respect  for  man  that  they  had  in  the 
early  days  of  this  Republic'  Sir,  I  wish  to  at- 
tack no  religious  denomination,  no  body  ofclei-gy- 
men,  but  if  there  are  any  class  of  men  who  since 
the  commencement  of  our  troubles  have  done  in- 
jury to  the  country  and  disgraced  their  calling, 
that  class  of  men  are  the  political  preachers  who, 
instead  of  preaching  Jesus  Christ  and  Him  cru- 
cified, are  preaching  the  equality  of  negroes  with 
white  men.  Such  men  mi^hl  preach  till  dooms- 
day, they  would  never  convert  a  soul  or  get  con- 
verted themselves.  If  infidelity  was  branded  on 
their  foreheads,  and  they  had  to  go  out  among 
the  people  with  such  a  brand  upon  them,  it  would 
suit  them  much  belter  than  to  be  agitating  in  these 
days  of  national  trouble  questions  of  which  they 
are  profoundly  ignorant,  and  to  speak  in  refer- 
ence to  which  God  never  commissioned  them.  I 
allude,  sir,  simply  to  those  gentlemen  because 
iTiuch  of  this  sickly  sentimentality  in  the  land, 
mucli  of  this  disregard  of  the  true  teachings  of  the 
Bible,  which  they  profess  to  expound,  is  owing 
to  their  own  teachings,  and  just  in  proportion  as 
they  have  forgotten  the  weightier  matters  of  the 
lav/  do  they  deal  in  such  things  as  abolitionism 
and  negro  equality. 

Mr.  President,  while  it  is  not  my  intention  to 
detain  the  Senate  with  any  tiling  like  a  speech  on 
this  subject,  because  the  mind  of  every  Senator 
is  made  up,  because  the  whole  country  under- 
stands the  question,  I  cannot  forbear  a  further 
remark.  This  measure  is  introduced  under  cir- 
cumstances v/hich  show  that  it  is  done  simply  for 
the  purpose  of  keeping  up  a  most  unnecessary 
and  most  profitless  and  a  most  injurious  excite- 
ment and  agitation.  There  is  no  one,  1  presume, 
that  supposes  it  can  have  any  effect  whatever  in 
the  States  in  revolt.  It  certainly  is  not  intended, 
at  least  at  present,  to  operate  upon  those  States, 
because  if  it  is,  we  not  being  in  possession  of 
them  would  be  pretty  much  like  Satan  was  when 
he  took  the  Saviour  up  on  a  high  mount  and 
showed  him  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  and 
jiromised  them  to  him  if  he  would  fall  down  and 
worship  him,  when  the  old  creature  had  not  a 
single  foot  of  all  the  land  he  promised.  It  then 
can  only  be  supposed  to  operate  within  the  border 
Stales.  Is  there  any  practical  use  for  its  enact- 
ment so  far  as  those  States  are  concerned.'  Is 
there  a  single  slave  in  one  of  tliose  States  thatcan- 
not  escape  if  lie  chooses  to  do  so.'  Have  you 
not,  sir,  through  your  military  power,  held  out 
every  induceiifient  that  you  could  promise  to  them 
to  leave  their  masters  and  to  come  and  enjoy  the 
rich  blessings  of  freedom.'  Have  you  returned 
any  of  them  to  their  masters.'  Have  you  notdis- 
missed  military  officers  because  you  suspected 
them  of  a  disposition  to  do  it.'  Is  there  one  slave 
in  all  the  border  States  or  in  the  States  in  revolt 
who,  if  he  does  escafie  and  goes  into  a  free  State, 
can  under  any  circumstances  be  possibly  returned, 
although  these  enactments  may  remain  upon  your 
statute-book.'  No,  sir.  This  intetise  love  for 
universal  freedom  which  seems  to  animate  a  very 
considerable  portion  of  the  northern  people,  it  not 
the  majority,  secures  perfect  immunity  from  ar- 
rest and  return  of  any  fugitive  who  may  escape 
from  his  master. 


Then,  sir,  why  not  be  still  in  llie  troul>lou3 
times  through  which  we  are  now  pnssing.'  Why 
not  wait  until  tranquillity  and  peaeesliall  retuin, 
and  then,  with  cool  heads  and  calm  ju.dijmeni ,  a|)- 
ply  yourselves  to  such  legislation  as  the  circurn- 
staricr'S  of  the  country,  as  they  shall  then  exist, 
may  demand.'  Is  it  wi.=-,c,  \  ask,  in  times  like 
these  to  be  ignoring  the  fundamental  principles 
upon  v/hich  your  Government  was  establislied, 
to  be  repealing  those  early  statutes  v/hich  were 
enacted  by  the  great  and  the  wise  men  who  pre- 
ceded you  .'  is  it  a  time  for  you  by  your  legisla- 
tion to  teach  to  the  young  men  of  the  country 
who  are  just  entering  upon  the  tlieater  of  life  that 
the  men  who  laid  the  deep  foundations  of  this 
Govertiment  in  the  principles  of  constitutional  lib- 
erty were  unfitted  for  iln-ir  task,  were  inadequate 
to  the  accomplishment  of  the  purposes  wliich  they 
intetided  .'  Is  it  a  time  amid  the  throes  of  national 
disruption  and  revoiui  ion  tor  us  to  sit  in  judgment 
u|ion  the  work  of  the  fathers?  Itis  presumption, 
and  nothing  but  presum|")tion. 

The  question  being  tciken  by  yeas  and  nays,  re- 
suUed — yeas  9,  nays  29;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  nnekaiew,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Davis,  Mc- 
Dougall,  Powell,  Rirhaidsoii.  Riddle,  and  Saulsbury— 9. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Aniliony,  15 rown, Chandler,  Clari?,  Con- 
iiess,  Dixo)i,  Foot.  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Harris,  Hicks, 
Howard,  Howe,  Joiuisoii,  Lane  of  Indiana,  L.ane  of  Kan- 
sas, Morgan,  Morrill.  Pomeroy.  Ramsey,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
Ten  Eyek,  'i'rnnibull,  Van  VVinltle,  Wade,  Willey,  and 
Wilson— 29. 

AliSEN'i'— IMcssrs.Collnmor,  Dooliltic,  Fessenden,  Fos- 
ter, Harding,  Hemierso^,  Hendricks,  Nesniith,  Sheruiau, 
Wilkinson,  and  Wright — 11. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill  by 
striking  out  after  the  word  "  that,"  in  the  third 
line,  the  following  words: 

Sections  three  and  four  of  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  re- 
specting fugitives  i'roin  justice  and  persons  escaping  from 
the  service  of  llieir  masters,"  passed  February  lil,  179U,  and. 

So  that  the  bill  will  read: 

That  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  to  amend  and  supplement- 
ary to  the  act  entitled  '  An  act  respeciing  fugitives  from 
justice  and  persons  escaping  from  the  service  of  their  mas- 
ters,' passed  February  12, 1793,"  passed  September  18, 1850, 
lie,  and  the  same  is  hereby,  repealed. 

The  amendment,  as  the  Senate  will  see,  makes 
this  bill  like  the  one  that  we  passed  after  debate. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  that  amendment. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  I  desire  to  say  that  upon 
this  bill,  and  all  peculiar  propositions  connected 
with  it,  I  have  agreed  to  pair  off  with  the  Sena- 
tor from  Minnesota,  [Mr.  Wilkinson,]  and  there- 
fore do  not  vote,  he  being  in  favor  of  the  meas- 
ure and  1  against  it. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  wish  to  say  that  I  am 
governed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  the  laws  passed  under  the  Constitution,  and 
I  shall  govern   myself  accordingly  in   my  votes. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  17,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Cowan,  Davis,  Har- 
ri-,  Uiel;s,  Johnson,  Lane  of  Indiana.  McUougall,  Powell, 
Richardson,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  Ten  Eyek,  Trumbnil,  Van 
Winkle,  and  Willey— 17. 

NAYS  — Messrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark, 
Conness,  Dixon,  Fessendeii,  Foot,  Grimes,  Hah',  Harlan, 
Howard,  Howe,  Lane  ol  Kansas,  Aiorgan,  Murrill,  Pome- 
rov,  Ramsey,  Sprague,  Sumner,  Wade,  and  Wilscni — 2i. 

ABSENT— Messrs.  Collainer,  Doolittle,  Foster,  Har- 
ding, Hrnderson,  Hendricks,  Nesmiih,  Sherman,  Wilkin- 
son, and  Wriglit — 10. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  and  was 
read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  ask  for  the  yeas  and 
nays  on  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered;  and  being 
taken,  resulted — yeas  27,  nays  12;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Jlessrs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chaiuller.Clark,  Con- 
ness, Oi.\on,  Fessendeii,  Foot,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  Har- 
ris, Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana,  Lane  ol  Kan- 
sas, Morgan,  Morrill,  Pomeroy,  Uanisey,  Sprague,  Sumner, 
Ten  Eyek,  Truiiiliuli,  Wade,  and  Wilson— -^7. 

iVAYS — Messrs.  Buckalew,  Carlile,  Co  wan,  Davis,. John- 
son, McDougall,  Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle,  Saulsbury, 
Van  Winkle,  and  Willey— 12. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Collainer,  Doolittle,  Foster,  Harding, 
Henderson,  Hendricks,  Nesniitii,  Sherman,  VVilkiiisoii;aiiu 
Wright— 10. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

RECESS. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  iVlOPvRlLL,  it  was 
Ordered,  Tlint  at  half  past  four  o'clock  from  to-day  the 
Sena»t;  will  take  a  recess  until  seven  o'clock  p.  ni. 


B192 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


MKSSAGB   Ii'liOM   THE  HOUSE. 

A  niessaee  from  the  House  of  Representatives, 
by  Mr.McPHERsoN.its  Clerk,  announcod  that  tlie 
House  had  jiassed  the  following  bills  of  the  tien- 
Rte: 

A  bill  (No.  115)  to  amend  an  act  entitled  "  An 
act  to  define  the  power.s  and  duties  of  the  levy 
court  of  the  county  of  Washington,  District  uf 
Columbia;" 

A  bill  (No.  1G2)  amendatory  of  an  net  to  amend 
an  act  entitled  "An  act  to  promote  the  jirogress 
of  the  useful  arts, "approved  March  .3,  1863;  and 

A  bill  (No.  279)  to  amend  the  act  of  Congress 
making  donations  to  the  settlers  on  the  puMic 
lands  in  Oregon,  approved  September  27,  1850, 
and  the  acts  amendatory  thGreto. 

The  message  furtheranrtouiiced  tiiat  the  House 
oflleprosentalivpshad  passed  the  folio  wingHouse 
billsund  jointresolulion;  in  which  itrequested  the 
concurrence  of  the  Senate: 

A  bill  (No.  537)  to  incorporate  the  Young 
Men 's  Cliristian  Association  of  the  city  of  Wasii- 
ington; 

A  bill  (No.  551)  til  incorporate  the  Colored 
Catholic  ijenevolent  Society; 

A  bill  (No.  552)  to  increase  the  salaries  (^the 
judges  and  arbitrators  appointed  under  the  treaty 
with  Great  Britain  for  the  suppression  of  tlie 
slave  trade;  and 

A  joint  resolution  (No.  109)  correcting  a  cler- 
ical error  in  the  award  of  tlie  emancipation  com- 
missioners. • 

ENROLLED  OJILLS  SIGNED. 

The  message  furtherannounced  that  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  had  signed  the 
following  enrolled  bill.~i;  which  thereupon'received 
the  signature  of  the  President  pro  tempore: 

A  bill  (tl.R.No.  192)  making  appi-opriations 
for  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  ex- 
penses of  tlie  Government  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1865,  and  for  other  purposes;  and 

A  bill  (H.  R.  No.  453)  to  increase  the  pension 
of  Isaac  Aih.'n. 

COURTS  IN  WISCONSIN. 

Mr.    TRUMBULL,   from    the   committee   of 

f.  conference  on   the  disagreeing   votes  of  the  two 

^'Houses  on  the  bill  (S.  No.  55)  in  relation  to  the 

circuit  court  in  and  for  the  district  of  Wisconsin, 

and  for  other  purposes,  submitted  the  following 

report: 

The  coiiiiiiitlfie  or  c<)iiferen<M!  on  tlio  disngieeing  votes 
of  tile  two  Ilriiis«s  on  liie  nnKMKhnent  to  tlie  bill  (S.  No.  55) 
in  reliitioii  to  the  circuit  court  In  iiiitl  (or  Ihe  district  ot 
Wisconsin,  anil  tor  other  iiiirposes,  liuving  met,  after  lull 
and  Iree  coiiterence  have  agioed  to  recoiiiniend  and  do 
reeoininend  to  tlieir  resficelive  Houses  tis  follows : 

'I'lial  the  cienate  recede  IVoni  iis  disagreement  to  the 
aniendniPiit  of  the  House,  and  agree  10  the  same  with  an 
ami'iulini'iif,,  as  Ibllows : 

Fioviilv:!,  That  all  execul ions,  processes,  or  orders  is- 
sued from  the  district  court  or'  any  district  in  this  act  men- 
tioneil  ill  casi's  iransferri.'d  to  the  circuit  court, and  in  part 
executed,  shall  he  rc-gaidi'd  as  liaving  been  issued  from  the 
circuit  court  to  wliich  each  particular  case  is  transferred, 
and  shall  be  reriirnud  thereto.  And  no  writ  of  e.Y<!CUtioii, 
or  oihi'r  tinal  process,  or  power  exercised,  or  proceeding 
liad  in  accordance  with  law  to  enforce  any  judgment  or 
decree,  shall  be  alfected  by  reason  of  the  transfer  directed 
by  tills  act. 

LYMAIV  TRUMBULL, 
J.  COLLAiVJER, 
L.  VV.  POVVI^LL, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 
JAMES  F.  WILSON, 
JAMES  S.  BROWN, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

The  report  was  concurred  in. 
MILITARY  I.NTIiRFUKBNCK  WITH  ELECTIONS. 

Mr.  FIOWARD.  I  move  to  take  up  Senate 
bill  No.  37,  to  prevent  officers  of  the  Army  and 
Navy  and  oilier  persons  engaged  in  the  military 
and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  from  inter- 
Itring  in  elections  in  the  States.  It  is  the  bill 
which  was  passed  yesterday,  on  which  there  was 
a  motion  to  reconsider. 

The  motion   to  take  up  the  bill  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESl  DENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  Iowa  [Mr. 
Harlan]  to  reconsider  the  vote  by  which  the  bill 
v/as  passed. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  1  beg  the  indulgence  of  the 
Senate  for  a  moment.  This  bill  was  passed  yes- 
terday, and  a  motion  was  made  before  the  close 
of  the  session  yesterday  by  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator from  Iowa  to  reconsider  the  vote  on  its  pas- 
sage.    I  iiope  the  Senate  will  reconsider  the  vole, 


lor  1  am  not  able  to  see  any  reason  whatever  for 
the  passage  of  such  a  bill  as  this.  Without 
s|iending  time  upon  it,  1  bog  leave  to  say  that  by 
the  passage  of  this  bill  even  in  the  form  in  which 
it  now  ir!,  the  Senate  will,  seemingly  at  least,  give 
a  cognovit  to  all  the  charges  of  improper  and  cor- 
rupt interference  on  the  part  of  the  military  au-, 
tliorities  of  th(>  United  States  in  the  State  elections 
of  ]863and  18G2.  The  Committee  on -Military 
A  flairs  have  had  this  matter  under  very  careful 
consideration,  and,  as  1  remarked  yesterday, 
made  a  vei'y  full  and  amph;  report  on  the  whole 
subject,  and  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  was  no  neces.sity  whatever  for  the  passage 
of  any  such  bill  as  this. 

As  the  bill  stands,  if  it  be  in  order  for  me  to  say 
one  word  in  respect  to  it,  the  following  results 
will  flow  from  it.  As  it  js  now  passed  it  reads  as 
follows: 

That  it  shall  not  bo  lawful  for  any  military  or  naval  ofR- 
cer  of  the  United  States,  or  other  person  eng.ij^ji.'d  in  the 
civil,  military,  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States,  to  or- 
der, bring,  keep,  or  have  under  his  authorily  or  control, 
any  troops  or  armed  men  at  the  place  vvh(?re  any  general  or 
sp(!cial  election  is  held  in  any  State  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  unless  it  shall  be  necessary  to  repel  the  armed 
enemies  of  the  United  States,  or  to  keep  the  peace  at  the 
polls. 

Giving  permission  for  the  employment  of  the 
military  forces  of  tlio  United  Slates  at  elections 
only  in  those  two  cases,  where  there  shall  be  armed 
enemies  of  the  United  States  at  the  polls,  or  where 
it  shall  be  necessary  to  employ  a  military  force  to 
keep  the  peace  at  the  polls;  and  leaving  the  im- 
plication perfectly  irresistible  that  in  all  other 
cases  it  shall  not  bg.  lawful  for  the  military  au- 
thorities commanding  in  the  field,  or  in  the  dis- 
trict or  department,  as  the  case  may  be,  to  em- 
ploy the  military  forces,  althougli  there  might  be 
present  at  a  poll,  and  there  might  be  throntring 
around  ihatpoll  hundreds  and  thousands  of  rebels 
who  had  just  left  the  field  of  battle,  and  whose 
hands  were  crimsoned  with  the  blood  of  loyal 
men;  leaving  that  description  of  persons  to  come 
to  the  polls  quietly  and  deposit  tlieir  votes,  al- 
though notoriously  rebels,  and  excluding,  as  I 
remarked,  in  such  a  case  as  that  all  interference 
on  tlie  part  of  the  authorities.  I  do  not  think  it 
is  the  purpose  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  Sfatesr 
to  pass  any  law  which  shall  take  away  from  the 
military  autliorilies  in  the  field  that  tutelary  au- 
thority and  protection  which  they  have  uniformly 
thus  far  extended  to  the  Union  voters  who  went 
quietly  to  the  polls  to  vote;  that  authority  by 
which,  ill  repeated  instances,  uiideralmost  all  our 
commanders,  rebels,  and  persons  notorious  for 
their  disloyalty,  have  been  kept  away  from  the 
polls  by  this  same  military  arm,  and  kept  away 
from  the  polls,  why.'  Because  they  were  un- 
friendly to  the  United  States;  in  short,  because 
they  were  actual  enemies,  or  so  strongly  suspected 
of  being  actual  enemies  thaiit  was  unsafe  to  allow 
them  to  exercise  this  description  of  political  rights. 

The  report  to  which  I  have  referred  contauis  a 
recital  of  a  very  great  number  of  these  military 
orders  given  in  Missouri  by  General  Sclmfield; 
in  Kentucky  by  General  Burnside;  in  Maryland 
by  General  iMcClellan  and  by  General  Dix;  ami 
in  Delaware  by  General  Dix  and  b}*  General 
Schenck, the  purpose  and  object  of  all  of  which  were 
to  protect  the  Union  voter  in  the  quiet  enjoyment 
of  his  rights  at  the  polls,  and  to  keep  away  from 
the  polls  persons  of  known  disloyally,  or  persons 
who  had  been  known  to  have  engaged  in  actual 
hostilities  against  the  United  States.  It  is  said 
that  this  is  a  dangerous  power  to  place  in  the 
hands  of  a  military  man.  1  adniil  that  it  is  dan- 
gerous, because  it  is  a  power  easily  abused;  no- 
body denies  that  all  power,  however  necessary, 
may  be  abused,  and  all  power  is  as  easily  abused, 
so  to  speak,  as  is  this  military  power;  but  is  the 
fact  that  it  may  be  easily  abused  one  which  should 
prohibit  us  from  using  the  power.'  Js  it  a  reason 
why  we  should  take  away  from  the  military  au- 
thorities this  firotective  shield  which  they  have 
held  over  the  Union  people  in  Kentucky,  in  Mis- 
souri, in  Maryland,  and  in  Delaware.-'  Is  it  a 
reason  for  stripping  them  of  all  authority  to  expel 
from  the  polls  men  who  perhaps  yesterday  had 
arms  in  their  hands,  and  were  actually  engaged 
in  waging  open  war,  bloody  war  against  the  Uni- 
ted Slates .'  Still,  if  this  bill  is  allowed  to  pass  as 
it  is,  such  will  be  the  exact  effect  of  it;  it  will  for- 
bid our  military  authorities  everywhere  from 
arresting  or  in  any  way  inlcrfering  with  a  rebel 


who  shall  come  to  the  polls  without  arms,  al- 
though he  may  be  perfectly  well  known  to  have 
been  a  rebel,  to  have  been  engaged  in  hoRtilities 
against  the  United  States;  perfectly  well  knov/n 
both  to  the  military  authorities  and  to  the  judges 
of  the  election. 

But  it  is  said,  Mr.  President,  that  it  is  the  ex- 
clusive privilege  of  the  Slates  to  protect  their 
polls,  to  protect  their  elections,  and  to  jirescribe 
the  rules  which  fdiall  be  observed  at  an  election 
in  its  conduct  as  well  as  to  presciibe  the  qualifi- 
cations of  electors.  I  am  not  here  to  deny  the 
just  |)ower  of  the  States  in  regard  to  elections  and 
tlie  fixing  of  the  qualifications  of  voters  in  a  Slate. 
1  do  not  deny  the  power  of  the  State  in  general 
terms  to  prescribe  these  qualifications  and  to  fix 
these  rules;  but  I  do  deny  that  in  a  time  of  war, 
and  this  is  a  time  of  war,  it  is  competent  for  any 
State  government  to  extend  to  a  person  who  is  a 
public  enemy  of  llie  United  States,  and  against 
whom  and  against  whose  class  or  community  the 
United  Stall's  as  a  nation  is  waging  war,  any  po- 
litical right  or  privilege  whatever,  and  I  do  as- 
sert that  in  his  capacity  of  a  public  enemy  he  is 
in  all  respects  and  at  all  times  suljjecllo  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  relating  to  him  as  a  public 
enemy,  and  subject  to  those  laws  in  exclusion  of 
any  conflicting  law  of  the  Slate  relating  to  the 
same  subject.  In  short,  I  hold  that  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  on  such  sul'jects  as  u|ion  all 
other  subjects  are  supreme,  and  that  the  State  law 
must  yield  to  them.  In  a  time  of  peace,  I  agree, 
there  being  no  necessity  for  the  exercise  of  this 
tutelary  authority  which  I  have  referred  to,  it 
would  be  incompetent  for  Congress  to  pass  any 
law  relating  to  the  qualification  of  electors  in  a 
State'  or  in  any  way  regulating  their  elections. 
We  all  knov/  that  a  state  of  war  and  a  state  of 
peace  are  two  very  different  things.  The  Stales 
cannot  wage  war.  A  State  as  a  State  cannot  law- 
fully be  engaged  in  war;  the  wbole  of  the  war 
power  pertains  exclusively  to  the  United  Stales 
and  not  to  the  States.  I  hope  that  this  bill  will 
be  reconsidered.    . 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Mr.  President,  I  do  not 
know  whether  the  debate  to  the  extent  to  which 
it  has  been  entered  into  by  the  honorable  mem- 
ber from  Michigan  is  in  order  upon  a  molion  to 
reconsider.  The  bill  is  not  yet  before  the  Senate, 
I  believe. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  bill  is 
before  the  Senate. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  have  but  a  word  or  two  to 
say,  then,  Mr.  President.  The  bill  as  it  has  been 
amended  and  passed  gives  to  the  anthoriiie's  of 
the  United  States  the  right  to  use  their  military 
power  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  peace  at  the 
polls.  It  is  consequently,  if  it  is  not  exerted  be- 
y(nid.  that  limit,  a  power  within  the  competency 
of  the  Government  provided,  and  provided  only, 
that  assistance  shall  be  aslced  for  by  the  State. 
But  if  the  doctrines  maintained  by  ray  friend  from 
Michigan  are  to  prevail  1  do  iiol  see  that  it  will 
make  much  difference  whether  we  put  down  this 
reliellion  or  not. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  do  not  quitehear  the  Sen- 
ator. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  do  not  see,  if  your  doc- 
trines prevail,  what  good,  as  far  as  personal  or 
individual  liberty  will  be  afiected,  whether  we 
succeed  in  putting  a  slop  to  llie  rebellion  or  not. 
The  honorable  member  tells  us  what  weall  know, 
that  upon  all  subjects  over  which  ihe  United  States 
have  jurisdiction  their  laws  are  paramount  to  the 
laws  of  the  States,  even  in  cases  in  which  the 
States  have  over  the  same  subject  concurrent 
jurisdiction.  That  we  all  admit;  but  I  never  be- 
t'ore  heard  until  these  recent  times  that  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  gives  to  any  branch 
of  the  Government  which  it  creates  an  authority 
to  interfere  at  all  with  the  exercise  of  the  elective 
franchise. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Will  my  honorable  friend 
from  Maryland  allow  me  to  ask  him  one  question 
right  here .'' 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Certainly. 
Mr.  HOWARD.  It  is  this,  whetherina  time 
of  war  ills  competent  for  a  State,  acting  in  its  sov- 
ereignly as  a  Stale  if  you  please,  to  permit  a  i)ub- 
lic  enemy  of  the  United  States  to  vole  at  the  polls? 
Mr.  JOHNSON.  Certainly  not,  buiwhoisto 
ascertain  that.''  If  the  member  from  Michigan 
should  hai)[ieii  to  be  the  incumbent  of  the  presi- 
dential chair — and  1  should  not  weep  at  the  pres- 


1864. 


THE  COJ^GKESSIONAL  GLOB:^. 


3193 


ent  lime  to  find  him  there — would  it  be  for  him 
to  decide  wlielher,  as  a  citizen  of  Maryland,  I  was 
entitled  to  vote  at  an  election  in  my  own  State? 
There  is  but  one  subject  upon  wliich  tiie  United 
States  have  any  authority  to  interfere  with  elec- 
tions. Over  the  times,  the  places,  and  the  manner, 
the  Constitution  gives  to  the  several  Slates  the 
exclusive  authority  with  two  exceptions,  that  have 
nolhins;  in  the  world  to  do  with  the  manner  in 
which  the  franchise  is  to  be  exercised  or  the  par- 
ties who  are  to  exercise  it.  Upon  all  other  sub- 
jects ihei-cfore  than  of  time  and  manner,  the  juris- 
diction of  ihe  States  is  just  as  paramount  and 
exclusive  as  it  was  before  the  Constitution  was 
adopted.  Now,  my  friend  asks,  is  it  possible  that 
in  a  state  of  war  the  States  are  to  have  the  priv- 
ilege of  deciding  for  themselves  who  shall  exert 
tlie  elective  franchise?     Why  not? 

Mr.  HOWARD.  1  beg  pardon  of  the  Senator 
from  Maryland;  I  must  correct  him.  I  have  not 
made  any  such  statement  as  that.  What  I  have 
said  subslaniially  is  that  it  was  incompetent  for 
a  Slate  in  a  stale  of  war  to  allow  a  public  enemy 
of  the  United  States  to  vote  at  the  polls,  and  1 
understand  the  lionoralile  Senator  as  admitting 
the  truth  of  that  proposition. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Certainly,  so  farasitis  itself 
concerned;  but  the  honorable  member  claims  for 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  the  right  to 
decide  it.  I  was  about  to  put  a  case  to  him. 
With  reference  to  the  question  in  issue  between 
him  aiid  myself  there  is  no  difference  between  a 
civil  war  and  any  other  war.  A  war  waged  with 
a  foreign  nation  is  a  war,  and  there  may  be  traitors 
to  the  Government,  by  giving  aid  ant]  comfort  to 
the  enemy,  who  ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  vote; 
but  can  the  Government  carry  its  armies  into  the 
Slates  and  say  to  the  States,  "  We  claim  the  right 
to  decide  who  is  to  vote,  not  you?" 

Mr.  HOWARD.  In  just  such  a  case  as  that, 
if  the  Senator  wtll  allow  me,  I  do  claim  the  right 
for  the  United  States  to  say  to  the  publicenemy, 
"  You  shall  not  vote  at  the  polls  of  the  Slate."  If 
that  be  not  the  right  of  the  United  States,  then 
the  Ui}ited  States  is  without  power  for  the  pur- 
pose of  determining  who  is  a  public  enemy.  Cer- 
tainly, it  is  not  for  a  State  to  determine  who  is  a 
public  enemy  of  the  United   States   and  to  make 

■  that  decision  binu'ing  upon  the  Governmentof  the 
United  States,  or  who  is  a  friend  of  the  United 
States  and  make  that  binding. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  In  determining  on  the  part  of 
'  the  United  States  who  is  an  enemy  of  the  United 
States,  does  the  honorable  member  mean  to  say 
that  they  can  go  into  the  State  and  take  up  any 
individuals  that  they  think  proper  upon  the 
ground  that  they  are  public  enemies  and  incar- 
cerate them  in  prison  without  previous  proceed- 
ing or  indictment  or  trial  ?  lam  sure  he  would 
not  go  to  the  extent  of  so  holding;  and  yet  what 
difference  in  principle  is  there  between  a  case  of 
that  description  and  their  claiming  a  right  to  go 
into  the  Stales  and  to  say  to  A,  B,  and  C,  wlio 
-  happen  to  be  at  the  polls,  "  We  pronounce  you  to 
be  public  enemies;  you  shall  not  put  your  Imllot 
into  the  box,  although  your  State  by  its  laws  has 
provided  no  test  which  will  exclude  you?" 
1  had  thought,  Mr.  President,  that  we  were  in 

■  a  free  land,  that  if  there  was  a  Government  upon 
the  face  of  the  iiabitable  globe  where  the  princi- 
ples of  freedom  were  instilled  and  incorporated 
into  their  institutions,  it  was  the  Government  of 
the  United  Slates;  but  the  doctrine  of  my  friend 
from  Michigan  makes  it  virtually  a  military  des- 
potism; just  as  absolute,  yes,  more  absolute  than 
that  which  is  now  being  wielded  by  the  present 
Nftpoleon;  and  I  make  bold  to  say,  the  history 
of  England  will  bear  me  out  in  the  assertion,  that 
such  conductaslhe  honorable  member  maintains 
may  be  used  toward  the  Slates  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the'United  States  through  its  military, 
if  resorted  to  in  England  under  the  authority 
either  of  Parliament  or  of  tlie  queen,  it  would 
cause  her  time-honored  institutions  to  topple  into 
ruin.  Who  ever  heard  in  England,  in  limes  of 
the  greatest  political  excitement,  when  they  were 
passing  almost  every  species  of  law  in  order  to 
do  what  they  deemed  to  be  necessary  to  Drotect 
their  institutions,  that  any  English  stalesiTian  or 
English  monarch  since  the  days  of  Henry  VI 11 
claimed  to  regulate  elections  in  any  way  by  force 
of  military  power? 

Wliy,  Mr.  President,  there,  under  a  Govern- 
ment called  a  monarchy,  a  Government  which 


we  have  proudly  coissidered  until  recently  as 
not  free  in  comparison  with  our  own;  there  the 
use  of  the  military  in  putting  down  a  riot  is 
regulated  by  statute,  and  the  officer  who  under- 
takes to  deviate  from  it  a  hair's  breadth  is  brought 
to  summary  and  condign  punishment.  We  have 
a  Government  nominally  republican;  really  re- 
publican as  far  as  our  Constitution  is  concerned; 
free  as  ever  was  vouchsafed  to  man;  as  admi- 
rable as  man  ever  enjoyed;  protective  of  human 
liberty,  if  its  provisions  are  carried  out  into 
practical  exertion,  as  any  ever  furnished  to  hu- 
man freedom;  and  yet  here,  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  my  honorable  friend,  imbued  as 
he  is  with  the  lore  of  his  profession,  and  wedded 
as  1  have  no  doubt  he  is  to  the  freedom  which 
we  should  enjoy,  advocates  principles  on  this 
floor  which  will  make  us,  in  the  estimation  of 
English  statesmen,  a  scorn  and  a  reproach.  In 
the  name  of  God,  by  the  spirits  of  the  departed 
great  who  gave  us  these  institutions,  who  devoted 
the  years  of  their  lives  and.  poured  out  their  blood 
in  achieving  the  independence  which  enabled  us 
to  have  such  institutions,  i  protest  with  all  the 
seriousness  that  1  can  against  such  doctrines. 
.  One  step  further — it  would  indeed  not  be  a  step 
further,  it  would  be  but  the  same  step;  practi- 
cally it  amounts  to  the  same  thing;  you  claim  the 
right  to  say  who  is  to  vote:  tell  us  then  whom  we 
are  to  vole  for.  The  one,  as  far  as  principle  is 
concerned,  is  identical  with  the  other.  A  presi- 
dential election  is  close  at  hand:  whoin  am  I  to 
vote  for?  I  ought  to  exercise  my  own  judgment 
in  passing  upon  that  question;  but  the  military 
of  the  United  States,  some  man  with  the  stars 
upon  his  slioulders,  dressed  up  in  the  little  brief 
authority  that  that  gives,  wants  a  particular  man 
elected;  it  is  dependent  on  my  vote  whether  he 
can  be  elected  or  not;  and  aUhough  he  forbears 
to  force  me  to  vote  for  his  candidate,  when  he 
finds  that  I  am  about  to  vote  for  an  oppo.sing can- 
didate says,  "You  shall  not  vote  at  all,  because 
you  are  disloyal;"  Can  such  doctrines  bear  the 
test  of  any  examination,  even  the  most  superfi- 
cial? Are  they  not — my  friend  will  pardon  me 
for  saying  so — abhorrent  to  every  idea  which 
American  citizens  have  heretofore  entertained  of 
American  freedom?  Orders  have,  however,  in 
the  past  been  issued  by  military  commanders.  1 
know  they  have.  The  order  issued  by  General 
Dix,  a  man  who  is  a  very  good  judge  of  such 
matters,  because  a  statesman  in  the  enlarged  sense 
of  the  term,  and  a  patriot,  limited  what  the  mili- 
tary were  to  do  under  that  order  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  peace,  just  as  this  bill  provides.  But 
the  orders  that  were  subsequently  issued,  and 
upon  which  the  honorable  member's  report  com- 
ments, had  this  effect:  out  of  a  voting  population 
of  thirty  thousand  in  the  city  of  Baltimore  there 
was  polled  less  than  ten  thousand.  Does  the  hon- 
orable member  suppose  that  the  other  twenty 
thousand  were  disloyal?  I  tell  him,  if  he  does, 
he  does  our  people  great  injustice.  More  than 
halfof  them  were  as  loyal  as  lie  is;  butthey  would 
not  vote  because,  feeling  the  independence  which 
belongs  to  the  American  citizen,  and  knowing  that 
they  had  a  right  to  vote  independent  of  any  mili- 
tary satrap,  they  thought  it  was  the  lesser  evil  not 
to  vote  at  all;  and  what  was /true  of  Baltimore  was 
true  of  a  great  portion  of  the  rest  of  the  State. 

I  regret,  Mr.  President,  that  the  subject  should 
h.ave  been  introduced  again  by  my  friend  from 
Michigan.  I  thought  we  liad  disposed  of  it  finally. 
The  amendments  made  and  which  now  form  part 
of  the  bill  go  further,  I  think,  than  we  have  a 
right  to  go;  but  in  the  name  of  freedom  1  implore 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  not  to  go  a  step 
further,  not  to  make  mine,  not  to  make  your 
constituents  the  slaves  of  any  military  man  to 
whom  unfortunately  for  the  country  the  command 
of  the  department  in  which  the  State  is  may  be 
intrusted.  We  hold  our  rights  under  the  Consti- 
tution, consecrated  by  the  blood  of  our  ancestors. 
We  have  proved  ourselves  worthy  to  enjoy  them 
by  meeting  the  enemies  of  our  country  upon  the 
ocean  and  the  field;  and  we  are  doing  it  now. 
Oh,  save  us,  save  us  in  the  name  of  freedom,  save 
us  in  regard  to  the  sacred  memory  of  our  ances- 
tors, save  us  from  the  rule  of  military  despotism. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Mr.  President,  the  eloquent 
Senator  from  Maryland  possesses  one  of  the  fac- 
ulties which  pertain  to  an  ingenious  orator,  and 
that  is  the  using  of  the  figure  known  to  ilietori- 
cians  as  hyperbole,  with  very  striking  efiect,  so 


much  so  that  1  fear  sometimes  it  gets  the  better 
of  his  own  judgment. 

The  honorable  Senator  draws  a  ccmiparison 
between  our  ov/n  American  Governmental  this 
time  and  the  British  Government,  very  much  to 
the  advantage  of  the  latter  in  respect  to  the  pres- 
ervation of  liberty,  and  he  says  in  the  face  of  the 
Senate  and  in  the  face  of  the  country  that  if  the 
Government  of  the  United  Slates  in  the  prossjcu- 
tion  of  this  war  shall  assume  to  designate  for  itself 
who  are  its  enemies  and  to  treat  them  as  its  ene- 
mies it  will  or  may  attract  the  scorn  and  con- 
tempt of  the  civilized  world,  and  especially  the 
scorn  and  contempt  of  that  delightful  Government 
whom  it  seems  to  be  his  pride  so  much  to  laud  and 
approve.  Flas  that  honora-ble  Senator  forgotten 
the  arbitrary  laws  and  edicts  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment that  prevailed  from  the  commencement 
of  the  French  Revolution  down  to  its  end,  and 
perhaps  which  are  still  unrepealed  upon  the  stat- 
ute-book of  England?  Has  he  forgotten  the  ar- 
bitrary conduct  of  the  Britisli  ministry  in  seizing 
upon  scores  and  scores  of  innocent,  unoffend- 
ing subjects  of  the  King  of  Holland,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  residing  in  England  as  fugitives  from 
the  troubles  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  trans- 
porti^ig  them  by  force,  without  trial,  out  of  the 
asylum  of  England  and  subjecting  them  to  the 
persecutions  and  the  tyranny  of  the  countries 
from  which  they  had  fled,  a  proceeding  infi- 
nitely more  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  than  any- 
thing that  has  ever  besn  thought  of  in  the  course 
of  the-Administralion  of  the  Governmentof  the 
United  States?  And  still  our  own  Government 
at  this  time,  grappling  as  it  is  with  a  gigantic 
rebellion,  with  every  muscle  and  every  nerve 
strained  to  the  utmost  in  carrying  on  this  war,  is 
brought  into  a  disparaging  comparison  with  the 
conduct  of  England  in  reference  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  liberties  of  the  people.  Sir,  the  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Maryland  does  not  meet  the 
point  which  I  make.  1  insist  that  it  belongs  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  Slates  to  determine 
for  itself  who  are  the  enemies  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  deal  with  them  as 
such;  that  this  power  does  not  pertain  to  the 
States,  certainly  not  exclusively,  that  it  is  not 
competent  for  a  State  of  this  Union  to  pass  a  law 
which  shall  give  to  a  public  enemy  or  to  a  do- 
mestic enemy  any  right  or  privilege  as  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States.  This  is  the  very  point  in 
which  the  shoe  pinches  in  this  case.  He  pro- 
poses to  let  every  person  who  may  see  fit  to  go  to 
the  polls  in  a  loyal  State  at  an  election  to  vote  at 
that  poll,  if  I  understand  hirn  rightly, and  he  im- 
plores God  to  protect  us  against  the  opposite  prin- 
ciple which  v.'ould  exclude  rebels,  red  with  the 
blood  of  their  countrymen,  from  the  enjoyment 
of  those  rights. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  The  honorable  Senator  has 
misunderstood  me.  I  say  that  is  a  matter  for  the 
State  authorities  to  decide. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Suppose  the  State  of  Dela- 
ware, the  State  of  Mary  land,  the  State  of  Missouri, 
or  the  State  of  Kentucky  should  to-day  pass  a  law 
declaring  that  any  ped'son  who  may  heretofore 
have  been  actually  engaged  in  this  rebellion,  who 
may  have  borne  arms  against  the  United  Slates  and 
committed  treason  a  thousand  times  over,  might  if 
he  saw  fit  to  go  to  the  polls  at  one  of  those  States 
and  vote,  do  so.  I  ask  that  honorable  Senator  if 
such  an  act  as  that  be  within  the  competency  of  a 
State  Legislature  or  of  a  Si^te  acting  as  a  State. 
Sir,  he  will  not  undertake  to  assert  such  a  doctrine 
as  that.  He  will  not  undertake  to  say  that  the  Uni- 
ted States  is  stripped  of  all  authority  to  seize  upon 
its  eneinies  wherever  it  may  find  them,  and  to 
deal  with  them  as  public  enemies.  He  will  not 
undertake  to  say  that  the  State  Legislatures  may 
thwart  all  the  legislation  and  the  whole  policy  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  by  suffering 
traitors  to  go  to  the  polls  and  vote,  and  to  keep 
away  if  you  please  Union  citizens  who  are  there 
for  the  honest  purpose  of  giving  loyal  votes. 

I  understand,  Mr.  President,  very  well  the 
meaning  and  intention  of  this  pertinacity  for  the 
passage  of  the  bill  of  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Kentucky.  It  is  the  principal  stock  in  trade  of 
a  certain  class  or  party  in  this  country  who  have 
acquired  a  name  which  it  is  not  necessary  and 
which  it  might  be  improper  for  me  here  to  men- 
tion. Their  |)rincipal  political  stock  in  trade  is 
"  military  interference  with  elections,"  "  the  tyr- 
anny of  the  Black  Republican  Executive,"  "  the 


3194 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23. 


n 


driving  of  innocent  voters  from  the  polls,"  "the 
carrying  of  elections  by  the  bayonet,"  and  the 
entire  list  of  denunciations  such  as  these.  Well, 
Bir,  with  whom  did  this  commence?  The  report 
to  which  1  have  alluded  shows  that  the  Secretary 
of  War  has  neverissued  any  order  whatever  upon 
this  subject.  It  siiows  that  our  military  men  in 
the  field  have,  wherever  the  occasion  has  pre- 
sented itself,  interposed  for  the  protection  of 
Union  voters  at  State  elections,  and  for  the  pre- 
vention of  rebels  and  rebel  sympathizers  from  in- 
terfering with  those  elections.  And  the  report 
shows,  also,  that  the  first  example,  if  not  the 
first  certainly  among  the  earliest  of  this  kind, 
was  set  in  the  State  of  Maryland  by  General 
'  George  B.  McClellan,  when  he  was  in  command 
of  the  department.  Let  me  read  that  order,  so 
tliat  it  may  be  understood.  Let  us  see  what  the 
extent  of  it  is.  The  honorable  Senator  has  given 
us  to  understand  and  given  the  country  to  under- 
stand that  these  orders,  or  some  of  them  at  least, 
merely  looked  to  the  preservation  of  the  peace  at 
the  polls.  Let  us  see  what  view  General  iMcClel- 
lan  took  of  it.  He  says,  in  his  order  of  the  29lh 
October,  1861,  addressing  General  Banks: 

Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
Washington,  October  ^9,'l66i. 

General:  Tliere  is  an  apprehension  among  Union  citi- 
zens in  miiny  parts  of  Mnrylami  of" an  attempt  at  interfer- 
ence vvitli  llieir  riglit^  of  suffrage  l)y  disunion  citizens  on 
tlic  occasion  of  tlie  election  totalte  place  on  the  6tli  of  No- 
vember next. 

In  order  to  prevent  this,  the  major  general  commanding 
directs  tiiat  you  send  detachments  of  a  sufficient  nuintjcr 
of  men  to  the  diflerent  points  iu  your  vicinity  where  the 
elections  are  to  be  held,  to  protect  the  Union  voters,  and 
to  sec  that  «o  ilistmionists  are  allowed  to  intimidate  them, 
or  in  any  way  to  interfere  with  their  rights. 

Me  also  desires  yon  to  arrest  and  liold  in  confinement 
till  after  the  election  all  disiniionists  wlio  are  known  to 
have  returned  from  Virginia  recently  and  u-ho  show  them- 
selves at  the  polls,  and  toguard  effectually  against  any  inva- 
sion of  the  peace  and  order  of  the  election.  For  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  out  tliose  instructions  you  are  authorized 
to  suspend  the  habeas  corpus.  General  Stone  has  received 
similar  instructions  to  these.  You  will  please  confer  with 
him  as  to  the  particular  points  that  each  shall  take  the  con- 
trol of.  , 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

n.  B.  MARCY, 

Chief  of  Staff. 
Major  General  N.  I'.  Banks, 

Commanding  Division,  Muddy  Branch,  Maryland. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
must  interrupt  the  Senator  to  announce  that  the 
liour  fixed  for  a  recess  has  arrived.  The  Senate 
will  now  take  a  recess  till  seven  o'clock,  p.  m. 


EVENING  SESSION. 
The  Senate  reassembled  at  seven  o'clock, p.m. 
PETITIONS  AND  MEMORIALS. 

Mr.  FOOT  presented  seven  petitions  of  citi- 
zens of  Vermont,  praying  for  the  passage  of  the 
bill  (H.  R.  No.  270)  to  secure  to  persons  in  the 
military  and  naval  service  of  the  United  States 
homesteads  on  confiscated  or  forfeited  estates  in 
insurrectionary  districts;  which  were  ordered  to 
lie  upon  the  table. 

HOUSE  BILL  REFERRED. 

The  bill  (No.  552)  to   increase  the  salaries  of 

the  judges  and  arbitrators  appointed  under  the 

treaty  Vv'ith  Great  Britain  for  the  suppression  of 

the  slave  trade   was  read  twice  by  its  title,  and 

.referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 

YODNO  MIOn's  christian  ASSOCIATION. 

The  bill  (H.  R.  No.  527)  to  incorporate  the 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association  of  the  city 
of  Washington  was  read  twjce  by  its  title. 

Mr.  GRTMES.  1  am  instructed  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia  to  ask  for  the 
immediate  consideration  of  that  bill;  it  will  only 
take  long  enough  to  read  it. 

By  unaninujus  consent,  the  bill  was  considered 
as  in  Conimittee  of  the  Whole. 

Tlie  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate,  ordered  to 
a  third  reading,  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

EMANCIPATION  IN  THE  DISTRICT. 

The  joint  resolution  (H.  R.  No.  109)  correct- 
ing a  clerical  error  in  the  award  of  the  emancipa- 
tion commisKioners  was  read  twice  by  its  title. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  am  instructed  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia  to  a.sk  for  the 
present  consideration  of  that  joint  resolution. 

By  unanimous  consent,  thejoinl  resolution  was 
considered  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole.     It 


proposes  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  correct  a  clerical  error  in  entering  the 
amount  of  theawardof  the  commissioners  under 
the  actof  April  16, 1862,"  for  the  release  of  certain 
persons  held  to  service  or  labor  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,"  in  the  case  of  Nicholas  Bowie, 
claimed  by  Martha  Manning. 

The  joint  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Senate, 
ordered  to  a  third  reading,  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

COLORED  CATHOLIC  BENEVOLENT  SOCIETY. 

The  bill  (H.  R.  No.  551)  to  incorporate  the 
Colored  Catholic  Benevolent  Society  was  read 
twice  by  its  title. 

Mr.  GRfMES.  I  am  instructed  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  District  of  Columbia  to  ask  for  the 
present  consideration  of  the  bill. 

By  unanimous  consent,  the  bill  was  considered 
as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole.  It  was  reported 
to  the  Senate,  ordered  to  a  third  reading,  read  the 
third  time,  and  passed. 

FREEDMEN's  inquiry  COMMISSION. 

Mr.  SUMNER.  The  select  committee  on  sla- 
very and  fieedmen,  to  whom  was  referred  a  re- 
port of  the  Secretary  of  War,  communicating,  in 
compliance  with  a  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the 
20th  of  May,  a  copy  of  the  preliminary  report 
and  also  of  the  final  report  of  the  Ainerican  Freed- 
men's  Inquiry  Commission,  have  had  the  same 
under  consideration.  They  find  the  document 
one  of  singular  interest  and  ability,  and  at  this 
moment  of  great  importance.  They  have  directed 
me  to  move  that  it  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the 
Senate,  and  that  three  thousand  extra  copies  be 
printed. 

The  motion  to  print  was  agreed  to;  and  the  mo- 
tion to  print  extra  copies  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Printing. 

PERFORMANCE  OF  MILITARY  DUTY. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  iTiove  to  postpone  all  prior 
orders  and  take  up  the  bill  (S.  No.  286)  to  pro- 
hibit the  discharge  of  persons  from  liability  to 
military  duty  by  reason  of  the  payment  of  money. 

Mr.  POWELL.  I  hope  that  bill  will  not  be 
taken  up  until  we  dispose  of  the  bill  which  was 
under  consideration  when  theSenate took  arecess 
to-day,  and  which  is  therefore  now  regularly  in 
order. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY  called  for  the  yeas  ami 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resulted — yeas  JO,  nays  10;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Brown,  Chandler,  Clark,  Collamcr, 
Foot,  Grimes,  Harlan,  J^ane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  Morrill, 
Ramsey,  Snmiicr,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and  Wil- 
son— 16. 

NAYS — Messrs.  Carlile,  Davis,  Dixon,  Foster,  Johnson, 
Poineroy,  Powell,  Riddle,  Saulsbury,  and  Willey — 10. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Anthony,  Bnekalew,  Comiess,  Cow- 
an, Doolittle,  Fessenden,  Hale,  Harding,  Harris,  Hender- 
son, Hendricks,  Hicks,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Indiana, 
McUougall,Nesmilh,  Richardson,  Sherman,  Sprague,  Van 
Winkle,  Wilkinson,  and  VVriglit— 23. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT  ;)7-o  tempore.  When  the  bill 
was  recommitted  to  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  several  amendments  had  been  made  which 
all  fell  by  the  recominitment;  and  the  committee 
having  reported  back  the  original  bill,  the  original 
bill  is  now  before  the  Senate  as  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  and  open  to  ainendment. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  move  to  amend  the  bill  by 
adding  as  a  new  section  the  second  section  of  an 
amendment  submitted  by  the  Senator  from  Ver- 
mont, [Mr.  Collamer:] 

Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted.  That  in  calls  for  drafts  here- 
after made  under  the  act  "  for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the 
national  forces,"  and  the  acts  iti  addition  to  or  amendatory 
thereof,  the  same  may  be  made  for  such  term  of  time  as 
the  President  shall  direct,  not  exceeding  one  year. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment so  as  to  make  it  read,  "  shall  be  made  for 
one  year." 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  beg  to  inquire  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  New  York  whether  the  amendment  of- 
fered by  him  has  been  recommended  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  The  amendment  that  I  have 
offered  was  considered  this  morning  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs,  and  was,  I  believe, 
approved  by  the  commitu^e.  There  was  no  formal 
vote;  but  it  was  understood  that  the  amendment 
would  be  satisfactory  to  the  committee  as  a  new 
section. 


Mr.  HOWARD.  I  was  not  there,  and  had  no 
notice  of  a  meeting  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  WILSON.  There  was  no  vote;  but  it  was 
talked  over  among  the  members  present. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  The  amendinent  as  offered 
authorizes  the  President  to  make  a  draft  for  a  pe- 
riod not  exci-cding  one  year. 

Mr.  WILSON.  My  motion  is  to  amend  the 
amendment  by  striking  out  the  words  "  may  be 
made  for  such  term  of  time  as  (he  President  shall 
direct,  notexceeding  one  year, "and  insert"  shall 
be  made  for  one  year." 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  hope  that  will  not  pre- 
vail, as  I  desire  to  offer  another  amendment,  leav- 
ing it  optional  with  the  President  and  Secretary 
of  War  to  make  the  draft  for  not  less  than  one 
year  nor  more  than  three  years.  I  believe  it  is 
not  in  order  for  me  to  move  such  an  amendment 
now. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.     It  is  not. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  1  hope  this  amendment  of 
the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  will  not  prevail, 
and  then  I  shall  offer  what  I  have  indicated. 

Mr.  BROWN  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  and 
they  were  ordered. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  At  the  last  meeting  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  which  1  attended 
this  proposition  was  brought  up  before  them,  and 
according  to  my  recollection  there  was  a  major- 
ity of  the  committee  opposed  to-this  limitation  of 
time,  opposed  to  the  alteration  of  the  law  as  it 
now  stands  from  tl'.ree  years  to  one  year.  If 
there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Military  Committee 
this  morning  at  v.'hich  tliey  authorized  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
New  York,  1  was  not  acquainted  with  it;  I  was 
not  at  the  meeting,  and  know  nothing  about  it. 
I  prefer,  therefore,  to  stand  by  the  decision  of  a 
nutjority  of  I  he  committee  on  this  subject. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  see  quite  too  much  of  a 
disposition  to  undertake  to  state  in  the  Senate 
what  took  place  in  committee.  1  wish  it  to  be  un- 
derstood that  I  object  to  it  altogether.  Anything 
that  took  place  in  committee,  except  the  report, 
cannot  properly  be  referred  to  in  debate. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  It  is  not  in 
order  if  objected  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  simply  say  that  I  de- 
sire to  have  the  amendment  made  plain  and  sim- 
ple, so  that  it  may  be  known  precisely  whatisto 
be  done;  and  therefore  I  desire  to  have  it  under- 
stood that  the  draft  is  to  be  made  for  one  year.  I 
have  ever  beetiin  favor  of  the  commutation  clause 
of  the  enrollment  act;  but  I  see  that  there  is  a 
strong  pressure  made  to  repeal  it,  and  to  repeal  it 
unconditionally.  A  draft  for  three  years,  with- 
out commutation,  I  do  not  think  this  Congi'ess 
will  authorize.  1  have  not  the  slightest  idea  that 
such  u  measure  can  succeed.  The  votes  that  have 
been  already  taken  demonstrate  that.  Now,  sir, 
I  am  willing  to  do  anything  that  furnishes  men, 
and  seems  to  be  fair  and  just,  that  takes  care  of 
the  Government,  and  operates  as  lightly  as  pos- 
sible on  the  people  of  the  country;  and  if  Senators 
will  agree  to  fix  the  time  at  one  year,  and  then  de- 
sire to  repeal  the  commutation  clause,!  shall  not 
resist  it.  I  am  ready  to  take  the  two  propositions 
together — the  repeal  on  the  one  hand,  and  tlie  re- 
duction of  the  time  to  one  year  on  the  other, 
therefore  desire  to  know  positively  what  is  to  be 
done,  because  if  we  just  leave  it  as  it  is  the  Gov- 
ernment may  call  out  for  three  years  after  there- 
peal  of  the  coinmutation  clause.  If  the  bill  should 
stand  as  the  Senator  from  Vermont  proposed  to 
amend  it,  increasitig  the  commutation 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  1  desire  to  apprise  the 
gentleman  that  when  the  committee  get  the  bill 
as  they  want  it  I  shall  move  my  amendment  as  a 
substitute  for  the  bill. 

Mr.  WILSON.  If  it  stands  in  that  form  il 
leaves  the  commutation  in  the  discretion  of  the 
Government,  and  the  time  at  its  discretion,  and 
it  can  adjust  them  to  balance  each  other — a  very 
fair  pro})osition.  But  if  we  are  to  have  theamend- 
ment  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  New  York 
adopted,  1  think  we  ought  to  make  this  othersec- 
tion  positive,  so  that  we  may  know  precisely  wiint 
we  arc  dtjiiig. 

The  quesTion  being  taken  on  the  amendment  to 
the  amendment  by  yeas  and  nays,  resulted — yeas 
12,  nays  IB;  nu  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Clark,  Collamcr,  Davis,  Dixon,  Foot, 
Harris,  Hendricks,  Howe,  Johnson.  Sumnerj  Willey,  and 
Wilson— 12. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8195 


N/VYS — Messrs.  Brown,  Chandler,  Foster,  Grimes,  Hfir- 
)iiii,  Uiiward,  Lann  nC  Kaiiisas,  IMorgafi,  Pomeroy,  Powell, 
Uamscy,  Riddle,  Saulsl)iiry,Sli(!rii)aii,  Sprague,  TcnEyck, 
Tninil)iill,  and  Wade— 13.  <& 

ABSENT  —  Mc.?srs.  Aiilliony,  Biickalevv,  Carlile,  Coii- 
ncss,  Cowan,  Doolittle,,  Fes.^end'^n,  Hale,  llardins,  Hen- 
derson. Hick?,  Lane  of  Indiana,  McDourjall,  Morrill,  Nes- 
inilli,Eicliardson,VanVVinkle,VVilkinson,and  Wright— 19. 

So  the  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  re- 
jected. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  now  move  to  amend  the 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  New  York  by 
striking  out  "  not  exceeding  one  year"  and  in- 
sertina:  "  not  less  than  one  nor  more  than  three 
years." 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Under  that  amendment  if  a 
Budden  exigency  should  arise  and  the  Government 
find  it  necessary  to  call  out  men  for  thirty  (|r  sixty 
days  or  less  to  defend  us  here  in  the  capital  it 
could  not  <lo  it. 

Mr.  GRIMES.     It  will  har'dlybe  necessary  to 

draft,  I  take  it,  for  any  such  a  time  as  that,  and 

you  cannot  carry  out  the  machinery  of  a  draft 

for  such  a  case. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Is  it  confined  to  drafting.? 

Mr.  GRIMES.     Yes. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     Oh,  that  makes  a  difference. 
The  PRESIDENT ;)ro  tempore.     The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  to  the  amendment. 

Mr.  GRIMES  culled  for  the  yeas  and  nays, 
and  they  were  ordered. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  1  desire  to  say  that  I  would 
have  no  objection  to  this  amendment  if  it  had  not 
already  been  acted  upon  by  the  Senate.  The 
Senate  have  already  substantially  voted  upon  the 
proposition.  The  Senate  have  already  voted  upon 
fepealing  the  commutation  clause,  and  the  law  as 
understood  by  the  Department  authorizes  them 
to  draft  for  any  period  not  exceeding  three  years. 
That  is  what  lliey  now  understand  to  be  the  law. 
The  object  of  the  amendment  that  I  have  offered 
to-night  is  that  they  shall  draft  for  not  exceeding 
one  year,  leaving  it  optional  within  the  limit  of 
one  year.  Believing  that  that  will  be  more  gen- 
erally satisfactory,  f  have  proposed  it,  and  I  shall 
therefore  vote  against  the  amendment  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Michigan. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  As  I  understand  this  ques- 
tion the  proposition  is  to  limit  the  time  to  one 
year. 
Mr.  COLLAMER.  The  lowest  time. 
Mr.  SPRAGUE.  The  shortest  time  is  one 
year, and  the  longest  time  proposed  three  years. 
By  this  the  Senate  seem  to  understand  that  the 
Government  have  not  the  authority  now  to  draft 
for  one  year.  Is  that  the  understanding  of  the 
Senate,  is  that  the  understanding  of  the  Senator 
from  New  York? 

Mr.  MORGAN.  This  is  the  amendment  of 
the  Senator  from  Michigan. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.     The  War  Department  be- 
lieve that  they  have  the  authority  to  draft  for  one 
year  under  the  present  law.     Notwithstanding 
the  understanding  of  any  Senator,  the  law  as  it  is 
at  present  understood  by  the  War  Department  is 
that  they  can  diaft  to-day  for  one  year.     It  does 
not  seem  to  me  to  be  necessary,  therefore,  for  us 
to  make  any  law  on  that  subject.     Whether  this 
amendment  interferes  with  that  or  not  I  do  not 
know;  but  it  would  seem  to  me  that  one  year  at 
least  would  be  a  sufficiently  short  time  for  which 
to  bring  men  into  the  field;  at  any  rate  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  service  would  not  be  promoted  by 
any  shorter  time  than  that.    My  ovih  belief  is  that 
■  troops  brought  into  the  field  for  any   less  time 
than  three  years  will  be  of  little  service  to  the 
country;  but  upon  that  question  of  course  my 
opinion  is  no  better  than  that  of  any  other  Sen- 
ator.   I  might  vote  for  one  year's  troops,  although 
I  believe  that  they  would  be  of  little  service,  and 
1  should  vote;  for  them  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  Department,  but  there  does  not  seem  to  be 
^ny  necesssity  to  give  any  vote  of  that  kind  now. 
.     Mr.  COLLAMER.    I  am  somewhat  surprised 
lo  hear  the  honorable  Senator  from  Rhode  island 
HBrge  as  an  objection  to  this  amendment  that  it  is 
nnderstood  at  the  War  Departmentthat  they  can 
draft  for  below  three  years  now.     It  would  con- 
stitute no  possible  objection  to  the  adoption  of 
this  proposition  if  that  were  true.     As  the  stat- 
ute now  stands  it  is  very  plain.      I  cannot  say 
what  the  War  Department  of  this  country  may 
think  they  can  do;  1  know  of  a  great  many  things 
they  have  done  which  they  had  to  come  to  us  to 
get  ratified,  and  come  of  their  own  accord,  too, 


acknowledging  they  had  no  authority  to  do  them. 
I  do  not  know  but  that  they  may  think  they  can 
do  that  in  this  case;  but  I  really  think  they  can- 
not do  it  from  the  law  as  it  now  stands.  The 
law  is: 

"  That  all  persons  tlins  enrolled."  *  *  *  * 
"And  to  continue  in  service  during  the  present  rebellion, 
not,  however,  e.\ceeding  the  term  of  three  years." 

The  power  to  make  the  draft  under  the  law  is 
for  service  during  this  reoelliori,  not  exceeding 
three  years.  Now,  can  a  man  tell  me  that  that 
means  one  year  or  two  years.'  It  is  a  perfect  vio- 
lation of  common  sense  and  the  Engli.sh  language. 
It  is  obvious  and  plain;  it  is  not  a  subject  that  will 
admit  of  any  discussion.  A  man  may  say  that 
the  Department  possess  the  power  to  do  this  thing 
or  that  thing  or  the  other  thing,  as  they  under- 
stand it.     I  do  not  know  what  they  understand. 

But  in  the  next  )ilace  if  they  think  that  is  the 
law  now,  what  objection  is  that  to  adopting  this 
amendment.'  Others  think  otherwise.  There  is 
doubt  about  the  matter.  Why  leave  it  in  doubtand 
dispute  ?  Has  the  opinion  of  the  Department  any 
such  power  ex  cathedra  as  settles  the  law .'  Have 
they  any  infallibility  about  their  legal  opinion .' 
No  more  than  any  other  man. 

The  proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
is  to  leave  the  drafting,  as  I  understand  his  amend- 
ment, to  the  Executive  for  three  years  and  f6r  any 
period  less  than  three  years  and  not  less  than  one 
year.  To  say  that  we  shall  not  adopt  it  because 
the  Secretary  of  War  or  the  head  of  the  Provost 
Marshal  General's  department  thinks  so  and  so 
constitutes  no  reason  at  all.  Certain  it  is  they 
can  have  no  objection  to  it  if  that  is  the  law  now; 
and  to  render  it  clear  and  make  it  certain,  why  not 
adopt  the  amendment.'  It  is  important  in  one  re- 
spect; that  is,  it  clearly  authorizes  drafting,  and  it 
limits  it  in  its  lowest  extent.  It  is  hardly  worth 
while  to  draft  for  less  than  one  year. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  desire  to  limit  it  still  fur- 
ther.    I  desire  to  limit  it  to  one  year. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.     I  understand  that. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  My  amendment  has  not  been 
acted  on. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  1  thought  it  had  been 
voted  upon. 

Mr.  WADE.  I  have  been  of  opinion  all  the 
time  these  laws  about  conscription  have  been  up 
that  when  we  have  atternpted  to  draft  we  have 
made  the  term  altogether  too  long.  I  do  not  be- 
lieve in  any  country  in  the  world  they  ever  have 
conscripted  for  this  length  of  time.  It  is  a  very 
great  hardship  to  take  our  young  men  and  put 
them  into  the  military  service  ibr  this  great  length 
of  time.  I  do  not  deny  that  the  Army  is  more 
efficient  the  longer  the  time  for  which  the  men  go, 
as  I  suppose  soldiers  generally  grow  better  while 
they  are  in  the  Army  if  they  meet  with  no  acci- 
dent; but  it  is  a  great  hardship,  and  it  is  throwing 
the  burden  too  much  on  the  class  that  you  get  for 
this  great  length  of  time.  I  know  it  has  been 
argued  here  day  after  day  by  those  that  contend 
for  a  long  time  that  every  man  in  the  Republic 
owes  service  to  the  Government,  and  ought  to  be 
willing  to  take  the  burden  that  belongs  to  him. 
1  agree  to  that;  and  it  is  because  I  do  agree  to  it 
that  I  am  unwilling  that  we  should  throw  the  en- 
tire burden  on  a  certain  class.  I  know  this  reason 
has  been  urged  over  and  over  and  repeatedly,  and 
I  do  not  know  that  it  has  been  answered.  It  is 
made  use  of  as  a  conclusive  argument  that  be- 
cause every  man  owes  service  to  his  country  and 
ought  to  do  anything,  even  render  his  life  in  its 
behalf,  therefore  you  may  take  a  certain  class  of 
tiie  people  and  impose  the  whole  burden  of  the 
war  on  them  and  exempt  all  the  rest,  and  this  is 
some  gentlemen's  idea  of  equity  and  equality.  It 
is  not  mine. 

I  do  not  know  what  the  executive  authorities 
would  do  if  we  give  them  the  whole  power  over 
it.  I  do  not  know  but  that  it  will  be  their  opinion 
that  the  Army  will  be  more  efficient  if  they  can 
get  soldiers  for  three  years,  and  that  they  will  at- 
tempt to  get  them  in  that  way;  but  I  do  not  agree 
to  that.  I  am  not  willing  to  invest  them  with  this 
discretion,  because  1  think  it  js  wrong.  1  am, 
therefore,  in  favor  of  the  proposition  as  it  was  first 
l)roposed  by  the  Senator  from  New  York.  I  be- 
lieve it-is  better  than  any  of  the  emendations  that 
have  been  attempted  since.  We  want  soldiers; 
we  want  them  as  rapidly  as  tbcy  can  be  had.  I 
believe  if  you  will  fix  the  time  at  one  year,  and 
limit  the  Executive  to  drafting  for  one  year,  and 


then  giv«  such  bounties  as  will  render  it  more 
equal  upon  those  whom  you  do  draft,  you  will  get 
soldiers  easy,  the  country  will  not  complain,  and 
it  will  be  more  efficient  to  draft  oftener  and  for 
shorter  terms;  and  if  it  was  not  for  taking  time, 
I  would  give  my  reasons  for  this  opinion. 

I  am  opposed  to  putting  men  in  the  Army  for 
such  a  2;r('at  Icnjrth  of  lime.  I  do  not  want  our 
citizens,  if  we  can  avoid  it,  to  become  soldiers 
merely.  If  you  put  a  man  into  the  Army  and 
keep  him  there  for  three  long  years  he  becomes 
a  military  man;  he  loses  in  a  great  measure  those 
habits  of  peaceable  times  that  actuated  him  before, 
and  he  becomes  a  soldier  by  profession.  I  do  not 
believe  it  is  the  policy  of  this  republican  Govern- 
ment to  habituate  our  citizens  to  this  military  rule 
if  we  can  avoid  it. 

Again,  I  think  it  is  not  necessary  to  draft  for 
these  long  periods,  for  the  reason  that  a  great 
many  of  our  men  now  have  been  in  the  military 
service  until  they  have  learned  all  the  duties  per- 
taining to  a  soldier;  and  in  your  short  drafts  here- 
after you  never  will  have  any  green  or  unprac- 
ticed  men;  you  will  have  officers  enough  who 
understand  military  affairs  very  well;  you  will 
have  old  soldiers  mixed  up  with  them  who  will 
set  an  example  and  teach  them  the  business  of  a 
soldier  much  easier  than  we  did  at  first. 

All  these  reasons  induce  me  to  believe  that  we 
ought  to  limit  the  draft  to  a  shorter  period,  and 
that  we  can  get  the  soldiers  more  rapidly  than  we 
can  if  we  draft  for  the  long  period,  and  men  will 
go  with  less  reluctance,  less  hardship,  and  more 
cheerfully.  Therefore  I  go  for  the  original  prop- 
osition. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Mr.  President,  I  think  there 
are  two  amendments  pending  before  the  Senate 
now.  One  is  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  War 
to  call  for  a  period  less  than  three  years, and  the 
other  is  to  restrain  him  from  calling  for  a  period 
longer  than  one  year.  The  suggestion  made  in 
opposition  to  the  first  of  these  amendments,  that 
the  power  exists  now  under  previous  legislation, 
involves  the  construction  of  the  act  to  which  ref- 
erence is  made,  and  I  concur  in  opinion  with  the 
honorable  member  from  Vermont  and  the  chair- 
man of  the  Military  Committee,  since]  have  read 
the  law,  that  there  is  no  authority  now  to  call  for 
a  period  short  of  three  years  unless  the  rebellion 
shall  terminate  before  the  expiration  of  that  time. 
When  the  subject  was  before  the  Senate  on  a 
former  occasion  I  wasunder  the  impression,  from 
recollection,  that  the  terms  of  the  act  were  such 
that  as  the  greater  includes  the  less  as  a  general 
rule,  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  Executive  to  call 
them  out  for  a  lesser  period  than  the  longer  pe- 
riod he  was  authorized  to  call  them  out  for;  but 
upon  looking  at  the  act  which  gives  rise  to  the 
doubt  and  to  which  the  honorable  member 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  will  ask  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator a  single  question.  Does  or  does  not  the 
President  of  the  United  States  assume  that  he  has 
the  power  to  do  any  act  that  promises  to  bring 
the  rebellion  to  a  close? 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  do  not  think  that  ia  in- 
volved in  this  discussion.  The  discussion  now 
is  what  power  he  has  under  this  act,  not  what 
power  he  has  independent  of  legislation. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  do  not  understand  that  the 
power  i.s  claimed  under  the  act. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  Yes,  it  is;  and  only  claimed 
under  the  act.  The  Senator  will  recollect  that 
under  the  original  act 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Will  the  Senator  allow  me  a 
word?  I  know  it  ought  to  be  claimed  under  the 
act,  and  that  there^s  no  otlier  legitimate  source 
of  power;  but  I  understand  ihat  the  President 
claims  a  general,  indefinite  power,  resulting  from 
military  necessity,  to  do  any  act  which  in  hia 
judgment  may  promise  to  bring  the  rebellion  to 
a  close. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  My  friend  will  permit  me 
to  discuss  the  question  which  is  before  the  Sen- 
ate now,  and  that  is,  what  is  the  construction  of 
this  act?  I  assume,  for  the  sake  at  least  of  this 
discussion,  that  the  President  claims  no  author- 
ity on  the  subject  other  than  that  which  the  act 
gives,  and  the  inquiry  is,  what  is  the  authority 
given  by  the  act?  The  language  of  the  law  is, 
after  providing  for  the  enrollment,  that  "  for  two 
years  after  the  1st  day  of  July  succeeding  the 
enrollment,"  the  persons  enrolled  may  be  called 
into  the  military  service  of  the  United  States  "  to 
continue  in  service  during  the  present  rebellion." 


3196 


THE  CONGRESSION^AL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


If  llie  statute  stopped  there,  the  only  limitation  of 
lime  to  which  the  authority  of  tlie  President  could 
be  subject  would  be  the  continuance  of  the  rebel- 
lion. The  otlier  words  are  put  in  to  guard' against 
the  contingency  that  the  rebellion  Vvfill  last  rather 
longer  than  it  is  advisable  to  force  the  same  set  of 
men  into  the  field,  and  it  goes  on  to  provide  that 
they  are  to  continue  in  service  "  during  the  pres- 
ent rebellion,  not,  however,  exceeding  the  term 
of  three  years."  But  they  must  be  called,  if  the 
rebellion  lasts  so  long,  for  three  years,  and  al- 
though they  are  out  under  the  call  for  three  years, 
their  service  terminates  at  the  termination  of  the 
rebellion. 

Now,  I  agree  with  my  friend  from  Ohio,  who 
has  just  spoken — and  1  was  very  glad  to  hear  the 
doctrine,  but  not  surprised  to  hear  it  coming  from 
him — that  upon  considerations  of  general  policy, 
which  are  peculiarly  applicable  and  controiluig,as 
I  think,  in  a  discussion  of  this  kind,  under  our 
institutions  it  is  very  perilous  to  have  put  into 
the  field  as  soldiers  thousands  and  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  men  for  a  period  so  long  as  three 
yeais.  Tliere  is  nobody  who  is  at  all  conversant 
with  the  soldier's  life,  either  by  information  ob- 
tained by  reading  or  by  experience,  who  does  not 
know  that  they  form  an  attachment  for  it  in  tlie 
first  place,  and,  in  the  second  place,  that  as  a  gen- 
eral rule  it  unfits  them  for  other  employment. 

I  understood  the  honorable  member  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs,  in  his  recollection  of  the  num- 
ber of  men  that  have  been  called  out  already,  as 
telling  us  that  tliere  have  been  called  out  under 
the  existing  laws  since  the  17th  of  October,  ]863, 
600,000  men;  that  in  addition  to  these  600,000 
men  there  had  been  obtained  in  some  other  way, 
1  do  not  know  how,  by  reenlistments,  1  suppose, 
principally,  48,000  m.en,  who  have  been  sent  to 
the  army  of  the  Potomac  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  present  campaign;  and  that  there 
have  been  put  into  the  field,  if  I  understand  him, 
in  addiiion  to  these  two  numbers,  700,000,  mak- 
ing a  toial  of  1,348,000,  besides  the  number  of 
black  soldiers  and  men  enlisted  for  different  ser- 
vice from  that  class  of  our  people,  150,000,  mak- 
ing a  grand  aggregate  of  1,498,000.  How  long 
these  men  have  been  enlisted  for  or  drafted  for, 
except  such  portion  as  may  consist  of  a  part  of 
the  one  hundred  days'  men,  I  do  not  know;  but 
assuming  that  they  are  all  now  out  under  the  au- 
thority which  the  existing  law  gives,  we  liave 
more  than  1,500,000  men  who  are  now  in  the 
service  lor  three  years,  or  such  portion  of  the 
three  years  as  may  be  unexpired. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  A  large partof  them  were 
nine  moiiihs'  militia  men. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  am  not  speaking  of  nine 
months'  men;  there  have  not  been  any  of  them 
since  18G3.  ' 

Mr.  COLLAMER.     Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  were  no  nine  months' 
men  in  1863. 

Mr.  HARRIS.     Some. 

Mr.  JOHNSON,     Very  few,  at  any  rate. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  They  had  two  brigades 
oftheni  fVoin  Vcrmontat  the  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  There  is  quite  enough  for 
the  purpose  of  illustration;  I  do  notcare  whether 
it  is  one  million  and  a  half  or  half  a  million,  it  is 
quite  enough.  Suppose  we  have  half  a  million 
of  men  enlisted  in  that  way,  is  that  not  enough  .' 
The  honorable  member  from  Ohio  is  right — i  liave 
lieard  it  from  officers  who  have  been  present  in 
some  of  the  leading  battles — he  is  right  when  he 
says  that  those  men  who  are  almost  fresh  from 
the  plow  or  from  the  shop,  \flien  they  are  put  in 
association  with  veteran  soldiers  and  under  com- 
petent officers,  fight  nearly  as  vv-ell,  if  not  quiteas 
well,  as  those  who  are  called  veterans. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  By  the  courtesy  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maryland,  1  would  ask  him  why  it  is 
that  in  the  returns  of  the  killed  and  wounded, 
the  new  regiments,  the  regiments  thatliave  never 
been  underfire  before,  show  a  loss  of  two,  three, 
and  sometimes  four  times  as  many  as  those  who 
liave  had  experience  in  receiving  fire.?  That  is  a 
fact. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  I  do  not  think  it  exactly 
shows  that  ihey  are  not  very  gallant  men,  and  do 
not  fight  very  hard. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Undoubtedly  they  are  gal- 
lant. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     I  can  only  conjecture  it  as 


one  of  the  reasons;.!  suppose  it  is  because  being 
new  men  they  are  put  in  advance,  and  have  not 
learned  to  run  away. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Because  they  cannot  take 
care  of  themselves  when  they  get  there. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.     What,  in  the  fight.? 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  It  is  because  they  go  where 
they  have  no  right  to  go.  It  is  because  they  go 
where  they  are  not  ordered  to  go.  It  is' because 
they  are  not  under  proper  restraint  and  restriction 
that  they  go.  Itiscertainly  because  they  are  not 
disciplined  that  they  do  go. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  One  battle  would  correct  that. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.     No,  it  does  not. 

Mr.  JOHNSON.  1  should  think  it  would. 
With  that  natural  instinct  to  which  we  have  had 
reference  here  on  other  occasions,  I  think  one 
considerable  battle  would  put  an  end  to  that;  but 
that  is  immaterial  for  my  purpose.  How  long  is 
this  rebellion  to  last .?  With  the  power  and  means 
we  have  hud,  1  think  it  ought  to  have  terminated 
certainly  a  year  since;  and  now  it  would  seem  if 
the  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Executive  is  prop- 
erly wielded — and  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  but 
that  it  will  be  under  the  present  military  com- 
mander— if  the  rebellion  is  terminated  at  all,  it 
will  be  terminated  in  one  or  two  years.  Why, 
then,  attempt  to  go  into  the  country  and  seek  to 
draft-men  for  three  years,  and  especially  to  do  it 
after  repealing  the  commutation  clause.'  I  say 
what  I  believe,  I  do  not  think  you  will  be  able 
to  execute  such  alaw — notthat  there  is  any  want 
of  patriotism,  not  that  the  ardor  of  the  nation  has 
subsided,  but  it  will  be  looked  upon  as  unjust 
that  after  three  years  or  nearly  three  years  when 
you  have  given  to  those  that  have  been  drafted 
before  the  privilege  of  commuting,  you  take  it 
away  now  from  those  whom  you  are  about  to 
draft.  If  I  was  a  politician  in  the  party  sense  of 
the  term,  and  looked  to  a  change  of  the  Adminis- 
tration either  in  its  men  or  its  measures,  and  1 
was  capable  of  adii/ocating  a  policy  which  I  be- 
lieved would  be  injurious  to  the  country,  I 
would  say,  "Repeal  the  commutation  clause,  re- 
peal the  permission  to  furnish  substitutes,  draft 
for  three  years;"  and  then  I  should  be  very  much 
surprised  if  you  did  not  find  the  public  voice  of 
the  country  spoken  in  terms  which  neither  the 
Administration  nor  the  party  tliat  supports  the 
Administration  would  be  able  to  resist. 

1  hope  that  the  amendment  suggested  by  the 
honorable  member  from  New  York  will  be 
adopted  as  preferable  to  the  one  offered  by  the 
honorable  member  from  Michigan,  and  above  all, 
whether  it  be  adopted  or  not,  that  the  commuta- 
tion clause  be  retained. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  16,  nays  23;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Me.«srs.  Anthony,  Brown,  Chandler,  Conness, 
Grimes,  Harlan,  Howard,  Howe,  Lane  of  Kansas,  Pom- 
cioy,  Ramsey,  Sherman,  §(*ragiie.  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull, 
and  Wilkinson — 16. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Buekalevv,  Carlile,  Clark,  Collamer, 
Davis,  Dixon,  Doolittle,  Foot,  Foster,  Hale,  Harris,  Hen- 
dricks, Johnson,  Morgan,  Morrill,  Powell,  Riddle,  Sauls- 
bury,  Sumner,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson 
—23. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Cnwan,  Fessenden,  Harding,  Hen- 
derson, Hicks,  Lane  of  Indiana,  McDougall,Nesmitli,Ricli- 
ardson,  and  Wright — 10. 

So  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
recurs  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
New  York. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  Task  that  the  amendment 
be  reported  before  we  pass  upon  it. 

The  Secretary  read  it,  as  follows: 

.^nrf  he  it  further  enacted,  That  in  calls  for  drafts  here- 
after made  under  the  act"  for  enrollini;  and  calling  out  the 
national  forces,"  and  tlie  acts  in  addition  to  or  amendatory 
thereof,  the  same  may  he  made  for  such  term  of  time  as 
the  President  shall  direct,  not  exceeding  one  year. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  I  call  for  the  yeas  and 
nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  CPIANDLER.  In  my  judgment  the  effect 
of  this  movement  is  to  destroy  your  armies.  The 
Senator  from  Ohio  says  that  he  does  not  wish  to 
throw  all  the  burden  upon  a  few.  Now,  as  we 
have  been  informed  to-night,  more  than  one  mil- 
lion men  have  already  voluntarily  assumed  that 
burden,  have  gone  into  the  war  for  three  years, 
and  fought  gallantly;  and  now  you  come  in  at 
this  late  day  and  say  the  rest  who  would  not  go 
voluntarily  shall  be  drafted  for  but  one  year,  and 
shall  bear  but  one  third  of  the  burdens  of  those 


who  willingly  entered  early  "and  bore  the  burden 
for  three  years.* 

The  Senator  fro^  Ohio  says  he  does  not  wish 
to  make  soldiers  of  the  men  in  our  Army,  or 
words  to  that  effect.  Does  not  the  Senator  know 
that  there  is  not  a  man  capable  of  bearing  arms 
in  all  tlie  southern  confederacy  that  is  not  a  sol- 
dier.' Does  he  not  know  that  every  able-bodied 
man  in  all  the  southern  confederacy  has  been  con- 
scripted for  the  war,  and  cannot  go  home  until  the 
war  is  ended,  and  is  shot  if  he  attempts  to  go  home 
until  the  war  is  ended  .'  What  do  you  propose  to 
meet  these  war-worn  veterans  with  .'  They  are  sol- 
diers. How  do  you  propose  to  meet  them  .'  You 
must  meet  soldiers  with  soldiers',  or  you  must  be 
prepared  to  be  conquered  by  soldiers.  You  can- 
not m^et  veterans  with  raw  militia.  You  cannot 
change  your  troops  once  in  twelve  months  and 
hope  for  success  in  the  open  field.  All  the  his- 
tory of  war  has  taught  us  that  lesson.  Shall  we 
not  avail  ourselves  of  the  experience  of  ages? 
Shall  we  come  in  here  now  at  this  late  day  after 
three  years  of  hard  fighting  and  say  we  will  meet 
war-worn  veterans  of  three  and  four  and  five 
years  with  one-year  militia.' 

Mr.  President,  I  hope  this  amendment  will  not 
prevail.  I  hope  the  good  sense  of  the  Senate  will 
satisfy  them  that  if  you  hope  to  conquer  this  re- 
bellion you  must  conquer  it  with  soldiers,  for 
you  never  will  put  it  down  with  anything  but 
soldiers. 

Mr.  WADE.  The  Senator  from  Michigan 
seems  to  have  a  hankering  after  the  manners, 
customs,  and  habits  of  the  southern  confederacy. 
I  do  not  propose  to  follow  their  example  very 
closely.  They  hunt  up  conscripts  with  blood- 
hounds and  put  them  into  the  ranks,  I  understand. 
I  do  not  know  but  that  the  Senator  thinks  we 
ought  to  follow  their  example  close  enough  for 
that,  and  put  men  in  for  an  indefinite  time.  But 
I  can  tell  the  Senator  that  freemen  do  not  like 
this  idea  of  being  conscripted  for  such  a  length  of 
time. 

H  says  a  great  number  of  men  have  volunteered 
for  three  years.  I  know  it,  sir.  It  shows  the 
patriotism  of  our  people.  1  wish  we  could  raise 
all  the  troops  we  want  in  that  way,  but  experi- 
ence has  shown  us  that  we  cannot  do  that,  and 
it  was  well  in  the  early  part  of  this  war  to  have 
soldiers  as  many  as  we  could  get,  and  for  the 
longest  term,  and  now  if  you  will  get  them  by 
volunteering  as  the  Senator  says  we  have  done, 
and  intimates  very  clearly  that  we  can  in  the  fu- 
ture  

Mr.  CHANDLER.   Oh,  no,  sir. 

Mr.  WADE.  If  we  can  do  that,  let  them  vol- 
unteer, and  for  the  longer  time  the  better.  I  am 
agreed  with  him  upon  that.  Hut  1  refieat  that  when 
you  take  a  man  frojn  lus  farm  or  from  his  work- 
shop and  put  him-into  tlii^field  lor  three  long  years, 
you  cause  him  to  lose  liis  character  of  a  citizen  for 
that  of  a  soldier.  1  do  not  know  that  he  is  any 
better  soldier  for  being  there  three  years  or  for 
life,  than  lie  would  if  he  were  there  long  enough 
to  be  accustomed  to  tlie  habits  of  military  life.  I 
do  not  believe  that  our  experience  has  shown  us 
that  the  longer  the  soldiers  are  in  the  field  ilie 
better  they  are.  The  Senator  talks  of  the  war 
veterans  of  the  South.  Well,  sir,  the  war-worn 
veterans  of  the  South,  in  my  judgment,  are  very 
nearly  worn  out.  They  are  "  war-worn,"  sir, 
worn  clear  up,  and  they  never  have  been  able  to 
meet  us  with"  any  odds  in  the  field.  I  utterly  deny 
the  insinuation  the  Senator  makes  that  our  sol- 
diers are  not  equal  to  the  veterans  of  the  South 
that  he  speaks  of. 

Mr.  CHANDLER.     Ours  are  veterans. 

Mr.  WADE.  Some  of  ours  are  veterans  and 
some  are  not  very  veteran,  and  the  greoiicsl 
troops  we  have  had  have  shown  themselves  as 
efficient  in  battle  as  those  who  have  been  in  the 
ranks.  Look  at  Fort  Donelson.  Your  raw  regi- 
ments there,  just  arriving,  fought  like  veterans, 
and  were  as  efficient  as  any  soldiers  we  hati. 
Look  at  Gettysburg.  There  new  recruits  coming 
right  in,  and  one  regiment  from  Vermont,  I  was 
told  by  an  eminent  man,  fought  bravely  and  well, 
and  was  in  the  hardest  part  of  the  fight,  and  never 
shrank  from  it.  They  distinguished  themselves 
among  veterans.     They  had  only  just  got  there. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.      They  were  militia,  too. 

tVlr.  WADE.  Yes,  they  were  militia.  You 
need  not  tell  me  that  it  adds  courage  to  a  man  to 
go  about  drilling  him  till  he  is  worn  out  or  a  war- 


1864. 


THE  CONGMiESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3197 


worn  soldier.  Give  me  the  man  with  all  the  spirit 
and  dash  that  a  young  man  has  about  liim  when 
lie  goes  fresh  from  home  in  all  the  vigor  of  life. 
He  will  never  fight  better  tiian  he  does  then,  and 
the  old  idea  that  a  soldier  must  be  in  training  for 
several  years  before  he  is  fit  for  the  field  is  not  at 
all  applicable  to  our  soldiery.     A  French  officer, 
who   had  observed   our  discipline,  told   me  not 
long  since  that  our  raw  regiments  would  learn  as 
much  in  one  month  as  the  European  soldier  would 
in  one  year.  They  are  better  eaucated;  they  have 
more  elasticity  of  mind,  more  adaptation  to  any- 
thing that  you  will  put  them  to,  more  self-reliance. 
There  never  were  on  the  face  of  God's  earth  such 
soldiers  as  we  have.     There  is  more  intelligence 
in  our  ranks  than  there  ever  before  was    in  the 
ranks  of  any  army  in  any  country  in  the  world. 
It  does  not  take  long  for  such  men   to  learn  the 
forms  of  discipline  to  make  them  soldiers.     I  have 
1)0  doubt  a  short  period  of  draft,  mixing  the  re- 
cruits with  veterans   that  are  trained,  will  result 
in  your  always  having  an  army  sufficiently  effi- 
cient, and  you  will  have  in  numbers  three  times 
as  many  at  any  given  period  as  you  possibly  can 
get  when  you  go  to  the  repulsive  business  of  call- 
ing a  man  into  the  military  service  for  three  long 
years.     It  goes  very  hard  to  get  soldiers  in  that 
way  for  that  term.     A  young  man  before  he  will 
submit  to  that  and  spend  the  best  of  his  life  in  the 
Army  often  resorts  to  every  means  on  God 's  earth 
to  escape  it.     If  you  require  him  to  serve  for  the 
period  of  only  one  year  he  will  go  cheerfully  forth 
to  his  duty;  he  will  -perform  it  well;  he  will  be 
mixed  up  with  veterans,  and  you  will  have  a  more 
numerous  army,  and  just  as  efficient  a  one  in  my 
judgment.     Therefore  I  am  for  having  them  for 
the  shortest  period.     In   my  judgment  it  would 
be  of  great  service  if  we  could  call  immediately 
;nto  the  field  even  for  a  less  period  than  one  year 
one  hundred  thousand  men.     Concentrated  as  the 
rebellion  now  is  in  two  centers,  and  assailed  as  it 
is  in  those  two  positions  by  our  armies,  and  the 
whole  rebellion  resting  on  those  two  armies  which 
are  almost  surrounded  by  our  own,  I  believe  that 
if  the  Administration  could  call  rapidly  into  the 
Herviceone  hundred  thousand  men  for  six  months 
it  would  end  the  rebellion.     I  have  no  doubt  of 
it.     1 1  is  not  as  it  was  in  the  beginning,  when  the 
force  of  the  enemy  as  well  as  our  own  was  scat- 
tered over  a  continent  as  it  were.     Then  the  war 
was  not  mapped  out.     Now  it  has  proceeded,  and 
both  sides  have  been  concentrating  until  they  are 
struggling  hand  to  hand  in  two  [ilaces  where  suc- 
cess on  our  side  would  end  the  war.     So  fix  it 
then  that  the  Administration  may,  if  they  will, 
call  out  for  a  short  period  a  great  force  to  assist 
the  veterans  you  have  got  in  the  field,  put  them 
at  the  decisive  points  where  the  struggle  is  now 
going  on,  and  turn  the  scale  in  our  favor  at  once. 
Mr.  CHANDLER.     The  Senator  from  Ohio 
in  his  argument  has  asserted  what  1  do  not  deny, 
that  our  raw  troops  are  execellent  at  a  charge. 
Nobody  denies  that  they  fight  as  well  as  any  raw 
troops  on  llie  face  of  theearth  ever  did  fight.    But 
the  Senator  says  that  by  mixing  tliem  up  with 
our  veterans  we  may  gel  an  efficientarmy.    That 
statement  admits  the  whole  question.     The  ob- 
ject of  my  amendment  was  that  we  should  never 
be  v^ithout  veteran  troops.     The  Senator  remem- 
bers very  well  that  a  distinguished  general,  per- 
haps one  of  the  most  distinguished  in  the  whole 
army,  said    to  him   in   my  presence,  "Senator 
Wade,  both  of  these  armies  have  fought  so  long 
and  are  such   thorough  soldiers    that   you  may 
repulse  either  army  and  give  them  one  hour  to  re- 
organize and  they  will  give  you  a  stiff  fight  at  the 
end  of  tliat  hour."     The  Senator  will  remember 
that  General  Hancock  said   lliat  to   him   in   my 
presence.      There  is  the  difference  between  vet- 
erans and  raw  troops.  Let  raw  troops  be  repulsed 
and  you  cannpt  reorganize  them;  theydonotun- 
derstand  reorganizing  and  recovering  from  a  re- 
pulse, whereas  if  you  give  veterans  one  hour  you 
wilf  find  them  in  line  of  battle  and  ready  to  give 
you  as  stiff"  a  fight  as  ever. 

Mr.  WILSON.  Do  youcallthe  army  of  the 
Potomac  a  veteran  army  ? 

Mr.  CHANDLER.  It  is  substantially  a  vet- 
eran army.  It  is  so  mixed  up  with  veterans  that 
It  is  substantially  an  army  of  veterans,  and  I  de- 
sire always  to  have  enough  veterans  to  make  the 
.whole  force  a  veteran  force. 

Mr.  WADE.  The  army  of  the  Potomac— 
and  a  braver  and  better  army  never  moved  in  the 


field — is  to-day  composed  of  more  than  one  half 
green  soldiers  who  have  not  been  in  the  service 

six  ITlOlllhs. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Mr.  President,  I  confess 
that  I  do  not  profess  to  know  much  about  mili- 
tary affairs.  Indeed,  I  am  as  ignorant  of  them 
as  though  1  bore  a  connmission  as  major  general 
in  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  [Laughter.] 
But,  sir,  I  think  if  we  can  believe  the  reports  from 
officers  in  the  field,  it  does  not  make  much  differ- 
ence for  what  time  a  man  is  put  into  the  service; 
it  will  not  take  him  a  long  time  to  become  a  sol- 
dier. 1  recollect  hearing  read  at  the  desk  a  few 
days  ago  a  dispatch  from  General  Butler,  in 
which  he  spoke  of  the  very  gallaiU  manner  in 
which  the  negro  soldiers  fought  before  Peters- 
burg, so  much  so  that  they  were  flanked  on  the 
field.  Certainly  they  were  not  veterans,  and  it 
did  not  take  a  great  while  for  them  to  sliow  their 
bravery. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  wish  the  Senator  would 
speak  louder.  We  cannot  hear  him  on  this  side 
of  the  Chamber. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  lam  very  sorry  for  that, 
and  I  think  my  friend  has  lost  a  great  deal. 
[Laughter.]  I  see,  too,  tJjat  these  negroes  have 
another  very  admirable  characteristic  for  soldiers, 
much  better  than  those  which  veterans  have.  I 
read  in  the  New  York  Tribune  of  yesterday  that 
they  not  only  fight  equally  as  well  as  veterans, 
but  they  have  another  admirable  quality  wliich 
veterans  have  not  got;  they  take  no  prisoners 
alive. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  1  wish  to  state  what  I  know 
to  be  the  desire  of  this  Government,  and  that  is 
that  the  time  shall  not  be  restricted  to  one  year 
for  which  soldiers  shall  be  enlisted  or  drai'ted, 
for  the  plain  reason  that  the  Government  believe 
they  have  authority  now  to  draft  men  for  three 
years  or  any  lesser  period,  as  they  may  determ- 
ine. What  the  Adminislraiion  desire,  what  tliey 
petition  for,  what  they  beg  for  from  Congress, 
is  not  that  the  time  shall  be  limited  to  one  year, 
but  that  you  will  give  them  men  in  this  emer- 
gency. The  Government  believe  to-day  that  the 
only  way  they  can  replenish  their  exhausted  ar- 
mies is  by  striking  from  the  statute-book  the  com- 
mutation feature  of  the  law;  and  why.'  It  must 
be  plain  to  every  Senator,  as  it  is  to  every  man 
experienced  in  enlisting  troops,  that  if  youabolish 
the  commutation  before  the  draft,  the  result  will 
be  that  while  the  draft  is  going  on  and  after  men 
are  drafted  every  citizen  in  the  country  will  be  in- 
terested in  seeing  that  your  armies  are  filled,  and 
the  efforts  of  every  man  and  every  woman  will 
be  to  encourage  recruiting,  to  inspire  the  people 
wherever  they  can  influence  them  to  go  forward 
and  sufiport  the  languishing  and  tired  men  who 
are  thrusting  the  bayonets  and  sustaining  the 
cause  which  the  whole  coun»<'y  has  at  heart.  But 
in  the  other  ca.se,  who  is  interested  in  filling  the 
armies.'  The  mere  pittance  of  |1300  buys  a  man 
from  the  service  of  his  country,  redeems  him  as 
it  were  from  any  service  whatever,  or  from  any 
interest  in  this  Government.  Three  hundred  dol- 
lars redeems  from  the  service  of  his  country  or 
from  any  interest  whatever  in  the  efforts  which 
are  being  rnatle  to-day  and  which  we  have  been 
making  for  three  years  past  to  maintain  and  pre- 
serve the  Government. 

Sir,  all  that  the  Administration  to-day  asks  of 
you  is  to  strike  the  commutation  clause  from  your 
statute-book  and  to  impose  no  limitation  as  to  the 
time  men  shall  serve,  for  the  very  reason  that 
there  is  power  now  to  fix  that  matter;  and  why 
so?  Perhaps  the  Senator  from  Vermont  has  read 
in  the  statute-book  the  clause  which  limits  the 
service  of  men  to  three  years,  but  it  is  within  my 
experience  that  while  that  clause  has  been  in 
existence  the  Government  has  called  for  three 
months'  troops. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  read  from  thelaw about 
the  draft. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Three  months'  men  have 
been  called  for  and  obtained  for  emergencies. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.     Volunteers. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  This  amendment,  as  I  un- 
derstand it,  restricts  the  Government  from  ob- 
taining hoops  for  more  than  one  year.  It  is  that 
men  shall  not  be  received  for  more  than  one  year. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  They  cannot  be  drafted 
for  more  than  oiie  year. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  The  Government  have  the 
power  now  to  receive  them  for  a  year  if  it  thinks 


that  the  best  policy  for  the  interest  of  the  service.- 
They  have  the  right  which  this  amendment  of 
the  Senator  from  New  York  gives  them;  but  they 
do  not  believe  it  necessary  to  put  such  a  restric-  . 
lion  in  thelaw.  All  they  ask  of  Congress  is  au- 
thority to  obtait)  troops,  and  they  believe  the 
only  v/ay  in  which  they  can  be  obtained  is  by 
abolishing  the  commutation. 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  do  not  think,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, that  Congress  is  here  simply  to  register  the 
will  of  the  Administration.  1  am  not  here  forany 
such  purpose;  and  I  want  the  Senator  from  Pdiode 
Island  distinctly  to  understand  that  I  am  not  here 
to  register  the  will  of  man;  I  am  here  to  give  the 
Administration  a  liberal,  generous,  and  hearty 
support.  But,  sir,  we  frame  the  laws,  and  we 
are  to  judge  what  is  proper  legislation.  It  be- 
longs to  us  to  say  liow  we  will  raise  armies  and 
support  armies. 

VVe  are  told  that  the  Administration  says  it  has 
the  power  to  draft  men  for  less  than  three  years 
under  the  enrollment  act.  I  desire  to  say  that 
when  we  framed  the  bill  for  eiu'olling  and  calling 
out  the  national  forces,  we  intended  to  put  it  on 
the  same  footing  as  raising  soldiers  by  volunteer- 
ing for  three  years.  That  was  the  intention  of  the 
committee.  Sir,  I  reported  that  bill,  and  I  hap- 
pen to  know  what  the  committee  intended.  J  did 
not  suppose  there  was  a  man  in  America  who  had 
any  other  view  of  it.  The  idea  is  as  clearly  and 
distinctly  expressed  as  the  English  language  can 
be  made  to  express  a  thought.  But  suppose  they 
have  the  power,  what  objection  can  they  have  to 
our  putting  the  provision  in  this  act.'  We  are 
asked  to  repeal  the  commutation  clause  of  the 
enrollment  act.  I  will  not  vote  to  repeal  that 
clause  and  draft  men  for  three  years,  and  force 
them  into  the  service  for  that  period.  My  posi- 
tion is  clearly  taken  on  that  subject. 

Sir,  we  are  told  to-night  that  every  man  in  the 
rebel  States  is  a  soldier  forced  into  service,  and 
what  is  the  result.'  They  have  desolated  the 
rebel  States,  destroyed  every  thing  except  enough 
for  a  bare  subsistence;  they  have  no  commerce, 
no  mechanic  arts,  no  agriculture,  nothing  but  a 
bankrupt  treasury,  a  ruined  people,  and  an  abso- 
lute military  despotism.  1  do  not  wish  to  follow 
that  example.  I  want  to  fill  our  armies  with  true 
and  brave  men,  men  who  will  fight  our  battles 
and  win  our  victories,  and  I  want  at  the  same 
time  to  save  agriculture,  to  save  commerce,  to 
save  the  mechanic  arts,  to  save  manufactures,  to 
save  all  the  institutions  of  a  prosperous  ami  free 
people.  When  we  come  out  of  this  rebellion  I 
want  the  loyal  States  to  stand  stranger  than  when 
we  went  into  it  in  all  the  elements  of  prosperity 
and  power.  In  filling  your  armies  as  in  filling 
your  Treasury  you  must  exercise  your  reason; 
you  must  so  legislate  that  while  you  sustain  the 
Government  you  foster  and  protect  the  interests 
of  the  country,  and  make  the  war  bear  as  lightly 
as  possible  upon  the  people. 

Acting  upon  that  idea,  1  say  the  original  enroll- 
ment act  was  framed  in  the  spirit  of  humanity. 
The  ^300  clause  was  put  into  the  act  to  make  it 
bear  as  lightly  as  possible  upon  the  toiling  masses 
of  our  countrymen.  The  other  exemptions  were 
put  in  for  the  same  object.  The  exigencies  of 
the  country  have  forced  us  this  session  to  aban- 
don many  of  the  humane  provisions  of  the  ori- 
ginal act;  and  if  it  be  necessary,  in  order  to  get 
men  into  the  service,  to  abandon  the  other  provis- 
ions for  a  reasonabli!  time,  1  am  willing  to  do  it. 
But,  sir,  our  informatioir,  our  experience,  every- 
thing teaches  me  that  in  fillingour  armies  we  owe 
it  to  our  neighbors,  our  friends,  our  countrymen, 
to  the  permanent  and  enduring  interests  of  our 
country,  to  make  iiur  laws  bear  as  humanely  and 
as  lightly  as  possible  upon  our  people.  Last 
winter  when  we  were  framing  the  amendatory 
enrollment  law,  I  proposed  to  draft  men  foreigh- 
teen  months,  and  I  liiouglu  then  that  I  believed 
we  could  draft  and  put  into  service  for  a  year  five 
men  easier  than  we  could  one  man  for  three  years. 
If  we  now  limit  the  draft  to  one  year,  and  the 
Government  will  cull  for  vast  masses  of  men  and 
act  with  vigor,  I  believe  that  before  the  opening 
of  next  year  the  rebel  armies  will  be  broken,  and 
the  cause  of  the  country  assured;  and  so  believ- 
ing, I  contend  for  a  reduction  of  the  time.  It  is 
because  I  believe  it  will  strengthen  ourcausethat 
I  have  advocated  it,  and  not,  as  has  been  inti- 
mated, for  the  purpose  of  relieving  my  State  or 
my  section  of  the  country.     I  know  we  are  will- 


3198 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


jno;  to  be;ir  our  burdens,  and  we  have  borne  them 
unnomplaiiiingly.  A  committee  from  Boston  is 
in  Washington  now  bearing  a  roll  certified  and 
indorsed  nf  six  tliousand  five  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  men  furnished  to  the  Navy,  not  one  of  whom 
are  credited  to  that  city.  When  you  'count  the 
men  in  your  Army  and  Navy  according  to  the 
number  of  men  fitted  for  service,  there  are  few 
States  ahead  of  the  Commonwealth  of  iMassa- 
chusetta. 

Sir,  I  hope  that  after  the  vote  which  has  been 
taken  in  the  Senate,  and  after  the  manifestations 
in  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol  of  the  sentiment 
there,  we  shall  consent  so  to  adjust  and  frame 
this  bill  as  to  strengthen  the  Government  and 
make  the  act  as  accceptable  as  possible  to  the 
people  of  the  country  who  must  bear  its  burdens. 
Sir,  if  you  tell  the  people  tliat  they  cannot  pay  a 
commutation,  that  they  must  go  for  three  years 
by  draft  into  the  service  because  other  men  en- 
listed voluntarily  for  three  years,  it  is  a  hard 
thing  for  this  Government  to  say  and  a  hard 
thing  for  the  toiling  masses  of  our  countrymen 
to  bear. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  The  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts does  very  well  perhaps  to  disclaim  any 
following  of  the  Administration  in  the  proposi- 
tions which  they  make  relative  to  carrying  on  the 
war,  although  heretofore  I  think  he  has  not  been 
behind  any  man  in  the  Senate  or  in  the  country  in 
sustaining  the  measures  and  policy  of  the  Admin- 
istration. The  policyof  the  Governmentto-day, 
as  indicated  by  its  war  officer,  the  Secretary  of 
War,  with  the  sanction,  of  course,  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  and,  as  the  country  under- 
stands, of  the  combined  wisdom  of  the  Cabinet,  is 
that  the  commutation  clause  shall  be  abolished 
from  the  statutes  of  the  United  States,  in  the  fur- 
ther procurement  of  men  for  the  prosecution  of 
this  war.  i  v/ish  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
and  the  Senator  from  Vermont  to  understand  that 
this  is  to-day  the  policy  of  the  Administration, 
and  when  they  vote  contrary  to  it  they  vote  con- 
trary to  v/hat  is  believed  by  those  whom  they  sus- 
tain in  carrying  on  this  war  to  be  the  better  policy, 
and  until  they  can  get  or  supply  a  better  head  for 
the  government  of  the  War  Department  of  this 
country,  it  seems  to  me  that  as  patriotic  Senators 
they  should  support  this  policy.  Until  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  United  States  can  resolve  themselves 
into  a  Council  of  Ten,  and  be  themselves  the  Sec- 
retary of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  the  President  of  the  United  States,  they  must 
delegate  the  execution  of  their  decrees  and  of  their 
laws  to  somebody,  and  that  somebody  must  have 
their  confidence,  and  if  that  officer  has  not  their 
confidence  it  certainly  is  due  from  them  to  the 
people  of  this  country  that  they  should  indicate 
that  idea.  But  while  that  officer  sustains  to  them 
the  position  that  the  Secretary  of  War  does,  it 
certainly  seems  to  me,  and  I  believe  it  will  seem 
to  t'ne  people  of  this  country,  that  they  should  be 
governed  somewhat  by  the  policy  that  he  indi- 
cates. When  he  says  that  he  believes  he  has  au- 
thority to  draft  men  for  one  year,  tliat  that  is  not 
the  difficulty  in  this  emergency,  but  that  the  real 
difficulty  is  that  he  cannot  obtain  men  on  account 
of  this  drawback,  by  which  men  can  purchase 
their  service  from  the  country  by  the  payment  of 
$300,  it  does  really  seem  to  me  that  in  this  im- 
portant exigency,  the  country  being  to  a  certain 
extent  in  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  his 
views  and  the  views  of  the  President  should  be  in 
some  way  regarded. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  New 
York,  upon  which  the  yeas  and  nays  have  been 
ordered. 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  25,  nays  14;  as  follows: 

YEAS — Messrs.  Buck^lc.w,  Clark,  Collamer,  Cowan, 
Davis,  Dixon,  Dnoliitle,  Foot,  Hale,  Harris,  Hendricks, 
HowH,  Joluison,  Lime  of  Kansas,  fllorgan,  Morrill,  Ponie- 
roy,  Powell,  Xiiuli;u(lson,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Van  Win- 
kle, Wade,  Willey,  and  Wilson— 25. 

NAYS  —  Messrs.  Brown,  (3arlile,  Chandler,  Conness, 
Foster,  Griini's,  Howard,  McDonjiall,  Ramsey,  Kiddle, 
Sherman,   Sprague,'J'ruml)ull,  and  Wilkinson — 14. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Anthony,  Fessenden,  Harding,  Har- 
lan, Henderson,  Hieks,  Lane  ot'  Indiana,  Nesmith,  Sauls- 
bury,  ajid  Wriglit— 10. 

So  the  aiiicndnient  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  COLLAMER.  I  ofi^er  the  following  arncnd- 
mcnt  as  a  substitute  for  the  first  section  of  the  bill: 

That  the  thirteenth  section  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act 
for  enrolling  and  calling  out   the  national  forcen,  and  fur 


other  pnrpo.ses."  approved  March  3,  1863,  is  hereby  so 
amended  that  the  sum  to  be  p-iid  by  a  drafted  man  to  the 
Government  for  the  procuration  of  a  substitiuo  shall  not 
exceed  $500,  instead  of  §300. 

Perhaps  the  amendment  is  sufficiently  clear 
without  any  explanation  of  it;  but  still  I  will  say 
a  few  words.  At  present  the  law  statids  that  a 
drafted  man  may  pay  such  sum  as  the  Secretary 
of  War  shall  fix  for  the  procuration  of  a  substi- 
tute, not  exceeding  §300.  My  amendment  follows 
the  form  of  the  present  law,  except  in  providing 
that  the  limitation  shall  be  §500  instead  of  j^300. 
The  amendtnent  which  I  have  offered  presents  the 
alternative  of  repealing  the  commutation  clause 
altogether  or  amending  it.  in  my  opinion,  with 
the  amendment  which  has  been  adopted  limiting 
the  service  of  the  drafted  man  to  one  year,  the 
commutation  of  $300  will  be  amply  sufficient  to 
procure  the  men.  What  is  it.'  Three  hundred 
dollars  for  one  year's  service,  which  a  man  may 
offer  to  a  substitute,  or  the  Government  may 
oflTer  ifanybody  pays  commutation.  That  is  equal 
to  paying  ;jf,900  bounty  for  three  years.  There 
never  has  been  any  such  bounty  as  that  paid  to 
any  of  the  men  we  have  procured  the  past  year. 
The  Government  has  paid  the  commutation 
money,  $300,  and  the  local  corporations  have 
contributed  $100  or  $200  or  $300,  in  some  cases, 
but  the  bounties  have  not  gone  beyond  $400  or 
$500  or  $600,  in  any  case  for  three  years' service. 
Now,  if  you  draft  for  one  year  and  fix  $300  as  the 
price  of  commutation,  it  is  equal  to  a  bounty  of 
$900  for  three  years'  service.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  repeal  the  commutation  clause  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  men  for  the  service  under  a  draft  for 
one  year.  There  is  no  necessity  of  resorting  to 
so  severe  a  measure.  There  is  no  need  of  going 
to  the  people  and  saying  to  them,  "We  will  draft 
you  for  one  year,  and  you  must  go;  you  shall 
have  no  opportunity,  of  commutation."  There 
is  no  occasion  for  saying  it,  because  the  men  will 
be  secured  without  it;  but  that  there  may  be  no 
doubtabout  it,  that  it  may  be  perfectly  safe  without 
repealing  the  commutation,  my  proposition  if  that 
the  Executive  may  make  the  commutation  $500 
if  he  pleases  in  order  to  secure  the  men  with  more 
perfect  and  absolute  certainty.  That  is  my  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  Since  the  Senate  have  by 
a  decided  vote  determined  that  they  will  not  draft 
men  for  moi-e  than  one  year,  I  shall  vote  against 
any  commutation  for  military  service.  It  is  not 
a  very  severe  detriment  to  any  man  to  be  called 
into  the  service  of  the  country  for  one  year.  The 
country  now  needs  the  service,  and  I  would  not 
put  the  Government  to  the  delay  and  expense  of 
adopting  the  plan  of  hiring  substitutes.  If  a  man 
is  drafted  for  one  year,  a  term  which  rapidly  rolls 
around,  he  has  the  privilege  under  the  existing 
law  of  hiring  a  substitute.  If  the  sum  stipulated 
by  the  Senatorfrom  Vermont  is  sufficient  for  that 
purpose,  he  can  procure  a  substitute,  he  can  get 
some  one  else  to  assume  his  place  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  States,  and  he  is  at  perfect  liberty  to 
do  so.  If  it  is  not  sufficient,  the  additional  ex- 
pense and  the  delay  caused  by  looking  around  for 
.substitutes  ought  not  to  be  thrown  on  the  Gov- 
ernment at  this  time.  It  is  not  a  very  severe  law 
to  say  that  a  man  now  shall  take  his  chances  for 
a  draft,  and  if  drafted  shall  actually  go  into  the 
service  of  the  country  or  hire  a  substitute.  1 
would  not  throw  on  the  Government  the  necessity 
of  employing  the  substitute. 

There  is  another  argument  -which  operates  on 
me  to  some  extent.  Owing  to  fraudulent  and  in- 
efficient systems  practiced  throughout  the  coun- 
try, perhaps  by  our  own  officers  themselves,  the 
commutation  money  has  been  grossly  wasted.  In 
many  cases  it  has  been  paid  out  to  improper  sub- 
stitutes. I  supposed  myself  originally  that  the 
agents  of  the  Government  could  better  be  trusted 
in  the  employingor  hiringof  substitutes  than  the 
drafted  men;  but  experience  has  shown  that  the 
officersofthe  Government  have  been  morecheated 
and  defrauded  in  hiring  substitutes  than  even  the 
drafted  man;  and  the  cases  arc  numerous  where 
officers  of  the  Government  have  employed  sub- 
stitutes for  the  commutation  money  and  within 
twenty-four  hours  afterwards  the  substitute  has 
deserted:  the  Government  has  not  only  lost  the 
services  of  the  drafted  man  but  of  the  substitute, 
and  lost  the  money  besides. 

Since,  now,  we  have  said  that  men  shall  be 
drafted  for  one  year,  and  no  more,  I  think  it  is 


not  a  severe  act  of  legislation  to  say  that  they  shall 
serve  the  country  during  that  year,  or  get  lor  the 
coimtry  an  acceptable  gubstitute.  If  you  look  at 
this  matter  philosophically,.there  is  no  obligation 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  hire  a  substi- 
tute. There  is  no  reason  wh.y,  when  a  person 
has  been  designated  according  to  law  to  serve  his 
country  for  a  year,  the  Government  should  be  put 
to  the  expense  and  delay  and  trouble  aridainioy- 
ance  and  danger  of  loss  of  hiringsubstitutes,  by 
employing  its  provost  marshals  and  agents  for 
that  purpose.  On  the  other  hand,  the  person  who 
avails  himself  of  this  privilege  ought  to  be  subject 
to  whatever  expense  and  delay  are  necessary  for 
the  purpose. 

There  is  another  argument.  The  value  of 
money  in  different  portions  of  the  country  is  very 
different.  Five  hundred  dollars  in  Massachusetts 
may  be  totally  insufficient  to  hire  a  substitute, 
while  in  Iowa  $300  may  be  sufficient.  The  value 
of  money  in  the  different  States  depends  upon  the 
richness  or  poverty  of  their  people.  The  same 
sum  of  money  will  go  much  further  in  some  of 
the  older  States  than  in  some  of  the  new.  A  fixed 
sum  of  money  everywhere  is  not  an  equal  com- 
mutation. The  price  of  labor  varies  very  much. 
A  day's  labor  in  Wisconsin  is  worth  much  less 
than  in  Massachusetts.  I  say  therefore,  then,  no 
sum  which  you  can  fix  is  the  proper  standard  of 
compensation;  and  what  the  Government  wants 
is  physical  service  during  one  year,  and  when 
you  establish  any  standard,  however  high,  you 
make  an  unequal  standard,  because  the  value  of 
money  and  the  value  of  personal  service  arc  not 
the  same  in  different  portions  of  the  country. 

If  the  question  was  now  as  to  seizing  upon 
property  or  the  like,  the  same  diffei-ence  would 
exist;  but  now  the  Government  desires  one  year's 
service  from  the  citizen.  If  the  citizen  of  Mas- 
sachusetts is  drafted,  he  should  not  avail  himself 
of  the  benefit  of  a  provision  that  is  more  favora- 
ble to  him  than  it  is  to  some  other  citizen  in  the 
State  of  Iowa.  The  only  equal  and  just  mode,  in 
my  judgment,  now  in  our  necessity,  is  to  enforce 
the  draf^t  strictly  and  faii'ly  in  every  portion  of 
the  country,  without  delays  or  equivocations, 
without  any  excuses,  without  being  Jeterred  by 
mobs  or  riots  or  threats,  to  require  the  citizen  to 
serve  his  coutitry  for  one  year,  or  incase  he  can- 
not do  it  or  does  not  choose  to  do  it,  let  him  do 
the  next  best  thing,  hire  an  acceptable  substitute. 
That  is  the  only  position. 

I  trust  Congress  will  not  adjourn  without  pla- 
cing it  in  the  power  of  the  Administration  to  call 
into  the  service  of  the  country  every  man  that  is 
necessary  to  finish  and  close  up  this  rebellion. 
We  cannot  tell  what  may  be  the  fluctuations  and 
variations  of  money  in  the  progress  of  a  great 
civil  war  like  this-,  and  therefore  we  ought  not  to 
make  money  the  standard  of  physical  service. 
Physical  service  is  what  we  want,  and  we  must 
avail  ourselves  of  this  physical  service  by  draft 
laws.  It  has  been  done  in  all  wars,  and  we  can- 
not aflford  at  this  time  to  substitute  money  for 
physical  service. 

This  bill  has  now  been  carefully  matured  by 
the  Military  Committee.  It  has  been  considered 
by  them  for  nearly  six  months,  and  as  now  re- 
ported it  seems  to  me  as  just  a  solution  of  this 
whole  difficulty  as  we  can  ariive  at.  It  repeals 
the  commutation  clause,  and  reduces  the  term  of 
service  to  one  year,  making  the  draft  compulsory, 
and  allowing  no  evasion  and  nothing  but  personal 
service  or  the  furnishing  of  a  substitute.  I  wish 
we  could  go  a  little  further  and  compel  the  au- 
thorities at  the  other  end  of  the  avenue  to  enforce 
the  draft — a  thing  they  have  never  yet  done,  un- 
der any  of  our  draft  laws,  and  which  1  fear  they 
will  not  do.  I  wish  we  could  coinpel  them  to 
enforce  the  draft  fairly  and  equally  in  all  sections 
of  the  country,  so  that  there  could  be  no  com- 
plaint about  inequality;  and  then  we  should  have 
accomplished  a  great  result.  We  know  that  tiiis 
Governor  will  beg  oil' and  that  Governor  will  Ix'g 
off,  and  one-State  will  want  to  take  money  and 
go  to  some  other  State  to  hire  substitutes.  Every 
section  will  have  its  particular  plan  and  mode  o( 
doing  business.  Some  will  be  fordoing  it  through 
the  State  authorities,  and  so  on.  It  seems  tome, 
now,  that  it  is  important  for  us  to  induce  the  ex- 
ecutive authorities  to  enforce  the  draft  fairly,  so 
that  no  section  can  complain,  so  that  each  tJwte 
will  contribute  its  pi-oportion  of  one-year  men 
according  to  its  population;  antl   in  addition  to 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8199 


that,  in  my  jutlgment,  in  hiring  substitutes  they 
ouglit  to  be  confined  to  tho  State  in  which  the 
men  are  drijfted,  so  that  each  State  will  furnisii 
the  same  amount  of  physical  service  in  propor- 
tion to  its  population.  Then  let  the  draft  be  en- 
forced fairly,  and  I  thinic  there  will  be  no  com- 
plaint. 

Although  my  own  State  especially  has  been 
drsined  of  its  labor,  although  forty  thousand  of 
the  best  men  of  the  State  have  recently  gone  into 
the  service  for  one  huadred  days  in  addition  to 
furnishing  ourfull  share  in  all  the  other  branches, 
I  believe  that  in  the  critical  condition  of  our 
country,  with  our  armies  in  the  presence  of  the 
enemy,  having  corraled  them,  if  you  may  so  say, 
around  Richmond  and  Atlanta,  the  peopleof  Ohio 
will  cheerfully  submit  to  a  draft  if  they  are 
thoroughly  satisfied  that  it  will  be  f^iirly  enforced 
in  all  States  and  sectionsof  the  Union.  The  only 
complaint  about  the  draft  is  that  it  is  not  enforced. 
Take  my  own  State  for  instance.  A  strong  proc- 
lamation is  issued  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  calling  upon  the  people  to  volunteer  and 
avoid  another  draft.  In  certain  communities  they 
go  to  work,  and  with  money  and  the  aid  of  all  the 
people  heartily  engaged,  they  furnish  their  share 
of  iTwn,  while  an  adjoining  county  has  made  no 
effort  to  procure  men,  has  raised  no  money,  and 
after  a  little  while  the  matter  drops  and  the  draft 
docs  not  take  place.  The  consequence  is  that  the 
loyal  portion  of  the  community  who  are  will- 
ing to  do  everything  tliey  can  do  to  answer  the 
v;ants  of  the  Government,  who  respond  in  men 
and  money  and  make  up  their  quota,  are  drained, 
impoverished  of  their  labor  and  of  their  finest 
young  men,  while  an  adjoining  county,  composed 
probably  of  men  hostile  to  the  Government,  men 
who  do  not  do  their  share  either  in  money  or 
men,  contributes  nothing.  The  consequence  is 
that  complaints  are  made,  complaints  of  injustice 
and  unfairness.  Sometimes  it  is  carried  to  States. 
In  one  State  the  draft  is  enforced,  in  another  State 
it  is  not.  It  leads  to  a  feeling  of  jealousy,  of 
rivalry,  of  hostility.  In  tlie  West  it  is  a  common 
complaint  among  certain  ^partisans  that  Massa- 
chusetts has  not  made  up  her  share.  The  Senator 
■from  Massachusetts  says  she  lias;  but  that  is  the 
ordinary  way  in  which  excitement  is  got  up 
against  the  draft,  by  saying  that  certain  States 
have  not  done  their  share. 

1  believe  that  all  the  people  of  the  United  States 
want  is  a  fair  draft,  equally  and  honestly  enforced. 
As  we  need  physical  service  for  a  short  period  of 
time  now  in  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  we 
should  provide  by  our  law  for  that  physical  ser- 
vice, and  for  nothing  else.  We  have  provided 
for  money  by  loan  laws  and  by  tax  laws.  This 
is  no  provision  for  the  raising  of  money.  Whether 
you  fix  it  at  $500  or  |300,it  is  not  what  you  want, 
and  tiierefore  it  is  not  what  you  ought  to  provide 
for  by  legislation.  I  am  willing  to  support  the 
bill  as  it  now  stands.  It  has  been  carefully  and 
maturely  considered,  I  believe,  by  the  Military 
Committee.  It  has  now  assumed  a  form  that  I 
believe  will  be  satisfactory  to  the  people.  It  can 
be  easily  enforced.  The  term  is  short.  The  ser- 
vice is  not  so  arduous  as  three  years' service  un- 
der the  former  draft.  Every  man  will  feel  that  he 
is  justly  dealt  by.  No  man  can  pay  his  money 
and  relieve  himself  from  the  draft.  Every  man 
drafted  must  either  go  or  hire  a  substitute.  Such 
a  law," in  my  judgment,  if  fairly  enforced,  will 
yield  the  additional  number  of  men  necessary  to 
carry  on  the  war  to  a  successful  and  triumphant 
conclusion. 

Mr.  HOWE.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  am 
not  carrying  on  this  war  for  fun.  I  accepted  it 
as  one  of  the  sternest  duties  ever  imposed  upon  a 
people,  and  if  one  of  the  sternest,  one  of  the  high- 
est, the  first  one  to  be  met,  the  first  one  to  be 
discharged;  and  if  it  be  a  duty  at  all,  I  know  it 
IS  a  duty  resting  as  firmly  upon  one  citizen  as 
another.  Money  will  not  answer  for  one  man 
unless  it  will  answer  for  every  man;  and  we 
know  that  with  money  alone  this  war  cannot  be 
carried  on.  I  voted  just  now  for  a  proposition 
to  reduce  the  tenn  for  which  this  draft  is  to  be 
made  to  a  period  not  exceeding  one  year.  I 
voted  for  that  reluctantly,  because  1  do  not  my- 
self like  to  vote  for  a  measure  which  looks  to- 
ward limiting  a  time  for  the  duration  of  this  war 
beyond  which  we  will  not  go;  but  I  am  anxious 
-to  get  rid  of  this  commutation  clause  which,  I 
think,  has  stood  in  the  way  of  our  success  from 


the  beginning  of  this  war  down  to  this  time;  and 
if  we  are  going  to  repeal  the  commutation  clause 
I  want  to  repeal  it  during  the  existence  of  this 
war,  for  after  the  war  closes  I  am  willing  it  shall 
stand;  atid  1  understood,  and  it  was  upon  that 
consideration  that  I  voted  for  the  amendment, 
that  if  the  Senate  would  consent  to  reduce  the 
term  for  which  the  draft  was  to  be  made,  the 
Senate  would  also  accept  the  proposition  to  re- 
peal and  not  to  amend  the  commutation  clause. 
If  I  had  not  so  understood  I  would  never  have 
voted  for  that  proposition;  and  I  give  notice  now 
that  if  the  commutation  clause  is  not  repealed  I 
shall  move  to  reconsider  that  proposition,  for 
when  the  last  act  amending  the  enrollment  law 
was  before  the  Senate  I  voted  against  it;  and  I 
gave  distinct  notice,  which  I  repeat  to-night,  that 
1  never  will,  v.'hile  reason  and  volition  are  left 
me,  authorize  this  Government  to  draft  another 
man  for  the  military  service  of  the  Government 
while  it  accepts  any  sum  that  can  be  counted  in 
dollars  as  an  offset  for  that  service.  Sir,  I  beg 
leave  to  say  just  this  once  that  out  of  all  the 
thousands  of  men  who  have  perished  during  tliis 
terrible  struggle  I  cannot  imagine  the  sum  that 
I  would  put  against  the  life  of  the  lowest  or  the 
humblest  of  them. 

The  Senator  from  Vermont  who  has  moved 
this  modification  of  the  commutation  clause  de- 
fends it  upon  just  one  argument,  which  if  it  be 
true  shows  conclusively  to  my  mind  that  there  is 
no  occasion  whatever  for  the  amendment.  He 
assumes  that  with  ^500  substitutes  can  always  be 
had.  If  with  ^500  every  drafted  man  can  pro- 
cure a  substitute  there  is  no  occasion  for  a  com- 
mutation clause.  1  can  hire  a  substitute  as  cheaply 
as  the  Government  can;  I  do  not  want  to  eni[)loy 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  act  as  my  broker;  if  I 
am  drafted  and  §500  will  get  a  man  to  serve  in  my 
place,  I  can  as  well  do  it  as  the  Secretary  of  Vv'^ar; 
and  your  commutation  clause  never  comes  into 
effect  except  when  the  time  comes  that  it  is  not 
equal  to  the  price  of  a  substitute,  and  then  the 
drafted  man  if  he  can  raise  the  money  hands  it 
over  to  the  Government  and  steps  aside  from  the 
service.  But  if  $500  were  fixed  as  the  sum  at 
which  commutation  could  be  made,  and  if  it  were 
positively  known  that  with  that  sum  substitutes 
could  be  had,  then  there  would  be  an  insuperable 
objection,  in  my  mind,  to  the  adoption  of  this 
amendment;  because  why  .^  Your  draft  would  be 
made,  the  whole  machinery  of  the  draft  would  be 
run  out  first  to  get  the  money  into  the  Treasury, 
and  when  you  had  got  the  money  into  the  Treas- 
ury you  would  just  have  authorized  the  Govern- 
ment to  go  into  the  market  and  pick  up  the  men. 
That  is  a  work  of  time,  and  time  is  of  the  very 
essence  of  this  struggle  in  which  we  are  now  en- 
gaged, and  it  has  been  for  years  of  the  essence  of 
this  struggle. 

Mr.  President,  we  are  in  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  year  of  this  struggle,  and  we  have  been 
here  for  weeks  contending  day  after  day  as  to 
whether  we  would  or  would  not,  still,  with  all 
our  sad  experience  before  us,  allow  men,  with 
more  money  than  courage,  to  commute  for  mili- 
tary service.  It  has  seemed  to  me  that  we  ought 
by  this  time  to  have  already  clothed  our  Govern- 
ment with  authority  by  which  they  could  meet 
the  exigencies  of  the  Army  at  the  instant.  The 
Government  ought  already  to  be  possessed  of 
all  the  machinery  by  which  every  able-bodied 
man,  if  necessary  to  the  achievement  of  victory 
final  and  complete,  might  be  called  at  the  tap  of 
the  drum  from  tho  field  to  the  camp,  the  ma- 
chinery by  the  operation  of  which  your  laborers 
at  home  might  be  brought  from  their  daily  labors 
into  line  as  quick  as  men  can  be  turned  from  theii-' 
camps  at  the  beat  of  the  long  roll.  That  ought 
to  be  done,  and  I  shall  see  no  certain  signs  of 
victory  until  that  is  done. 

The  first  step  toward  that,  I  think,  is  for  the 
Government  to  say  that  money  is  not  a  substi- 
tute for  military  service  and  cannot  be  treated  as 
such;  that  when  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  drafts  a  man  it  is  because  it  wants  a  soldier, 
and  wanting  a  soldier  will  have  a  soldier,  and  it 
will  not  take  up  with  anything  less  than  that.  If 
a  man  who  isdrafted  can  get  a  soldier  for  a  year 
or  for  six  months,  or  whatever  the  term  is,  for 
$500,  fork  over;  if  you  can  get  him  for  $300,  it  is 
your  good  luck.  Unless  you  can  get  him,  do  not 
palm  off  this  stuff  on  the  Gove>-nment  and  claim 
to   stand  aside       1    would   jnst   as   lief  a  draft 


should  bo  made  at  this  time  for  six  months  a;;  a 
year.  Six  months  will  close  tho  campaign,  and 
if  you  are  going  to  make  a  draft  for  a  period  less 
than  a  year  I  would  just  as  lief  it  should  be  for 
six  months  as  for  twelve.  I  would  be  glad  to 
see  every  man  when  he  does  embark  for  this  ser- 
vice embark  for  the  war;  but  if  it  be  the  delib- 
erate judgment  of  the  Senate,  as  it  seems  to  be, 
that  that  point  had  better  be  given  up  for  the 
present,  then  I  say  I  would  just  as  lief  you  v/ould 
draft  for  a  campaign  as  draft  for  a  year.  Make 
your  draft,  but  when  the  lot  has  fallen  upon  a 
man  see  that  that  man  meets  the  duty  to  which 
he  is  assigned. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Mr.  President  I  am  one  that 
learned  in  early  life,  and  I  still  adhere  to  the  prin- 
ciple, that  all  legitimate  government  is  based  on 
the  will  of  the  people.  I  believe  that  govern- 
ment in  all  its  operations  in  peace  and  war  must 
be  conducted  u[)on  that  grand  fundamental  prin- 
ciple. I  believe  that  a  war  cannot  be  long  con- 
tinued against  the  feelings  and  judgment  and  will 
of  the  mass  of  the  people.  That  is  the  result  of 
all  my  reading  in  relation  to  war  and  the  manner 
in  which  war  has  been  conducted  by  other  Gov- 
ernments of  the  world.  Whenever  the  heartand 
the  will  of  the  people  is  earnestly  in  favor  of  a 
war  there  is  no  difficulty  in  waging  it  and  keep- 
ing it  up;  but  when  the  people  flag  in  the  prose- 
cution of  a  war  and  become  weary  and  despond- 
ent with  the  enormous  expenditure  of  treasure 
and  blood  that  has  attended  the  war  and  that  ia 
promised  in  its  further  prosecution,  the  people 
shriflk  back  appalled  from  the  contemplation  of 
a  continuous  prosecution  of  such  a  war  as  that. 

Mr.  President,  I  believe  that  such  a  change  as 
that  has  come  over  the  spirit  of  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  loyal  peo-' 
pie  of  the  United  States.  It  is  my  observation, 
it  is  my  conclusion,  it  is  my  deliberate  judgment 
that  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  at  this. time  are  strongly  and  irreversibly 
opposed  to  the  further  prosecution  of  this  war, 
and  desire  to  bring  it  to  a  close.  Sir,  that  is  my 
own  conviction  and  my  own  feeling  in  relation 
to  the  war.  A  t  the  onset  I  was  a  coercionist  with 
the  mass  of  the  people,  and  I  was  so  upon  the 
great  principle  announced  by  the  party  in  power, 
and  by  this  Administration,  that  the  war  was  to 
be  prosecuted  simply  for  the  vindication  of  tho 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  asser- 
tion of  the  laws,  and  for  a  reconstruction  of  the 
Union,  with  all  the  rights  and  liberties  and  privi- 
leges of  the  people  of  the  United  States  intact 
and  inviolate  under  the  Constitution.  When  that 
was  the  lofty  and  proud  and  legiiiinatc  basis  upon 
which  this  war  was  prosecuted,  and  on  which 
the  free  sons  of  America  were  summoned  to  the 
standard  of  the  stars  and  the  stripes,  it  was  only 
neces'sary  for  those  in  authority  to  give  out  their 
call  to  their  countrymen  for  that  call  to  be  re- 
sponded to  in  ranks  more  serried  and  numerous 
than  were  desired  by  those  who  were  prosecuting 
the  war. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Let  me  ask  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  one  simple  question. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  No,  sir.  Will  the  honorable 
Senator  excuse  me? 

Mr.  HOWARD.     Of  course. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  I  did  not  get  up  to  make  a  pro- 
tracted speech.  When  I  get  through  the  honor- 
able Senator  can  respond. 

Three  years  ago  and  upwards  I  traveled 
through  a  large  extent  of  the  loyal  States.  I 
found  but  one  sentiment,  one  principle,  one  line 
of  conduct  in  relation  to  the  war,  and  that  was 
perfectly  responsive  to  the  Crittenden  resolution, 
as  it  was  termed,  which  was  proposed  in  this 
body  by  Senator  Johnson,  from  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, and  almost  unanimously  adopted  by  this 
body.  When  this  body  spoke,  responsive  to 
that  sentiment  there  was  but  one  impulse,  there 
was  but  one  purpose  throughout  this  land  in  rela- 
tion to  the  war,  and  that  was  to  reduce  the  insur- 
gents to  obedience  to  the  law  and  to  the  Consti- 
tution. But,  sir,  a  change  has  come  over  the 
dream  of  this  people.  They  have  seen  the  ob- 
jects and  pur[>oses  of  the  war  grossly  perverted; 
they  have  seen  powers  usurped  by  those  in  au- 
thority, not  delegated  to  them  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  threatening  to  subvert  their  liberties. 
Many  of  them  now  believe,  and  1  am  one  of  the 
number,  that  the  Constitution  and  liberties  of 
this  country  are  in  more  imminent  danger  now 


3200 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


•     June  23. 


from  their  own  Government  than  from  the  rebel- 
lion. I  know  tliat_tlint  is  extensively  the  con- 
viction and  the  deep  conviction  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  Sir,  that  being  their  convic- 
tion, a  change  has  come  overtheir  souls  and  tiicir 
purposes  in  relation  to  this  war,  and  it  is  not 
strange  that  it  should  be  so. 

If  the  present  measures  and  policy  of  the  Ad- 
ministration, if  the  powers  that  it  claims,  if  the 
subversion  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  general  military  despotism,  arbi- 
trary arrests,  the  detrusion  of  civil  courts  and  of 
civil  law,  and  the  substitution  of  military  courts 
and  martial  law  in  tiieir  stead;  if  the  substitution 
of  the  tyrannic  will  of  military  men  for  Constitu- 
tion and  law  and  civil  courts  had  been  announced 
at  the  start,  there  would  have  been  no  war,  the 
people  would  have  refused  peremptorily  to  go  into 
It.  But,  sir,  that  is  the  present  condition  of  the 
country;  that  is  the  present  policy  of  the  Admin- 
istration; that  is  the  pre'sent  purpose  and  exercise 
of  power  by  the  party  that  now  holds  possession 
of  the  Government;  and  under  that  state  of  case 
it  is  not  at  all  strange,  with  that  conviction  ex- 
tensively and  deeply  and  irreversibly  imbedded 
in  the  public  mind,  that  a  change  should  have 
come  over  their  dream. 

Mr.  President,  there  are  two  thermometers  in 
relation  to  this  war  in  the  United  States;  the  one 
is  in  the  Houses  of  Congress  and  in  the  Exec- 
utive Chamber,  and  the  offices  of  the  heads  of 
Departments;  the  other  is  in  the  country  among 
the  people  who  have  to  bear  the  burden  of  this 
war,  who  have  already  sent  millions  toitsb^tle- 
fields,  and  of  whom  a  million  have  either  per- 
ished by  the  sword,  or  by  disease,  or  been  per- 
manently disabled.  This  day  the  public  debt, 
acknowledged,  recognized  in  its  items,  or  which 
would  be  if  they  could  be  produced  to  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  and  the  country,  mustamount 
to  $2,500,000,000,  and  this  war  cannot  be  con- 
ducted another  twelve  months  without  adding  up- 
wards of  §800,000,000  to  that  debt.  It  is  now 
greater  than  the  public  debtofEngland.  Independ- 
ent of  this  debt  recognized,  ascertained,  claims 
that  can  not  be  controverted,  there  is  a  vast  amount 
of  debt  and  of  demands  unliquidated,  unsettled, 
unadjusted,  held  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  by  the  States  themselves,  by  foreign  Gov- 
ernments, and  by  the  subjects  of  foreign  coun- 
tries, amounting,  I  have  no  doubt,  to  more  than 
§2,000,000,000.  The  claims  for  the  use  and  ap- 
propriation of  private  property,  the  destruction 
and  the  deterioration  of  the  value  of  property  by 
the  armies  of  the  United  States,  and  the  claims  tiiat 
the  citizens  have  against  the  Governmentgrowing 
outof  such  originationof  claims,  I  have  no  doubt 
will  amount  this  day  to  §2,000,000,000.  I  have 
no  doubt  that  the  just  claims  of  my  own  State  in 
that  respect  amoutit  to  $300,000,000;  and  when 
you  come  to  Missouri  and  Tennessee  and  Mary- 
land and  Virginia,  and  to  all  the  rebel  States  where 
there  was  a  loyal  population  possessed  of  large 
property,  all  of  which  has  been  swept  from  the 
owners  and  for  which  they  have  a  just  claim 
against  their  own  Government  for  its  fair  and 
reasonable  value,  the  aggi'egate  will  amount  to 
more  than  §2,000,000,000.  Add  that  to  the 
§2,500,000,000  that  are  now  due  and  it  amounts 
to  §4,500,000,000. 

bir,  in  the  computation  of  the  public  debt  the 
Secretary  of  thev^'ieasury  omits  one  important 
item.  He  is  in  the  habit,  at  the  beginning  ofovery 
session,  of  making  ai:  estimate  of  the  uncalled-for 
appropriations  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year.  These 
uncalled-for  appropriations  on  the  1st  of  July  next 
will  amount  he  estimates  to  §350,000,000.  On 
the  1st  of  July,  1865,  at  the  end  of  that  fiscal  year, 
he  estimates  them  at  §400,000,000.  By  his  own 
sttttcment  these  aggregates  not  only  exist  as  de- 
mands against  the  public  Treasury,  but  have  been 
actually  voted  to  be  paid  by  laws  of  Congress, 
and  yet  he  deducts  them  from  the  public  liabilities 
because  of  liis  reasonable  supposition  that  those 
amounts  will  not  be  called  for  at  the  end  of  the 
year.  Still  they  are  due,  and  not  only  that,  but 
they  have  beini  actually  voted.  There  is  a  single 
item  of  §350,000,000  to  swell  the  Secretary 's  pres- 
ent estimate  of  the  public  debt,  and  there  are  other 
very  large  and  important  items. 

But,  sir,  1  said,  and  1  maintain  and  believe,  that 
in  relation  to  this  war  there  are  two  thcrmonie- 
ters,  the  one  among  men  in  public  office,  the  other 
among  the  people  in  the  country;  and  I  will  test 


that  position  now  by  a  supposition.  Suppose 
that  every  member  of  Congress  was  called  upon 
to-morrow  inflexibly  to  consent  to  peace  or  to  go 
himself  to  the  front  ranks  of  the  battle,  to  that 
horrible  carnage  amid  which  so  many  of  our  gal- 
lant and  true  men  who  had  no  hand  in  bringing 
on  this  war  have  fallen,  what  would  bo  done? 
Since  the  beginning  of  the  present  campaign  to 
this  moment  of  time  I  have  no  doubt  that  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  United 
States  soldiers  have  fallen,  killed  or  wounded,  in 
the  various  bloody  battles  that  we  have  had. 
When  that  is  the  storm  of  death,  of  iron  and 
leaden  hail  that  a  man  is  to  encounter  when  he 
goes  to  the  front,  is  it  strange  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  should  shrink  from  running 
such  a  terrible  gauntlet.'  Sir,  for  one,  with  all 
the  perversions  of  the  objects  of  the  war,  with  all 
the  abuses  and  usurpations  of  power  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, \j/ith  all  the  peril  to  which  it  has  brouglit 
the  Constitution  and  the  popular  rights  and  lib- 
erties of  the  country,  I  would  prefer  peace  a 
thousand  fold  to  the  continuance  of  this  war,  al- 
though I  was  once  as  strong  a  coercionist  as  any 
man  ought  to  be. 

I  maintain  that  this  war  and  all  the  operations 
of  the  Government  are  intended  for  the  people, 
to  be  subordinate  to  their  rights,  their  liberties, 
and  their  will.  The  vast  number  of  American 
freemen  still  in  reserve,  who  have  never  yet  felt 
the  shock  of  battle  or  been  in  its  presence,  were 
created  for  something  else  besides.  They  are  en- 
titled to  a  more  glorious  destiny;  they  have  a 
higher  mission  than  to  pay  taxes  in  perpetuity, 
to  go  to  battle  to  be  shot  down,  and  those  who 
survive  to  vote  for  the  reelection  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  I,  sir,  protest  myself,  humble  as  I  am, 
against  being  made  the  subjectof  such  an  ignoble 
fate  and  destiny  as  that.  No  man  breathes  the 
breath  of  life  Vi/ho  is  more  devoted  to  the  institu- 
tions of  his  country,  to  his  Government,  to  his 
Constitution,  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
according  to  the  bond  of  that  Union,  the  Constitu- 
tion, than  I  am.  But  when  the  question  is  pre- 
sented to  me,  "  Do  you  prefer  the  Union  v/ithout 
liberty  or  liberty  without  the  Constitution,"  I 
say,  in  the  language  of  Patrick  Henry  in  the 
revolutionary  war:  "  Give  me  liberty  or  give 
me  death."  Give  me  liberty  v/ith  the  Union 
shivered  into  a  thousand  fragments  before  you 
give  me  a  Union  with  a  consolidated  military  des- 
potism, the  Constitution  struck  to  the  dust,  and 
the  liberties  of  the  people  utterly  overthrown. 
I  believe  that  the  latter  fate  awaits  them.  I  be- 
lieve that  if  the  present  incumbent  is  reelected 
that  fate  will  be  irreversibly  sealed  upon  them, 
or  that  it  can  only  be  removed  by  ciyil  convul- 
sion, civil  war,  a  frantic  precipitation  of  the  sec- 
tions and  of  the  men  of  the  United  States  against 
each  other,  more  horrible,  more  direful  in  its 
bloody  and  desolating  consequences  than  the 
world  has  ever  yet  seen. 

Sir,  it  is  for  this  reason  that  I  am  for  subor- 
dinating this  war  to  the  will  of  the  people.  I  am 
for  consulting  their  will  in  its  management.  The 
President  has  no  power  to  conduct  this  war  ex- 
cept as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army.  The 
duty  to  suppress  the  insurrection  is  devolved  upon 
Congress  by  an  express  provision  of  the  Consti- 
tution. Congress  represents  the  States  and  the 
people, and  Congress  is  the  only  legitimate  power 
to  take  under  its  control  this  vast  concern  of  con- 
tinuing this  war  or  bringing  it  to  a  close.  I  be- 
lieve time  has  demonstrated  that  civil  war  is  not 
the  proper  remedy  to  restore  the  Union,  and, 
above  all,  to  preserve  constitutional  liberty;  and 
iherefore  I,  for  one,  am  for  saying  to  my  con- 
stituency, to  my  State,  to  my  countrymen,  that 
the  time  has  come,  in  view  of  the  bloody  and  de- 
structive and  revolutionary  policy  which  has  been 
inaugurated  to  carry  on  this  war,  for  the  people, 
the  masters  of  the  Government  and  of  all  men 
who  wield  authority  under  it,  to  rise  in  their  ma- 
jesty and  strength,  and  to  take  this  affair  into 
their  own  hands  and  manage  it  in  their  own  way. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  Mr.  President,  a  few 
days  ago  the  Senate  voted  against  the  proposition 
to  repeal  the  law  that  allowed  the  comnuuation, 
and  we  may  as  well  at  once  decide  whether  the 
Senate  is  of  that  opinion  still;  and  to  arrive  at  a 
vote  I  propose  to  amend  the  bill  by  striking  out 
all  of  the  first  section  after  the  enacting  clause, 
which  motion,  I  suppose,  will  take  precedence 
of  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  Senator  from 


Vermont.  I  am  not  myself  in  favor  of  increas- 
ing the  commutation  allowed  by  existig  laws, 
I  think  §300  for  one  year  is  heavy  enough.  It 
is  three  hundred  per  cent,  above  that  which  is  in 
the  existing  law,  because  it  is  equivalent  to  §900 
for  three  years.  I  believe  if  a  proper  policy  is 
adopted  by  the  Government  it  can  by  the  use  of 
§300  secure  a  volunteer  for  a  year  more  readily, 
with  less  trouble  in  the  country,  with  less  hostil- 
ity excited  against  the  Government,  than  by  any 
draft  that  can  be  adopted. 

But,  sir,  I  did  notrise  with,  the  view  of  making 
any  sf)eech,  but  hoping  to  come  to  some  result 
upon  this  question,  which  I  presume  every  Sen- 
ator thinks  has  been  sufficiently  discussed,  that 
we  may  understand  the  different  propositions. 
My  motion  is  to  strike  out  all  of  the  first  section 
after  the  enacting  clause. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair  is 
of  opinion  that  the  amendment  of  the  Senator 
from  Vermont  takes  precedence  to  perfect  the 
bill  before  striking  it  out. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  My  motion  is  to  strike 
out  more  than  he  proposes  to  strike  out  by  one 
word. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Chair 
is  aware  of  that. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Mr.  President,  so  far  as  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Vermont  is  concerned,!  can  only  say  that  1  shall 
be  compelled  to  vote  against  it.  If  th'M-e  be  any 
idea  more  distinct  than  any  other  lying  at  the 
bottom  of  the  policy  of  conscription,  in  other 
words,  drafting,  it  is  this:  to  procure  the  personal 
services  of  men  fit  for  military  duty  in  this  war, 
to  rely  upon  their  personal  services  rather  than 
upon  their  money. 

One  object  of  the  amendment  which  has  been 
offered  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Vermont 
is  to  enable  any  person  to  purchase  his  liberation, 
so  to  speak,  from  the  draft  by  paying  §500.  I 
am  opposed  to  that.  I  think  that  from  the  be- 
ginning Congress  made  a  mistake  in  allowing  any 
person  to  purchase  an  exemption  frofn  the  draft 
by  the  mere  payment  of  money,  and  sure  I  am 
that  the  fact  that  Congress  incorporated  this  idea 
into  the  act  of  1863  made  that  bill  obnoxious. 
The  party  opposed  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war 
at  heart,  the  men-  who  hate  the  prosecution  of  the 
war,  who  hate  the  origin  of  the  war,  have  op- 
posed the  raising  of  troops  by  draft  under  the 
pretense  that  Congress  had  required  the  poor  man 
to  render  his  military  service,  to  take  his  musket 
and  go  into  the  ranksatid  risk  his  health,  his  for- 
tune, and  his  life  in  defense  of  the  country,  while 
at  the  same  tima  they  had  said  to  the  person  able 
to  pay  §300,  "We  exempt  you  on  such  payment 
from  undergoing  the  same  perils;"  and  there  was 
no  feature  of  the  statute  upon  which  demagogues 
exerted  themselves  more  ingeniously  or  more  ef- 
fectually than  upon  this  particular  clause.  They 
made  the  bill  in  some  localities  so  odious,  so  hate- 
ful to  the  people  by  their  misrepresentations  of 
it,  and  I  may  say  by  their  stump  eloquence,  that 
it  almost  resulted  in  civil  war  and  local  insurrec- 
tion. I  believe  there  were  cases  in  the  State  of 
Illinois  in  which  there  were  actual  outbreaks  of 
thepeople  in  resistance  of  the  draft,  growing  out 
of  this  same  argument,  if  it  be  worthy  of  the 
name  of  an  argument,  that  the  rich  man  was  ex- 
empted while  the  poor  man  was  drafted. 

Now,  sir,  I  am  for  trying  the  opposite  policy. 
It  is  very  true  that  I  voted  for  the  original  bill.  I 
did  it  with  reluctance.  Let  us  try  the  opposite 
policy.  Let  us  disable  every  man  capable  of 
doing  military  duty  from  procuring  his  liberatioa 
from  that  duty  by  the  mere  payment  of  money, 
while  at  the  same  time  we  allow  any  man  who  is 
able  to  do  so  to  purchase  a  substitute  to  lake  his 
place  in  the  rendition  of  the  personal  service  re- 
quired by  the  bill. 

Sir,  1  am  willing  to  meet  this  exigency;  lam 
willing  to  meet  the  necessities  of  this  war,  let  them 
present  themselves  in  any  posture  and  in  any  fea- 
ture they  may.  I  have  gone  into  the  support  of 
this  war  with  earnestness,  for  the  purpose  of. 
making  it  successful,  for  the  purpose  of  subduing 
and  subjecting  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
the  rebellious  districts  of  the  country.  I  have 
sons,  and  so  have  other  honorable  Senators  sons, 
engaged  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  whose 
lives  may  be  the  forfeit  of  their  taking  up  arms. 
Sir,  I  say  to  them  when  they  goto  this  war  as  the 
Roman  mother  said  to  her  son,  when  she  passed 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  .GLOBE. 

THE  OFFICIAL  PllOCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS.  PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  C.  RIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


TiiiRTY-EiGiiTn  Congress,  1st  Session. 


FRIDAY,  JUNE  24,  1864. 


Nkw  Series No.  201. 


to  him  his  shield,  "Return  either  withitorupon 
it:"  come  back  victorious  or  comeback  a  corpse. 
And,  sir,  if  I  understand  the  nature  of  the  case, 
unless  we  who  are  true  to  the  old  Government 
act  with  this  spirit,  act  witii  a  determination  to 
conquer  or  die  in  this  cause,  we  shall  not  conquer 
whether  we  die  or  whether  we  survive. 

I  am  for  calling  out  every  able-bodied  man 
■whom  this  draft  can  reach,  whether  he  be  in  the 
social  scale  high  or  low.  I  would  say  to  him, 
"  Render  your  personal  service  or  put  a  man  in 
your  stead  who  is  able  to  render  the  same  service 
10  the  country  iti  this  greatexigency;"  and  let  us 
go  on  shoulder  to  shoulder,  hand  in  hand,  fear- 
lessly, without  faltering,  without discourgement, 
willing  to  accept  occasionally  a  reverse,  a  rebuft", 
or  a  repulse,  not  expecting  that  the  course  of  our 
cause  will  forever  run  smooth,  for  we  know  it 
will  not,  but  bearing  up  under  all  reverses  with 
a  manly,  patriotic,  and  I  may  say  hc!  oic  spirit, 
never  forgetting  tlie  immense  value  of  the  cause 
which  we  have  in  hand,  never  faltering,  never 
ceasing  to  act  up  to  the  greatness  and  the  magni- 
tude of  the  occasion  which  calls  upon  us  for  the 
exhibition  of  manlj',  patriotic,  and  heroic  qual- 
■  ities. 

Sir,  I  have  been  pained  to  listen  to  the  speech 
of  the  lionoruble  Senator  from  Kentucky.  It 
grieves  me  to  the  heart  to  witness  such  an  exhi- 
bition as  he  has  made  of  his  patriotism  here  on 
this  occasion.  1  had  the  pleasure  twenty  odd 
years  ago  of  being  quite  well  acquainted  with  that 
honorable  gentleninn  in  the  other  House  of  Con- 
gress, and  to  admire  the  steadfastness  of  his  pa- 
triotism and  the  correctness  of  his  political  prin- 
ciples, and  I  regret  at  this  great  crisis  of  the  fate 
of  this  nation,  when  we  require  the  exhibition  of 
Steadfast  and  manly  qualities  on  the  part  of  every 
member  of  Congress,  when  especially  we  require 
the  exhibition  of  these  qualities  on  the  part  of 
Kentuckians,  tosee  him  faltering,  breaking  down, 
giving  up  the  contest,  giving  up  the  hope  of  the 
contest,  and  expressing  his  willingness  to  do  what, 
sir?  'I'o  make  terms  with  the  rebels,  to  come  to 
terms  with  them,  and  accept  such  conditions  as 
they  shall  see  fit  to  prescribe  to  us  in  order  to 
bring  this  contest  to  a  close  ! 

Sir,  is  the  iionorable  Senator  from  Kentucky 
willing  to  get  down  upon  his  knees  before  Jelf. 
Davis  and  his  Congress  and  say  to  thetn:  "  I  am 
willing  to  accept  any  terms  which  you  shall  pro- 
pose for  the  settlement  of  this  great  controversy, 
in  order  to  prevent  the  further  shed  ding  of  blood  .^" 
He  will  say,  "No;  I  will  get  down  on  my  knees 
to  no  man,  to  no  Government."  Then  1  ask 
that  gentleman  upon  what  terms  does  he  expect 
to  settle  a  peace  with  the  rebel  government? 
Will  they  listen  to  any  terms  from  hirn?  Will 
they  agree  to  coine  back  again  into  the  Union  and 
perform  their  functions  as  States  of  this  Union  on 
any  known  terms  or  even  on  any  imaginable  terms? 
No,  sir.  They  have  not  from  the  beginning 
shown  tlie  slightest  disposition  to  return  to  their 
allegiance  upon  any  terms  whatever.  They  in- 
sist upon  absolute  independence,  and  upon  our 
ncknowledgmcnt  of  their  absolute  independence 
as  a  nation.  I  ask  that  Senator,  as  a  loyal  man, 
nfl  aKentuckian,  as  a  once  friend  of  the  immortal 
Clay,  whom  he  and  I  alike  admired,  is  he  or  is 
any  patriotic  man,  is  any  sane  man  at  this  time 
willing  to  accept  of  any  such  terms?  Would  you 
dismember  the  United  States?  Would  you  sur- 
render up  tlie  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  or  any 
part  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  rebel  confederacy? 
You  would  be  compelled  to  do  so,  if  you  a^ree 
upon  any  terms  that  slioulU  give  them  their  inde- 
pendence. Will  you  agree  for  all  time  to  come 
to  have  an  independent  government  on  the  south- 
ern border  of  the  United  States,  a  military  gov- 
ernment, a  turbulent,  aristocratic,  and  in  all 
probability  within  a  short  time  a  monarchical 
government?  Will  you  agree  to  have  that  govern- 
ment as  your  neighbor;  a  government  full  of  ad- 
yenturr,  (ull  of  ambition,  necessarily  military  in 
its  character,  because  the  largest  portion  of  the 
■white  population  will  have  no  industrial  employ- 
ments, and  the  Army  and   Navv  will  be   their 

201 


regular  home  so  far  as  vocation  is  concerned  ? 
Are  you  willing  to  run  the  risk  of  keeping  up  a 
perpetual  quarrel  and  being  in  a  perpetual  quar- 
rel or  an  intermittent  quarrel  with  this  nation 
on  the  south  for  the  next  hundred  or  the  next 
two  hundred  years,  incurring  month  after  month 
and  year  after  year  the  danger  of  armed  collision, 
and  being  engaged  in  armed  collisions  from  time 
to  time,  thus  spinning  out  a  war  which  ought  to 
be  settled  now  if  it  costs  any  amount  of  blood  and 
treasure,  spinning  it  out  to  a  century  of  length, 
or  perhaf>s  two  centuries,  until  finally  the  one  or 
the  other  of  these  nations  will  exhaust  and  ex- 
tinguish its  adversary  by  mere  main  strength? 

Sir,  hasall  national  pride  forsaken  the  heart  of 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky?  Does  he 
no  longer  take  pride  in  the  fact  that  the  stars  and 
stripes,  the  emblem  of  his  country's  greatness 
and  power  both  here  and  abroad,  have  once  been 
great,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  and  by  proper 
assistance  on  his  part  and  on  mine  will  still  con- 
tinue to  be  great  and  grow  greater  and  greater  for 
the  next  thousand  years?  Does  he  desire,  is  hc 
willing  that  his  posterity  and  mine  shall  inherit 
as  their  political  inheritance  a  divided  empire,  a 
divided  power?  Sir,  is  he  willing  to  run  the  fur- 
ther and  more  enormous  risk  of  a  final  division 
of  the  northern  free  States?  Is  he  willing  to  say 
to  the  Pacific  States,  "  Depart  in  [leace,  provide 
for  your  own  security,  form  a  republic  upon  liie 
Pacific  slope,  and  take  care  of  yourselves;  we  will 
discharge  you  from  all  liability  in  the  national 
debt?"'  Is  he  willing  to  say  tlie  same  thing  to 
the  States  on  this  side  of  the  Rocky  mountains? 
What  is  he  willing  to  say  to  the  old  northwest 
States  and  the  States  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi ?  Is  he  willing  to  run  the  enormous  risk 
of  breaking  up  the  whole  system  of  States  into 
half  a  dozen  or  a  dozen  small  petty  confederacies, 
and  thus  disgracing  the  once  proud  American 
name,  and  humbling  the  once  proud  American 
nation  at  tiie  foot  of  the  trading  throne  of  British 
aristocracy  and  the  British  manufacturing  inter- 
est? Is  he,  is  anybody  here,  in  the  name  of  God 
can  there  be  an  American  anywhere  worthy  of 
the  name,  with  the  heart  of  an  American  beating 
in  his  bosom,  who  is  willing  to  incur  all  these 
risks  for  the  sake  of  a  temporary  and  delusive 
peace  with  these  accursed  rebels  whom  we  are 
now  meeting  face  to  face,  hand  to  hand,  and  throat 
to  throat,  and  whom,  with  a  little  patience,  with 
a  little  forbearance,  with  a  little  courage,  with  a 
little  endurance,  we  shall  certainly  subdue,  and 
subdue  forever?  I  will  rather  believe  that  my  old 
and  honored  friend  from  Kentucky  is  laboring 
under  a  self-delusion,  and  that  he  does  not  really 
entertain  the  sentiments  which  he  urges  upon  the 
consideration  of  the  Senate.  I  think  that  that  is 
by  far  the  more  charitable  view  to  take  of  the  po- 
sition he  occupies  before  the  Senate. 

But  while  I  say  these  things  of  my  honorable 
and  ancient  friend,  I  must  at  the  same  time  in 
justice  to  many  other  gentlemen  on  this  floor  say 
that  1  do  not,  because  truth  will  not  permit  me 
to  do  so,  ascribe  the  same  sentiments  to  them. 
I  know  something  about  the  value  and  the  potency 
of  the  old  Democ.ratic  name;  I  know  something 
of  the  power  and  prestige  of  the  ancient  Demo- 
cratic party;  and  I  know  that  up  to  the  com- 
mencement of  this  war  and  during  the  war,  even 
up  to  this  moment,  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  old 
Democratic  party  and  the  heart  and  soul  of  many, 
very  many  of  its  revered  and  respected  leaders, 
some  of  whom  I  am  proud  to  say  are  members 
of  this  body,  are  true  to  the  Union,  true  and 
abiding  in  the  faith  of  th*e  fathers — hearts  which 
will  never  faint,  but  which  will  in  their  aspira- 
tions for  success  and  national  glory  pulsate  with 
our  own  until  the  last  struggle  shall  finally  end 
in  the  complete  overthrow  and  suppression  of 
this  rebellion. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  said  much  more  than  I 
expected  to  say,  and  1  beg  pardon  of  the  Senate 
for  occupying  so  much  of  their  time.  I  am  will- 
ing to  try  the  experiment  which  is  presented  to 
us  in  the  bill  now  before  us,  and  shall  vote  for  it. 
Tlie  only  doubt  I  have  had  at  all  upon  the  pro- 


priety of  it  has  arisen  from  this  circumstance: 
that,  possibly,  by  restricting  the  term  of  the  con- 
scription from  three  years  to  one  year  we  should 
furnish  to  the  rebels  an  appearance  of  being  dis- 
couraged and  beginning  greatly  to  be  inclined  to 
give  up  the  contest.  1  wish  to  put  in  my  caveat 
against  any  such  conclusion  from  the  language  of 
this  bill.  So  far  as  1  am  concerned,  so  farasmine 
are  concerned,  so  far  as  my  constituents  are  in- 
terested, I  say  it,  and  say  it  with  confidence  and 
pride,  we  are  in  for  this  war  to  the  bitter  end, 
cost  what  it  may,  end  when  it  may. 

Mr.  RICI-IARDSON  obtained  the  floor. 

Mr.  DAVIS.  Mr.  President,  I  am  bound  to 
the  Senator  from  Michigan  by  the  ties  of  ancient 
friendship  and  of  the  deepest  personal  respect, 
and  I  never  want  the  golden  cords  that  connect 
him  and  myself  together  to  be  severed.  If  separ- 
ation should  ensue,  and  if  this  galaxy  of  States 
should  be  resolved  into  its  original  elements,  and 
each  State  should  be  thrown  back  upon  its  ori- 
ginal sovereignty,  which  seems  to  me  to  be  the 
destiny  that  is  to  come  upon  the  country,  one  of 
the  poignant  sources  of  my  regret  would  be  that 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Michigan  and  myself 
were  no  longer  members  of  the  great  confederated 
Republic  of  free  and  United  States. 

But,  Mr.  President,  although  I  have  worshiped 
the  Union,  although  it  has  been  the  sacred  fane 
in  which  I  have  kneeled  and  to  which  I  have 
poured  forth  oil  the  aspirations  of  my  heart,  and 
to  which  I  have  given  all  the  feeble  services  that 
Iwas  capable  of  rendering  to  any  interest,  still 
there  is  a  matter  to  which  I  am  infinitely  more 
bound,  and  which  is  incomparably  dearer  to  the 
deep  irrepressible  emotions  and  affections  of  my 
soul  than  this  Union;  and  that  is,  devotion  to 
liberty.  I  care  not  who  may  assault  constitu- 
tional liberty  as  it  was  won  by  the  sword  and 
secured  or  attempted  to  be  secured  by  the  wis- 
dom and  patriotism  of  Washington  and  his  com- 
peers, whether  it  be  Jefferson  Davis  at  the  head 
of  a  wicked  and  most  atrocious  rebellion,  w'hich, 
in  my  judgment,  constitutes  one  of  the  greatest 
crimes  that  has  been  recorded  in  the  history  of 
man,  or  whether  it  results  in  the  wickedness  or 
selfishness  or  wickedness  or  charlatanism  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  I  am  equally  and  uncompro- 
misingly the  foe  of  both  assailants  of  this  constitu- 
tional liberty.  1  prefer  the  perpetuation  of  liberty 
to  the  perpetuation  of  the  effigy  of  a  Union  with 
the  Constitution  and  all  the  rights  and  privileges 
and  liberties  of  the  people  struck  down  by  a  mili- 
tary despotism. 

1  announced  the  principle  of  ^tion  at  the  com- 
mencement of  my  remarks  upon  which  I  have 
based  my  political  opinions  and  my  principles  of 
statesmanship;  and  it  is,  that  the  only  legitimate 
government  is  founded  upon  the  will  of  the  gov- 
erned. I  will  read  a  sentence  or  two  upon  this 
point,  and  I  will  challenge  any  gentleman  present 
iiere  to  dissent  from  them: 

"  .\ny  people  anywhere,  being  inclined  and  li.nving  the 
power,  have  the  riylit  to  rise  up  and  slialve  oft" the-  existing 
fjovernment,  and  form  a  new  one  tliat  t^uits  tlieni  better. 
Tills  is  a  most  valuable,  a  most  sacrod  right ;  a  ilRlit  which 
wc  hope  and  believe  is  to  liberate  the  world.  Nor  is  this 
right  confined  to  cases  in  which  tlie  whole  people  of  an 
existing  goveniinpiit  may  choose  to  exercise  it.  Any  por- 
tion of  such  people  that  can  may  revolutionize  and  make 
their  own  of  so  inuchof  Ihe  territory  as  they  inhabit.  Bloru 
than  this,  a  majority  of  any  portion  of  siicli  people  may  rev- 
olutionize, putting  down  a  minority,  intermingled  with  or 
near  about  them,  who  may  oppose  their  movements." 

I  do  not  go  to  that  extent,  but  I  challenge  any 
Republican  Senator  here  present  to  dissent  from 
the  sentiments  and  principles  there  announced. 
I  pause  for  a  reply.  I  take  it  for  granted,  then, 
that  the  principles  here  announced  receive  the 
sanction  and  the  approval  of  every  Republican 
member  of  this  body.  Who  uttered  those  senti- 
ments? The  present  President  of  the  United 
States  when  he  was  a  member  of  the  other  House 
of  Congress  in  the  year  1846,  and  any  gentleman 
who  chooses  to  read  them  will  find  them  in  the 
Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe,  first  ses- 
sion Thirtieth  Congress,  page  94.  Has  not  the 
present  Executive  of  the  United  Slates  then  given 
his  deliberate  and  well-consideved  sanction  to  thia 


3202 


THE  CONGRESSIOiSrAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


revo'.utiormrj'  movement  of  the  Soutli  ?  I  dissent 
tVom  bis  docrrine.  It  is  more  radical  and  revo- 
luiinnary  and  destructive  to  government  and  or- 
der and  lavk'  tlian  any  doctrine  to  wliicli  I  can  give 
my  assent. 

But,  sir,  I  will  read  tlie  sentiments  of  another 
distinguislied  gentleman,  a  member  of  the  present 
Senate,  a  man  of  strong  and  vigorous  and  power- 
ful intellect,  as  he  has  proved  himself  in  debate 
to-night;  an  upright  and  a  downright  man,  who 
thinlcs  strongly  and  correctly,  and  for  whom  I 
cherish  tl>e  profoundest  personal  respect  and 
friendship.  1  will  read  from  Iiis  speech  that  he 
made  in  this  body  a  few  years  as^o.  I  allude  to  the 
Senator  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Wade,]  who, in  myjudg- 
tnent,  is  a  man  of  about  as  strong  a  head,  as  pure 
a  heart,  and  us  upright  intentions  as  belongs  to  this 
or  any  other  body  of  men;  and  when  I  can  have 
the  benefit  of  the  illumination  of  his  mind  and 
princi|iles  to  guide  me  in  the  devious  jiolitical 
pnth,  I  will  rush  to  that  briijhl  and  burning  path 
that  [  may  tread  safely.  What  does  that  honor-  ! 
able  Senator  say .' 

'•  But  soiuliern  geiitlGmcn  stand  lierc,  and,  in  almost  all 
their  speeeiies,  speak  of  the  dissolutimi  ot'tlie  Union  as  an 
element  of  every  argument,  as  tliougli  it  were  a  peculiar 
condescension  on  their  part  that  they  permitted  the  Union 
to  stand  at  all." 

I  Iiave  no  doubt  such  was  tlie  spirit  of  their 
pride  and  arrogance,  and  if  I  had  been  present  1 
wotald  liave  felt  a  spirit  to  rebuke  it  as  stern  and 
implacable  as  that  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio. 

"  If  they  do  not  feel  interested  in  upholding  this  Union, 
if  it  really  trenches  on  iheir  rights,  if  it  endangers  their  in- 
stiiutions  to  such  an  extent  lliat  they  cannot  feel  secure 
Uiider  it,  if  Uii;ir  interests  are  violently  assailed  by  nuN'iiis 
of  lliis  Union,  I  am  not  one  of  tliose  wlio  expect  that  they 
will  long  coniinne  under  it.  I  am  not  one  of  those  who 
would  a:k  llnnn  to  continue  in  sneli  a  Union.  It  would 
()!•  (Iiiing  violi;nce  to  ilie  platform  of  the  parly  to  whicji  I 
belong.  We  have  adopK.'d  the  old  Declaratinn  of  Inde- 
per.denee  as  the  hasis  uC  our  political  movement,  which 
declares  that  any  people,  wlieii  their  Government  ceases 
to  protect  their  rights,  when  it  is  so  subverted  from  the  true 
purposes  of  govcnnnent  as  to  oppress  them,  have  the  right 
lo  recur  to  fnndamciual  principles^  and,  if  need  he,  to  de- 
sU'oy  the  Governmt  nt  under  which  they  live,  and  to  erect 
on  Its  rninn  another  more  conducive  to  tlietr  welfare.  I 
hold  that  they  have  this  right.  1  will  not  blame  any  peo- 
ple lor  exercising  it  whenever  they  think  the  contingency 
has  conn!."  *  *  *  *  "  I  say  again  that  they 
have  the  same  interest  in  maintaining  this  Union,  in  itiy 
judgment,  ihat  we  of  the  North  have.  If  they  think  they 
llave  not,  he  it  so.  You  cannot  forcibly  hold  men  in  this 
Union;  for  the  attempt  to  do  so,  it  seems  to  me,  wouhi 
suhvert  the  lirsl  principles  of  the  Government  under  which 
we  live.'-" 

Sir,  there  is  the  great  corner  principle  of  all  pop- 
ularand  legitimate  government.  It  is  enunciated 
in  the  Declaration  of  Inde[)endence,  an  extract 
from  which  I  have  before  me.  That  lays  it  down 
as  one  of  ihe  I'undamentatal  principles  of  human 
right  that  every  people  who  choose  have  the  iti- 
lierent  right  lo  subvert  their  existing  form  of 
government,  and  to  erect  upon  its  ruins  one  that 
suits  them  better.  I  do  not  go  to  the  extent  of 
the  right  of  revahition  which  the  present  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  United  States  has  laid  down. 
I  say  that  no  people  liave  a  right  to  revolutionize 
their  Government,  unless  they  labor  undei-  great 
and  serious  oppressions  that  cannot  be  peacefully 
redressed  and  corrected. 

Now,  sir,  I  say  it  is  because  the  purposes  of  our 
Government,  the  great  objects  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, itsgreat  restrictions  of  power,  the  lights  and 
liberties  and  privileges  which  it  gives  to  the  citi- 
zen— it  is  because  all  these  great  ends  of  govern- 
ment for  which  our  Government  was  formed,  and 
without  which  it  never  would  have  been  forrni  d, 
are  being  stiuck  down  by  the  party  inpowerand 
by  the  present  head  of  the  Executive  Govern- 
iTient  that  I  ain  determined  to  give  every  thought, 
every  energy,  every  elTort  of  a  feeble  mind  and  a 
feeble  body  for  their  ejection  from  office.  In  this 
work  1  shall  engage  withasmuch  heartiness  and 
zeal  as  1  would  engage  agair)st  the  aggressions 
of  Jefi'ersoii  Davis  upon  my  State.  1  never  will 
bow  to  the  rebel  chieftain  and  to  the  usurpation 
of  power  by  him  or  by  the  southern  confederacy; 
nor  will  I  ever  bow  to  that  more  dangerous  and 
objectionable  and  hateful  tyranny  by  which  this 
Administration  and  the  ignoble  head  of  this  Ad- 
minislraiiun  are  attempting  to  fetter  the  people 
in  perpetual  chains.  I  never  will  yield  to  cither 
of  these  despotisms.  The  la.st  pulsation  of  my 
life,  the  last  effort  of  my  niiiiil,  the  last  wi.sh  of 
iny  heart  v/ould  be  to  overthrow  both,  and  to 
that  which  seemed  most  threatening,  inost  par- 
ticularly dangerous  to  iriy  coui)lry,to  its  Consti- 


tution and  to  the  liberties  of  the  people,  I  would 
give  my  first  and  my  chief  attention.  ' 

Sir,  if  it  Vvfas  the  last  word  that  I  could  utter 
in  life  and  I  was  to  be  called  the  next  moment  to 
the  bar  of  eternal  retribution  I  would  aver  this 
conviction,  that  the  danger  of  our  Constitution, 
of  our  liberties,  of  huinan  liberty  and  popular 
governiTient  generally  is  greatly  more  in  danger 
at  this  time  by  the  Administration  of  our  own 
Government  than  it  is  by  the  southern  rebellion. 
Therefore  1  feel  a  greater  desire  to  eject  this  Ad- 
ministratioti  than  1  do  even  to  put  down  the  re- 
bellion. The  way  to  put  down  the  rebfcllion,  to 
bring  it  to  utter  and  complete  discomfiture,  is  to 
eje'Ct  the  present  President  of  the  United  States, 
who  is  a  candidate  for  reelection  from  a  position 
the  powers  of  which  he  is  a.s  grossly  inadequate 
to  grasp  and  properly  to  wield  as  any  man  who 
ever  filled  an  office  and  wielded  great  and  formi- 
dable power. 

1  beg  pardon  of  the  Senate  for  trespassing  on 
their  time. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  move  that  the  Senate  do 
now  adjourn. 

Several  Senators.  Oh,  no;  let  us  vote  on  this 
bill  now. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  I  do  not  think  we  can  get 
a  vote  to-night.  Several  Senators  desire  to  speak 
upon  it. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  We  have  a  great  many 
measures  before  us,  and  as  Senators  are  very  anx- 
ious to  get  away,  I  think  we  liad  better  dispose 
of  this  bill  to-night. 

Mr.  HENDRICKS.  There  were  some  sug- 
gestions made  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan  that 
we  of  course  expect  should  be  answered.  I  de- 
sire myself  to  come  to  a  vote. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  1  should  like  to  have  the 
yeas  and  nays  on  the  motion  to  adjourn. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  1  desire  simply  to  say 
that  I  sliall  vote  "yea"  for  the  reason  that  the 
Senator  from  Indiana  desires  to  discuss  this  ques- 
tion and  wants  until  to-morrovir. 

Mr.HEMDRICKS.  The  Senator  is  mistaken. 
I  do  not  wish  the  Senate  to  understand  that  I 
want  to  discuss  it.  It  is  the  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois, [Mr.  Richardson.] 

The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
resulted — yeas  20,  nays  22;  as  follows: 

YEAS— Messrs.  Brown,  BucUalew,  Carlile,  Clark,  Col- 
lamer,  Cowan,  Davis,  Dixon,  Grimes,  Hale,  Harris,  Hen- 
dricks, McDnugall,  I'omeroy,  Powell,  Richardson,  Riddle, 
Sanlsbury,  Trumhull,  and  Willey— 20. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Anthony,  Chandler,  Conness,  Doolit- 
tle,Fesscnden,Foot,  l^ostcr",  Harlan,  Howard,  Howe,  John- 
son, Lane  of  Kansas,  Morgan,  i\Inrrill,  Ramsey,  Sherman, 
Sprague,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Van  Winkle,  Wade,  and  Wll 
son — 32. 

ABSENT — Messrs.  Harding,  Henderson,  Hicks,  Lane, 
of  Indiana,  Nesmith,  Wilkinson,  and  Wright — 7. 

So  the  Senate  refused  to  adjourn. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Mr.  President,  there 
were  some  remarks  that  fell  from  the  Senator  from 
Michigan  that  merit  a  reply. 

If  a  person,  a  stranger  to  the  history  of  those 
who  passed  the  conscription  bill  and  |ilacetl  in  it  the 
very  clause  of  which  the  Senator  complains,  had 
heard  him  to-night  he  would  have  supposed  that 
the  only  Senators  who  originally  voted  the  com- 
mutation clause  in  the  bill  were  those  who  be- 
long to  the  Democratic  party.  Sir,  that  is  not 
the  fact.  The  Senator  from  Michigan  himself,  if 
I  mistalce  not,  in  connection  with  the  party  to 
which  he  belongs,  the  Lincoln  party,  are  respons- 
ible for  the  ^300  commutation  clause  in  that  bill 
overall  the  votes  of  the  gentlemen  who  cooperate 
with  me  in  this  body.  He  says  that  it  is  a  meas- 
ure calculated  to  make  the  poor  fight  the  battles 
of  the  country,  while  the  rich  can  pay  and  be  ex- 
empted from  tliat  onerous  duty.  If  it  is  of  that 
character  the  Senator  and  those  who  are  associ- 
ated with  him  are  restionsible  for  placing  it  in  the 
bill,  and  they  are  responsible  to  that  class  of  peo- 
ple. They  placed  tliat 'clause  and  every  other 
objectionable  one  in  the  bill,  and  then  passed  the 
bill  against  the  votes  and  protestations  of  every 
Democrat  and  conservative  Senator  then  here. 

But,  sir,  it  is  true  that  although  the  clause  was 
placed  in  the  bill  agaitist  my  vote  and  against  the 
votes  of  those  who  cooperate  with  me  here,  yet 
when  a  part  of  the  country  has  been  exempted 
frorn  the  operation  of  the  conscription  bill  by  the 
payment  of  the  vnoiK^y  commutation,!  am  un- 
willing now  .at  the  command  of  the  Senator  or 
the  command  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 


President,  or  all  combined,  to  change  the  policy 
of  the  country,  and  let  them  drav/  upon  ti-e  sec- 
tion from  which  I  come  with  no  means  to  escape 
from  the  service.  Immediately  after  the  passage 
of  that  bill  with  that  clause  in  it,  in  whatever  of 
public  speeches  I  made  lieforc  the  people  I  con- 
demned the  bill  and  the  clause  now  sought  to  be 
stricken  out.  I  am  now  satisfied  that  it  is  better  to 
have  that  provision  than  to  have  the  conscriptinn 
with  no  means  of  escape,  that  the  peace  of  the 
country  would  be  best  preserved  by  it;  and  hence 
it  is  that  1  have  changed  positions  wiih  the  Sen- 
ator. He  has  kept  it  in  operation  as  long  as  it 
suited  his  purpose.  Even-handed  justice  requires 
that  it  shall  be  kept  in  longer.  To  this  eternal 
change  I  am  opposed. 

Mr.  President,  this  question  involves  very  grave 
considerations,  and  we  should  ap[iroach  its  dis- 
cussion after  mature  deliberation,  and  determine 
upon  our  course.  The  Senator  from  Michigan 
says  that  he  is  in  favor  of  fighting  this  war  out 
to  the  bitter  end.  Other  Senators  have  said  that 
they  mean  to  fight  it  as  long  as  they  live,  and 
when  they  come  to  die  they  mean  to  bequeath 
it  to  those  who  come  after  them.  Sir,  1  am  for 
ending  this  strife  as  soon  as  we  can  properly.  I 
want  to  make  a  manly  effort  to  enforce  the  laws 
throughout  the  extent  of  this  country;  and  I  am 
for  enforcing  the  laws  upon  Presidents  and  Gov- 
ernment officers  too.  They  are  as  amenable  and 
as  responsible  to  the  laws  as  any  other  class  of 
people.  When  the  President  disregards  the  laws 
and  violates  the  Constitution  and  asks  me  to  say 
nothing  about  it,  to  remain  silent,  not  to  discuss 
it,  I  tell  him  that  that  is  not  the  position  of  either 
a  patriot  or  a  freeman.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  candi- 
date for  reelection,  and  his  acts  and  usurpations 
of  powers  not  conferred  by  the  Cosistitution  or 
warranted  by  law  must  be  discussed  fully  and 
freely  here  and  before  the  people. 

This  is  our  right  and  duty;  a  right  never  ques- 
tioned in  this  country  till  his  election;  a  duty  im- 
posed by  the  highest  considerations  that  can  in- 
fluence the  action  of  man. 

During  the  war  with  Mexico  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
a  member  of  Congress,  and  he  there  exercised  ihe 
privilege  of  fault-finding  against  the  President, 
without  ever  assailing  or  condemning  our  ene- 
mies. On  the  12th  of  January,  1848,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, then  a  member  of  the  House  of  Represenia- 
tives,  said: 

"  Some  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  House, 
if  not  all  of  them,  who  had  addressed  the  committee  with- 
in the  last  few  days,  had,  if  he  had  understood  them  cor- 
rectly, spoken  somewhat  complainii.gly  of  the  vote  which 
was  given  some  week  or  ten  days  since  in  this  House,  by 
vvliich  it  was  declared  that  the  present  war  with  Mexico 
was  '  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  commenced  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States.'  He  agreed  with  them, 
if  lie  understood  them  properly,  so  far  as  to  say  linit  such 
a  vote  ought  not  to  have  been  given  wantonly  ;  that  it  was 
wrong  if  so  given  ;  that  no  member  ought  to  have  given 
such  a  vote  unless  he  thought  he  was  voting  in  accordance 
with  the  truth.  He  was  one  of  those  wholiad  voted  thus, 
and  he  proposed  to  present  some  of  the  reasons  which  act- 
uated him  in  so  doing. 

'■  When  this  war  first  commenced  lie  did  not  expect  it 
would  last  so  long  as  it  has  already  iloiie." 

I  have  been  during  the  present  contest  in  the 
same  fix  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  then.  I  did  not 
expect  this  war  would  continue  near  as  long  as  it 
has  done.  I  do  not  think  it  ought  to  have  con- 
titiued  thus  long.  1  think  if  our  counsels  had 
been  directed  by  wisdom,  if  the  Army  had  been 
aided  by  wisdom  here,  when  you  had  the  basis 
of  union  in  the  southern  States,  you  could  have 
put  down  the  rebellion  long  ago;  but  we  had  not 
that.     However,  to  continue  with  this  speech: 

"  It  was  then  his  opinion  that  all  those  who,  for  the  rea- 
son of  not  knowing  enough,  or  of  knowing  too  much  on  the 
subject  as  they  understood  it,  could  not  conscientiously 
approve  the  course  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  in 
relation  to  the  commencement  of  the  war,  should  never- 
theless, as  good  and  patriotic  citizens,  remain  silent  upon 
that  question  until  tlie  war  slnmld  have  terminated.  And 
in  accordance  with  that  view,  he  had  up  to  the  time  h« 
arrived  in  this  city  at  the  commencement  of  this  session 
never  expressed  his  opinion  in  relation  to  whether  or  not 
the  war  was  justly  commenced  on  the  part  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  He  had  tried  to  act  upon  that  prin- 
ciple, believing  he  was  doing  right  in  so  doing.  He  lounu 
that  view  Inul  been  taken  by  some  with  whom  he  agreed 
in  political  sentiment,  and  especially  by  Mr.  ex-President 
Van  Buren." 

He  then  proceeds  to  assign  the  reasons  why 
he  did  not  remain  silent.  He  and  myself  weie 
both  members  of  the  Elouse  of  Representatives 
together  at  that  time.     He  says: 

'•  But,  in  addition  to  this,  one  of  his  colleagues  f.Mr. 
Ricuaudson]  came  into  this  House  with  a  resolution  in 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3203 


its  tonus  expressly  indorsing  tlie  justice  of  tlie  President's 
conduct  ill  the  l)egiiiiiiiig  of  Hie  war" — 

About  that,  he  was  very  much  mistaken — 
"soiliiit  he  foiuiil  Iiiinself  here,  it"  lie  was  inclined  to 
give  the  President  his  supplies,  and  say  nothing  about  the 
iiriijinal  justice  olilie  war — if  he  was  inclined  to  go  with 
him,  lo  Inolv  alierid  and  not  back — in  a  position  that  he 
could  not  do  so.  He  should  feel  compelled  to  vote  on  this 
iTsolutioii  in  the  negaiive.  And  as  Hie  President  and  his 
friends  would  not  allow-  tlieiii  to  do  as  he  wanted  to  do, 
and  as  Mr.  Van  liureii  approved,  he  had  set  himself  about 
examining  what  position  was  the  right  one  on  the  justice  of 
the  war." 

The  Senator  from  Micliigan  thinks  that  in  time 
of  v/ar  no  voice  sliouiil  be  raised  in  opposition 
either  to  the  wisdom  of  tlie  Presidentof  the  United 
States  or  of  his  policy.  Sir,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  lie 
differ  upon  tiiis  point. 

IVlr.  hlOWARD.  I  really  hope  my  honorable 
friend  from  Illinois  will  not  impute  to  me  so 
strange  a  proposition  as  that  nothinjj  should  be 
said  in  opposition  to  the  Administration  during  a 
war.  I  ceriainly  never  .said  any  such  thing-,  and 
1  am  sure  I  never  intended  any  such  thing,  what- 
ever mistaken  languagi'  I  may  possibly  iiave  used. 
I  believe  in  the  utmost  freedom  of  discussion  upon 
every  administrative  question;  but  I  confess  at 
the  same  time  that  1  have  very  little  charity  for 
those  who  are  the  enemiesof  my  country,  whether 
foi'eign  or  domestic.  Of  course,  however,  I  do 
not  include  my  honorable  friend  from  Illinois  in 
the  latter  category  at  nil.     I  know  him  too  well. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  am  bound  to  accept 
the  Senator's  disclaimer.  Possibly  I  misunder- 
stood his  argument.  But,  sir,  [  know  lam  not 
mistaken  in  supposing  that  he  attributed  to  some 
persons  somewhere  in  the  country  an  improper 
motive  for  tlieir  conduct.  I  supposed  it  liad  ap- 
plication to  somebody.  I  am  glad  to  know  it 
iiad  none. 

Nov/,  JVir.  President,  in  my  judgment,  the  dis- 
cussion involves  this  whole  question.  I  state  to 
the  Senator  most  frankly  and  most  candidly  that 
1  do  not  indorse  his  views  that  we  are  to  make 
this  war  perpetual;  and  in  that  1  plant  inysclf 
again  behind  the  Executive.  In  his  inaugural 
addrtisa  ho  told  us  that  the  war,  if  commenced, 
could  not  last  always;  that  it  must  terminate  at 
some  time;  that  you  had  to  compromise  it  at  last. 
•The  Senator  says  he  would  not  receive  any  prop- 
ositions from  the  people  of  the  South  at  all.  1 
do  not  misunderstand  him  in  that. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  No;  1  would  not  receive  any- 
thing at  all — no  proposition  whatever. 

M  r.  RICHARD.-50N.  How  does  the  Senator 
know  that  they  are  unwilling  to  lay  down  their 
arms.'  Would  you  not  receive  a  proposition 
from  them  proposing  to  do  that.'  The  Senator 
is  silent. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  What  I  intended  to  say  to 
my  friend  from  Illinois  was  that  1  would  not  re- 
ceive any  proposition  from  the  rebels  for  a  com- 
promise or  settlement  upon  any  other  terms  than 
these:  that  they  shall  unconditionally  lay  down 
their  arms  and  submit  peaceably,  honestly,  frankly 
to  the  auiliority  of  the  United  States.  Those 
would  be  my  only  terms,  and  unless  they  should 
consent  to  accept  those  terms  I  would  fight  the 
war  until  they  were  sick  of  it,  as  sure  as  the 
world. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Mr.  President, !  do  not 
know  how  you  can  arrive  at  those  facts  unless 
you  are  wiUnig  to  receive  propositions  from  them. 
The  great  error  on  the  part  of  those  who  have 
managed  affairs  has  been  that  they  were  unv/ill- 
ing  to  receive  any  proposition.  We  know  tliat 
at  one  time  our  armies  were  successful  at  every 
point;  we  were  every  v/here  victorious;  they  were 
suffering  as  no  people  had  ever  suffered  upon  the 
face  of  the  earth.  What  is  there  degrading  to  us 
in  proposing  to  them  to  lay  down  their  arms  and 
to  come  back  to  the  old  flag  and  the  old  Union, 
such  as  theii-  fathers  made.'  1  know  of  nothing 
degrading  to  us  in  that.  The  Senator  seems  to 
think  there  is  something  very  degradingin  it.  Sir, 
your  minister  went  with  his  hand  upon  his  mouth 
and  his  mouth  in  the  dust  to  ask  the  Emperor  of 
Prance  to  receive  an  apology  from  the  Executive  of 
the  United  States  because  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives had  declared  that  they  wanted  no  monarch- 
ical Government  u[ion  this  continent  fostered  by  a 
European  Government.  The  nation  wasa  thou- 
sand times  more  degraded  by  apologizing  to  Napo- 
leon for  what  we  had  a  clear  right  to  do,  and  had 
done  for  years  before  without  question,  than  to 
have  said  to  the  people  of  the  South,  wlio   have 


erred,  who  have  done  a  great  wrong,  "  Return  to 
your  duty;  lay  down  your  arms."  1  do  not  see  how 
that  could  degrade  us.  1  would  a  thousand  times 
rather  bear  such  a  message  and  make  such  a  prop- 
osition than  go  to  the  French  emperor  and  tell 
him,  "  It  is  only  the  House  of  Representatives 
that  has  passed  this  resolution." 

Mr.  President,  we  have  had  a  proud  history 
upon  the  subject  of  the  Monroe  doctrine.  From 
the  foundation  of  our  Government  up  to  this  hour 
Presidents  and  Con<rresses  have  said  to  Europe 
and  to  the  world,  "You  shall  plant  no  colonies, 
no  dependencies  upon  this  continent."  This  is 
the  first  time  in  our  history  that  we  have  ever 
apologized  for  the  assertion  of  what  all  parties 
and  all  men  of  all  parties  have  approved.  When 
the  gentleman  is  discussing  the  question  of  na- 
tional degradation  he  may  as  well  turn  his  atten- 
tion to  tlie  position  that  v/e  occupy,  humiliated 
as  we  have  been  in  our  conduct  with  France. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Will  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Illinois  allow  me  one  word.' 

JVIr.  RICHARDSON.     Certainly,  sir. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  1  beg  to  say  that  so  far  as  I 
am  concerned — I  can  speak  only  for  myself,  of 
course — that  I  do  not  approve,  I  never  did  ap- 
prove, I  do  not  think  I  ever  can  approve  the  lan- 
guage contained  in  the  dispatch  to  which  the  hon- 
orable Senator  refers.  I  disapprove  of  it  just  as 
much  as  he  does,  and  undoubtedly  for  the  same 
reason  that  the  Senatorfrom  Illinois  disapproves 
of  it".  1  will  go  with  him,  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
in  defense  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  when  the  proper 
occasion  sliall  present  itself.  I  will  be  as  ready 
as  he,  and  1  predict  that  my  party  will  be  as  ready 
as  his  parly  in  the  country  to  assert  the  true 
American  doctrine.  I  will  go  with  him  if  he  will 
go  with  me,  my  party  will  go  with  his  if  his  party 
will  go  with  mine  when  the  proper  occasion  shall 
present  itself,  and  we  v/ill  try  titles  to  Mexico 
with  Monsieur  Crapeau.  I  hope  the  honorable 
Senatorfrom  Illinois  is  satisfied  on  that  subject 
so  fares  I  am  concerned. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Mr.  President,  thcopin- 
ion  of  the  Senator  from  Michigan  is  worth  noth- 
ing to  me.  He  is  trying  to  place  the  power  of 
this  Government  in  the  same  hands  that  have 
broughtabout  this  degradation.  He  tells  me  that 
he  is  opposed  to  it.  Tliat  is  a  queer  way  to  op- 
pose anything,  to  try  to  keep  in  power  those  who 
have  thus  degraded  us.  If  the  Senator  is  in  favor 
of  placing  our  nation  upon  her  ancient  proud  po- 
sition of  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the  entire 
Union,  the  Constitution  of  our  fathers,  and  that 
Monroe  doctrine  of  which  he  speaks,  he  will  come 
out  and  go  with  me. 

The  Senator  says  when  the  "  proper  occasion 
arises  lie  is  for  trying  titles  with  France  to  Mex- 
ico;" when  France  demands  to  know  why  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  very  tame  resolu- 
tions protests  against  the  occupation  of  Mexico, 
Lincoln  degrades  us  by  apology ;  the  time  has  not 
come.  You  canirot  defer  questions  of  national 
honor  any  more  than  you  can  questions  of  indi- 
vidual honor.  When  you  lower  the  standard  of 
national  position  by  degradingyourselves  toavoid 
war,  you  invite  aggressions.  1  know  that  waris 
a  terrible  calamity;  but,  sir,  there  is  a  greater 
calamity  than  war  to  individuals  and  to  nations. 
National  degradation  is  a  greater  disaster  to  any 
country  than  war. 

Sir,  there  has  been  a  great  deal  of  fallacy  and  a 
great  deal  of  alarm  spread  among  certain  peo- 
ple by  talking  about  this  question  here  and  else- 
wliere;  but  1  tell  the  Senator  and  1  tell  other  gen- 
tlemen that  as  soon  as  we  place  a  President  in 
the  White  House  on  the  4th  of  March  next  we 
sliall  receive  whatever  propositions  the  people  of 
the  South  send  to  us;  we  shall  make  to  them  the 
proposition  of  coming  back  to  their  duty  to  the 
old  Constitution  and  the  old  Union  as  our  fathers 
made  it,  and  if  they  do  not  come  back  we  will  en- 
force it  against  them. 

Mr.  HOWARD.     Good,  good. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  But  you  will  not  doit. 
We  will  preserve  the  Union,  the  Constitution, 
and  civil  liberty . 

Mr.  HOWARD.     We  will. 

Mr. .RICHARDSON.     No,  you  will  not. 

Mr.  HOWARD.     We  will. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  You  liave  not  done  it, 
sir.  You  started  out  in  this  contest  v/ith  a  major- 
ity, or  certainly  a  large  minority  of  those  south- 
ern  people  with    you.     You  started  out  with   a 


united  North,  for  there  were  not  enough  in  op- 
position to  make  mile  posts  through  the  country. 
You  laid  down  the  plan  of  your  campaign,  tiie 
princi|ilis  upon  which  you  were  goinij  to  fight. 
The  distinguisliPtI  Senator  from  New  York  [Mr. 
Mougan]  the  other  day  eiilighti-iied  us  a  little 
upon  this  subject  of  what  we  really  were  doing. 
He  was  reported  as  saying  in  the  opening  of  the 
Baltimore  Convention  that  nominated  Mr.  Lin- 
coln that  they  had  been  fighting  for  four  yeara 
upon  the  line  of  abolishing  slavery.  Do  I  mia- 
rejiresent  the  Senator? 

Mr.  MORGAN.  If  the  Senator  will  read  my 
remarks  he  will  find  that  he  is  mistaken. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Will  the  Senator  tell  me 
exactly  what  he  did  say,  for  I  do  not  wish  to  mis- 
represent him. 

iVlr.  MORGAN.  Does  the  Senator  want  an 
answer  at  this  time.' 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Yes,  sir;  as  I  certainly 
do  not  wish  to  do  the  Senator  injustice. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  I  stated  that  the  party  that 
was  formed  in  ]856  was  formed  for  the  pur|)ose 
of  bringing  the  Gi>veniment  back  to  tlie  princi|iles 
of  George  Washington  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  And,  Mr.  President, 
the  Senator  from  New  York  to-day  voted  to  re- 
peal a  law  that  was  approved  by  George  Wash- 
ington. He  and  the  Lincoln  party  (laidsed  a  bill 
repealing  what  Washington  approved;  and  every 
day  they  are  destroying  some  or  other  of  the  le- 
gislation recommended  by  Washington  and  Jef- 
ferson. They  are  for  destroying  all  that  these 
patriots  have  done.  If  to  destroy  is  lo  come  back 
to  the  doctrines  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  then 
they  are  for  it. 

1  will  ask  the  Senator  fiom  New  York  if  this  is 
a  correct  report  in  the  Chr<micle  of  what  he  did 
say: 

"Members  of  the  convention,  itis  aiittle  more  than  eiglit 
years  sinccr  it  was  resolved  to  Ibnii  a  national  parly  to  he 
condneted  upon  the  priiici|iles  and  policy  vvhieli  had  hceii 
estahli^lled  and  maintained  by  those  iliiistrious  stati-snieii, 
George  VVashinglcui  and  Tiionuis  J.  flers(nj.  A  conventioii 
was  ijeld  iiiPhilad-  Ipiiia,  underilie  shade  of  llie  trees  that 
surround  the  Hall  of  liidependenec ;  and  can(lida!"s  — [''ro- 
iiiont  and  Dayton — were  chosen  to  upliold  oureanse.  IJut 
the  Slate  of  Pennsylvania  gave  its  electoral  vote  to  J;unes 
Ciichanan,  and  tlie  election  of  i8.JG  was  lost. 

'•  Nothing  daunted  by  defeat,  it  was  iiiinieriiately  daterm 
mined  'to  fight  on  this  line,'  not  only  'all  ^nlnIner,'  hut 
four  summers  and  lour  winters;  and  in  IfrGO  the  party  ban- 
ner was  again  unfurled,  with  the  names  of  Abraliain  Lin- 
coln and  ijannihal  [lanilin  inscribed  thereon.  'J'liis  lime 
it  was  successful,  bul  with  success  came  rebellion  ;  and 
with  rebellion  of  course  came  war;  and  war.  t<rrihle  civil 
war  has  continued  with  varying  success  up  to  nearly  the 
period  when  it  is  necessary  under  onr  Con.-titutioii  to  pre- 
pare for  another  presidential  election.  It  is  for  this  hi;;hly 
resp(nisihle  purpose  that  you  are  to-day  asseiiibh-d.  it  i.s 
not  my  duty  n<n'  my  purpose  to  indicate  any  ;;en-'ial  course 
of  action  for  this  convention  ;  but  (  trust  I  may  he  per- 
mitted to  say  that,  in  view  of  tlie  dread  realities  of  t!ie 
past,  and  of  wliat  is  passing  at  this  monient,  and  of  the 
fact  that  the  bones  of  our  soldiers  lie  bleaeiiing  in  ev.-ry 
State  of  this  Union,  and  with  tlic  knowledge  of  i!ie  liirtlier 
fact  that  this  has  all  been  caused  by  slavery,  the  party  of 
wliieli  you,  genllemen,  are  the  de'legatcd  and  honored  rep- 
reseutalivcs  will  fall  short  of  accomplishing  its  great  mis- 
sion, unless  among  its  other  resolves  it  shall  declare  for 
such  an  ainendinent  of  the  Constitution  as  will  positively 
prohibit  Airican  slavery  in  the  United  States." 

Mr.  MORGAN.     That  is  a  correct  report. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  1  leave  the  speech  of 
the  Senator  with  his  acts  to  go  for  what  they  are 
worth. 

But,  sir,  1' resume  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  in 
Congress  in  1848.  In  speaking  of  President  Polk 
he  says: 

"In  all  this  the  President  showed  iiimself  dissatisfied 
with  the  conclusions  lie  had  assumed.  He  took  up  one 
suggestion  and  tried  to  argue  us  into  it,  but  argued  himself 
out  of  it;  he  then  took  up  another,  and  went  tlnough  the 
same  process,  and  returned  to  the  first,  showing  himself 
dissatisfied  with  all,  and  appearing  like  a  man  on  a  hot 
shovel,  finding  no  place  on  wliicli  he  could  settle  down." 

He  said  the  other  day,  if  I  am  correctly  in- 
formed— and  if  1  am  not  some  gentleman  will 
correct  me — that  he  was  controlled  by  events, 
that  lie  did  not  control  events.  In  this  speech  he 
says  Mr.  Polk  argued  himself  out  of  all  the  posi- 
tions he  had  assumed.  Suppose  I  win'e  to  turn 
back  and  see  how  many  positions  he  has  assumed 
during  these  four  years  and  argued  himself  out 
of,  or  allowed  events  to  argue  liim  out  of  them. 
No  man  in  any  history,  ceiiainly  none  in  modern 
times,  has  been  such  a  weathercock  on  the  house- 
top to  show  the  shiftings  of  the  Vv/ind  in  great 
emergencies  where  it  required  a  staiesman  to  hold 
the  helm  of  the  ship  of  State  with  a  firm  and 
manly  hand,  that  he  may  guide  her  to  port  where 


1 


8204 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


the  storm  can  beat  against  her  no  more.     But  he 
goes  0(1  and  says: 

"Again,  in  relation  to  the  termination  of  the  war,  tlic 
President  no\vliere,if  he  had  read  the  inessajre  riglit,  inti- 
mated any  opinion  as  to  vvlien  this  war  would  come  to  an 
end.  It  did  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  him  to  say  any- 
thing aliont  that.  Now,il' he  rememhered  right,  General 
Scott  vvas  thrown  into  disfavor,  if  not  into  disgrace,  hy  the 
same  Administration  for  intimating,  when  the  war  com- 
menced, that  peace  could  not  be  conquered  in  less  than 
four  or  tive  months.  It  was  now  more  than  twenty  monti)s 
before  this  la;-t  message  was  written  ;  it  liad  been  prose- 
cuted most  viu'orDiisly  ;  offieers  and  men  had  done  all  that 
it  was  thouglit  men  could  do,  and  hundreds  of  things  never 
before  dreamt  of;  and  the  President,  who  wassoiinpaticnt 
at  a  veteran  officer  for  having  expressed  the  opinion  that 
it  would  take  at  least  four  or  five  months,  came  to  Congress 
with  a  long  and  elaborate  message,  In  which  he  did  not 
even  express  an  imaginary  conception  nfh  is  own  as  to  when 
it  would  terminate  !  How  is  this.'  Was  it  not  true,  as  he 
had  said  before,  that  Mr.  Polk  was  lost — that  lie  did  not 
know  where  he  was — that  he  did  not  know  what  to  do .'' 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  any  position.  He  forgot  to  take 
up  the  points  that  arose  most  obviously  out  of  what  he  did 
say.  All  this  went  to  show  that  he  was  most  completely 
bewildered,  and  he  (Mr.  L.)  should  be  most  liappy  to  be 
assured  that  there  was  not  something  about  his  conscience 
that  was  more  harassing  than  all  his  mental  perplexities." 

Mr.  President,  I  believe  the  President  of  the 
United  States  told  ua  a  wliii.;  ago,  or  if  he  did 
not  his  Secretary  of  State  did,  that  the  war  was 
to  be  over,  first,  I  believe,  in  ninety  days,  tiicn  it 
was  to  be  over  in  the  fall  campaign,  and  tlien  in 
anotlier  campaign,  and  then  in  another  campaign, 
and  we  have  been  told  here  day  after  day  that  the 
backbone  of  the  rebellion  was  certainly  broken; 
that  it  was  all  gone.  Wc  are  now  told  that  tlie 
President  and  the  Secretary  of  War  want  more 
men;  but  they  do  not  inform  us  wiieii  the  war  is 
to  end.  They  are  at  fault;  they  are  bewildered; 
and  gentlemen  tell  us  now  we  must  fight  it  out 
and  bequeath  it  to  our  children.  1  think  you 
have  to  fight  it  out  during  this  and  certainly  an- 
other campaign.  I  do  not  tliink  the  great  Pow- 
ers of  Europe  that  have  such  vastinfluence  in  the 
aflPairs  of  the  world  will  v;ait  longer  than  one 
more  campaign  after  this;  and  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  they  have  been  abused  here  day  after 
day  for  their  interference  I  will  do  them  the  jus- 
tice to  say  that  upon  that  subject  they  have  for- 
borne with  remarkable  forbearance.  Tliis  country 
knew  of  no  people  struggling  anywhere  that  it 
did  not  recognize  tliem  as  soon  as  they  had  won 
a  battle.  Our  own  example,  our  own  history  was 
against  us.  For  nearly  four  years  they  have  for- 
borne to  interfere.  I  do  not  think  iliat  a  recog- 
nition would  amount  to  much.  So  far  as  the  con- 
test between  armies  is  concerned,  it  would  not. 
But,  sir,  you  have  to  conquer  the  armies  of  the 
enemy  during  this  campaign  or  next  summer  or 
our  people  will  not  be  willing  to  figlitany  longer. 
You  might  as  well  understand  that  to-day  as  at 
any  other  time. 

IVIr.  WILSON.  I  hardly  think  you  are  com- 
missioned to  speak  for  the  people  on  that  point. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  am  certainly,  with  all 
deference  to  the  Senator 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Will  my  honorable  friend 
yield  to  me  for  a  moment.' 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.     Certniiily. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  suppose  he  is  willing  to 
answer  an  inquiry.  I  wish  to  know  upon  what 
authority  he  speaks  when  lie  says  that  the  peo- 
ple, "  our  people,"  meaning,  1  suppose,  his  own, 
that  ie  the  population  of  Illinois,  will  not  con- 
tinue the  prosecution  of  this  war  beyond  anotlier 
campaign.  He  must  not  assume  to  speak  for  my 
people;  that  is,  the  people  of  Michigan.  I  take 
it  lie  only  means  to  speak  for  his  own  people. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  I  speak  from  the  Sen- 
ator himself.  Ho  says  you  cannot  get  armies 
unless  you  force  them  into  the  field,  and  lie  said 
so  over  luid  over  again  to-night.  He  said  so  re- 
peatedly to  you  during  the  last  week.  He  is  the 
witness,  not  me.  The  declaration  has  not  only 
been  made  by  him,  but  by  half  a  dozen  Senators, 
that  you  cannot  get  armies  unless  you  employ 
force  to  bring  the  men   into  the  field. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Does  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Illinois  allude  to  me  when  he  says  that  Sen- 
ators linve  declared  w(!  cannotget  men  or  armies.' 
Mr.  RICHARDSON.  1  allude  to  the  Senator 
when  I  say  the  Senator  said  that  unless  you  )iass 
the  bill  under  consideration  with  the  commuta- 
tion clause  out  you  cannot  get  armies. 

iVlr.  HOWARD.  The  honorable  Senator  will 
allow  me  to  say  that  he  is  totally  mistaken  so  far 
as  1  urn  concerned.  I  linve  never  said  any  such 
thing;  1  liave  never  intiinatcd  it;  1  do  not  believe 


it;  and  certainly  the  honorable  Senator  will  not, 
ill  the  presence  of  this  denial,  undertake  to  im- 
pute such  a  statement  to  me. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  1  have  been  very  un- 
fortunate in  understanding  the  meaning  of  the 
Senator.  I  do  not  wish  to  attribute  to  him  words 
he  has  not  used. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Of  course  I  know  that.  If 
the  Senator  will  pardon  me,  I  believe  the  people, 
his  people,  my  people,  your  people,  sir,  all  loyal 
people  will  fight  this  battle  to  the  bitter  end,  if 
that  end  is  not  reached  until  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
■turv  shall  pass.     Tliat  is  my  opinion. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Why  then  all  this  talk 
about  passing  this  bill?  If  you  can  get  armies 
into  the  field  what  do  you  want  to  pass  it  for.' 
You  want  to  pass  it  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
armies.  The  proposition  to  jiass  the  bill  is  the 
confession  of  the  fact  that  you  cannot  get  men 
without  it.  I  suppose  the  Senator  is  in  favor 
of  passing  this  bill;  and  yet  he  says  we  can  get 
plenty  of  men  without  it. 

Mr.  HOWARD.     No;  I  did  not  say  that. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Then  I  do  not  under- 
stand the  Senator,  and  I  do  not  think  he  under- 
stands himself  The  President,  the  Secretary  of 
War,  the  Provost  Marshal  General,  urge  this 
bill  because  you  cannot  got  men  without  you 
draft  them.  The  chairman  of  Military  Affairs 
[Mr.  Wilson]  lias  said  time  and  again  that  Gen- 
eral Grant  needs  men.  If  you  did  not  need  men 
and  could  get  them  any  other  way  except  by 
draft  you  would  not  pass  this  bill. 

Mr.  LANE,  of  Kansas.  We  want  to  equalize 
the  burden. 

Mr.  RICHARDSON.  Mr.  President,  I  must 
confess  that  I  sometimes  find  it  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  views  of  gentlemen  here.  Some  of  them 
are  so  iiiconiprehensible  that  I  doubt  whether 
they  undei'stand  them  themselves.  The  fact  can- 
not be  denied  that  you  cannot  this  day  get  men 
excejit  by  draft  by  force,  and  gentlemen  say  the 
peo]ile  are  furious  for  war  forever. 

But,  sir,  I  was  drav/n  off  into  this  episode.  I 
trust  it  will  not  be  an  impertinent  inquiry  to  ask 
when  you  do  expect  to  end  this  war.'  You  say 
you  will  not  compromise;  you  will  rejectall  com- 
promi.se;  you  will  receive  no  propositions.  I 
know  you  assume  that  these  people  down  South 
will  not  agree  to  any  terms  but  independence.  I 
remember  in  ourown  history  that  v/e  said  in  1844 
— and  I  v/as  one  of  those  who  said  so — talking  to 
Great  Britain  about  some  little  possession  in  the 
Northwest,  v/e  would  haveupto  540  40'  or  fight, 
and  fight  forever;  we  never  meant  to  give  it  up. 
But,  sir,  that  was  all  settled  without  a  fight.  We 
said,  during  the  progress  of  the  war  with  Mex- 
ico, that  we  must  have  indemnity  for  l!ie  pastand 
security  for  the  future.  I  do  not  think  we  got 
either.  If  you  will  turn  back  to  the  history  of 
nations  everywhere  yoii  will  find  that  they  have 
said  pretty  much  the  same  thing,  and  yet  they 
have  compromised.  Lay  your  position  firmly 
down  that  from  the  flag  no  star  is  to  be  stricken, 
from  your  domain  no  inch  of  soil  is  to  be  taken 
away;  tell  those  people  South  amnesty  for  the 
past,  the  Constitution  and  Union  is  our  proposi- 
tion. Repeal  at  once  your  confiscation  bills,  with- 
draw your  proclamation  of  emancipation,  that 
amounts  to  no  more  legally  than  the  last  year's 
almanac;  let  us  try  it  awhile  on  that  line  and  see 
if  it  will  not  bring  peace.  Union,  happiness,  con- 
cord, and  prosperity  to  this  nation  now  engaged 
in  civil  strife.  Try  that  for  three  months  and 
you  will  have  no  trouble  about  it. 

Sir,  you  have  tried  it  upon  your  line  for  three 
years;  you  have  sent  into  tlie  field  armies  as  brave, 
as  courageous,  under  leaders  as  skillful,  as  any 
the  world  has  ever  seen;- but  you  have  made  but 
little  progress;  you  are  fighting  to-day  before 
Richmond.  We  have  progressed  about  ninety 
mill's.  Your  [lolicy  against  a  united  people  in- 
volves their  destruction.  That  is  what  you  have 
to  accomplish.  Sir,  turn  back  in  history,  exam- 
ine it,  and  tell  me  where  it  was  that  a  jieople 
united,  scattered  over  three  thousand  mile.">  of 
country,  witlia  population  of  eight  millions,  have 
been  conquered  in  v/ar. 

Mr.  President,  I  may  be  mistaken  about  it,  but 
in  my  opinion  we  are  going  to  lick  you  gentlemen 
tolerably  comfortable  in  the  presidential  election. 
I  believe  it  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  country,  for 
the  interest  ofthc  whole  human  race  that  we  should 
have  a  change.     I  believe   the  people  will  think 


so.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  entered  the  presidential 
chair  and  you  into  power  in  both  Halls  of  Con- 
gress, the  sun  in  its  circuit  of  the  earth  had  never 
seen  such  a  country  anywhere  in  any  period  of 
time.  Vs^'e  could  feed  and  fight  the  world.  Where- 
ever  your  flag  floated  upon  the  ftice  of  the  earth, 
wherever  the  breeze  of  heaven  unfurled  it,  ii  was 
honored  and  respected.  No  minister  of  ours  was 
reduced  to  the  sad  condition  of  going  with  his 
hat  in  hand  and  telling  the  minister  of  a  crowned 
head,  "This  is  not  the  act  of  my  whole  Govern- 
ment." Sir,  if  we  had  been  in  power  and  re- 
duced to  that  alternative  we  would  have  spoken 
to  them  through  the  cannon's  mouth  upon  their 
own  soil,  upon  ours,  or  wherever  their  flag  was 
unfurled  on  land  or  sea. 

Sir,  what  is  our  condition  now  ?  It  is  beyond 
all  controversy  that  the  policy  of  this  Adminis- 
tration is  a  failure,  and  has  ruined  the  country 
and  burdened  with  taxation  our  people.  I  may 
be  wrong,  but  I  believe  as  firmly  as  I  stand  here 
to-day  that  another  policy  would  have  terminated 
this  conflict,  and  placed  us  again,  if  not  in  as 
good  condition  as  we  were,  certainly  in  an  infi- 
nitely better  position  than  we  are  in  now. 

Before  1  take  my  seat  1  desire  to  say  that  I  in- 
tend to  vote  against  the  repeal  of  the  commuta- 
tion clause.  The  election  of  any  other  person 
this  fall  will  render  all  such  laws  as  this  and  all 
draft  unnecessary,  for  no  man  in  the  land  would 
or  could  be  so  mischievous  as  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
been  to  our  causa  and  country.  No  other  citi- 
zen could  exhibit  such  weakness  and  such  imbe- 
cility in  the  management  of  our  afl^airs.  The 
good  of  the  country  requires  that  we  should  re- 
lieve him  from  the  responsible  position  that  he 
now  occupies.  For  one  1  shall  do  whatever  in 
my  power  lies  to  help  to  relieve  hiin  from  that 
position. 

It  has  been  sometimes  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  sent  to  us  as  a  great  national  blessing.  The 
Almighty  has  been  afilicting  this  land  terribly  for 
the  last  three  or  four  years,  and  I  do  not  know  but 
what  Mr.  Lincoln  is  the  instrument  sent  to  pun- 
ish us  for  our  sins.  No  doubt  we  deserve  it  all. 
I  shall  try  to  get  rid  of  him.  I  want  him  to  come 
back  to  Illinois,  where  he  can  tell  his  jokes  with- 
out injury.  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  hear  him- 
ill  the  bar-rQi)ms  or  the  court-rooms.  Ho  is  a  very 
agreeable  companion  there,  and  perfectly  harm- 
less. But,  sir,  in  great  times  like  these  the  thoughts 
ofthc  Chief  Executive  of  the  country  should  be 
turned  upon  something  else  than  jokes  and  anec- 
dotes. If  we  discharge  our  duty  we  can  defeat 
him.  We  should  defeat  him  for  the  good  of  our 
country,  for  common  humanity.  The  memories  of 
the  past,  the  hopes  of  the  future,  the  sad  realities 
of  the  present  all  unite  in  the  stern  demand,  turn 
the  despot,  the  heartless  joker  out,  leave  him  to 
commune  with  his  own  conscience  as  the  most 
av/ful  punishment  that  earth  can  give. 

The  PRESIDENTproie?»;)ore.  The  question 
is  on  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Ver- 
mont, [Mr.  COLLAMEU.] 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  Let  the  amendment  be  re- 
ported. 

The  Secretary  read  the  amendment,  to  strikeout 
the  first  section  of  the  bill  after  the  enacting  clause 
and  to  insert  in  lieu  thereof: 

That  the  thirteenth  section  of  the  act  entitled  "An  act 
for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the  national  forces,  and  for 
other  purposes,"  approved  March  3,  1863,  is  lier(il)y  so 
amended  that  the  sum  to  he  paid  by  a  drafted  man  lo  the 
Cioveniineiit  for  the  procuration  of  a  substitute  shall  not 
exceed  .$500,  instead  of  $300. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  I  move  that  the  Senate 
adjourn. 

Several  Senators.     Oh,  no,  let  us  vote. 

Mr.  MORGAN.  1  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  the  motion  to  adjourn. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  suggest  that  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays.  We  can  vote 
it  down.  I  do  not  think  anybody  else  wants  to 
speak. 

Mr.  MORGAN.     I  will  withdraw  the  call. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  want  to  speak.  I  re- 
new the  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  ordered. 

Mr.  FIOWE.  I  desire  to  state  that  I  have 
paired  o(f  v/itli  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  [Mr. 
Hendricks,]  v/ho  has  been  obliged  to  leave  the 
Senate,  and  for  that  reason  I  desire  lo  be  excused 
from  voting,  except  on  the  question  of  the  pend- 
ing amendment. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3205 


The  question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays, 
i-esu!lr(J — yens  7,  nays  25,  as  follows: 

YEAS— Me?sis.  HMcUiiI'Mv.Cnrlilc,  Diivis,  Powell,  Eicli- 
ardsoi),  i;i(l(ilp,  iiiul  Sniilslmry — '. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Ant  lioiiy/firowii,  Cl)aiKiler,Clnrk,  Doo- 
liltlc,  r'nni,  Foster,  Grimes,  [l.'ir!;iii,  Howard,  L;ui«  ollCan- 
pas,  iVIrl)ougall.Mor(;an,  i\l(irr;il,  I'oiiieniy-  IJainsey,  Slier- 
niaii,  Ppragiie,  'J'en  Eyek.  'J'ruiiihiill,  Van  Winkle,  Wade, 
AVilUinsoii,  Willey,  and  Wilson — S.i. 

ACSENl' — Messrs.  t'ollanier,  Coniiess,  Cowan,  Di.xori, 
Fessenden,  Hale,  [larding,  ilarris,  Henderson,  Hendriclis, 
Ilieks,  Howe,  .lolmson.  Lane  o!'  Indiana,  Nesn)itli,  Siuu- 
lier,  and  Wright — 17. 

So  tl)e  Senate  refused  to  adjourn. 
Mr.  FOOT.  I  am  aware,  sir,  that  the  hour  is 
latcati'd  that  llie  body  is  weary  and  impatient  of 
furliier  debate  upon  this  question  to-night.  Iliad 
intended  tit  an  earlier  hour  of  the  evening  to  have 
submitted  some  few  remarks  in  response  mainly 
to  some  suggestions  made  by  the  Senator  from 
Kentuclcy,  [Mr.  Davis,]  but  1  am  not  in  the  habit 
of  detaining  the  Senate  in  debate  at  any  time, 
especially  at  so  unseasonable  an  hour  as  this,  and 
if  the  Senate  desires  to  take  a  vote  now  upon  this 
question  without  further  discussion,  I  will  not 
detain  them. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  If  the  Senator  will  al- 
low me,  I  will  move  an  adjourninent. 

Mr.  FOOT.  I  ask  no  adjonrnment  and  cannot 
consent  to  an  adjournment  for  my  accommoda- 
tion. I  shall  detain  the  Senate  but  a  few  moments 
at  the  outside. 

I  do  not  rise  for  the  purpose  of  speaking  now 
upon  the  question  directly  before  the  Senate;  that 
is,  upon  the  question  of  commutation.  I  have 
already  very  I'iriefly  expressed  my  opinions  on 
that  question.  (  have  no  occasion  to  repeat  tiiem, 
iind  as  yet  no  occasion  to  change  them. 

The  Senator  from  Kentucky  dilated  at  some 
length,  and  with  much  emphasis,  upon  the  cost 
and  the  sacrifices  of  the  war  in  which  we  are  en- 
gaged; upon  the  afflictions,  the  wretchedness,  and 
the  woe  that  it  was  bringing  upon  the  country; 
that  the  jiublic  mind  )iad  become  tired  and  weary 
and  in  disgust  at  the  manner  in  which  the  war 
had  been  conducted,  and  the  object  for  which  it 
was  now  conducted,  all  calculated,  as  it  seemed 
to  me,  to  disparage  the  war  and  to  disafPect  the 
public  mind.  It  is  true,  Mr.  President,  it  is  but 
too  sadly  true,  that  our  country  is  involved  in 
war,  in  flagrant,  bloody,  civil  war,  but  a  war, 
nevertlieless,  into  which  it  has  been  driven  by  the 
inevitable  necessities  ofself-existence.  It  is  a  war 
of  selt-defense. 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  And  self-preservation. 
Air.  FOOT.  It  is  a  war  of  self-preservation, 
to  repeat  tlie  suggestion  of  my  friend.  It  is  a 
war  for  the  rescue  and  for  the  salvation  of  this 
Republic,  and  for  the  salvation  of  republican  in- 
stitutions and  of  republican  liberty,  against  the 
assaults  of  a  gigantic  and  causeless  and  unpro- 
voked rebellion. 

"•  Shall  we  prosecute  the  war  to  its  final  issue, 
or  shall  we  ignobly  and  ignominiously  surrender 
our  national  life  and  our  national  being.'  That  is 
the  question  before  us  to-night,  Mr.  President, 
and  tlie  American  people  have  answered  tliat  ques- 
tion for  themselves,  and  for  you,  and  for  me. 
The  true  and  loyal  people  of  tlie  country  have 
long  since  fully  made  up  their  minds  upon  this 
whole  subject  of  the  war  and  of  the  rebellion. 
They  have  taken  their  stand  upon  it.  They  have 
spoketi  their  purpose  in  relation  to  it.  Thoy  have 
proclaimed  it  in  the  face*  of  the  nations  tliat  this 
accursed  rebellion  shall  die,  and  that  this  Repub- 
lic of  ours  shall  live,  cost  what  it  may:  yea, 
more,  as  a  necessary  incident  of  the  war,  or,  if 
you  please  rather  to  have  it  so,  as  an  inevitable 
result  of  the  rebellion  and  of  the  war  for  the  sup- 
pression of  the  rebellion,  the  instigating  cause  and 
the  sustaining  power  of  the  rebellion  must  die 
out  with  it,  so  as  never  to  rise  again  to  plague 
this  people  and  to  desolate  this  land  of  ours.  To 
this  great  consummation — the  suppression  of  the 
rebellion,  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  and  the 
salvation  of  the  Republic — the  loyal  people  of 
our  c.ountiy,  like  theimmortal  authors  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,  have  consecrated  their 
lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor. 

Though  the  trial  may  belongand  severe,  though 
the  contest  shall  wax  fiercer  and  hotter  than  ever 
before,  though  the  cost  and  the  sacrifice  may  be 
great  indeed,  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  all  the  while 
that  the  stake  at  issue  is  far  greater  still.  Sir, 
whatever  may  be  tl»e  cost  or  whatever  may  be 
the  sacrifice  of  saving  your  country,  it  will  be  in- 


finitely less  than  the  cost  and  the  sacrifice  of  losing 
your  country.  If  the  Republic  be  saved  all  else, 
comparatively  speaking,  is  saved  with  it.  If  the 
P^epublic  be  lost  all  else  of  this  world's  goods  or 
of  this  world's  hopes,  which  are  worth  livingfor 
or  worth  dying  for  are  lost  with  it,  and  lost  irre- 
coverably and  forever. 

Senators  may  dilate  upon  and  deplore  as  they 
may  the  cost  and  the  sacrifices  of  the  war.  They 
may  expatiate  upon  and  pour  o:it  their  laments 
over  the  miseries  and  the  manifold  horrors  of  the 
war.  We  concede  it  all.  We  have  no  contro- 
versy or  disputation  with  them  upon  that  ques- 
tion. But,  sir,  who  caused  it  all .'  Whobrought 
all  this  horror  and  misery  of  civil  war  upon  our 
country.'  Wlio  are  responsible  for  this  greatin- 
iquity  that  afflicts  our  land?  Who  are  answer- 
able for  it  before  the  triburuxis  of  God  and  man? 
The  Senator  from  Kentucky  did  not  answer  that 
question;  he  did  not  anticipate  that  question;  he 
did  not  anticipate  the  answer  to  that  question. 
Treason,  rank,  bold,  audacious  treason,  [dunged 
your  country  into  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 
Treason  in  iis  madnessand  in  its  blindnessbrought 
this  great  affliction  upon  your  country,  appealed 
to  arms,  fired  the  first  gun,  struck  the  first  blow, 
and  forced  upon  your  country  the  terrible  issues 
of  civil  war.  It  left  us  no  other  alternative  ex- 
cept the  still  greater  calamity  of  national  abase- 
ment, of  national  dishonor,  and  of  national  degra- 
dation. It  challenged  us  to  the  wager  of  battle. 
From  necessity  we  accepted  the  issue.  By  that 
issue  we  abide.  By  that  issue  treason  itself  must 
abide,  be  the  consequences  what  they  may. 

There  can  in  the  nature  of  things  be  no  terms 
of  settlement;  there  can  be  no  terms  of  compro- 
mise; there  can  be  no  proffers  of  negotiation  to 
traitors  in  arms  against  your  assailed  and  betrayed 
country,  short  of  their  entire  subjection,  the  com- 
plete overthrow  of  their  military  power,  or  their 
unconditional  surrender  and  absolute  and  unqual- 
ified submission  to  the  authority  and  the  laws  of 
the  Government  they  have  attempted  to  destroy, 
and  witli  ample  sureties  for  keeping  the  peace  for- 
ever thereafter.  Would  you  concede  anything 
more?     Would  you  concede  anything  less? 

Talk  of  compromise  on  such  a  question!  Talk 
of  negotiation  with  such  a  foe  at  such  a  time  and 
under  such  circumstances!  Compromise!  Com- 
promise of  what,  pray  tell  me?  Compromise  of 
the  question  of  our  right  to  exist  and  to  have  a 
being  as  a  nation?  Compromise  of  the  question 
whether  we  shall  subdue  the  rebellion  or  whether 
the  rebellion  shallsubdue  us?  Compromise  of  our 
right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ? 
Compromise  of  the  question  of  our  riglit  to  self- 
existence  and  to  self-protection  as  a  nation  upon 
the  earth?     Is  that  what  you  mean? 

Negotiate!  Negotiate  with,  whoiii — in  Heaven's 
name,  with  whom?  Negotiate  with  armed  trai- 
tors in  the  field  who  are  seeking  the  life  of  the  very 
Government  that  gave  them  birth  and  nourished 
them  and  brought  tliem  up?  Negotiate  with  armed 
assassins  who  are  seeking  to  cut  your  throat,  who 
demand  your  life  or  your  inheriience?  Negotiate 
with  an  enemy  who  spurns  and  laughs  to  scorn 
your  every  suggestion  of  settlement?  The  very 
consideration  of  such  a  proposition  at  the  present 
lime  and  uiidcr  the  existing  condition  ofthingsis 
derogatory,  is  abhoi-rent  to  every  loyal  and  manly 
and  independent  and  patriotic  mind, 

Mr.  Presidetit,  iliere  is  but  one  plain  and  pal- 
pable course  for  us,  and  that  is  to  prosecute  the 
war  with  all  the  vigor  and  with  all  the  energy 
and  by  all  the  means  that  God  and  nature  have 
placed  in  our  hands,  and  within  the  recognized 
limits  of  civilized  warfare  to  putdowhthis  rebel- 
lion. Sir,  this  Republic  mustconquer  the  rebel- 
lion or  the  rebellion  will  conquer  this  Republic, 
and  there  is  no  other  alternative.  Trusting  that 
the  God  of  battles,  through  the  agency  and  the 
iristrurnentality  of  our  gallant  and  heroic  officers 
and  men  now  fighting  in  the  field  for  the  cause  of 
the  Union  and  of  free  republican  government,  will 
soon  crown  our  arms  with,  triumph  and  give  us 
victory  and  peace,  we  wait  in  patience,  we  wait 
in  hope  and  in  confidence,  the  final  issue  of  the 
contest. 

Never  despair  of  the  Republic  This  rebellion 
must  be  put  dowti.  This  Union  must  be  restored. 
This  Republic  of  ours,  with  all  its  promises  and 
with  all  Its  hopes  for  the  futureand  lor  the  world, 
must  be  saved.  I  i-epeat,  this  monster  rebellion 
mustbe  put  down ;  this  foul  conspiracy  against  the 


life  of  the  best  and  the  most  beneficent  Govern- 
ment the  world  has  ever  seen  must  be  ci  ushcd  out. 
We  are  tiot  at  liberty  to  doubt  about  it;  we  are 
not  at  liberty  to  speculate  about  it;  1  had  almost 
said  v/ewcro  not  atliberty  to  debate aliout  it.  It 
is  simply  and  only  a  thing  to  be  done,  to  l)e  done 
at  all  events,  to  be  done  at  all  hazards,  to  be  done 
at  all  sacrifices.  If  more  men  are  wanted  to  save 
the  Government  more  men  will  be  had.  If  more 
men  are  needed,  whether  it  be  one  hundred  thou- 
sand or  tvuo  hundred  thousand  or  five  hundred 
thousand  to  save  this  Republic  of  ours,  my  life 
upon  it,  you  have  only  to  make  that  necessity 
known  and  they  will  not  be  found  wanting  in  the 
day  of  their  country's  peril.  They  will  be  prompt 
to  answer  the  call.  They  are  not  yet  willingnor 
yet  prepared  to  give  up  this  Government. 

I  will  speak  for  my  own  State;  a  small  and  un- 
pretentious State,  small  in  territory,  small  in  pop- 
ulation, butlargein  the  spiritof  patriotism  as  the 
expanse  of*  this  Republic,  with  a  courage  and 
fortitude  and  a  fidelity  as  firm  and  as  immovable 
as  the  foundations  of  her  own  everlasting  hills. 
Though  she  has  already  paid  her  sacrifice  of  blood 
in  full  measure  to  the  demon  of  this  rebellion, 
yet  if  more  of  her  sons  are  wanted,  if  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  country  require  it,  I,  who  know 
them  well  and  whose  life-long  has  been  spent 
among  them,  tell  you  the  call  is  only  to  come,  the 
summons  to  arms  only  to  reach  them,  and  every 
man  of  them  capable  of  bearing  arms,  if  need  be, 
will  be  prompt  to  leave  his  farm,  his  workshop, 
his  home,  his  household,  and  make  haste  to  the 
red  fields  of  war;  yea,  and  every  mother  will  make 
haste  to  lay  her  last  son  in  the  prime  and  the 
strength  of  his  early  manhood  upon  the  altar  of 
her  country's  sacrifice,  sooner  than  see  the  bright 
orb  of  this  Republic  go  down  in  perpetual  dark- 
ness and  night. 

That,  sir,  is  the  spirit  of  the  green  mountain 
State.  That  is  the  spirit  of  the  loyal  people  of 
every  State  in  this  Union.  That  is  the  spirit  and 
that  is  the  determination  that  is  to  put  down  this 
rebellion,  that  is  to  restore  this  Union,  that  is  to 
save  this  Republic;  and  it  is  therefore  that  I  say 
again,  this  Republic  will  be  saved.  Such  is  my 
faith,  such  is  my  reliance  upon  the  loyalty,  upon 
the  patriotism,  upon  the  valor,  upon  the  fidelity, 
upon  the  self-sacrificing  endurance,  and  above  all 
upon  the  unconquerable  will  and  the  undying  pur- 
pose of  my  fellow-countrymen.  Though  long 
and  severe  and  terrible  may  be  the  ordeal,  yet, 
God  helping  them,  I  believe  the  strength  of  the 
American  people  will  prove  equal  to  the  task — that 
the  virtue  of  tlie  American  people  will  prove  equal 
to  this  great  trial. 

Sir,  I  will  detain  you  no  longer.  This  Republic 
vmst  be  saved,  and  twenty  million  responsive  voices 
give  back  the  answer,  "This  Republic  of  ours 
shall  be  saved." 

Mr.  SPRAGUE.  1  have  no  doubt  that  almost 
every  Senator  believes  every  word  that  has  been 
uttered  by  my  honorable  friend  from  Vermont, 
and  I  therefore  move  that  the  Senate  do  nov/ 
adjourn. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  McDOUGALL.  I  have  been  more  than 
pleased,  I  have  been  edified  by  the  old  Roman 
talk  that  I  have  heard  from  the  Senator  from 
Vermont,  worthy  of  his  experience,  worthy  of 
his  years,  and  of  his  high  and  well-known  char- 
acter. But,  sir,  while  1  indorse  all  those  noble 
old  Roman  sentiments  that  he  has  so  well  pro- 
nounced, and  I  knowhas  so  strongly  felt,  1  cannot 
concur  with  him  in  his  conclusions.  I  concur  with 
him  in  the  heart  of  what  he  says,  in  the  spirit  of 
what  he  says,  and  in  the  will  to  do  all  that  he  would 
himself,  and  yet  I  am  compelled  to  express  the 
opinion  that  the  philosophy  of  the  doctrine  which 
is  involved  in  his  conclusions  is,  in  my  judgment, 
altogether  unsound .  Sir,  if  we  were  old  Romans  or 
old  Greeks,  or  men  of  the  Republic  as  it  was  in 
1776  and  incarnated  in  1787,  we  would  notask  for 
addiiional  commutation.  It  is  the  evilof  the  whole 
course  of  our  policy  with  regard  to  this  war;  and 
I  protest  again,  humble  as  my  opinion  may  be, 
or  as  my  judgment  may  be,  or  as  my  position 
may  be  as  against  the  Senator  from  Vermont, 
that  we  make  a  grave  mistake  in  supposing  that 
the  citizens  of  the  Republic  should  be  purchased 
to  go  into  the  field. 

Tliis  is  a  proposition  to  increase  the  price  of 
commutation.  We  forget  the  law  that  lies  at  the 
foundation  of  republican  institutions.    I  do  not 


3206 


THE  COJNTGKESSIOjSTAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


prop()s^'  to  discuss  tlie  question,  and  I  shall  r)ol 
dare  myself  to  undertake  to  rebuke  llie  very  able 
and  )on»;-eX[U'riiMiccd  Sriiator  who  rej)rcsenls  the 
green  hills  of  Vrrmonr.  He  is  alwtiys  able  to 
leach  me,  and  1  bow  my  head  to  him  tor  instruc- 
tion. But,  sir,  I  trust  iliat  we  shall  gel  buck  to 
the  true  ]irinci(iles  upon  which  armies  should  be 
organized,  and  upon  which  a  republican  people 
should  be  put  into  the  field  of  battle.  I  am  con- 
fident tliat  1  am  right  on  this  point,  or  otherwise 
1  should  not  be  so  persistent  in  repeatuig  my  con- 
victions. We  should  not  undertake  to  carry  on 
war  upon  the  principle  involved  in  the  proposed 
amendment;  and  if  we  do  not  learn  it  to-day  or 
to-nighl,  if  we  do  not  learn  it  this  year,  if  we  do 
not  learn  it  next  year,  it  will  be  compelled  into 
our  recognition  by  the  experience  of  years. 

1  was  as  liighly  pleased  with  the  discourse  of 
the  Senator  from  Vermontas  by  anything  I  have 
Jieard  this  session.  I  think  it  has  somewhat  ele- 
vated my  own  feelings  of  patriotism.  '  As  regards 
evcryrliing  he  has  said  in  the  form  of  general  re- 
mark and  appeals  to  the  high  sense  of  the  Senate 
and  the  American  people,]  would  be  proud  could 
I  have  expressed  myself  so  well  and  said  what  1 
thought  in  the  same  form  of  language.  But,  sir, 
I  insist,  and  it  svill  come  to  be  the  conviction  yet, 
that  it.  is  not  the  [laying  of  large  sums  to  bring 
men  into  the  field  that  will  accomplish  victory. 
We  commenced  with  a  grave  error,  and  we  have 
got  to  retrieve  that  error  before  we  shall  be  able 
to  establish  ourselves  perfectly  as  a  strong,  com- 
manding p((v/er  as  between  ourselves  and  our  ad- 
versaries. 

iMr.  SAULSBURY  I  shall  detain  the  Senate 
for  but  a  lew  moments.  1  am  not  going  into  any 
political  discussion,  or  to  say  who  was  or  who 
was  not  the  cause  of  this  wai',or  the  terms  upon 
which  it  can  be  settled.  I  rise  simply  to  say  a 
word  in  reterenco  to  the  amendment  pro[)osed  by 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Vermont.  As  I  un- 
derstand, that  ametidment  proposes  to  increase 
the  commutation  money  from  §300  to  |jp500,  and 
to  reduce  the  term  of  service  from  three  years  to 
one  year. 

Mr.  FOOT.  Let  me  correct  my  friend,  as  my 
colleague  is  absent.  It  is  not  an  absolute  sum 
fixrd.  it  leaves  it  discretionary  with  the  Depart- 
ment. 

Mr.  SAULSBURY.  Then  it  is  reasonable  to 
presume  that  tlie  Department,  being  extremely 
anxious  to  obtain  men,  will  fix  the  rate  of  com- 
mutation at  the  highest  sum,  the  sum  ol'^SOO.  In 
my  judgment  this  is  equivalent  to  saying  there 
shall  be  no  comniutaiion;  because  where  there  is 
one  man  who  is  able  to  pay  $500  commutation 
money  for  one  year  there  are  fifty  who  are  not 
able  of  the  class  who  would  be  bound.  The 
adoption  of  this  amendment,  therefore,  is  equiva- 
lent to  saying  to  the  young  men  of  this  country 
who  are  willing  to  |)ay  their  money  in  order  that 
substitutes  may  be  obtained,  "  You  shall  go  into 
battle;  there  is  no  escape." 

Jf  I  were  governed  simply  by  parly  considera- 
tions, and  wanted  a  measure  to  pass  this  body 
eim[dy  from  party  ccmsiderations,  I  should  re- 
joice at  the  passage  of  this  bill  by  the  dominant 
party,  simply  because  1  beli(;ve  as  firmly  as  I  be- 
lieve 1  exist  that  no  Administraiion  who  is  re- 
sponsible fi)r  the  adoption  of  sucii  a  measure  as 
this  can  possibly  meet  with  public  approval  in 
the  presidential  electi(ni;  but  while  1  would  be 
most  glad  to  see  hurled  fi'oin  ()0wer  never  to  re- 
turn to  it  those  who  administer  the  Governtiient, 
1  cannot  allow  mere  fiarlisan  considerations  to 
inliuence  my  vote. 

1  know,  sir,  that  in  my  own  State  there  are 
liundreds  of  young  men  who  are  liable  to  this 
draft,  who  are  opposed  to  going  into  this  war, 
wiio  wish  to  live  in  peace  and  quiet  at  home,  who 
are  willing  to  sell  everything  they  have  got  on 
earth  to  contribute  the  money  to  exempt  them 
from  a  draft,  yet  who  will  ever.be  unable  to  raise 
this  amount  of  money .  I  believe  there  are  liun- 
dreds anil  thousands  of  men  in  this  country  who 
will  die  on  their  own  thresholds  before  they  will 
ever  by  the  strong  arm  of  power  be  dragged  from 
their  quiet  homes  simply  because  they  are  not 
able  to  raise  the  amount  of  money  which  unrea- 
sonable legislation  imposes  u[)on  them. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  if  it  be  true,  as  has  been 
said  by  the  honorable  Senatijr  from  Vermont, 
liint  the  loyal  people  of  this  country  have  made 
tip  iheir  minds  to  fight  out  this  v/ar  to  the  bitter 


end,  if  it  be  true  that  they  have  made  up  their 
minds  to  respond  to  every  call  which  may  be 
made  upon  them,  whence  the  nc'cessity  and  why 
the  neci'ssity  for  this  draft.'  Vi/hy  be  so  unrea- 
sonable as  to  fix  the  price  of  commutation  so  high 
that  nineteen  tweniietlis  of  the  men  subject  to  draft 
will  not  be  able  to  pay  it.'  Mock  them  not,  sir; 
you  might  just  as  well  say  at  once  that  every  man 
shall  go  to  the  field  of  battle  who  is  summoned  to 
go.  I  trust,  not  only  for  the  benefit  of  those  in 
whom  lam  more  immediately  interested,  the  peo- 
ple of  my  own  State,  but  for  the  peace  and  har- 
mony of  the  country ,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding 
scenes  at  which  tlie  imagination  becomes  appal  led, 
that  the  Senate  will  neither  make  the  commuta- 
tion so  high  that  those  to  be  affected  by  the  draft 
cannot  pay  it,  nor  strike  out  the  commutation 
clause.  If  your  draft  is  but  for  a  year,  $300  is  a 
very  exorbitant  price  to  pay.  I  have  seen  the 
young  men  in  my  own  State,  in  the  county  in 
which  I  live,  sell  the  last  thing  they  had  on  earth, 
and  then  call  upon  their  friends,  going  around 
with  subscription  papers  to  get  their  friends  to 
contribute  their  mite  to  relieve  them  from  going 
to  war  even  by  paying  the  sum  of  $300.  1  have 
had  mothers  come  into  my  office,  with  tears  in 
their  eyes,  begging  that  the  humane  portion  of 
the  community  might  save  to  them  their  only 
boy.  Nobody  who  does  not  mingle  with  the  jieo- 
ple  can  tell  the  amount  of  suffering  and  agony  that 
are  endured  by  the  parents  of  this  land  in  the  hum- 
bler walks  of  life,  when  it  is  proclaimed  by  the 
provost  marshals  that  a  draft  is  to  be  made. 

Sir,  I  invoke  the  Senate  by  all  the  considera- 
tions that  can  move  the  generous  heart  and  stir 
the  warm  generous  blood,  crush  not  the  last  hope 
of  the  young  man  just  entering  upon  the  theater 
of  life  who  desires  to  spend  his  days  under  the 
paternal  roof;  drag  not  away  from  the  agonized 
mother  and  the  heart-stricken  father  their  only 
boy,  simply  because  in  the  providence  of  God 
and  from  the  misfortunes  of  life  they  are  not  able 
to  raise  the  amount  which  the  rich  man  may  well 
afford  to  give.  In  the  midst  of  this  desolating 
war,  for  almost  every  house  is  clothed  in  mourn- 
ing and  almost  every  eye  is  bathed  in  tears,  add 
not  to  the  moan  of  the  heart-stricken;  cause  not 
an  additional  flood  of  tears.  If  for  the  noble  pur- 
pose indicated  by  the  honorable  Senator  from 
Vermont,  the  preservation  of  the  Union  of  these 
States,  in  the  judgment  of  those  who  have  the 
management  of  political  affairs  it  be  necessary  to 
continue  this  most  fratricidal  war,  mix  with  the 
cup  of  bitterness  as  much  of  comfort  as  you  can. 

Sir,  the  speech  of  the  honorable  -Senator  from 
Vermont  awakened  in  my  mind  many  thoughts 
and  caused  it  to  revert  to  the  history  of  the  past. 
The  S[)eech  made  by  the  honorable  Senator,  with 
a  change  of  name,  a  change  of  date,  and  a  change 
of  theater,  was  made  nearly  a  hundred  years  ago. 
The  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  rang  with  such 
utterances:  "No  compromise  %vith  traitors," 
"  nothing  but  absolute  obedience,  perfect  acqui- 
escence in  the  will  of  the  Government;"  "the 
war  against  the  colonies  must  be  fought  out  to 
maintain  the  dignity,  the  character,  and  the  re- 
nown of  the  British  Government."  "It  would  be 
degradation  and  humiliation,"  said  the  lords  and 
commons,  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  king, 
"  to  have  compromise  with  rebels;"  and  then  as 
now  the  cry  was,  "  Prosecute  the  war  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  integrity  of  the  Governmeiit;"and 
yet,  in  the  course  of  a  very  short  time,  taught  by  the 
sad  lessons  of  experience,  but  not  half  so  power- 
fully or  instructively  taught  as  we  have  been  by 
the  awful  slaughter  and  by  the  dire  calamities  of 
this  war,  even  the  king  upon  his  thronej  and  the 
lords  and  commons  in  their  Parliament  house, 
sent  their  propositions  of  peace  if  the  errant  col- 
onies would  return.  Let  me  tell  honorable  Sen- 
ators to-night  that  every  general  you  have  in  the 
field  may  continue  to  fight  the  battle  on  this  line 
not  only  during  all  the  summer,  but  many  com- 
ing summers,  and  unless  the  teachings  of  history 
be  a  lie  you  will  be  no  nearer  the  end  upon  the 
policy  you  are  pursuing  of  "  no  compromise  with 
rebels  and  traitors,"  "  no  terms  to  be  proposed 
and  no  terms  to  be  receiveil,"  than  you  were  in 
the  beginning.  To  use  the  language  of  another, 
"Tell  me,  thou  reverend  chronicler  of  the  grave, 
tell  me,  voice  of  history ,  upon  whatpage  of  your 
recorded  annals  is  written  the  examjile  of  twelve 
million  people,  scattered  over  a  territory  of  such 
vast  extent,  which  have  ever  bceti  subdued,  which  i 


have  ever  been  conquered  when  the  cry  has  been 
'  war,  no  compromise,'  when  the  alternative 
presented  hns  been  'sulnnission  with  the  loss  of 
properly  and  life  also,'  or  the  other  aliernative  of 
'  fighting  for  your  property  and  your  life  with  the 
chance  of  securing  both.' "  Sir,  I  know  that  tlie 
utterances  of  one  so  humble  as  myself  and  of 
those  en tertainingsimilariiotions  can  not  influence 
legislation  here;  but  the  time  will  come,  and  those 
of  us  who  shall  be  alive  to  witness  it  will  see  the 
day,  when  this  policy  of  a  vigorous  prosecution 
of  the  war  and  summoning  reluctant  men  from 
their  homes  to  go  to  the  bloody  field  of  strife,  and 
discarding  all  other  means  whether  as  independ- 
ent or  assistant  to  the  obtaining  of  peaceful  re- 
sults will  prove  to  have  been  an  error;  and  if  a 
dismembered  empire  shall  be  theawful  price  you 
pay,  if  the  disintegration  of  the  greatest,  the 
mightiest,  and  the  freest  Republic  that  everexisted 
shall  be  the  dread  price  of  your  legislative  and 
executive  folly,  when  you  open  your  eyes  to  the 
dread  reality,  (which  will  come  if  the  teachings 
and  lessons  of  history  be  true,)  say  not  to  us  who 
asked  you  to  profit  by  those  teachings  and  to  learn 
those  lessons  that  the  fault  was  ours;  but  in  the 
quietude  of  your  own  homes,  amid  the  wreck  of 
constitutional  liberty,  and  a  once  proud,  great, 
and  mighty  empire,  reflect  that  you  spurned  the 
warning  voice  of  reason,  that  you  imputed  im- 
proper motives  to  those  who  vainly  endeavored  to 
persuade  you  Irom  the  suicidal  course,  and  that 
you,  and  you  alone,  have  been  the  authors  of  a 
nation's  destruction. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  I  desire  to  say  one  word 

Several  Senators.     No,  no;  let  us  vote. 

Mr.  SI-IERMAN.  If  a  member  of  the  major- 
ity wishes  to  speak,  1  will  move  an  adjournment. 

Mr.  HOWARD.     I  will  take  my  seat. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.  I  withdraw  my  motion, 
then;  but  I  will  renew  it  if  our  own  friends  seek 
to  consume  time. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  Allow  me  to  state  that  I  did 
desire  to  say  a  word  in  reply  to  the  imputations 
of  the  Senator  from  Delaware  against  the  Union 
party  in  this  Senate. 

Several  Senators.     Some  other  time. 

Mr.  HOWARD.     Very  well. 

The  PLIKSIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  question 
is  on  the  ttmendment  proposed  by  the  Senator 
from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Collamer.] 

The  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  I  now  offer  as  an  additional 
section  to  this  l)ill  the  third  section  of  the  printed 
amendment  of  the  Senator  from  Vermont: 

Jlnd  be  it  further  enacted,  Tliat  tlie  number  of  men  fur- 
iiislit'd  iVoiii  any  ili.-^triot  lor  tlie  scurvies  of  the  tJnited  Stiiies 
beyond  and  above  its  quota  on  calls  lieretoi'orc  inade,  and 
the  rorin  of  .service  of  such  iiien,  shall  be  considered  and 
allowed  to  said  district  in  calls  liereat'ter  made. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  WILSON.  1  send  to  the  Chair  an  amend- 
ment as  an  additional  section. 

The  amendment  was  read,  as  follows: 
Sec. — .  ..Ind  he  it  further  enacted.  That  any  persons, 
resident  in  the  Stales  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Soiitli 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Akjbania,  Mississippi,  Louisi- 
ana, Texas,  or  Arkansas,  who  may  voluntarily  enlist  in 
Ilic  militaiy  service  of  the  United  States  for  the  tenii  of 
three  years  or  duiini;  the  war,  shall  be  entitled  to  the  ben- 
efits and  privileges  of  existing  laws,  and  such  persons  shall 
be  mustered  into  the  regiments,  or  other  organlzatinns,  of 
whatsoever  State  Ihi'y  may  elect,  or,  in  ihecasn  of  colored 
troops,  shall  be  assigned  as  now  provided  by  law.  And 
the  States, or  subdivisions of.States,  procuringsnch  enlist- 
ments, shall  receive!  credit  for  such  persons,  In  accordance 
with  the  laws  in  other  cases;  but.  such  enlistments  as  are 
authorized  in  any  Slate,  under  the  provisions  of  this  act, 
shall  only  continue  until  such  State  shall  have  been  iiiado 
subject  to  a  call  for  troops. 

["No,"  "No."] 

Mr.  WILSON.  I  will  not  press  the  amend- 
ment, as  I  see  it  is  distasteful  to  the  Senate,  and 
there  is  a  desire  to  take  a  vote  on  the  bill  lo-iiiglit, 
but  I  understand  that  the  House  of  Represeiiia- 
lives  are  determined  to  put  this  provision  on  any 
bill  they  pass.      I  withdraw  the  amendment. 

Mr.  GRIMES.  1  offer  as  an  additional  section 
to  this  bill  the  fifth  section  of  tlie  printed  anieiul- 
nient  propos-id  by  the  Senator  from  Vermont,  as 
follows: 

^nd  he  it  further  enacted,  That  no  person  drafted  on  future 
calls  or  who  shall  volunteer  to  fill  the  same  shall  bo  lial>l« 
to  be  again  drafted  until  the  existing  enrollment  shall  be 
exhausted. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  bill  was  reported  to  the  Senateasamendcd, 

and  the  amendments  were  concurred  in. 


1864. 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


8207 


TliL'  bill  wasordercd  to  be  enjjrossed  for  a  third 
reading,  and  was  read  the  third  time.  On  its  pas- 
snfje, 

Mr.  BUCKALEW  called  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  and  they  were  ordered;  and  being  taken, 
resnited — yeas  24,  nays  7;   as  follows: 

YEAS — Mc'sPfs.  Aiilhony,  Bidwii,  (Jliniullcr,  Clark,  Doo- 
litllc,  FoDt,  Foster,  Giimi::;,  Harlan,  riowuril,  Howe,  Lane 
nt' Kansas,  fllorjiun,  I'onicrny,  Ramsey,  Slicrniaii,  Spiague, 
'J'eii  Eyek,  Trnmbiill,  Van  Winkle,  VVaile,  Wilkinson, 
Wiilev,  and  Wilson— 24. 

NAVS— Messrs.  l3uckalcw,Carlilu,  MeDougall,  rowcll, 
Uieliardsini,  iiiildle,  and  Sanlsbury — 7. 

AllSENT — lAIi'ssis.  Cdllamer,  Conncss,  Cowan,  Davis, 
Di.\iin,  Fesseiid(:n,  Hale.  MurdinK,  Harris,  Henderson,  Hen- 
dricks. Hicks,  Johnson, Lane  oflndiana,  IMorrill,  Ncsmitli, 
Sunnier,  and  Wriylit — 18. 

So  the  bill  was  passed. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  MORGAN,  its  title  was 
amended  by  adding  the  words"  and  for  other  pur- 
poses." 

On  motion  of  Mr.  WILSON, 

The  Senate  adjourned. 


HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 
Thursday,  Jime  23,  1864. 
The  House  met  at  twelve  o'elock,  m.    Prayer 
by  tile  Chaplain,  Rev.  W.  H.  Ciianning. 

The  Journal  of  yesterday  was  read  and  ap- 
proved. 

YOUNG  men's  CnillSTIAN  ASSOCIATION. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  by  unanimous 
consent,  reported  back  fi'orn  the  Committee  for 
the  DL^trict  of  Columbia  H^ouse  bill  No.  537,  to 
incorporate  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tioii  of  the  city  of  Washington. 

The  bill  was  read  at  length. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  read 
a  third  lime;  and  being  engrossed,  was  accord- 
ingly read  I  he  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on 
the  table. 

The  If' Iter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

COLFAX  STREET. 

Mr,  STEELE,  of  New  York,  also,  from  the 
Committee  for  the  Disirict  of  ColumWa,  by  unan- 
imous consent,  reported  a  bill  to  estabJish  Colfax 
street  in  the  city  of  Washington  and  District  of 
Columbia;  which  was  read  a  first  and  second 
time. 

Mr.  COX.  There  is  no  objection  to  that  bill, 
Mr.  Speaker,  none  whatever.     [Laughter.] 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  Yoi-k.  I  will  simply 
say  thai  the  bill  only  changes  an  alley  to  a  street. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  read  a 
third  time;  and  being  engrossed,  was  accordingly 
rend  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  STEELE,  of  New  York,  moved  to  i-econ- 
sider  the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on 
the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

WASHINGTON  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  PATTERSON,  by  unani- 
mous consent,  Senate  bill  No.  2G,  to  provide  for 
the  public  instruction  of  youth  in  the  county  of 
Washington  and  Disirict  of  Columbia,  was  taken 
from  the  Speaker's  table. 

The  amendment  of  the  Senate  to  the  amend- 
ment of  the  House,  striking  out  the  clause  which 
makes  provision  for  the  payment  of  compensa- 
tion to  school  commissioners,  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  PATTERSON  moved  to  i-econsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  amendment  of  the  Senate  to 
the  amendment  of  the  House  was  agreed  to;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CORRECTION  OF  AWARD. 
Mr.  PATTERSON.  I  ask  the  consent  of  the 
H^ouse  to  report  from  the  Committee  for  the  Dis- 
tiicl  of  Columbia  a  joint  resolution  amending  the 
award  of  the  commissioners  under  the  act  of  the 
16ih  of  April,  1862,  entitled  "An  act  for  the  i-e- 
lease  of  certain  persons  held  to  service  or  labor 
in.lheDistrici(ifColumbia,"in  the  caseofNicho- 
las  Bowie,  claiming  for  Martha  Manning.  The 
object  of  the  joint  resolution  is  simply  to  correct 
a  cleiical  error  and  make  the  payment  correspond 


with  what  was  really  tin?  award  of  the  commis- 
sioners. 

There  being  no  objection,  the  joint  resolution 
was  introduced  and  read  a  first  and  second  tinie. 

The  joint  resolution  was  ordered  to  be  en- 
grossed and  read  a  third  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed, it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

Mr.  PATTERSON  moved  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  joint  resolution  was  passed; 
and  also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider 
on  the  table. 

The  lattci;  motion  was  agreed  to. 

SALARIES  OF  JUDGES  OF  SLAVE  TRADE  COURT. 

Mr.  COX  asked  unanimous  consent  to  report 
from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  a  bill  to 
increase  the  salaries  of  the  judges  and  arbitrator 
of  the  mixed  court  under  tlio  tn^aty  with  Great 
Britain  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade. 

Mr.  HOLMAN  objected. 

OREGON  LAND  GRANT. 

Mr.  SLOAN,  by  unanimous  consent,  from  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands,  reported  back  Sen- 
ate bill  No.  279,  to  amend  tfie  act  of  Congress 
making  donations  to  settlers  on  the  public  lands 
in  Oregon,  approved  September27,  1850,  and  the 
acts  amendatory  ibereof. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading;  and 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  lime,  and  passed. 

Mr.  SLOAN  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  to  lay 
the  motion  to  reconsider  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PATENT  LAWS. 

Mr.  CHANLER,by  unanimous  consent,  from 
the  Commiiiee  on  Patents,  reported  back  Senate 
bill  No.  162,  amendatory  of  an  act  to  amend  an 
act  entitled  "An  act  to  promote  ilio  progress  of  ihe 
useful  arts,"  approved  March  3,  1863;  which  was 
read  a  first  and  second  time. 

The  bill  provides  that  any  person  having  an 
interest  in  an  invention,  whether  as  the  inventor 
or  assignee,  for  which  a  patent  was  ordered  to 
issue  upon  the  payment  of  the  final  fee,  as  pro- 
vided in  section  three  of  an  act  approved  March  3, 
1863,  but  who  has  failed  to  make  payment  of  the 
final  fee  as  provided  by  that  act,  shall  have  the 
right  to  make  the  payment  of  the  fee,  and  receive 
the  patent  withheld  on  account  of  the  non-pay- 
ment of  the  fee,  provided  payment  be  made  within 
six  months  from  the  dale  of  the  passage  of  the 
act;  and  provided  thai  nothing  therein  shall  be 
so  construed  as  to  hold  responsible  in  damages 
any  persons  who  have  manufactured  or  used  any 
article  or  thing  for  which  a  patent  was  ordered  to 
be  issued. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  read  a  third  time; 
and  it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and 
passed. 

Mr.  CHANLER  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote 
by  which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved 
that  the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the  lable. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

WASHINGTON  LEVY  COURT. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  DAVIS,  of  New  York,  the 
House  took  from  the  Speaker's  table  Senate  bill 
No.  115,  for  the  proper  organization  of  the  levy 
courl  of  the  county  of  Washington,  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia;  which  was  read  a  first  and 
second  time. 

The  bill  provides  that  the  first  clause  of  the 
third  section  of  the  act  lo  define  the  powers  and 
duties  of  the  levy  courl  of  the  county  of  Wash- 
ington, District  of  Columbia,  in  regard  to  roads, 
and  for  other  purposes,  be  amended  so  as  to  read 
as  follows: 

That  the  said  court  shall  have,  the  care  and  charge  of 
and  the  e:;clusive  jurisdiction  over  all  the  public  roads  and 
brid|;es  in  said  county,  except  such  roads  and  bridges  as 
belong  to  and  are  under  tlie  care  ot'llie  United  States,  and 
except  such  roads  and  bridi^es  as  shall  have  been  or  may 
hereafter  be  specially  provid(;d  for  by  Congress.  And  the 
said  court  shall  have  power  and  it  shall  be  their  duty. 

Thai  the  tenth  section  be  amended  by  striking 
out  the  words  '  thirty-first"  and  inserting  the 
word  "  thirtieth;"  that  all  cemeteries  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  outside  of  the  cities  of  Wash- 
ington and  Georgetown,  the  owners  of  which  sell 
lots  or  burial  rights  therein  indiscriminately  to 
those  applying  therefor,  shall  be  assessed  and 
taxed  as  oilier  property  in  the  same  parts  of  the 
Disirict;  provided  that  all  lots  in  cemeteries,  when 


actually  sold  tor  burial  purposes,  and  any  c.eitie- 
lery  held  and  owned  by  a  religiou.s  society,  Imv- 
mg  a  regular  and  known  place  of  worshio,  s;)iiiil 
be  exempt  from  taxaiion;  that  hereafter  ihc  ciiiiri 
shall  have  powerand  it  shall  be  tln'ir  duty  to  aji- 
poinl  the  county  survi;yor  of  the  county  of  Wasli- 
iiiglon,  to  define  his  duliea  from  time  to  time,  to 
fix  his  compensation,  and  to  remove  him  when- 
ever they  shall  deem  it  proper  so  to  do;  that  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  collector  of  taxes  for  the 
county,  wlienever  the  owner  or  keeper  ofany  dog 
shall  neglect  or  refuse  lo  pay  the  tax  thereon,  ti 
kill  or  cause  to  be  killed  every  such  dog;  thai  iln- 
time  specified  l)y  the  act  of  February  21,  ISe.*), 
within  which  certain  roads  in  the  county  shall  b 
surveyed,  platted,  and  recorded,  be  extended  to 
three  years  from  July  1,  1865;  thai  the  couri  siiall 
have  power  to  issue,  classify,  and  tax  lirensi  s 
for  taverns,  hotels,  and  restaurants,  and  for  re- 
tailing goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  in  the 
county,  in  proportion  lo  the  amount  of  business 
the  person  applying  for  a  license  is  likely  to  do; 
the  maximum  sum  to  be  charged  for  any  one 
license  not  to  exceed  ^^250,  and  the  minimum  lo 
be  so  charged  not  to  be  less  than  $2;  and  ihat  all 
laws  and  parts  of  laws  inconsistent  with  the  aei 
be  repealed. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  readinir;  and  ii 
was  accordingly  read  the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mt.  DAVIS,  of  New  York,  moved  to  recon- 
sider the  vote  by  which  the  bill  was  ()assed;  and 
also  moved  to  lay  the  motion  to  reconsider  on  il'.e 
table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

POTOMAC  FERRY  COMPANY. 

Mr.  MORRIS,  of  Ohio,  moved  to  take  from 
the  Speaker's  table  Senate  bill  No.  298,  to  iiicor- 
poi-ate  the  Potomac  Ferry  Company.  ':'i; 

Mr.  ALLEY  objected. 

COLORED  CATHOLIC  BENEVOLENT  SOCIETY. 

Mr.  TRACY,  by  unanimous  consent,  from  the 
Committee  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  re|)orted 
a  bill  to  incorporate  the  Colored  Catholic  Benev- 
olent Society;  which  was  read  a  firsi  and  second 
time,  ordered  to  be  engrossed  and  read  a  third 
lime; and  being  engrossed,  it  was  accordingly  read 
the  third  time,  and  passed. 

Mr.  TRACY  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  thai 
the  motion  to   reconsider  be  laid  on  the  lable. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PAYMENT  OF  BOUNTIES. 

Mr.  TRACY.  I  ask  unanimous  consent  to 
submit  the  following  resolution: 

Resolcci!,'Vbnt  tlieConimittocon  Military  Atiairs  be,  and 
they  are  hereby,  iiislructed  to  inquire  into  the  ju.-tice  and 
propriety  of  providing  by  the  immediate  enactment  of  a 
law  lor  the  payment  to.suldic^rs  who  volunteered  for  a  term 
less  than  tiiree  years  and  not  less  tlian  nine  months,  anil 
wlio  hav(!  died  or  may  hereafter  die  in  the  military  service 
of  the  United  States  in  tlie  line  of  their  duty,  the  same 
bounty  as  is  now  allowed  by  existing  laws  to  soldiers  wno 
volunteered  for  three  years  ;  and  report  by  bill  or  otherwise. 

Mr.  FENTON.  The  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  have  been  already  instructed  on  this  sub- 
ject, but  1  do  noi  object. 

The  resolution  was  adopted. 

Hudson's  bay  company,  etc. 

Mr.  ORTH.  1  ask  unanimous  consent  to  re- 
port back  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs 
Senate  bill  No.  187,  to  carry  into  effect  the  ireaiy 
betwee/i  llie  United  States  and  her  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty for  the  final  settlement  of  the  claims  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  and  Puget  Sound  Agricultural 
Companies. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  What  are  the  salaries  to  be 
paid  to  the  umpire  and  commissioner.' 

Mr.  ORTH.     Five  thousand  dollars  each. 

Mr.  HOLiVlAN.  1  object  unless  the  salary 
for  each  is  reduced  to  §4,0U0. 

Mr.  ORTH.  The  committee  tried  to  reduce 
it,  and  they  were  unanimous  in  fixing  it  at  this 
rate.  This  is  necessary  lo  carry  out  the  provis- 
ions of  existing  treaties. 

Mr.  HOLMAN.  Four  thousand  dollars  is  all 
that  we  have  heretofore  paid  for  like  services;  and 
these  officers  also  have  their  personal  expenses 
paid.     I  object. 

TUE  SLAVE  TRADE. 

Mr.  COX,  l)y  unanimous  consent,  from  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  reported  a  bill  to 


3208 


THE  COiS^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  23, 


increase  tlie  salaries  of  judges  and  arbitrators  of 
the  mixed  court  under  tlie  treaty  witii  Great  Brit- 
ain for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade;  wiiicli 
was  read  a  fir^t  and  second  time,  ordered  to  be 
engrossed  and  read  a  tiiird  time;  and  being  en- 
grossed it  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time, 
and  passed. 

Mr.  COX  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote  by 
which  the  bill  was  passed;  and  also  moved  that 
the  motion  to  reconsider  be  laid  on  the  table. 

The  latter  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  COLE,  of  California.  I  call  for  the  regu- 
lar order  of  business. 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  believe 
the  regular  order  is  the  naval  bill. 

The  SPEAKER.  It  is  the  Pacific  railroad  bill 
until  it  is  disposed  of,  and  then  the  naval  bill. 

MKSSAGH  FUOM  THE  SENATE. 

A  message  from  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Forney, 
their  Secretary,  informed  the  House  that  the 
Senate  have  passed  a  joint  resolution  and  bills  of 
this  House  of  the  following  titles: 

Joint  resolution  (No.  95)  authorizing  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  to  amend  the  contract  with 
John  Ericsson  for  the  construction  of  two  im- 
pregnable floating  batteries,  the  Dictator  and  the 
Puritan;  and 

An  act  (No.  453)  to  increase  the  pension  of 
Isaac  Allen. 

Also,  the  Senate  have  passed  an  act  (H.  R. 
No.  466)  for  the  relief  of  Martha  Jane  Skaggs; 
and  an  act  (H.  R.  No.  470)  to  authorize  assimi- 
lated rank  to  be  given  to  the  vvarnuit  officers  of 
the  United  Slates  Navy,  and  for  other  purposes; 
severally  with  amendments;  in  which  the  con- 
currence of  the  House  was  requested. 

That  the  Senate  have  also  passed  joint  resolu- 
tions and  bills  of  the  following  titles;  in  which 
the  concurrence  of  the  House  was  requested: 

Joint  resolution  (No.  50)  for  the  relief  of  the 
contractors  for  the  machinery  of  ihc  side-wheel 
gunboats  known  as  "  double-enders;" 

Joint  resolution  (No.  70)  to  authorize  the  ac- 
quisition of  certain  land  for  the  use  of  the  Gov- 
ernment hospital  for  the  insane; 

Joint  resolution  (No.  69)  regulating  the  invest- 
ment of  the  naval  pension  fund; 

An  act  (No.  303)  for  the  relief  of  Charles  A. 
Hichborn; 

An  act  (No.  308)  repealing  so  much  of  "An 
act  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  appropriations 
for  the  service  of  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th 
of  June,  1864,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved 
March  14, 1864,  as  appropriates  )^25,000  for  erect- 
ing a  naval  hospital  at  Kittery,  Maine; 

An  act  (No.  299)  authorizing  the  levy  court  of 
Washington  county,  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
to  levy  and  collect  its  portion  of  the  direct  tax  im- 
posed by  the  act  of  Congress  of  August  5, 1861; 

An  act  (No.  301)  for  the  sale  of  a  lot  of  land  in 
Iowa  in  the  Fort  Crawford  reservation; 

An  act  (No.  324)  prescribing  the  punishment 
for  enticing  and  aiding  seamen  to  desert  the  naval 
service  of  the  United  States; 

An  act  (No.  246)  for  the  relief  of  seamen  and 
others,  not  officers,  borne  on  tlie  books  of  vessels 
wrecked  or  lost  in  the  naval  service;  and 

An  act  (No.  190)  to  establish  a  navy-yard  and 
depot  at  Cairo,  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 

WAYS  AND  MEANS. 

Mr.  HOOPER.  I  move  that  the  rules  be  sus- 
pended, and  that  the  House  resolve  itself  into  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union 
on  the  loan  bill. 

The  question  was  put;  and  no  quorum  voted. 

The  SPEAKER  ordered  tellers;and  appointed 
Mr.  Cole,  of  California,  and  Mr.  J.  C.  Allen. 

The  House  divided;  and  the  tellers  reported — 
ayes  88,  noes  10. 

So  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  Flouse  accordingly  resolved  itself  into  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union, 
(Mr.  BouTWELL  in  the  chair,)  and  resumed  the 
consideration  of  the  bill  (H.  R.  No.  540)  to  pro- 
vide ways  and  means  for  the  support  of  theGov- 
ernment,  and  for  other  purposes. 

The  CHAIRMAN.  The  pending  question  is 
on  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  [Mr.PoMEiiOT]  to  the  second  section 
of  the  bill.  The  Chair  is  informed  that  the 
amendment  under  direction  of  the  House  yester- 
day wau  sent  to  the  printer,  and  has  not  yet  been 


returned.  If  there  be  no  objection,  the  second 
section  will  be  passed  over  informally  until  the 
amendment  is  returned. 

There  was  no